What Are You - Explaining Identity as a Goal of the Multiracial Hapa Movement

"What are You?": Explaining Identity as a Goal of the Multiracial Hapa Movement Author(s): Mary Bernstein, Marcie De la Cruz Source: Social Problems, Vol. 56, No. 4 (November 2009), pp. 722-745 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social Problems Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/sp.2009.56.4.722 . Accessed: 01/12/2014 06:59 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . University of California Press and Society for the Study of Social Problems are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Problems. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 212.219.207.46 on Mon, 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions “What are You?”: Explaining Identity as a Goal of the Multiracial Hapa Movement Mary Bernstein,  University of Connecticut Marcie De la Cruz,  Empirical Education Inc. This article uses the Hapa movement as a case study in order to provide a framework for understanding identity as a goal of social movements and to expand on a theoretical understanding of multiracial social movements. In contrast to current understandings of identity-based movements, this article argues that the Hapa movement seeks simultaneously to deconstruct traditional notions of (mono)racial identities and to secure recognition for a multiracial “Hapa” identity. Movements that have identity as a goal are motivated by activists’ understandings of how categories are constituted and how those categories, codes, and ways of thinking serve as axes of regulation and domination. The Hapa movement simultaneously challenges (mono)racial categories at both the institutional level through targeting the state and at the micro level through challenging the quotidian enactment of race and promulgating a Hapa identity. Activism by mixed-race individuals and organizations constitutes an important challenge to power that has significant implications for racial categorization and classification in contemporary American society. Keywords: social movements, identity, goal, strategy, multiracial. “What are you?” is a barely coded question used to find out a person’s racial/ethnic background. Increasingly, biracial and mixed-race activists are forming grassroots organizations designed to help them answer this seemingly innocuous question. Although there is minimal research on “identity as a goal” of social movements (Bernstein 2008), we can identify two models to explain movements that seek to establish new or to challenge existing identities. The first model, what we term a “step model,” views seeking recognition for new identities as a first step to be followed by a second step where activists deconstruct identities or abandon identity-based politics altogether (Epstein 1987; Hall 1989; Stein 1992). The second model, what we term a “different venues” model, sees a politics of recognition and a deconstructive politics as taking place in different locations (Gamson 1995), or simply sees these as competing strategies (Bower 1997; Halley 1994; Rimmerman 2002). We challenge these models and argue, instead, that groups can do both simultaneously. Using the Hapa movement as a case study, we provide a framework for understanding identity as a goal of social movements and expand on a theoretical understanding of multiracial social movements. We argue that the goals of the Hapa movement are to simultaneously deconstruct traditional notions of exclusively (mono)racial identities and to secure recognition for a multiracial “Hapa” identity. Theoretically, we argue that in order to understand the Hapa movement and identity as a goal, scholars must make explicit how activism around identity is related to power. Following Michel Foucault (1978), we argue that this power is often located in everyday discursive interactions that serve as forms of social regulation. We The authors would like to thank Dan Myers, Nancy Naples, Stephen Valocchi, and Angie Beeman for their comments and input on earlier drafts of this article. Direct correspondence to: Mary Bernstein, Department of Sociology, University of Connecticut, 344 Mansfield Rd.; Storrs, CT 06269-2068. E-mail: [email protected]; marcie.delacruz@ gmail.com. Social Problems, Vol. 56, Issue 4, pp. 722–745, ISSN 0037-7791, electronic ISSN 1533-8533. © 2008 by Society for the Study of Social Problems, Inc. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’s Rights and Permissions website at www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintinfo/asp. DOI: 10.1525/sp.2008.56.4.722. SP5604_06.indd 722 10/3/09 4:52:07 PM This content downloaded from 212.219.207.46 on Mon, 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions To be consistent. Its literal translation means “part” or “mix. both hapa or hapa haole are used to depict people of mixed-race heritage.” “mixed race. Although the term is used among many to symbolize unity and shared experiences. Hapa haole is also frequently used in Hawai’i to describe those of mixed heritage. As Japanese immigrants poured into Hawai’i to work as plantation labor.com.com. To the best of our knowledge. Understanding Hapa The term hapa is a Native Hawaiian word. or 2. Indigenous activists suggest that the word hapa is not only used inaccurately. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Haole literally means “foreign” or “foreigner.” and “multiracial” with the awareness that these terms do not refer to any real biological property and that these terms. We conclude by suggesting the implications of our analysis for the study of other social movements. 1. Today. As Japanese Hapas migrated from Hawai’i to the western United States. The term became widely used in Hawai’i when Europeans immigrated to the Islands and miscegenation began to occur. as this article illustrates. Hapa is used to describe any person of mixed Asian Pacific American descent. but represents an extension of colonization.com. Locals typically use haole pejoratively to describe white or light-skinned nonlocals. Payson 1996).  We use the terms “race. We omit quotations around the term race because other racial and ethnic markers such as “Asian” or “Asian American” are also socially constructed.4 percent of Americans. Then we examine why seeking recognition constitutes a challenge to power and provide a theoretical framework for understanding identity as a goal of social movements. but present the observed perspective and experiences of the Hapa movement. this is the first and only study to examine either identity deployment by multiracial activists or the diverse ways that multiracial activists seek identity as a goal. we omit quotation marks. we define Hapa and examine the literature on the multiracial movement. The 2000 Census indicates that over one in ten Asian Pacific Americans in California are multiracial (Lieser 2002). 2.219. SP5604_06. society. its use has engendered resistance among the indigenous community. Despite heated debates over the appropriate use of hapa. realhapas.2 Some leaders of the Hawaiian sovereignty movement oppose the “inappropriate” use of the Hawaiian term hapa. Asian and Pacific Islanders are the largest nonwhite group to marry outside of their race (Espiritu 2001:26. Hall and Turner 2001.indd 723 10/3/09 4:52:07 PM This content downloaded from 212.46 on Mon.8 million people.207. they adopted the term mostly to refer to those of mixed Japanese and European descent. Therefore.Identity as a Goal of the Hapa Movement 723 argue that activism by mixed-race1 individuals and organizations is an important challenge to power that has significant implications for racial categorization and classification in contemporary U. Thus. We use the terms to refer to individuals and organizations as those individuals and organizations use the terms. we discuss Hapa activism at both the macro and micro levels and illustrate that activists simultaneously seek to gain recognition for a new identity while also seeking to deconstruct existing notions of identity. we would need to put quotes around those and other similar terms as well. As this article demonstrates.S.” but is often used colloquially to describe foreigners from Europe or mainland America (Trask 1999). Next.” with no racial or ethnic meaning. are socially constructed. The Hapa Issues Forum (HIF) was the only long-term organization focused on multiracial people of Asian descent (DaCosta 2000). Hapa activists are keenly aware of the tensions between acknowledging the constructedness of the term race while also employing that term in order to organize. hyphenmagazine. In the following sections. some members of the mixed-race Asian Pacific American community continue to identify with the term. for locals in Hawai’i. distracting from the text. the term followed (Glenn 2002). Over 6. Taniguchi and Heidenreich 2005. We acknowledge the validity of the arguments by indigenous Hawaiians. identified with two or more racial groups in the 2000 Census (Harris and Sim 2002).  See halvsie. Spencer 2004).indd 724 10/3/09 4:52:07 PM This content downloaded from 212.. The Hapa movement is part of the first wave that began with the emergence of I-Pride in 1979 and grew through the 1980s and 1990s. 2007. Spencer 1999) or to other state-level data-gathering efforts (Williams 2001.219.46 on Mon. Heather Dalmage’s (2004b) edited collection primarily examines the link between efforts to obtain recognition for a multiracial category and racial justice more generally. Some factions adopt a “color-blind ideology” (Bonilla-Silva 2001) that denies the significance of race and wants to eliminate racial categorization altogether. these terms are all socially constructed. and how experiences of growing up in interracial families influence multiracial people’s desire to connect with and create a sense of community with other multiracial people. most African Americans could be defined as multiracial (e. While DaCosta focuses on the creation of community among multiracial people as one dimension of challenging the dominant racial framework. Other factions view discrimination against multiracial individuals as the primary issue affecting the multiracial community. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . The Hapa movement itself is distinct from other first-wave multiracial groups. 4. by organizations comprised of people in interracial relationships who have children who are multiracial. 3. For example. examining diverse paths to activism. SP5604_06.g. thus articulating a color-blind political agenda. The Hapa movement is made up of multiracial people of partial Asian descent.207. it appears that today this term is used by people whose parents are of different races. The multiracial movement has experienced two waves of activism. In this article. ignoring other types of activism (Daniel and Castañeda-Liles 2006) and other social movement related questions (DaCosta 2000). Existing research focuses on the emergence of the movement (DaCosta 2000. given the legacy of slavery that entailed the widespread rape of black women by white men.724 Bernstein/De la Cruz Multiracial Activism as a Challenge to Power There is scant sociological research on the multiracial movement. self-identified multiracials claimed to be a formerly unrecognized group challenging the framework itself” (pp. but they are not challenging or deconstructing racial groupings per se. we use the term multiracial as activists and organizations use it to refer to themselves.  The only study that we could find that dealt at all with issues of multiracial strategies was Daniel and CastañedaLiles’s (2006) comparison of whether or not multiracial organizations support the continued collection of data based on race or seek to eliminate the collection of such data. Focusing predominantly on activism designed to change official racial classifications results in a skewed view of the movement.4 The first-wave multiracial movement also varies in its goals. Typically. Latinos in the United States may challenge the category “Hispanic” by working to change the substantive meaning associated with it. most first-wave groups were “almost exclusively comprised” of those in black-white interracial relationships and/or white women who are the mothers of “multiracial” children and the leaders are white. As Kimberly DaCosta (2000) argues. To the best of our knowledge. as if that is the sole goal of multiracial activism (DaCosta 2000).3 how those strategies challenge power and culture. of course. given that race itself has no biological meaning.  As many analysts point out. And. middle class women living in suburbs (Williams 2004:90). and how they can be part of antiracist struggle. Williams 2003) or on efforts to add a multiracial category to the 2000 Census (Spencer 1997. As with the pan-ethnic category “Asians. These factions seek official adoption of a multiracial category on governmental forms and want to make multiracial a category that can be protected from discrimination (Childs 2004).” Latinos are not trying to create a new identity outside of traditional racial groupings. or by monoracial parents who have adopted a child of another race. 2006. This article is a first step toward filling that lacuna in the literature. The multiracial movement differs from other movements comprised of groups from different ethnic backgrounds. 2003. no one has examined the identity deployment strategies of multiracial activists. this article differs from DaCosta’s analysis by examining the external dimensions of Hapa tactics designed to challenge the dominant racial framework. The second wave emerged during the 2000s. Williams 2003). DaCosta’s recent book (2007) focuses primarily on the emergence of a multiracial movement. 2–3). In contrast. This article also differs by applying and extending social movement theory to explain Hapa strategies. “Unlike other groups requesting a shuffling of their placement within the existing racial framework. or world order of which they are a part” (p. authority does not lie only in the state and. Mixed Messages (2006). gender dynamics. Armstrong and Bernstein (2008) provide a theory of society and power that can support Snow’s definition of social movements while also helping to explain Hapa activism. David Snow (2004) argues that social movements are “collectivities acting with some degree of organization and continuity outside of institutional or organizational channels for the purpose of challenging or defending extant authority. society. 6. with this definition. Melucci (1996). whether it is institutionally or culturally based. while differing significantly from other first-wave organizations. whether actors and actions are engaged in joint and coordinated action and. Instead. Snow (2004) states: Direct challenges include straightforward. This power is rooted in multiple and contradictory institutions each of which is “constituted by classificatory systems 5. his underlying assumptions about how power operates leaves his framework unable to fully account for Hapa activism. 7.7 While the Hapa movement fits within the scope of Snow’s (2004) definition. Here. whether the challenge is direct or indirect. and Katzenstein (1998:7). Brunsma’s collection. Snow’s use of the term “targeted authorities” implies a modernist view of power as vested in particular people or institutions. undisguised. the Hapa movement. in the group. it becomes understandable why social movements would also target cultural systems of meaning. in contrast to other factions of the first-wave multiracial movement. works on broader issues of racial justice with communities of color as well as on issues of categorization in addition to developing a micropolitics designed to challenge the rule of hypodescent and the black-white binary.46 on Mon. immigration. such that the targeted authorities are aware of both the claims and their carriers. contains only 1 out of 21 chapters devoted to the Hapa movement. While explaining differences among multiracial organizations is an important issue. Elizabeth Armstrong and Mary Bernstein (2008) argue that social movement research should theorize how power functions in specific contexts in order to make theoretical sense of activists’ strategic choices. 11). Eyerman and Jamison (1991:4). Blumer (1964). Future research will have to analyze the similarities and differences between first and second wave multiracial organizations. and differences in the ways that race is constructed in Japan account for differences in the politics of Hapas from other multiracial movement organizations.207. second. we theorize how power operates to uphold racial categories that maintain hierarchies of inequality and why Hapa activism constitutes a challenge to these interlocking systems of power. Hapa activists target discursive systems that create truth regimes (Foucault 1978) about which categories are culturally intelligible and which are not. culture. Their multi-institutional politics model argues that domination is organized around multiple sources of power.6 A second wave of multiracial organizing has emerged in the 2000s. Identity as a Goal of the Hapa Movement 725 The Hapa movement is almost completely neglected in discussions of the first-wave multiracial movement and the color-blind factions are overrepresented in research (Daniel and Castañeda-Liles 2006).indd 725 10/3/09 4:52:07 PM This content downloaded from 212. contains only 1 chapter out of 12 that discusses the Hapa movement. it lies beyond the scope of this research. Della Porta and Diani (1999).5 As we illustrate below.219. Thus. overt appeals and demands. Snow contends that challenges to authorities exist along two dimensions: First.  King-O’Riain (2004) argues that demography. each of which is simultaneously material and symbolic. These newer groups may share similar goals and strategies with the Hapa movement. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Hapa activism includes the creation of collective definitions of Hapa identity to be deployed in individual-level interactions and does not necessarily target particular authorities.  For example the collection The Politics of Multiracialism (2004b). organization. Crossley (2002:2-7).  For similar definitions of social movements see also. indirect challenges are those that are either covert and/or ambiguous—covert in terms of the action and its carrier. 16). Organizations such as Swirl that began in 2000 and other pan-multiracial college groups have mobilized and worked with groups of color to address social justice issues. and ambiguous in terms of the action and the claims—or that seek to divest themselves of the authority by escaping it (p. SP5604_06. edited by Dalmage. and culture are constitutive of social structures. So rather than an innocent question to someone who is multiracial. However.726 Bernstein/De la Cruz and practices that concretize these systems” (Armstrong and Bernstein 2008:83). much in the way that people can be said to “do gender” (West and Zimmerman 1987). what Bernstein (1997) terms identity deployment in a social movement context. self-reflection. In fact posing the question. Christine Garza (1995) suggests that a performative politics or a politics of deconstruction will not work for groups whose difference is marked on the body (see also Collins 1998).  We do not mean to minimize the importance of structural racism. 9. self-determination. Hapa activism directly challenges those discursive systems that help to uphold racial hierarchies in the United States. She argues: ignorance is the flip side of knowledge in assorted power/knowledge nexuses . Deconstructive movements have typically been associated with challenges to dominant understandings of gender and heterosexuality. 231) and therefore must explain their relationship to their child. codes.indd 726 10/3/09 4:52:07 PM This content downloaded from 212. Maureen Sullivan (2001) argues that lesbian co-mothers—that is mothers who are not the biological mothers of their children—“have no recourse to extant familial categories” (p. Seeking to establish new discourse and. . thus they are closely linked (Rochon 1998). Omi and Winant 1994). created by performances that perpetuate the myth that these categories reflect some real. the rule of hypodescent—that is the “one-drop” rule— create a truth regime that renders multiracial individuals culturally unintelligible and prompts questions such as “What are you?”9 One aspect of white racial privilege is the freedom from having to explain one’s racial identity. Rochon 1998). inner core.g. 242–43).46 on Mon. 179). 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . have been considered irrelevant where issues of race are concerned. its “opacities” and most importantly its effects . and ways of thinking serve as axes of regulation and domination (Crossley 2002. Melucci 1996.207. in this case. thus violating a familial truth regime. . Williams 1996). while the appearance itself of innocence and passivity may be one of its effects (pp. ignorance may be just as productive and efficacious as knowledge in its modes of manipulation and coercion. Domination in contemporary society reflects people’s continuous processes of self-identification. Alberto Melucci (1996) posits that analysis of contemporary cultural struggles should be centered on the differentiation of positions that allot power and specific control over “master codes.8 Systems of racial categorization. power is embedded in the capacity to organize the minds of people (Melucci 1996:179). Performances that “gender bend” become protests against cultural sources of power (e.  There has been some sociological analysis of “What are you?” encounters as a process of “doing race” (e. ideology. But these critiques of postmodernist political strategies assume that race is written clearly (or clearly enough) on the body to require no explanation. new identities. King and DaCosta 1996. . For example.g. Rupp and Taylor 2003) and against the power of the category to organize and regulate social life. “What are you?” becomes an accusation of violating the racial truth regime. represents an important social movement goal (Rochon 1998). Judith Butler (1990) views the categories “male” and “female” as socially constructed.. But these interrogatory encounters have not been theorized as being part of a system of power nor have these encounters been systematically linked to social movement activism and strategies. We simply point out that beliefs. Similarly..219. SP5604_06. such performative strategies. Cultural change can lead to political structural change just as policy change can lead to cultural social acceptance. 8.” or “powerful symbolic resources that frame information” (p. The capacity of ignorance to appear innocent and passive may well be an operation of its power. A multiracial person who does not fit preconceived racial understandings can disorient the onlooker (King and DaCosta 1996. and the construction and reconstruction of meanings. These movements are motivated by activists’ understandings of how categories are constituted and how those categories. “What are you?” is an exercise in coercive power that requires a discursive explanation or accounting of one’s racial heritage for many multiracial individuals. . The quotidian enactment of race and the policing of racial boundaries constitute an exercise in power. but have not been analyzed in terms of challenges to racial categories and hierarchies. challenging and ultimately eliminating these categories motivates activism.. When identity is a goal of social movements. the maintenance of racial boundaries. 11. activists may challenge stigmatized identities. for example.” “black. Foucault 1978. Butler 1990. we are interested in the relationship between identity and social movements (Bernstein 2005. 2008) political identity framework to resolve this confusion. Hapa activism seeks identity as a goal. identity as a goal has received little scholarly attention (Bernstein 2008). Bernstein argues that there are three separate and distinct levels of identity as it relates to social movements. But how are deconstructive movements and movements for recognition related to 10. social constructionists.46 on Mon.. We draw on Bernstein’s (1997. and racism are inexorably linked” (p. Ferber (2004) argues that “racial classification. “identity for empowerment” refers to the creation of collective identity and the feeling that collective action is worth pursuing in order to develop and mobilize a constituency. as by the fact that they are based on a shared characteristic such as ethnicity or sex” (p. and the strategies they use. identity as a goal (Bernstein 1997). the existence of the categories themselves is seen as creating the foundation for inequality and discrimination..g. Nagel 1994. in a recent edited book that utilizes Bernstein’s political identity framework (Reger.” or “white” as goals of collective action. First.10 Reviewing all theories of identity is beyond the scope of this article. The term “identity deployment” means expressing identity to draw attention to the group to which one belongs in order to achieve social change. or deconstruct restrictive social categories such as “man. It shapes racial thinking by constituting a truth regime that provides a cultural edifice in which racism and racist practices can flourish and further undermines the recognition of mixed-race identities. This article is concerned with the third analytic dimension of identity. and recognition based on membership in a particular category. about the extent to which internal and external material and ideological forces influence the creation and perception of identities. only two chapters even briefly touch on the issue (see Kaminski and Taylor 2008. about how both groups and individuals construct their identities and how those constructions change over time.g. Multiracial families and individuals threaten to dissolve those boundaries and thus force people to question who is actually white. Second.indd 727 10/3/09 4:52:08 PM This content downloaded from 212. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .207. and postmodernists among others. 2002. Polletta and Jasper 2001). Schroer 2008).11 Existing research suggests that deconstructive movements operate along a different logic from movements that challenge stigma and/or seek recognition for new identities. Hapa activism is designed to challenge this truth regime at the interpersonal level through identity deployment strategies as well as to challenge state policies about racial categorization.  Theories abound. and the degree to which personal identity represents or reflects the interior self (e. Future research could benefit by examining the implications of movements such as the Hapa movement for social psychological theories of identity. how collective identity is created and maintained (e. Seidman 1993). Thus.  For example. resulting in a lack of conceptual clarity in the study of identity and social movements. psychoanalytic theorists. Explaining Identity as a Goal The concept “identity” has generated volumes of literature among philosophers.219. Taylor and Whittier 1992). 47). Movements with identity as a goal seek rights. Myers. Bernstein (1997) argues that “‘Identity movements’ have been defined as much by the goals they seek. benefits. Thus. seek recognition for new identities. Calhoun 1994). Stable boundaries are needed to secure white power and white privilege.g.Identity as a Goal of the Hapa Movement 727 Abby Ferber (2004) argues that white supremacist activists are “obsessed” with interracial sexuality and view maintaining the purity of white borders as of paramount importance. Yet. There are also very different trends regarding how to understand identity in psychology and sociology (Stryker and Burke 2000). SP5604_06. Deconstructive movements challenge the cultural ways of “doing business” that create these categories and position some groups as normal in contrast to deviant others (e.” “woman. 533). For deconstructive movements. Butler 1990. The one-drop rule introduces a peculiar dilemma for people of mixed-race. and Einwohner 2008). identity can also be used as a strategy by social movements. Epstein (1987) argues that the history of the American civil rights movement and the ways in which American political institutions function makes it politically useful for the lesbian and gay movement to seek political recognition and rights based on a lesbian and gay “ethnic identity. We outline these models. The different venue model. The first comprises a rediscovery of roots. either identity is no longer a goal of social movements or movements will attempt to deconstruct identity categories. then the movement can go on to make more global connections between the concerns of a variety of groups (Hall 1989). Other versions of the venue model. from the traditions of queer theory. at the more advanced stage two. sees deconstructive strategies as important for obtaining cultural changes. Gamson argues that cultural sources of oppression are better challenged by loosening and deconstructing categories. . 402). Cultural strategies that deconstruct categories are seen as the vanguard of a transformative politics designed to reconstitute culture.indd 728 10/3/09 4:52:08 PM This content downloaded from 212. Seidman’s study suggests that the step model is too simplistic and that the centrality of deconstruction.” Although Epstein (1987) does not mention a different venue where highlighting the constructedness of identity categories would be strategically useful. there are two phases. Using the lesbian movement as her exemplar. which sought to deconstruct both straight and gay identities. but add an evaluative dimension to the analysis. These studies equate the recognition strategies necessary for engagement in the political realm with assimilationism and the desire to obtain limited policy gains. 27–28). gave way to a movement for recognition and rights that once again gave way to efforts at deconstruction by groups such as Queer Nation. she hopes to explain the trajectory of identity-based movements more generally: In any politicization of marginal groups. the first phase of this movement has already occurred. we identify two competing approaches to understanding identity as a goal of social movements. . 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . what we term a step model and a different venue model. political structures are one venue for political action that necessitate a politics of recognition. 53). In contrast. Only when this “local” identity is in place can a consideration of more global questions and connections begin. We may now be seeing the arrival of the second (p. recognition. These versions of the different venues model contend that movements that seek political recognition and rights based on identity categories reify hierarchical systems of inequality (Bower 1997. where a preoccupation with identity and seeking recognition for that identity is paramount. . while seeking recognition is seen as important for obtaining changes in laws and policies.728 Bernstein/De la Cruz one another? Are they necessarily separate and distinct? In this section. and present an alternative that we term a “simultaneity” model. illustrate their limits. For many lesbians in this country. Rimmerman 2002). Like Epstein (1987). Gamson (1995) argues that political structures direct movements toward making ethnic-like interest group claims in the name of well-defined categories “and requires therefore solid proofs of authentic ethnic membership (the immutability of sexual orientation. . Because “socially produced binaries .207. In other words.” (p. for example) . queer legal theory. or seeking other types of outcomes varies considerably over time. or poststructuralism also view politics and culture as separate venues that require different strategies. Presumably.219. Arlene Stein (1992) more fully articulates the step model. Step models see movements for recognition as a first step in mobilization. he implies that seeking recognition may be a “a politically defensible starting point from which the gay movement can evolve in a progressive [presumably deconstructive] direction” (pp. Steven Seidman’s (1993) analysis of the history of the lesbian and gay movement shows that gay liberation. However. Once that identity is secure.46 on Mon. The seeds of both a venue and a step model are apparent in Steven Epstein’s early theorizing about the extent to which identity is a goal of the lesbian and gay movement. the only way to challenge oppression is to undermine and eliminate the categories themselves. and implies a preoccupation with identity. [are] the basis of oppression” (Gamson 1995:391). in contrast. [Hall] says. Joshua Gamson (1995) most clearly articulates the venue model. SP5604_06. facing what Gamson (1995) terms the “queer dilemma”—that is. the issue for these groups is not to deconstruct or question the existence of racial/ethnic frameworks but rather to utilize them strategically to self-identify and gain power. Methods This article emerged out of a collaboration between the two co-authors. identity categories have enabling. even as they challenge existing racial classification systems. if subjects and social formations cannot elude categories of identity if. Joane Nagel (1994) describes a layering of ethnic identity that takes place among Latinos. self. Below. 100% Hapa (2006). conservative. new identities are constructed. liberatory. Whether these new identities and systems of regulations that are created are more progressive. As Seidman (1993) argues. 363).. We argue that the problem with the venue and step models. when the goals of the movement are to undermine those same categories. gender. we illustrate the utility of the simultaneity model for explaining Hapa activism. other Asian Americans or the larger society) and “on the perceived strategic utility and symbolic appropriateness of the identities in different settings and audiences” (p.indd 729 10/3/09 4:52:08 PM This content downloaded from 212. or some combination thereof then becomes an empirical question. rather than being mutually exclusive. and African Americans. then the issue lies less in their affirmation or subversion than analyzing the kinds of identities that are socially produced and their manifold social significance” (p. the organizational dilemma faced by activists whose collective identity is predicated on the existence of social categories. She participated in the Asian and Pacific Islander community with multiple student-run organizations at UCLA. and was a member of the progressive collective Concerned Asian Pacific-Islander Students for Action and the UCLA Hapa Club for two years. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . who were interested in: (1) testing the validity of the step and different venues models. During her time as a student activist. Asian Americans.46 on Mon. She attended HIF’s tenth anniversary conference and the special exhibition opening gala for Kip Fulbeck’s Part Asian. (2) explaining the ways in which identity was a goal of multiracial activism. This can take place through engaging with the state.Identity as a Goal of the Hapa Movement 729 Deconstructive movements confront their own difficulties. both theoretically and empirically. we argue that through the process of deconstruction. activists that seek identity as a goal simultaneously seek to deconstruct certain categories of identity while demanding recognition for new categories that undermine existing ways of thinking. More concretely. and (3) understanding the strategies used to attain that goal. De la Cruz had extensive experience in the Hapa movement. 134). 115). “We want to erase the boundaries between categories of race. but to do so. depending on the audience (e. or by contesting systems of cultural authority. As Judith Lorber (1999) argues. indeed. and sexuality. In her discussion of how individuals negotiate ethnic boundaries. “If the issue is not identity versus nonidentity.207. for without clear categories. worked with other Hapas to organize protests against the Racial Privacy Initiative. both as an activist and as a researcher. 155).g. Thus.and socially enriching qualities. institutions. as we illustrate below. you can have neither a politics of identity nor a politics of transgression. do not face the queer dilemma. lies in the assumption that deconstructive movements can actually eliminate identities.219. we propose a simultaneity model. Categories are needed for group power and boundaries are needed to transgress against” (p. In this way. Rainier Spencer (2004) points out that a deconstructionist multiracial movement “dismantles the preconditions of its own existence” (p. whereby movements with identity as a goal should be understood as simultaneously deconstructing existing identities while fostering new identities. we have to use them. in contrast. Native Americans. De la Cruz took field notes and held formal and informal interviews with members of the Hapa community for SP5604_06. Hapa activists resolve the queer dilemma by creating a new Hapa identity. However. Pan-ethnic groups. Therefore. official statements on movement Web sites.12 Based on this breadth of experience with the Hapa movement. Pomona. thought-out movement aim and what strategies were marshaled to that end. secondary sources. an umbrella organization that is comprised of a variety of multiracial and multiethnic organizations. how they thought that mission would be accomplished. the views of leaders as presented and documented in interviews. and of the Association of Multiethnic Americans (AMEA).g. Jiménez 2004. Therefore. In other words. We suggest that future research on this subject could benefit from gathering ethnographic or interview data to document how multiracial activists challenge the U. De la Cruz’s previous research and participation did not in and of itself provide sufficient evidence to test the step and venue models or to understand identity as a goal of social movements. Lee and Bean 2007. As we discuss below. and the campaign to change categories on the 2000 Census in both mainstream newspapers through Lexis/Nexis and in the archives of AsianWeek. But for our purposes. We also wanted to investigate how identity strategies played out in two of the most visible political issues that the Hapa movement was involved in.  De la Cruz was a panelist in The Multiracial Lens: Visual Explorations of Asian American (Association for Asian American Studies West and Pacific Regional Conference California State Polytechnic University. including Hapa groups at Cornell. and all Hapa groups with Web sites that we could find.219. “Los Angeles Filipinos of Mixed Heritage. While others have investigated the ways in which individuals strategically disclose their racial and ethnic identities depending on a variety of factors (e. We chose not to conduct post-hoc interviews where hindsight could attribute intent to certain strategies that might not have been clearly articulated at the time. Most importantly. we wanted to determine the extent to which achieving identity as a goal was a conscious. with whom HIF worked closely.46 on Mon.indd 730 10/3/09 4:52:08 PM This content downloaded from 212. Clear themes related to both strategies and goals emerged. we decided to analyze official statements of Hapa movement organizations.” She was also a panelist in several mixed-race conferences.730 Bernstein/De la Cruz other research projects about mixed-raced experience and produced the short documentary film. scholars have not looked at identity deployment among multiracial activists as a strategic form of collective action utilized by social movements for specific purposes. we wanted to know if there was any concrete historical evidence to support or refute our hypothesis that the movement actively sought to gain recognition for a new identity while also seeking to deconstruct existing notions of identity and. we wanted to test the step and venue models by seeing if there was sufficient historical evidence about the strategic use of identity by the Hapa movement as a deliberate strategy designed to deconstruct dominant understandings of race and to secure recognition for a new Hapa identity. We examined any documents that were related to the theme of identity.. Our examination of official statements of HIF and various Hapa clubs and their leaders related to the theme of identity provides sufficient evidence to support the simultaneity model and to understand identity as a goal and a strategy of the Hapa movement. With this as our goal. 2002). and Harvard. 2003) and Crossing Lines: Race and Mixed Race Across the Geohistorical Divide (UC Santa Barbara. SP5604_06. we chose to analyze all news coverage of the HIF.207. racial truth regime in their daily interactions. Brubaker 2004. However. “the voice of Asian America. 12. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Such a study could also investigate the emotional dimensions of identity strategies used by multiracial activists.com. UCI. we had reason to doubt the validity of the step and venue models.S. the struggle to defeat the Racial Privacy Initiative and the challenge to the way the Census categorizes race (Leach 2009). UCLA. Pollock 2004). Berkeley. It should also be noted that we were not interested in documenting the full range of Hapa movement activities. we found consistent historical evidence regarding identity as a strategy and a goal that challenged the step and venue models and that illustrated how the movement thought that identity deployment strategies would challenge existing systems of racial categorization while creating new identities. and leaders’ own writing. social movement documents. the Racial Privacy Initiative. if so.” as well as the Web sites of the HIF. Stanford. UC San Diego. Hapa activists employ strategies that challenge the maintenance of (mono)racial categories. but also focuses on diversity awareness.207. HIF conducts discussions about shared experiences that center on identity.. These cues evoke previously identified and defined characteristics about race and interaction can perpetuate or reformulate these perceptions (Omi and Winant 1994). such an analysis is a worthy goal.S. Payson 1996).” Hapas organized as people of mixed-Asian descent separate from other mixedrace organizations because of the perception that mixed-race tends to be subsumed in the black-white binary.indd 731 10/3/09 4:52:08 PM This content downloaded from 212. Census Bureau and other state agencies enforces a broad set of public policies. SP5604_06. such a campaign would indicate a concern with identity and therefore would 13. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . We argue that by striving to gain recognition and acceptance of mixed-race identities. Cornell.46 on Mon.hapaissuesforum. Census Bureau One of the most significant political challenges for multiracial activists was the campaign to change the U. now see http://web. personal interactions and public. chapters of college students and other Hapas have formed in Los Angeles. Emily Leach (2009) notes that “At its height. the group had seven chapters across California and worked in coalition with mixed-race groups across the country. We illustrate the ways in which Hapa activists simultaneously seek to secure recognition for a new identity and to deconstruct exclusively (mono)racial ways of thinking. leadership development.html. housing. income. Intellectual and cultural production by Hapa activists.org/org.html). but is beyond the scope of this article. Harvard.Identity as a Goal of the Hapa Movement 731 nor do we make any claims regarding the relative importance of achieving identity as a goal over other movement goals such as creating community (e.S. We first examine challenges directed at the state and then we examine the micro-politics of the Hapa movement. socially meaningful concept that is a catalyst for segregation and discrimination and is a dimension that defines communities and associations. but can be accessed through http://web. On an institutional level. including Greg Mayeda. we provide an overview of the Hapa movement. During a Japanese-American history class. Race is an institutionalized. celebrating its multiplicity. including books and art. Physical attributes give cues to others. We list the Web address where we initially accessed the data. and education (Goldstein and Morning 2000. and Steve Ropp (Nishioka 1999). information on race gathered from the U. the Hapa movement is simultaneously deconstructing an exclusively (mono)racial way of thinking. and shapes both private.archive.  Hapa Issues Forum (http://www.219. a graduate student made disparaging comments about mixed marriages and provoked anger among other students in the class. on both the micro and macro levels. Since then. medicine and public health. is also an important part of the movement.archive. Eric Tate.org/web/. UC Los Angeles. The Politics of Categories: HIF and the Movement HIF is a nonprofit organization whose mission is to enrich the lives of Asian Pacific Islanders of mixed heritage and to develop communities that value diversity. and Stanford.S.13 The HIF was started at UC-Berkeley in 1992.g.org/web/20001202 131300/www. and community building (Leach 2009. Census Bureau’s approach to racial categorization. DaCosta 2007).hif. and maintaining ties to communities of color. The Hapa Issues Forum Web site no longer exists. Therefore.org/about_hif/index. Lieser 2002). HIF also sought to directly address the Asian American community (DaCosta 2000:252). including those that revolve around equal opportunity law. These students began to meet on a weekly basis and quickly formed the HIF. UC Irvine. institutional interactions. Categorization and the State U. From the purview of the step model. In the next section. general program administrative. we argue that Hapa activists. the Census Bureau was guided by the Office of Management and Budget’s 1977 Statistical Directive No. The Census Bureau adopted Root’s edited book The Multiracial Experience (1996) as part of its resource materials (AMEA n.g. as Jim Crow emerged.732 Bernstein/De la Cruz be indicative that the movement was in phase one. The Census and other official forms that ask for racial data also serve a symbolic purpose by defining what categories of identity the government does and does not consider to be appropriate. The step model would expect that the integrity and naturalness of categories would be maintained in the Census campaign and that transforming dominant ways of thinking would not be a relevant goal. Thus. Directive 15 explains that the agreed upon (mono)racial categories should be used for civil rights compliance reporting.14 Individuals of mixed heritage do not “fit” into a monoracial template of racial understanding (Harris and Sim 2002. who was president of the AMEA from 1994–99. Nevertheless.[c]. . the category “mulatto” appeared on the Census.S. They have been developed in response to needs expressed by both the executive branch and the Congress” (Root 1996b:411). it would be fair to say that most of us believe there may be some temporary utility in obtaining ethnic data for purposes of providing programs aimed at addressing the special needs of historically 14. 1997. 15. until after the advent of the civil rights movement and Directive No. “mulattos” were considered important. the HIF adopted the “Multiracial Bill of Rights” as part of its “Hapa Handbook” (HIF 1997a). Census Bureau’s approach to racial categorization (King 2000). including assessing and remedying inequality and tracking health outcomes and patterns of housing settlement. No two Censuses have ever had the same racial/ethnic categories (Williamson 1995). The AMEA and Project RACE (Reclassify All Children Equally) spearheaded the challenge to the U. Census Bureau and official correspondence with elected representatives illustrates that activists are aware of the dilemmas and peculiarities of seeking to deconstruct racial identities while also fostering an identity based on race.” which she first presented in 1993 at a mixed-race conference. and grant reporting and statistical reporting (Root 1996b:413). House of Representatives states: Ultimately.d. Since Jim Crow. recognition and deconstruction. The AMEA’s contact with the U. Thompson 2000).S. these data are critically important for a variety of reasons. Prior to 2000.[a]).[a]). since it was assumed that they could play an important role in a reconstructed South.S.219. Proposed changes in the 2000 Census were discussed at board meetings and at HIF conference workshops (e. though those categories were quickly dropped. . choosing one box on a government form is a confusing exercise that may not reflect how they are perceived (Root 1990) or how they perceive themselves.d. For example.46 on Mon.. Tactics included letter writing campaigns to elected officials and bureaucrats and testifying about the experiences of multiracial individuals at hearings on the Census. 15 that underscored the social constructedness of official categories: “These classifications should not be interpreted as being scientific or anthropological in nature . HIF n. followed by “octoroon” and “quadroon” in 1890.indd 732 10/3/09 4:52:08 PM This content downloaded from 212.  There have been some exceptions to the one-drop rule. In 1850. these categories have both reflected and enforced the one-drop rule of hypodescent marking anyone with any “African blood” for racial exclusion. which mandated the use of racial categories for civil rights compliance reporting. HIF 2000). HIF contributor Ramona Douglass. in their state-oriented activism. For many mixed-race individuals. The production of knowledge and discourse that emerged through HIF and the mixed-race movement more generally had a discernible effect on policy. the one-drop rule gained ascendency. Similarly. the official classification of people by “race” is abhorrent to many of us. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . SP5604_06. Root’s book included the “Multiracial Bill of Rights. AMEA president Carlos Fernandez’s 1989 letter to the Chairman of the Sub-Committee on the Census and Population of the U.207.d. In contrast to both models. seek policy change and cultural change. Anyone with any “African blood” was classified as black and could be racially excluded (DaCosta 2007:24–25. However. became a member of the federal 2000 Census Advisory Committee (AMEA n. see also Williamson 1995). During reconstruction. Later. the venue model assumes that engagement in the political realm requires shoring up identity categories and thus dominant ways of thinking rather than challenging them. Williams 2003). and the National Council of La Raza. in an official press release (HIF 1997c). Project RACE Executive Director Graham’s own testimony about the Census at the National Academy of Sciences advocated the stand alone multiracial checkbox (Graham 1996). King 2000. MALDEF. Ultimately. Identity as a Goal of the Hapa Movement 733 mistreated ethnic groups. After all. but was inconsistent in its own position. A stand alone Multiracial Box reveals very little about the person checking it. organizers held the Third Multiracial Leadership Summit conference of multiracial organizations in 1997 designed to reach agreement on these issues. The HIF view that a check one or more format under the general race question should be adopted prevailed (King 2000) and Project RACE’s alliance with Gingrich and the stand-alone multiracial checkbox was defeated (Brown and Douglass 2003). split over whether or not to support a stand-alone multiracial category or a multiracial category followed by a check-all-that-apply option. which had been a target of educational efforts by HIF. compliance. and enforcement efforts. HIF. In fact.219. we would maintain. The Japanese American Citizens’ League (JACL). interracial families and individuals (Fernandez 1989). We are representatives of all racial groups and should be counted as such. such as federal redistricting for voting purposes and equal opportunity employment (DaCosta 2003. Thus. intensive lobbying by the AMEA and HIF convinced some of the major civil rights organizations. HIF co-founder and board of director member Greg Mayeda stated: A separate Multiracial Box does not allow a person who identifies as mixed race the opportunity to be counted accurately. thus. Instead. would adversely affect civil rights gains. in 1997 the HIF board of directors decided not to support either formulation. in its official testimony and correspondence. was the only mainstream civil rights organization to support the proposed check-all-that-apply change to the Census from the outset (King 2000). According to some observers. Project RACE wanted a multiracial box to check with no subcategories (Graham 1996. claims that Project RACE at times supported a multiracial check box followed by a listing of subcategories. The two major national multiracial organizations. to change their position and support the check all that apply format (Daniel and Castañeda-Liles 2006:134). In contrast.15 while the AMEA wanted a multiracial and/or multiethnic checkbox followed by a listing of races that could be checked to indicate heritage (Fernandez 1993). Graham 1996. explained the group’s support for the check one or more option.46 on Mon. In contrast. which include. This approach would both acknowledge and legitimate the existence of multiracial people and enhance medical research. HIF simply wanted to be able to check all the racial categories that applied without the addition of a multiracial checkbox. while not harming civil rights reporting. the movement simultaneously worked to deconstruct binary white/nonwhite racial frameworks that were rooted in racist fears while still recognizing their social salience and thus a need to officially retain some racially based classifications. In the end. the AMEA and Project RACE. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . the check-all-that-apply option was adopted by the OMB (King 2000). In his 1993 congressional testimony. SP5604_06. we are not just mixed race.207. The campaign to alter government racial classifications also illustrates the dual nature of the multiracial challenge to racial categorization that simultaneously seeks a new (multi)racial identity while also acknowledging the continued significance of race. underlying this support was a desire to stymie civil rights monitoring and compliance through classification chicanery—that is. To reconcile these differences. by classifying employees as multiracial in order to promote or mask discriminatory policies (Daniel 2001.  It should be noted that Daniel (2001). conservatives such as Newt Gingrich supported proposals to add a stand-alone multiracial category to the Census. Spencer 2003). including the NAACP. King 2000). Fernandez underscored the fears of racial mixing and of the children produced by such unions that were buoyed by Statistical Directive 15. a member of the AMEA advisory board. 15.indd 733 10/3/09 4:52:08 PM This content downloaded from 212. the drive to acknowledge the existence of multiracial people on the Census alarmed many traditional civil rights organizations who were afraid that a multiracial category would dilute the numbers of people of color and. allowing people to check off more than one racial category. or National Origin Initiative.46 on Mon. Moreover.S. the other author of Proposition 209. in the campaign to revise the U. In contrast to the step and venue models. the “Classification by Race. the educational achievement of students. SP5604_06. racially driven hate crimes. Tom Wood. Ward Connerly. These exemptions would allow law enforcement officers to collect racial data. Hapa participation in the battle over the Racial Privacy Initiative (RPI) represented a simultaneous concern with understanding and documenting inequality that results from the lived experience of race and the fact that Hapa activists themselves.d. The OMB issued a newly revised Statistical Directive 15 on October 30. As with the Census campaign. King 2000). the initiative would have prohibited the collection of any data on race in California. Nor was recognition rather than deconstruction the sole goal of Census activism as the venue model would expect. University of California Regent.17 If passed.  Connerly was one of the two authors of California’s Proposition 209 that barred the use of racial data in California hiring and university admissions in 1996. Racial Privacy Initiative Like the Census campaign. Ethnicity. while providing a limited number of exemptions for the criminal justice system and medical research. 17. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . schools and universities would no longer be allowed to record racial data to help track progress for any ethnic/racial group.734 Bernstein/De la Cruz Despite its initial support of this option. states. Politically.16 launched a campaign in California to pass Proposition 54. as evidenced in the campaign. Instead. and other agencies that receive federal funding (AMEA n. Academics at state institutions would no longer be able to gather information and conduct research based on race. 16. In 2002.207. belonged to diverse racially and ethnically defined communities. Hapa activists were acutely aware of the cultural significance of challenging the rule of hypodescent and felt that changing government policy would help transform cultural understandings of race. opposed the RPI because he felt that a failure to gather data on the basis of race would make it more difficult to prove discrimination against whites (Schrag 2003). but not for epidemiological studies.” better known as the Racial Privacy Initiative. Thus. Recognition was not a first step to be followed by a lack of concern with identity.indd 734 10/3/09 4:52:08 PM This content downloaded from 212. Directive 15 affects all agencies of government. the recognition sought by Census activism was an integral part of a project designed to challenge categorical ways of thinking rooted in the black-white binary and the rule of hypodescent. The campaign and its outcome have both political and cultural significance. Hapa activists simultaneously sought to deconstruct monoracial forms of thinking and to gain recognition for mixed race identities. police profiling. public schools. including the Census. Project RACE withdrew its support within 24 hours of its initial agreement (Daniel 2001. Hapa activists participated in a nuanced politics that views race as socially constructed.[b]) and went into effect for the 2000 Census.219. Ironically. the change in Census classifications of race allows for continued civil rights monitoring and compliance designed to remedy inequality. while challenging the boundaries of racial categories. Hapas eschewed a color-blind ideology that dismisses the continued significance of race in American life (Bonilla-Silva 2001). Instead. yet significant in its material impact on individuals’ life chances and still important in providing a sense of identity. Census to allow recognition of individuals with mixed race identities.  Connerly organized the RPI under the auspices of his organization the American Civil Rights Institute. a multiracial group espousing a color-blind ideology (Dalmage 2004a) that had little grassroots support. but collecting statistics that document police practices such as racial profiling would not have been permitted (Barlow and Duster 2002). Hapa activists linked recognition to concrete material issues while also recognizing the social constructedness of categories. and specific medical conditions that disproportionately affect particular racial or ethnic groups would have been nearly impossible to accurately document had the bill passed (Chemerinsky 2003). Color. Thus. 1997. HIF held a plenary session on the RPI to educate the community about the proposition (Lieser 2002).html). Eventually. those connections were already there.46 on Mon. reform policy. the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Because dealing with these interactions represents a concern with identity. and practices of individuals become subject to debate” (Bernstein 1997:537–38. ideologies. the California Medical Association. housing. race is a symbolic system that is reproduced through everyday interactions. Hapas who fought against the RPI felt that legally banning race would not diminish its effects and thus eschewed a color-blind agenda. and values.org/community/pr_rpi. At their tenth anniversary conference at San Francisco State University in 2002.d.207. The term identity deployment refers to “expressing identity such that the terrain of conflict becomes the individual person so that the values. racial boundaries are reinforced interactionally. and health care as well as feelings of legitimacy for Hapas. the California State PTA. Identities are inescapable. education. SP5604_06. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . failing to recognize the ways in which deconstruction and recognition are dialectically linked. the RPI was resoundingly defeated (64 to 36 percent). It is incumbent upon the analyst to examine the types of identities that are produced and the implications of those identities. Furthermore. Understanding Identity as Goal In addition to official government policies that create race as a legally meaningful category. official recognition is only one level by which categories are reinforced and maintained. and law enforcement compelled organizations such as the American Heart Association. Defeating Proposition 54 was not a first step toward a broadening of connections. Instead. and/or challenge or deconstruct categories. as they relate to police practices and the distribution of jobs. In seeking to defeat Proposition 54. Identity deployment may seek to spread public awareness of an issue. In other words.hif.Identity as a Goal of the Hapa Movement 735 The initiative’s potential effects on the medical field. in contrast. HIF coalesced with multiracial organizations such as the AMEA and the MAVIN foundation to defeat the initiative as it was “in direct opposition to the needs of the mixed-heritage Asian Pacific Islander community”18 and participated in the Coalition for an Informed California (CIC) that spearheaded the anti-Proposition 54 campaign (CIC n. These interactions play an important role in upholding racial and racist ideologies. We argue that Hapa activists seek both to deconstruct existing notions of identity and gain recognition for new identities through everyday interactional strategies. 2008). nonpolitical act. student groups from various racial and multiracial organizations on campuses statewide rallied to oppose the proposition. Identity deployment is a form of strategic action. but reformulate them in ways that challenge existing and oppressive categories of identity.).indd 735 10/3/09 4:52:08 PM This content downloaded from 212. activists do not eliminate identity categories altogether. not simply an expressive. We argue that the Hapa movement deploys identity in order to 18. the California Teachers Association. On a daily basis in everyday life.  Hapa Issues Forum (see www.219. HIF wanted both a recognition and transformation of racial categories. would view these micro-level strategies as primarily cultural and therefore deconstructive in nature. To achieve the recognition of mixed race identities and to deconstruct exclusively monoracial ways of thinking. the step model would view these strategies in terms of gaining recognition for new identities. and the League of Women Voters in California to oppose the proposition. Yet. The different venues model. Hapa activists strategically deploy their identities. APALC. In addition. we argue that these micro-level Hapa strategies are simultaneously geared toward recognition and deconstruction. we argue that these interactional strategies overcome the queer dilemma identified by Gamson (1995) and Lorber (1999). rather than in deconstructing existing notions of identity. The implications are both symbolic and material. Organizers attributed the victory to the “relentless grass-roots” opposition (Branscomb 2003). categories. change mainstream culture. or Latina/o people look like. So rather than interpreting concerns with identity and recognition as a preoccupation with identity and the self. how one chooses to identify may determine how he or she is perceived by others. regarding the meaning and goals of the Hapa movement. We show that the promotion of the term Hapa serves the dual purposes of recognition and deconstruction. and writing produced by Hapas.46 on Mon. we draw on the statements of movement leaders and founders as well as official statements by different Hapa groups found on their Web sites. Asian.[a]). “We strive to challenge America’s rigid notion of race and ethnicity. as we show below. Ultimately.” Root’s (1996a:7) “Bill of Rights for Racially Mixed People” illustrates the importance of discourse as a mode of power that Hapas must challenge: I have the right                 not to justify my existence in this world not to keep the races separate within me not to be responsible for people’s discomfort with my physical ambiguity not to justify my ethnic legitimacy I have the right                 to identify myself differently than strangers expect me to identify to identify myself differently than how my parents identify me to identify myself differently than how my brothers and sisters to identify myself differently in different situations I have the right                 to create a vocabulary to communicate about being multiracial to change my identity over my life time—and more than once to have loyalties and identify with more than one group of people to freely choose whom I befriend and love The objective then for multiracial activists is to challenge what Beverly Yuen Thompson (2000:172) describes as the “monoracial template of racial understanding” in American society and to secure recognition for a new Hapa identity. Teresa Williams (1996) describes an experience with a Latino man who asked her. in order to illustrate the strategies that HIF and Hapa clubs use to deconstruct monoracial classification systems and seek to secure recognition for a Hapa identity. white. they are an important focus of Hapa movement activism.S. such activism constitutes a challenge to the U. This data also shows that these strategies are consciously chosen movement goals. build an inclusive community. Second. and to broaden the understanding of Asian Americans to include Hapas” (HIF n. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Posted on the HIF’s Web site as part of their “Hapa Resources Handbook. we first illustrate the ways in which daily interactions experienced by Hapas constitute an exercise of power and illustrate the dilemmas that Hapas face in navigating the shoals of American racial categories. Multiracial individuals may not “fit” into extant physical preconceptions of what black.207. In this section. in essence. For example. Answers about one’s ancestry often lead to disbelief. adopt a dominant or subordinate identity. What Are You? The ubiquitous question “What are you?” helps to maintain a (mono)racial truth regime. which. opens the space for the recognition of mixed race identities. The HIF Web site states.219. racial truth regime.736 Bernstein/De la Cruz disrupt the black-white binary and to deconstruct an exclusively (mono)racial understanding of race. we hope to enhance the nation’s respect for diverse cultures.d. “Are you white?”: “My phenotype SP5604_06. We also discuss the sexualized and gendered nature of racial categories and interrogatory interactions. Hapas must continually decide whether to pass. Individuals of mixed race add perplexity and ambiguity to preset expectations that people hold for individuals of a particular racial/ethnic background. These negotiations are politically charged and.indd 736 10/3/09 4:52:08 PM This content downloaded from 212. or assert a new identity. We illustrate the mechanisms through which Hapa activists seek these dual goals as well as Hapas’ awareness of the challenges of doing both simultaneously. We illustrate Hapas’ awareness of the power of daily interactions to uphold racial hierarchies. More importantly. . the response to these interactional strategies is likely more subversive than Census activism. . one still has to use the language of race. then it would not threaten racial essentialism. Hapa strategies are designed to challenge the racial truth regime in the United States. we argue that the deployment of Hapa identities with their deliberate acknowledgment of being of more than one “race” in response to what-are-you interrogations are designed to disrupt. 2007) argues that having to identify as monoracial on government forms and elsewhere creates strong emotions that stem from a refusal to choose one parent over the other parent. roughly translating to “half-other” or “half-outsider” and was applied to individuals who were half Asian or Hawaiian and half Caucasian.d. to disrupt racial classification systems and the purity of whiteness. For Ferber (2004) and Spencer (2004). Hapas are not an ethnic clique. Ironically.  DaCosta (2000. If multiracial identity were simply another racial classification (not white). Janet Dang and Jason Ma (2000) explain: Hapas are typically asked “What are you?” or are mistaken for another race . For example. co-founder of the San Francisco chapter of HIF.” Collective strategies designed to challenge the quotidian enactment of race include deployment of the identity Hapa. .46 on Mon. I figured . revealing their constructed nature. family loyalty or a “politicization of kinship” may also motivate individuals to engage in multiracial activism more generally (DaCosta 2000:7).19 Cornell Hapa Student Association President Chris Erway (2001) reflects on why he started a Hapa organization: It’s not like we’re “real” minority or anything—and we don’t even have a culture. can instead contribute to the broader movement against white power” (p. it’d be silly. and thus challenge racial hierarchies. . deeper than these most obvious shared traits. Cornell Hapa Student Association president. Wei Ming Dariotis. According to Erway (2001). this man uttered in discontent. Hapa clubs and organizations formed as a means to challenge the interactional policing of (mono)racial categories.indd 737 10/3/09 4:52:08 PM This content downloaded from 212. breathing liaisons between ethnic groups. Paraphrasing Dariotis. 192). 99).207. Ferber (2004) argues that “a Multiracial Movement which relentlessly disrupts and destabilizes racial classifications. ‘Japenese? No. I argued with myself.” He says: hapa haole originally held a negative connotation.219. Activist Chris Thipphavong (n. 56). . After I explained that my mother is Japanese and my father is Irish/Welsh American. But no. The mixed race community is. by definition. illustrates in an interview with AsianWeek magazine that the rigidity of American racial classification systems is signified by the question “What are you?” The response provides an opportunity to challenge that system.) writes about both the HIF and the UCLA Hapa club and explains the importance of the term “Hapa. yet this man had to make sense of my lack of Spanish language proficiency . In contrast. And. . Episodes of mistaken identity poignantly bring to mind the arbitrary and artificial aspects that race can have. destabilize. the idea persisted: why not a “half” club? I’d only met a few mixed kids before and they seemed pretty cool. we were all grappling with the same issues of ethnic identity and culture. Thus. However. Yet. Thus. The term Hapa is promoted as a way to simultaneously deconstruct exclusively (mono)racial ways of thinking and to secure recognition for a Hapa identity. and it is precisely this hybrid quality that allows us to act as living. [But other Hapas] understood what it felt like to be torn between different ethnicities but also rejected by one or all of them. We’d just be creating another minority category and ethnic clique. Spencer (2006) assumes that mixed race people do not “announce that the boundaries are permeable and put at risk the possibility of a racially pure identity” (p. Identity as a Goal of the Hapa Movement 737 screams Latina. But still. SP5604_06. The term has since been shortened simply to “hapa” in a border-crossing type effort to include all individuals who have some Asian blood mixed with any other race. you’re lying’” (p. and is now a proud statement through which these individuals are beginning to assert their own identity. “I found. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 19. And this confusion that Hapas can induce in other Americans represents a potential crack in the traditional notion of race that could eventually shatter it all together. part of every other ethnic community. They’d heard “What are you?” too many times and understood immediately what “check one” referred to. The question “What are you?” serves as a catalyst for many to join HIF or Hapa Clubs. and continues to do. “What are you?” (Cornell Hapa n.” So. Each person was photographed from the shoulders up.d. you are active. The Web pages of Hapa groups discuss the meaning of such questions (e. as well as other multiracial conferences organized by Hapa activists. For Hapas.d. by its very existence. seeks some legitimization of Hapa as an identity in and of itself. The board member replied: “no. the question “What are you?” Thipphavong (n. who was a Hapa activist at UCSD in the late 1980s. HIF 1996. He says. (re)define. For example. identity deployment is operationalized through the spread of public awareness. For example. 1997b). At the 2002 Pan-Collegiate Conference on the Mixed Race Experience. Ahn 2002.d. Part Asian. UCLA Hapa n.” Fulbeck’s book. HIF activist and author Pearl Gaskins organized a workshop to address the theme. He recounts how one activist described how he felt that the UCLA Hapa club was not very political. magazines.d. deconstructing racial hierarchies. while learning to be comfortable and confident in asserting our own identities however we may choose to do so (Cornell Hapa n. as well as crossculturally and inter-racially. Hapa activism also includes the production of books. In 2004.) underscores the importance of recognizing a Hapa identity.) describes the importance of the project for participants: “The plethora of ways in which Hapas SP5604_06. .g. 100% Hapa (2006). but also a source of legitimization for the group.100 photos taken across the country (Watanabe 2006)..” Thipphavong (n.46 on Mon. also provided opportunities to share strategies about how to contend with racist interrogatory interactions.d[b].indd 738 10/3/09 4:52:09 PM This content downloaded from 212. the HIF newsletter What’s Hapa’ning started a new series “featuring photos and replies to [the] notorious question ‘What are you?’” (HIF 2004:6). In addition to interactional strategies that promote the term Hapa as a way to gain recognition for a new identity and to deconstruct existing identities that are discussed in organizational meetings and on social movement Web pages. primarily in the form of discourse. Just the fact that you are organized and have a group and call yourself Hapa is political in itself. and developing an answer to the question “What are you?” The conference materials stated: In the process of developing a collective identity and voice as mixed people. invited Hapas and Hapa organizations across the country to take part in the “Hapa Project. and online forums that serve as outlets for Asian Pacific Americans of mixed heritage to communicate.. Annual conferences held in California sponsored by the HIF from 1993 through 2002.207. journals.219. the “Hapa Issues Forum. similar to the way that more prestigious groups such as MEChA once did. so as not to become pawns in the system of racial hierarchy in the United States . Publications such as Mixed Blood (Spickard 1989) and What Are You? (Gaskins1999) illustrate the vibrancy of the intellectual and cultural production of the Hapa movement. and accompanying photo exhibit consisted of more than 1. The Hapa movement provides multiple forums in which to discuss and strategize about experiences with the question “What are you?” (e. deconstruct. validate. it can be said that building a community of Hapas is not only community and identity building.d. Kip Fulbeck. the 2002 Sixth Annual Pan-Collegiate Conference on the Mixed Race described the rationale for having a conference on multiracial issues in terms of both securing recognition for a new identity. which has developed extensively over the past 15 years. and that’s a great thing that you are doing for people. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .g.) describes how activists come to realize the importance of securing recognition for a Hapa identity.[b]). The tenth annual HIF conference included a film about the experiences of children adopted by families of a different races faced with interlocutors asking about their racial identity (HIF n. shorn of all clothes and make-up and each answered in her/his own words. Art and culture have been an important part of promoting the term Hapa for the twin purposes of deconstruction and recognition.).d.738 Bernstein/De la Cruz Thipphavong (n. 1997b. it is important that we maintain an open dialogue and strong connections and values amongst ourselves. 1998). . and establish new meanings that explain their experiences as mixed race individuals. for Chicanos. We must maintain the integrity and unity in our individual cultural connections.[b]). racial truth regimes. in this case. Galan 2002). Identity as a Goal of the Hapa Movement 739 may choose to answer the question ‘What are you?.d. a professor at CSU-Northridge who teaches a course on multiracial identity in the United States. Racial hierarchies are maintained by the policing of “ethnosexual boundaries” (Nagel 2003). In contrast to the venue model that sees SP5604_06. a workshop organized at the Cornell-hosted conference in 2002 by Hapa activists was entitled “The Exotic. Erotic Other” and was designed to discuss sexual stereotypes about mixed race people and their portrayal in film (Cornell Hapa n. Legally enforced racial segregation served the same purpose. Stereotypes of Hapas as exotic are often discussed at Hapa meetings (e. Hapa activists challenge the sexualized nature of racism by rendering visible these ethnosexual boundaries and the threat that they themselves present to those borders. many HIF members are educators who challenge racial discourse in the classroom. to shape our view of ourselves and others. Official policies once regulated intimate relations between people of different races through anti-miscegenation laws designed to maintain the “purity” of the white race. According to bell hooks (1992).207..[c]). 1997b.[a]). Although the remaining anti-miscegenation laws were overturned in the 1967 Loving v. to fashion feelings of sexual desire and notions of sexual desirability. such as Cornell Hapa’s Other to address issues of Hapa identity (Cornell Hapa n. 1).g. the question “What are you?” is followed by the question. Thus.” The book was officially released at the opening celebration of a photo exhibition in the book’s name at the Japanese American National Museum in Little Tokyo in Los Angeles in 2006 (Watanabe 2006).d. Ph. recognition and deconstruction both take place in the “cultural” realm. Other workshops on interracial dating and on “the spectrum of mixed race sexuality” take place regularly at Hapa conferences (e. and entertainers. Ethnicity and sexuality join together to form a barrier to hold some people in and keep others out. For example. 24). Hapas also experience the stereotype that they are exotic and therefore sexually desirable. and racial segregation is no longer legally enforced. They teach courses in Asian American studies centered on mixed race and encourage students to attend conferences and become active in the mixed-race community. The sexualized nature of racism and interracial relationships provides a common topic for discussion groups at HIF meetings (e. HIF co-founder Steven Masami Ropp. “asks the students to organize a campus-wide event and share it with the college community to emphasize service and activism” (Schlaikjer 2003). Seeking identity as a goal is a viable challenge to power constituted through.g. through challenging dominant cultural understandings of race and encouraging students to get involved. HIF n. Virginia case. Hapa activists also organize panels at their universities on interracial dating to challenge sexualized racial hierarchies (e. Hapas are bringing mixed race issues to the fore in academia. 2000). In addition. U..46 on Mon. to provide us with seemingly “natural” sexual preferences for some partners and “intuitive” aversions to others.g. In contrast to the step and venue models.d.219. “which race [do] you prefer to date” (UCLA Hapa n. Often.[b]).’ is a chance for them to actively respond to the countless questions and odd stares that they have been subjected to their entire lives. HIF 1996. Racial politics at the macro and micro levels also has a sexual dimension. Student organizations have created their own literary magazines. Many documentaries and film shorts also document the mixed race experience. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .d. 1998. to define who is pure and who is impure. singers..indd 739 10/3/09 4:52:09 PM This content downloaded from 212. Ahn 2002). The exhibit featured portraits from the book and the celebration featured performances by Hapa spoken word artists.g..S. Multiracial conferences often offer workshops to address interracial dating as well. Nagel (2003) argues that: Ethnic boundaries are also sexual boundaries. to leave us with a taste for some ethnic sexual encounters and a distaste for others (p.D.. the assumption about “the Other’s body” is that it “will provide a greater.). For example. more intense pleasure than any that exists in the ordinary world of one’s familiar racial group” (p. racial interactions continued to be sexualized. Such questions both racialize sex and sexualize race and serve to maintain ethnosexual boundaries. The analysis presented in this article can be applied to other groups that operate at the interstices between dominant cultural categories such as queer. Hapa activist Claire Light argues that “Hapas are moving into virgin territory as they are trying to organize a group around a racial principle without having an actual race to unite them” (quoted in Dang and Ma 2000).) states Proposition 54 “takes our vocabulary away from us. Conclusion In this article. The Hapa movement challenges normative cultural codes that constitute conceptions of race that deny the multiracial existence. 110). Both cultural and institutional change can be targeted simultaneously through strategies designed to deconstruct existing identities and to secure recognition for new identities. Thipphavong (n. Hapa activists recognize the challenges involved in both seeking to secure recognition for a new identity formed through racial categories while also seeking to challenge racialized patterns of thinking.indd 740 10/3/09 4:52:09 PM This content downloaded from 212. Race is a highly contested political. By recognizing that such groups simultaneously deconstruct identities and produce new identities. These movements can be examined in terms of the ways in which new identities (e. we argue that recognition and deconstruction are dialectically linked. For example. 1 Dec 2014 06:59:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . we have theorized the ways that discursive systems of meaning related to categorization operate as a system of power that is codified in official state policies and enforced through standard interactional routines. How can you have a mixed race group when nobody recognizes race?” In short. or that people can fail to properly belong to one and only one category. Those strategies include sharing experiences and strategies to deal with daily interactions designed to police racial boundaries that Hapas confront on a regular basis. In contrast to both the step and venue models. or transgendered movements. forms policy.740 Bernstein/De la Cruz cultural changes in solely deconstructive terms. such as the one-drop rule. intersexed. deconstruction is not the only strategy that can loosen categories of identity. Hapas seek both recognition and deconstruction simultaneously. Hapas also deploy discourse through art and culture. Our analysis suggests the need to rethink ways in which scholars conceptualize the goals of identity-based movements. these groups overcome the “queer” dilemma and will not self-destruct because they lack an identity..d.g. and personal issue that shapes interaction. groups like Queer Nation that employ an anti-identity rhetoric may not only be seeking to deconstruct identity. “intersexed” and “transgender”) deconstruct hegemonic cultural codes while also securing recognition for new identities. Similarly. Hapas also employ standard political strategies to achieve these goals of recognition and deconstruction. Hapa activists seek recognition for hybrid identities in order to deconstruct more restrictive identities. Identity deployment strategies are used to challenge racial truth regimes based on the rule of hypodescent and the black/white binary that is enforced through daily interactions. in contrast to dominant portrayals. is to immediately challenge the entire foundation of the race concept” (p. The Hapa movement has developed a series of strategies for deconstructing dominant categories of race shaped by the one-drop rule. social. and defines discourse (Omi and Winant 1994). why do some multiracial groups espouse an anti-identity rhetoric and what impact does this have on that group’s ability to mobilize? What identities are being produced through the anti-race rhetoric? Who is included and who SP5604_06. As Spencer (2004) argues.207. thus challenging white power and white privilege.219.46 on Mon. The Hapa movement has helped to produce new discourse and alter cultural understandings of race. Hapa activists understand that deconstructing identity is accompanied by recognizing that identities themselves are inescapable. “To allow that the categories are not distinct. but may also be promulgating a new “queer” identity. The extent to which this identity hinders or advances mobilization as well as the impact of this identity on existing systems of categorization in terms of sexual orientation then becomes an empirical question to study. Brunsma.Identity as a Goal of the Hapa Movement 741 is excluded? Do some second-wave multiracial organizations espouse an anti-identity. Rogers. 54 is Called Win for Grass-Roots Politics. Ramona Douglass. “Defeat of Prop. p.’” Pp. n. edited by J. ———. Queer Theories. ———. R. “The Analytic Dimensions of Identity. 2002. 2006.207. David L. and Mary Bernstein. 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