Understanding Culture, Society and Politics

SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDYING CULTURE, SOCIETY AND POLITICSCULTURE "Culture is the sum of all the forms of art, of love, and of thought, which, in the course of centuries, have enabled man to be less enslaved." Culture is the invisible bond which ties people together. It refers to the pattern of human activity. The art, literature, language, and religion of a community represent its culture. Our cultural values and beliefs manifest themselves through our lifestyle. Our moral values represent our culture. The importance of culture lies in its close association with the ways of thinking and living. Differences in cultures have led to diversity in the people from different parts of the world. Culture is related to the development of our attitude. Our cultural values influence how we approach living. According to the behaviorist definition of culture, it is the ultimate system of social control where people monitor their own standards and behavior. Our cultural values serve as the founding principles of our life. They shape our thinking, behavior, and personality. Culture Affects Perception How we perceive things is largely affected by our judgment skills, preconceived notions, attitude, and emotions. These factors are closely linked with our culture. In perceiving something as good or bad, our biases play a role and so does our way of thinking. In judging something as easy or difficult, our attitude and our motivation levels play a key role. Our culture determines the structure of our thinking, which influences our perceptions. People who belong to cultures that promote individualism tend to look at only the main aspects of a situation, while those of a culture that promotes collectivism tend to consider even the minor details. American culture which is predominantly individualistic, promotes giving freedom of choice to children since a young age. The Japanese culture which promotes collectivism, rather encourages the parents/elders to make choices for their children. This is an example of how parenting is perceived in contrasting ways due to the differences in culture. Similarly, people of Eastern cultures perceive success as being a collective effort, while those of the American culture perceive it as the fruit of individual effort. SOCIETY Society can be defined as a group of people who share a common economic, social, and industrial infrastructure. It is an organization of people who share a common cultural and social background. Do you know how the word, 'society' originated? The word is a derivation of the French word societe, which came from the Latin word societas meaning 'a friendly association with others'. Purpose of Society and its Importance Support One of the primary purposes of society is the formation of an organized group of individuals who can support each other in various ways. It is in the difficult times that you realize the importance of being a part of society. It is the members of your social group who come forward to give you the help needed. The support given by society can be of the physical, emotional, financial, or medical form. Formation of Social Groups A society is characterized by social networks. They form an integral part of it. Social networks are defined as the patterns of relationships between people. Relationships give rise to social interactions between people of a society. Individuals who belong to different ethnic groups can come together, thanks to societies. Their interactions give rise to strong social bonds that result in long-lasting relationships. A society gives rise to a family system and an organization of relationships, which are at the heart of any social group. Formation of a Culture Culture is an important element of society. Individuals of a particular society share a common culture that shapes their way of living. Their means of subsistence and their lifestyles are derivatives of their culture. Culture defines the pattern of human activity in a society. It is represented by the art, literature, language, and religion of the individuals who form it. Individuals belonging to a society are bonded by common cultural values, traditions, and beliefs that define their culture. You may like to know why culture is important. POLITICS The importance of politics encompasses a discussion of intricate proportions. Based on the introduction above, one could say that politics is indeed present when there is a collection of people that constitute a community. Politics is said to be a set of actions or occurrences that raises questions on the community or society as a whole. These questions are raised because there is the distinct possibility that the set of actions or occurrences will inevitably have a considerable effect in the general population at a particular time. There are certain actors that are specifically involved in the practice of politics. Normally, one would say that politicians are among the key actors in the practice of politics. This is accurate to some extent. These individuals formulate bills, propose policies and advocate their views on how to enhance the performance of the country’s economy. Nevertheless, they do not have the monopoly of employing politics as a means of carrying out things. Judges and other members of the judiciary similarly engage in politics when they make decisions and verdicts that inevitably affect the general public. Normally, cases are used as precedence in carrying out decisions that involves the same principles of law. Nevertheless, the main mover and the predominant actor in the employment of politics is the people in general. The public is capable of making changes based on their perspectives on how things should be carried out. Simple acts that a single individual like casting a vote or supporting a cause indicate a participation in political practice. All in all, it could be assumed that everyone do take part in the practice of politics, one way or the other. It is characterized as an act that points out the issues that appears to be significant in a society. Basically, it points out whether a specific situation is indeed problem, and eventually presents how it could have an effect on society or the community as a whole. The following discussion will be looking into the discussion of the three individuals regarding the issue of refugees in the state. Moreover, the discussion will also look into the fact on whether it is political to some extent or just basically an empty discussion among friends. RATIONALE FOR STUDYING ANTHROPOLOGY, POLITICAL SCIENCE AND SOCIOLOGY ANTHROPOLOGY The range of variations in human ways of life is staggering. The study of anthropology is holistic -- the study of humans as biological, cultural, and social beings. Anthropologists study alternative ways in which human beings meet their needs and examine overall integration and dissonance within a culture. Refusing to reduce the primary motives of human behavior to any single factor-whether it be biological, economic, structural, political, technological, or geographic-anthropologists analyze the interrelationship of all of these factors in trying to understand human behavior. Anthropologists study the person both as an individual and as a member of society. Anthropologists study, for example, religion and belief systems, the arts, music, gender roles, politics and work. Because of the breadth addressing gender inequality in society. If you study Political Science. how rules are made and enforced. but global in its scope. and public administration). Other than the broad introductory course. it is said. solving a homicide case in a forensics lab. you’ll learn about how political power is distributed. or why armed conflicts happen in some cases while they are avoided in other cases. how they interact within it. the anthropology courses at Hanover are socio-cultural in focus. Thus. organizations and norms that determine how people perceive society. It includes both understanding and explaining the world of politics that is all around us. we discuss basic concepts. Applied anthropology uses anthropological knowledge to solve contemporary problems ranging from world hunger to AIDS prevention. why governments and policies differ in different countries. and institutions. events. as it uses artifacts from the past to reconstruct the cultural character of a society. Politics is much more than simply voting in an election or working in government. Linguistics is a field of anthropology focusing on analysis of language development and language variations. and especially sociology. Multiculturalism and diversity are the very essence of anthropology. making donations to aid groups. and our place in it. Once that we understand the many concepts. advertising. Anthropology also has extraordinary disciplinary breadth. international organizations. such as: why people vote for one political party as opposed to another. and sometimes we rebel against them. emphasizing physical characteristics of human beings and investigating the evidence for human evolution.of topical interests. The field is not only innately cross-cultural. you will look at how and why. Political Science is concerned with the many institutions. We share the "big questions" with other disciplines: Who are we? Why are we here? What is our purpose? By looking at other cultures and societies. You will explore both the "who" of politics (such as politicians. in order to get us thinking about the world around us. international trade. We all participate in politics. POLOTICAL SCIENCE When you study Political Science. though most of the time we do so unknowingly. Anthropologists may be involved in a wide range of activities such as research of evolutionary theory. In Political Science. is both a social science and a humanity. Socio-cultural anthropology studies culture and the relationship of culture to other aspects of social life. . Reading or listening to news. housing and healthcare. actions. how different governments operate and interact. Citizen participation and engagement occurs because of the nature of the institutions that structure society: we work and live within them. Politics affects virtually every aspect of our lives. we study the connections between them in order to better explain political outcomes. such as “power”. or talking with friends and family about social issues and values are a few of the many examples of political activity in our every day lives. anthropology. it shares much in common with each of the other social sciences. The field of archeology has much in common with history. Physical anthropology is very closely aligned with biology. museum and historical preservation. including the the availability of education. and the public) and the "how" (such as elections. while using a variety of cross-cultural human behavior as a mirror from which we can reflect on the things we do in our own culture. and in turn. anthropology teaches respect for other ways of life. jobs. “government” or “democracy”. anthropologists are able to reflect on various ways of being human. political institutions. What is Political Science? Political science is the study a range of political ideas. Whether countries are at war or at peace depends both on what governments do and who supports them. Many sociological theories have evolved from anthropological research and vice versa. • research and analysis skills that are valuable in a range of employment areas • an ability arrive at decisions based on the analysis and synthesis of information and data • an ability to engage with political events and a greater understanding of the processes involved in different political systems around the world. Employers often look for the critical thinking. writing and critical thinking. or politics more generally will obtain vital knowledge and skills. Many of our graduates go into business or other practices and professions. Sociology also ranges across time and serves as a useful complement to history. communications. then studying Political Science is an obvious choice. It is sometimes easy to forget that everything we do. analysis. attitudes. studying Political Science can be a great path. You will gain expertise and proficiency in the following: • experience working with others and interacting in a diverse community. law. The most basic sociological premise is that humans are social beings. such as politics and the economy.Where Does Political Science Lead You? Studying political science can open up a wide range of job opportunities in both the public. SOCIOLOGY Individuality and independence are highly valued in our society. religious groups. shaped in many ways by the groups to which we belong. Even if you are unsure about your career plans. education. clubs (such as sororities and fraternities). and communications skills that political scientists develop -. government. beliefs and sense of identity. Changes in the social arrangements that people create are of special interest to the sociologist for a number of reasons. These are all useful and important skills necessary for a successful career in any field. All of us assimilate. Students interested in careers in business. and not-for- profit private sectors. much of human life is guided by group norms. especially others close to us. private.not to mention the valuable knowledge that you will gain about government and international politics. • greater command of reading. If you’re interested in journalism and the media. Or possibly you're interested in learning how to analyze complex policies as you prepare for graduate studies. as a social advocate. As a discipline. Much of human life is also consumed with conflicts between groups. These range from two-person interactions to relations between large social institutions. athletic teams. journalism. complex bureaucratic organizations. to relations between nations. as a lawyer. grows out of or is shaped through our interactions with others. Career Options If you're considering a career in the government. each of which tries to defend its own self interests. Students can also get practical skills by doing co-ops with government or organizations as part of their education experience. socioeconomic classes. including our private thoughts and fantasies. then this might be the place to begin. Perhaps you're intrigued by Newfoundland and Labrador politics and think that you might like to work with a political party and/or in elections. values. Sociology involves the description and explanation of social structures and processes. the perspectives of these groups and thereby acquire our language. or perhaps with an international organization like the United Nations. at least in part. Whether they be families. . or perhaps public relations. Whether we like it or not we are born into groups and spend most of our social lives in those same groups. or nations. Third. we feel that the analytical discrimination should be consistently maintained without prejudice to the question of which is more "important." "correct. Separating cultural from societal aspects is not a classifying of concrete and empirically discrete sets of phenomena. they tend to assume determinative primacy for the set of phenomena in which they are more interested. Sociology increases our understanding of ourselves and our society by providing us with concepts that describe and explain our social creations and how they influence us. the lack has impeded theoretical advance as to their interrelation. and how we are similar to and different from people with different social arrangements. We also need ideas that we can use to classify social behavior systematically and ideas that we can use to explain the trends and relationships observed. it is important to be aware that the organization and institutions of our society evolved through social processes operating in a social environment.) Our objective in the present joint statement is to point out.between and within disciplines — has made for semantic confusion as to what data are subsumed under these terms. and provides us with sets of methods suitable for unraveling the complexities of social life. In these ways Sociology helps us move beyond common sense to describe and explain more accurately the classes of social behavior and the relations between them. They are distinct systems in that they abstract or select two analytically distinct sets of components from the same concrete phenomena. more important. that. exposure to Sociology opens our minds. Second." or "fundamental. its multiple causes and multiple effects. so far as methodological primacy is concerned. but. which can be said now to be a commonplace." if indeed such questions turn out to be meaningful at all. with both societal and cultural aspects at the same time. that is to say. It might be suggested that the first differentiation was a division of subject-matter broadly along the . CULTURE AND SOCIETY AS ANTROPOLOGICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CONCEPTS THE CONCEPTS OF CULTURE AND OF SOCIAL SYSTEM There seems to have been a good deal of confusion among anthropologists and sociologists about the concepts of culture and society ( or. A lack of consensus . the order of relationships within one is independent from that in the other. Careful attention to this independence greatly increases the power of analytical precision. Sociological study helps us to determine which steps are most likely to lead toward a given goal and provides ways of assessing the extent to which a given goal may be realized. social system). either [sic — should be "each" — TW] of these assumptions is a preferential a priori and cannot be validated in today's state of knowledge. There are still some anthropologists and sociologists who do not even consider the distinction necessary on the ground that all phenomena of human behavior are sociocultural. Statements made about relationships within a cultural pattern are thus of a different order from those within a system of societal relationships. We learn who we are and why. Sociology addresses all of these issues and more. Neither can be directly reduced to terms of the other. We need to learn how to collect and analyze representative information about society and its members rather than to rely on information we encounter haphazardly. In sum. Bu even where they recognize the distinction. derivative from social systems. Sociological research also reveals the multifaceted nature of social reality.First. and encourages us to entertain alternatives. Sociologists tend to see all cultural systems as a sort of outgrowth or spontaneous development. In short. ("Social anthropology" perhaps represents secession within anthropology that inclines to prefer the sociological assumption. It is possible to trace historically two successive analytical distinctions that have increased this analytical precision. the study of Sociology gives a view of social reality that fosters an understanding of social arrangements. prompts us to review the taken-for-granted. Anthropologists are more given to being holistic and therefore often begin with total systems of culture and then proceed to subsume social structure as merely a part of culture. It will undoubtedly be most profitable to develop both lines of thinking and to judge them by how much each increases understanding. Such a need has been foreshadowed in the practice of many anthropologists in speaking of social organization as one major segment or branch of culture. science. Where the term organism was once used to designate both biological and psychological aspects. On the other hand. To speak. Anthropologists tended to confine their studies to no literate societies and sociologists concerned themselves with literate ones (especially their own. Secondly. Important work has been prosecuted under both of them. and other symbolic-meaningful systems as factors in the shaping of human behavior and the artifacts produced through behavior. by which the social sciences came to be differentiated from the biological. social system — be used to designate the specifically relational system of interaction among individuals and collectivities." One indication of the independence of the two is the existence of highly organized insect societies with at best a minimal rudimentary component of culture in our present narrower sense. creation. culture and society were used with relatively little difference of meaning in most works of major influence.) It did not seem necessary to go much further. In English-speaking countries. Thus the term personality is being widely used as an appropriate or favored term expressive of the distinction. the most important reference point is the biologically oriented thinking of the generation following the publication of Darwin's Origin of the Species. In the formative period of both disciplines. not to say that the two systems are not related. Thus the organism was assigned to the biological sciences and culture-society (as yet more or less undifferentiated) assigned to the sociocultural sciences. of course. For a considerable period this condensed concept of culture-and-society was maintained.lines of the heredity-environment distinction. 583] side. then. Here the social scientists were concerned with defining a sphere of investigation that could not be treated as simply biological in the then current meaning of that concept. accumulation. at least. we may in time expect to learn in which area each type of conceptualization is the more applicable and productive. Provided that the analytical distinction between them is maintained. and transmission of culture independent of biological heredity were the key ones. and of some sociologists in discriminating such categories as values. it is therefore idle to quarrel over the rightness of either approach. then. On the sociological [p. or that various approaches to the analysis of the relationship may not be used. building on the more precise knowledge thus gained. We suggest that it is useful to define the concept culture for most usages more narrowly than has been generally the case in the American anthropological tradition. however. ideologies. Now we believe that knowledge and interests have become sufficiently differentiated so that further distinctions need to be made and stabilized in the routine usage of the relevant professional groups. Tylor's concept of culture and Spencer’s of the social as super organic was important attempts to formulate such a sphere. Tylor and Boas used culture to designate that aspect of total human social behavior (including its symbolic and meaningful products) that was independent of the genetic constitutions and biological characteristics of organisms. The ideas of continuity. of the analytical independence between culture and social system is. Comte and Spencer. Parenthetically we may note that a similar analytical distinction has begun to emerge with reference to the older concept of the organism. To speak of a "member of a culture" should be understood as an ellipsis meaning a "member of the society of culture Y. and Weber and Durkheim spoke of society as meaning essentially the same thing that Tylor meant by culture. restricting its reference to transmitted and created content and patterns of values. we suggest that the term society — or more generally. ideas. on the other side of the division outlined above. with differentiation between anthropology and sociology being carried out not conceptually but operationally. . and art from social structure. it has recently come to be increasingly important to discriminate a specifically psychological component from the merely biological. In this way a second analytical distinction has taken (or is taking) shape. In the anthropological tradition. It is often profitable to hold constant either cultural or societal aspects of the same concrete phenomena while addressing attention to the other. as was the case in Luzon. each trait is related to other traits. but as meaningful organizations of traits: areas. reindeer. but it was first brought into prominence by the U. pastoral cultures centred upon sheep. a belief (in spirits). they view culture not in terms of its individual components. mathematics. (See primitive culture. but of how each works and how they are interwoven with each other. so the culture trait is generally regarded as the unit of culture. This results in the concept of culture area. where tribes hunted bison with the horse. He divided the Indian cultures (as they were in the latter half of the 19th century) into geographic cultural regions: the Caribou area of northern Canada. This conception goes back at least as far as the early 19th century. and so on. Clark Wissler's "universal culture pattern" was .anthropologist Clark Wissler in The American Indian (1917) and Man and Culture (1923). saddle. bronze axes. occupations. Cultural areas The relationship between an actual culture and its habitat is always an intimate one. especially the latter. In somewhat the same sense that the atom has been regarded as the unit of matter. Cultural types Appreciation of the relationship between culture and topographic area suggests the concept of culture type. A distinguishable and relatively self-contained cluster of traits is conventionally called a culture complex. An understanding of human culture is facilitated.S. and so on. and the like. physics). But. the Pueblo area of the Southwest. such as horse. As in the famous case of heredity "versus" environment. configurations (art. such as pottery. and horticulture (with digging stick and hoe) and agriculture (with ox- drawn plow). we should improve our position for increasing understanding of the relations between the two. The traditional perspectives of anthropology and sociology should merge into a temporary condominium leading to a differentiated but ultimately collaborative attack on problems in intermediate areas with which both are concerned. the cell as the unit of life. The association of traits in a complex may be of a functional and mechanical nature. bridle. however. or salt. characterized by the use of salmon and cedar. or it may lie in conceptional or emotional associations.By some such procedure. such as hunting and gathering or a special way of hunting--for example. Less common are trading cultures such as are found in Melanesia or specialized production of some object for trade. PERSPECTIVES IN/APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF CULTURE AND SOCIETY Approaches to the study of culture Viewing culture in terms of patterns and configurations Cultural traits The concept of culture embraces the culture of mankind as a whole. are concepts closely related to culture area and culture type. the Great Plains. Others later distinguished culture areas in other continents. or patterns (in whichpsychological factors are the bases of organization). by analyzing "the complex whole" into component parts or categories. A trait may be an object (knife). and therefore one finds a more or less close correlation between kind of habitat and type of culture. a way of doing something (weaving). it is no longer a question of how important each is. quirt. or traits. within the category of culture. All of them have one thing in common.) Configuration and pattern. the Northwest coast. the use of the horse in bison hunting in the Plains or the method of hunting of sea mammals among the Eskimo. such as the acts and attitudes involved in seclusion in a menstrual hut or retrieving a heart that has been stolen by witches. cattle. We therefore propose a truce to quarreling over whether culture is best understood from the perspective of society or society from that of culture. or an attitude (the so-called horror of incest). so that we will not have to hold either constant when it is more fruitful not to do so. The headman is a mechanism of social integration. is also an instrument of society. and states in its process of segmentation. Economic systems Division of labour along occupational lines is rare. artisans. his mother the ribs on the left side. such as men and women. counties. Guilds of metalworkers are found in some African tribes and specialists in canoe making and tattooing existed in Polynesia. religion. and the like. segmentation is a means of maintaining solidarity at the same time that it enlarges the social grouping. All human societies are divided into classes and segments. which he exchanges for moccasins made by another specialist. the consensus of the band. metalworkers. and so on. limited. Occupational groupings were virtually lacking in all cultural systems of aboriginal North America. pastoralists. Segment is defined as one of an indefinite number of groupings all of which are alike in structure and function: families. art. the evolution of civil society employs barrios. There is a corresponding minimum of specialization. traditional rules. Class is defined as one of an indefinite number of groupings each of which differs in composition from the other or others. in the body politic. in preliterate societies--despite a widespread notion that one member of a tribe specializes in making arrows. alongsex lines and to division between children and adults. although not wholly lacking. eunuchs. Tribes become segments in confederacies. sociocultural systems (like biologic systems) become more differentiated structurally and more specialized functionally. or labour. and so forth. kept the head. such as wards. musicians. The exceptions are headmen and shamans. and control.recognition of the fact that all particular and actual cultures possess the same general categories: language. Systems on the lowest stage of development have only two significant kinds of parts: the local territorial group and the family. the various parts of the animal went to various classes of relatives in accordance with fixed. proceeding from the simple to the complex. though a self-appointed priest or magician. for example. On more advanced levels of development there are occupational classes. married. lineages. The shaman. such as farmers. But it is not until thetransition from preliterate society. and scribes. his father received the ribs on the right side. Among the Kurnai of Australia. scribes. he may be regarded as the first specialist in the history of human society. alchemists. clans. and above the tribal level. counties. for example. soldiers. however. barrios. astrologers. plus the backbone. demes. Segmentation is a cultural process essential to the evolution of culture. and divorced. and states. the army and the church offer illuminating examples of increased size and sustained solidarity proceeding hand in hand. game was divided and distributed as follows: the hunter who killed a wallaby. that division of labour along occupational lines becomes extensive. The word clannish points to one of the functions of segments in general: the fostering of solidarity. children and adults. As culture evolves. based upon property relations and territorial distinctions (the state). to division of function. In present-day society. based upon ties of kinship. Viewing culture in terms of institutional structure and functions Social organization A sociocultural system presents itself under two aspects: structure and function. to civil society. and so on. Production of goods is everywhere followed by distribution and exchange. clans. with but few exceptions. expressing. On this level there are found many kinds of specialists: metalworkers. without suffering a corresponding loss of effectiveness through diminished solidarity. for example. widowed. and territorial segments. technology. social organization. and so on. it is a means of increasing the size of a society or a grouping within a sociocultural system (such as an army) and therefore of increasing its power to make life secure. so to speak. . A tribe could not increase in size beyond a certain point without resorting to segmentation: the formation of lineages. direction.prostitutes. they are special organs. dancers. but the significant thing is not that the outsiders do not own the land but that they pose a threat to those who occupy it. . receives help from the community ("No household can starve as long as others have corn. if not wholly lacking. it might be asked. does this form of exchange take place? Two reasons may be distinguished. thus acquiring a large amount of goods--food. human labour) must. In general. Exchange of goods between sociocultural systems is universal and takes place on the lowest levels of cultural development. one has both an obligation to give and a right to receive on certain occasions and in certain contexts. Here we have an economic system subordinated to the welfare of the society as a whole. or charm). The head of the sociopolitical system. Exchange or circulation of goods and services (a basket is the material form of "a service. this kind of exchange fortifies ties of kinship and mutual aid--as neighbourhood exchange among households in modern American culture initiates friendships that in times of need constitute mutual aid. marriage. except when they are accepted as guests. the land "belongs" to Nature. rather than exclusive and absolute possession. as already noted above in the discussion of diffusion. fostering solidarity and social security--an equitable distribution that tends to iron out inequalities among households. people merely hold and use it. the chief or priest-chief. a dwelling.Distribution along kinship lines constitutes a system of circulation and exchange within the tribe as a whole. First. In some societies it might be said that a boat "belonged" to the men who made it or even to the individual who initiated its construction. is rare. Second." as the Iroquois put it). imposes levies upon all households. that is significant. due to illness or accident. each household has the same kinds of foods. or Mother Earth. Some economic concepts in modern Western culture do not correspond closely with conceptions and customs in many preliterate societies. or a boat. Land is defended against outsiders. death. This may take the form and occasion of ceremonies and feasts or distribution may be made in cases of need. then. take place in sociocultural systems where division of labour finds expression in specialization: the ironworker must obtain food. the horticulturalist needs an iron hoe. this system of circulation of goods is in effect a system of social security: a household in need. spell. A band or tribe "holds" the land it occupies. utensils. ornaments. It is the right to use. in preliterate societies (although one might have exclusive rights to a dream. art objects. anyone can take it over. but more often A givessomething to B who gives A a gift at a later date. In some cases there is an exchange of goods on the spot. for everyone is a relative of everyone else. one has merely the right to use or occupy a tract of land or a house. that is. Navajo Indians fell on their knees and kissed the earth when they were returned to their former territory after forcible detention in an alien land. This widespread and interesting form of redistribution serves the same ends as those served by distribution as a function of the kinship system. and other things that every other household has. Ownership is a case in point. Archaeological evidence shows that intergroup exchange occurred in remote times and over great distances. when its use hasterminated. Why. The consequence of this form of distribution and exchange is that the recipient receives kinds of things that he already has. here again. of course. An interesting form of the circulation of goods--usually referred to as redistribution--occurs among more highly developed tribes. It takes the form of bestowing gifts to relatives on all sorts of occasions--such as birth. it is tenure rather than ownership that is significant. Complete possession of and exclusive right to use something in an economic context. There is usually an intimate relationship between the people and "their" land. utensils. and so on--which he then redistributes to thehouseholds of the tribe. In some instances it is the only form of nonhostile communication: in the so-called silent trade the actual exchange takes place in a neutral zone without the presence of the participating parties." that is. namely. such as land. initiation. there is no such thing as absentee ownership in primitive society. All this takes place in the network of rights and obligations among kindred. But anyone else in the community would have the right to use it when the "owners" (the men who made it) were not using it. The whole process is one of mutual aid and cooperation. this was interpreted to be a vestige of a former stage of "primordial promiscuity. Today. the private right to hold or use. The teacher may make his purpose apparent. to become a member of a group. By informal education is meant the way a child learns to adapt his behaviour to that of others. features of the economic life of preliterate societies. things belonged to the body of kindred. according to specific rules. During the latter part of the 19th century there was considerable discussion of "primitive communism. all were free to exploit them. formal and informal. These attempts may be overt or covert. in myths and tales. or personal. in sharp contrast to civil society in which private ownership by some. is this: no individual and no class or group in tribal society was denied access to the resources of nature. Education In the human species individuals are equipped with fewer instincts than is the case in many nonhuman species. with these polemics well in the past. . is called socialization (occasionally. without teacher or learner being aware that culture is being transmitted. rather than ownership in fee simple. The impressionable child acquires ideals and values. This is. In some cultures a borrower was not obliged to return an object borrowed. And. Private. as already noted. or a class. And. Thus. certain traits are extolled. be it Tibetan. as contrasted with modern civilizations. Tenure and use. based upon kinship and functioning in accordance with the principles of cooperation and mutual aid. even emphatic. the situation with regard to property rights in tribal societies may be summarized as follows. or ideals and values. that has given primitive society its characteristics of freedom and equality. Eskimo. launched a vigorous attack upon "the doctrine of primitive communism. he relinquished his right to its possession. Therefore an infant Homo sapiens must learn a very great deal and acquire a vast number of conditioned reflexes and habit patterns in order to live effectively. being based upon kinship ties. did indeed justify the adjective communal. is the specific means of socialization. be it knowledge or belief. rights of possession and use were regulated by customs of kinship. the freedom to exploit and to enjoy the resources of nature." Some of the conceptions of earlier anthropologists--such as group marriage--were shown to be unwarranted in the light of later research. This process. was nonexistent in primitive society. to be like others. they are born cultureless. receptive infant. of course." This doctrine came to be interpreted as meaning that private property. enculturation)--the making of a social being out of one that was at birth wholly individualistic and egoistic. One of the most important. taken as a whole. serfs. to the learner. however. others are deplored or denounced. It is this process that makes continuity of culture possible." Many ethnologists.In some tribes there is a distinct conception that the land held "belongs" to the tribe. is the means of excluding others--slaves. not only in society but in a particular kind of sociocultural system. a proletariat--from the exploitation and enjoyment of the resources of nature. Education. possession of goods and use of land were recognized. It was extended also to communism in wives and children in some tribes. But when use terminates. it had fraternity as well. the chief of which allots plots or tracts to individuals or households for their use. In a de facto sense. But possession and right were qualified by the rights and obligations of kinship: one had an obligation both to give and to receive within the body of kindred. or French. an image of the good or the bad. on the theory that if a person could afford to lend something. the land reverts to the tribal domain. The mode of life in preliterate society. By formal education is meant the intentional and more or less systematic effort to affect the behaviour of others by transmitting elements of culture to them. were the significant concepts and practices. But much education is effected in an unobtrusive way. it was the noun communism that was resented--if not feared--because of its Marxist connotation. patterns of behaviour. It is this freedom of access. certain characters are presented as heroes or villains. as well as characteristic. Education in its broadest sense may properly be regarded as the process by which the culture of a sociocultural system is impressed or imposed upon the plastic. and experiences one wishes to designate with the words religion and magic. love. coming-of-age rite. In some sociocultural systems men may become members of associations or sodalities: men's clubs. during which perhaps the most profound and enduring influences of a person's life are brought to bear. and the like. in more advanced cultures. as Tylor pointed out many years ago. (See rite of passage. that of childhood. supernatural power. will." according to Edward Burnett Tylor. Also. like other kinds of systems. In some cultures spirits are virtually innumerable. In some cases it is said that in passing through initiation rites a person is "born again. religion and magic. accountable only for the existence and structure of the world. however. scarification. Such rituals as confirmation and Bar Mitzvah in modern Western culture belong to the category of puberty rites. "A belief in spirits is. In human society these means are numerous and varied. secret societies of magic or medicine. In the past there was much discussion--and debate--about the difference between magic and religion. or mana (manitou. purpose.regulation and control in order to persist and function. and so on). must have means of self. but. Both were deemed expressions of a belief in the supernatural. into other things and beings. Custom and law Sociocultural systems. First there is infancy. the Supreme Being of some very primitive peoples is an originator god. "the minimum definition of religion. The distinction between religion and magic was so beset with exceptions as to render most definitions of these terms logically imperfect." Some later students. during which boys and girls become distinguished from each other. magical societies along with men. has been severely criticized by otherethnologists. in the course of time. Some argued that religion was social (moral) whereas magic was antisocial (immoral). Another difficulty was the tacit assumption that different entities. The kinship . the formal education tends to be periodic. Religion and belief Man's oldest philosophy is animism. orenda. he was not worshiped and played no part in the daily lives of the people. appropriate to the occasion.) With marriage come instruction and admonition. his psyche. This philosophy results from man's projection of his own self. Much confusion and debate would have been obviated if it had been recognized (as it generally is now) that there is no such thing as a "correct" definition-- all definitions are man-made and arbitrary--and that the problem is not what religion or magic are but what beliefs. These rites vary enormously in emphasis and content. Pubertyrites transform children into men and women. The German Roman Catholic priest and anthropologist Father Wilhelm Schmidt argued not only that some primitive peoples believe in a Supreme Being but that monotheism was characteristic of the earliest and simplest cultures. Very often the ritual is accompanied by explicit instruction in the mythology and lore of the tribe and in ethical codes. after his work was completed. and therefore that "correct" definitions of them must exist also (Adam called the animal a horse because it was a horse). the more important spirits become gods.The growing child is immersed in the fountain of informal education constantly. without being aware of this projection. anger. and in some instances they may become members of secret. or a philosophical explanatory device. the doctrine that everything is alive and possesses mental faculties like those possessed by man: desire. Sometimes they include whipping. exist per se. from elder relatives and." Women also may belong to sodalities. there has been a tendency toward monotheism in the history of religion. inanimate and living. Many sociocultural systems distinguish rather sharply a series of stages in the education and development of full-fledged men and women. events. isolation. In any case. made the same claim for a belief in impersonal. however. or circumcision. he had no further significance. Schmidt's thesis. Another distinction was that magic was the use of supernatural power divorced from a spiritual being. these two elements of religion are virtually worldwide and undoubtedly represent a very early stage in the development of religion. warrior societies. Weaning ushers in a new stage. Thus. from priests. If an infraction of a social rule or deviation from a norm is punished merely by expressions of social disapproval. of effecting compliance with itself in order to render effective conduct of social life possible. For example. For sociologists. in marriage the obligation to wed someone within a specified group or class (endogamy) or outside a group or class (exogamy) has been called both law and custom. Custom is a general term that embraces all these mechanisms of regulation and control and even more. duties. Thus. incest. what we are actually referring to is our particular perception of the range and scope of the relationships that exist between people in any given society. like those of the external world in general. gossip. Generally. • Functionalism • Conflict Theory • Interactionism . rather than the historian. as most ethnologists would probably agree. much effort and debate have been spent in attempts to achieve a clean- cut distinction between custom and law. The way that a Hopi Indian holds his corn-husk cigarette in his hand is a matter of custom rather than law. Custom. To have a perspective. in preliterate societies the distinction between the two is not always clear. infractions or violations are punished by an agency. states brought into being by the agricultural revolution and their more recent successors--the distinction is usually sharper and more apparent. and obligations of one class of relatives to another. The phenomena of culture. without them. But in other situations the distinction is far from clear. It is the ethnologist. means to look at something (whatever that thing might be) in a particular way. SOCIETY A perspective can be broadly defined as "a way of looking at and seeing (or interpreting) something". designated by society and empowered to act on its behalf. and black magic. adultery. orderly conduct of social life would not be possible. then the rule is called a law. the "thing" we are looking at is the social world and. The same kind of offense may be punished by custom in one society. and if man-made concepts and words do not correspond closely with them. therefore.organization specifies reciprocal and correlative rights. But even here there is difficulty. therefore. Probably the most useful distinction between custom and law is the following. ridicule. But in civil societies--that is. Codes of etiquette regulate class structure by requiring individuals to conform to their respective classes. we can identify three very broad categories of sociological values (sometimes called "sociological perspectives" or "ways of seeing the social world"). the nature of the relationships people form in their everyday lives. a state edict prohibiting the manufacture and sale of alcoholic beverages is a law. As in the case of religion and magic. Codes of ethics govern the relationship of the individual to the well-being of society as a whole. miscegenation. If. when we talk about "society" or "the social world" as if it were something real and alive. by law in another--as in. who is disturbed by instances of ambiguity with regard to custom and law. in particular. for example. though instances of sumptuary laws that prohibit the wearing of silk or that limit the length of a garment merge law and custom or reinforce the latter by the former. Uniformities are important because they make anticipation and prediction possible. At the other extreme. Custom is the name given to uniformities in sociocultural systems. One need not be unduly disturbed by the difficulty of making sharp distinctions among sociocultural phenomena and of formulating definitions. and disagreement with regard to definitions arises. one may regret the lack of fit. not a custom. is a means of social regulation and control. are what they are. however. or ostracism. But it is better to do this than to distort real phenomena by trying to force them into artificial concepts and definitions. the rule is called custom. There is little or no difficulty when one is concerned with the extremes of the spectrum of social control. Merton (1957) expanded the understanding of social functions that society has some more obvious functions than others. In a society characterised by mechanical solidarity. family. This follows the thought of Durkheim who used the concepts of organic and mechanical solidarity to explain social cohesion and stability. An example to illustrate these functions is through the education system. By over emphasizing on the fact that social institutions function to hold society together. The social-conflict theories see society as providing a setting that generates conflicts and change. perspectives "sees" the social world in different ways. Yet. the paradigm completely ignores that these can also be a source of tension and disorganisation and inequalities that cause conflicts. deviance. societies tend to be segmentary and are composed of equivalent parts that are held by shared values. it also creates differentiated achievement that leads to different social classes among members of society or keeping many young people out of the labour market. knowledge and abilities of citizenry. society is seen as a whole body which has different parts or institutions that are seen as coherent. common symbols or system of exchanges. This is because these social institutions provide the norms and values that are necessary to make society remain in equilibrium. Sociological perspectives are developed to explain various social phenomena within society. school. 2000). the dominant ones will be discuss in this unit. bounded and interdependent. In short. functionalist argue that it is necessary that society establish certain social pre requisites (social institutions) such as law. Thus. Structural functionalism initially known as Functionalism attempted to explain social institutions as collective means that meet the individual needs of individuals. On the other hand. While the manifest functions of education is to provide skills. Merton argued that such dysfunctions are necessary since these fulfill certain other pre requisites like maintaining social stratification system. ethnicity. In fact. For instance. marriage. solidarity and cooperation which provide the source for order and stability in society. (Macionis.You should keep in mind the fact that this is only a very brief and simplified introduction to the idea of different perspectives. In sociology there are a range of theories. delinquency or insubordination at school. If ever. people need to share certain common values and fell integrated in society. Manifest functions are intended and recognised by people in society and latent functions are unintended and unrecognised (Macionis. this approach emphasizes on inequality and look at the extent to which such factors as race. one part is affected. Limitation: However. Each of the above. Thus. the whole system suffers. modern societies which are characterised by organic solidarity. For instance. and these function like organisms and work together to maintain and reproduce social equilibrium. 2000). religion is a source of conflict and tension. It emphasizes on the significance of unity. To ensure that social solidarity is made possible. power. education and social prestige. For example. gender and age are linked to unequal distribution of money. despite being socially and culturally different from each other. functionalism as a perspective has been criticised for emphasizing too much on value consensus and collective conscience which some theorists see as impediment to social progress and evolvement of new ideas. if the family malfunctions. A theory can be broadly defined as a proposed relationship between two or more variables or concepts. religion that will make it function properly. this can have a negative level on society as a whole and be felt in terms of crime. Bosnia and Northern Ireland. he distinguished between manifest and latent functions. . in India. a theory tries to give a representation of social life enhance one's understanding of social activity by explaining a particular behaviour or social phenomenon. many parts are different but are held together to work as a whole. Moreover. religion may not always ‘glue' society together but be divisive. conflict theories try to show that inequalities in power and reward being built into all social structures create conflict of interests rather than adaptation and stability in society. For interactionists. capitalists) and the proletariat (workers. individuals distinguished between different types of objects. 98. symbolic interactionism risk in overlooking important features like culture. sophistication. the process of categorisation may vary from group to group and society to society. events or actions. These people occupy a habitat that is harsh and unproductive. . In other words. Marx's theory analysis of society from a materialist conception of history and its economic relationship also portrays the deep inequalities that exist within the capitalist society. subject class) become obvious with exploited labour and oppression and the bourgeoisie uses its economic power (infrastructure) to control the other parts of the system ( superstructure) like for example. collectively known as the Central Inuit. It is November and it is very cold. ruling class. they tend to ignore that shared values and interdependence can unify members of a society. elite. Limitation: Social conflict theorists fail to see the stabilities of societies although being prone to constant change. However. Limitations: By denying the existence of macro level social structures such as the family. Thus. Taking the education system under the conflict views. conflict theorists put forward that society is about competition for scarce resources. education. In fact. However. human are portrayed as actors who interact in meaningful communication with each others. it is a subjective process. Symbolic interactionism is a theoretical approach in the aim of understanding the relationship between humans and society. signs. Moreover. the desired labour force is prepared at school by transmitting values of the elites and that failure to conform leads to low achievement that create drop out who end up in low skilled jobs and low wage. THE ROLE OF CULTURE IN HUMAN ADAPTATION Culture Is Essential for Human Adaptation It is easy to underestimate the scope. by rejecting the fact that society functions to promote solidarity and social consensus.89W). class. even in what seem to be the “simplest” foraging societies. Categorisation also shape types of behaviour and attaches them with reward or punishment. The archaeological record makes it clear that modern humans adapted to life above the Arctic Circle early in their expansion but tells us little about their way of life. The unequal relationships between the bourgeoisie (owners of production. symbolic interactionism explains that individuals make sense of their societal life by categorising it.935N. meritocracy and equal opportunities. To focus your mind on the crucial adaptive challenges. Over emphasizing on degree of conflict and instability. they are seen as superior to lower animals since they have cognitive abilities that can interrupt instinctive behaviours and conceive alternative responses to gestures and give meanings to them. they also overlook the fact that social institutions can bring people out of disadvantages through social mobility. imagine that you are marooned on a beach on the coast of King William Island (68. ethnographic studies of the Netsilik and Copper Inuit. family. even by Arctic standards. Being also imbibed by phenomenological perspectives. mass media and politics. and their lifeways were simple compared with foragers living on the coasts of Alaska and Greenland. Through language. This competition is reflected in the social institutions themselves and allows some people and organisations to have more resources and maintain their power and influence in society. drawings. and importance of the pool of culturally transmitted information that supports human subsistence. Their groups were small. In short. gender and race. give us a sense of the complexity of the adaptations that allow foragers to thrive in the Arctic. it is argued that schooling can be held to reproduce inequalities that perpetuate themselves in the class structure from generation to generation. religion.Thus. The hunter carefully covered most of the hole with snow and tethered a bit of down over the remaining opening. Winter footwear was constructed with many layers: first the alirsiik. Plants are easy to gather. but the Central Inuit wintered on the sea ice. mainly by ambushing them at their breathing holes. Parkas were assembled from multiple pieces to create a bell shape that captures heat. In the winter. short lightweight stockings with the fur outside. This design allowed the snow walls to stay near freezing. moistened. Central Inuit women used fine bone needles that made holes that were smaller in diameter than the thread (16). scraped. During the winter most Inuit lived in substantial driftwood and sod houses. To make these stitches. The other end of the harpoon was made from polar bear bone honed to a sharp point. Caribou skins insulate better than seal or polar bear fur because the individual hairs have an unusual air-filled structure. then the ilupirquk. Both the main shaft and foreshaft were carved from antler. sometimes for hours. A complicated double stitch was used to make footwear waterproof. a shallow. . and a long entrance tunnel below the level of the main room with several low doors to prevent heat loss. smelled the interior to make sure it was still in use. the Central Inuit wore elaborately constructed parkas and pants (16). with platforms for sleeping. monitoring as many holes as possible. so you will need well-tailored clothes (7). then kamiik. If he speared the seal. Hides were repeatedly stretched. At each hole. On the tip was a detachable toggle harpoon head connected to a heavy braided sinew line. Even well-acclimatized people rapidly succumb to hypothermia below −1 °C. so you need warm clothes. something like bubble wrap (17). but for most of the year this is not an option in the Arctic. You need a source of heat and light in your snow house. fur-lined caribou stockings. Caribou skins harvested in autumn have fur that is just the right thickness. then a pair of pinirait. the seal soon tired and could be hauled onto the ice (20). while also allowing moisture to dissipate when the hood is thrown back. which form conical chambers under the ice. If there were no wind and you could remain motionless. When the seal's arrival disturbed the down.Your first problem is to stay warm. curtain-like wick made of moss. You cannot use wood fires because there are no trees. the hunter opened the hard icy covering using the end of the harpoon. for cooking and for melting sea ice for water. curved piece of caribou antler with a rounded nob on one end to investigate the chamber's shape and plan his thrust. Several different kinds of stitches were used for different kinds of seams. the Central Inuit hunted seals. living in snow houses. The ice must be covered with snow to prevent the seals from hearing the hunters’ footsteps and evading them. The walls were usually lined with skins suspended from toggles on the outside of the snow house. These round vaulted structures were ≈3 m high. The sinew had to be cleaned. the hunter struck downward with all his weight. Then. he held fast to the line connected to his harpoon's point. and then used a long. and finally tuqtuqutiq. During the winter. Monthly average temperatures in the winter months are between −25 °C and −35 °C. so you need shelter. and then stretched again to yield pliable skins (18). sharp-sided depression was carved from the surface of the stone. Instead. boots with the fur outside. The best were made from caribou skins harvested in the fall.5 m long. short heavy double-soled boots of caribou skin. scraped. Inuit hunted in teams. shredded. Clothing was stitched together with fine thread made from sinew taken from around the vertebrae of caribou. When the sea ice begins to freeze. The primary tool was a harpoon approximately 1. and the lamp was equipped with a long. while the inside of the snow house could reach temperatures of 10−20 °C (19). a cloak would do. the hunter waited motionless in the frigid darkness. heavier stockings with the fur to the outside. and twisted to make thread. You also need food. thin. A well-managed lamp burned without producing any soot (16). they maintain these openings. The central room was built above a pit. Arctic peoples carved lamps from soap stone and fueled them with rendered seal fat. As the ice thickens. The Inuit camped in snowy spots near the seals’ breathing holes. made of snow blocks cut with a serrated bone knife. seals claw a number of breathing holes in the ice within their home ranges. Hoods were ruffed with a strip of fur taken from a wolverine's shoulders because its variable length makes it easier to clear the hoarfrost. Not even the best clothing is enough to protect you from winter storms. but this is a windy place and you need to hunt. These lamps were made from oblong stones between 30 cm and 1 m long. to harvest Arctic char in large numbers. whereas the belly (the side closer to the archer) is compressed. Moreover. The simplest way to accomplish this is to make a long bow using a dense elastic wood like yew or osage orange. leading to catastrophic and dangerous failure. and antler available. this is the only way that other animals have to learn about their environments—they must rely mainly on innate information and individual experience to figure out how to find food. On land. who had only driftwood (mainly spruce). Predicting storms. or combine a handful of elements learned by multiple individuals (23). in every case. here is the question: do you think that you could acquire all of the local knowledge necessary to survive in the arctic on your own? If superior cognitive ability alone is what allows humans to adapt to diverse habitats. sinew was glued to the back of the bow to strengthen short bows for use on horseback. This solution was not available to the Inuit. snow houses.During the high summer.” has been repeated many times during the past several centuries. and the color and texture of the ice tell you where and when it is safe to travel. and of course. There are no convincing examples in which social learning allows the gradual cumulative cultural evolution of complex. Despite desperate efforts and ample learning time. In central Asia and western North America. wide near the center. The Inuit lashed a woven web of sinew to the backs of their bows. and Europe. The first. This required a bow with the power to propel a heavy arrow at high velocity. we have had to omit most of the details necessary to make and use the tools we did mention. When a bow is bent. Typically some explorers get stranded in an unfamiliar habitat in which an indigenous population is flourishing. the traditions involve behaviors that individuals can and do learn on their own. horn. to a first approximation. locally adaptive behaviors that individuals could not learn on their own. which might be called “the lost European explorer experiment. recent weather. To stay warm and get enough to eat. Eastern North America. We have omitted other crucial tools like kayaks. This problem is exacerbated in short bows because the curvature is greater. caribou were mainly stalked or driven into ambush. a geometry that stores more potential energy. Finally. and managing dogs—all require extensive knowledge. Instead. Wood. Moreover. the Inuit made bows that were thin front to back. Could you make it? We don't think so. and antler are stronger in compression than tension. Bracing the bow leads to a compound curve. backward-facing points. meaning that the unbraced bow formed a backward “C” shape.] So. and there is much to know about how the current temperature. a design common in South America. Traveling on ice is essential. lamps. dog sleds. and kills had to be made from a substantial distance. horn. there is still much more you have to know to stay alive. the Central Inuit used the leister. making baskets. then it should be possible. [Nelson (22) devotes four chapters to ice lore in his book on hunting among the Inupiaq of northern Alaska. It is true that some species have simple traditions. probably maintained by learning mechanisms like stimulus enhancement and emulation. Instead. leisters. building sledges. understanding the habits of game species. probably because they had no glues that would work in the moist. Later in summer and the fall. they made short bows and used every bowyer's trick to increase their power. so the ability of a bow to sustain strong bending forces can be enhanced by adding a material that is strong in tension to the back of the bow. the explorers die or suffer terribly owing to the lack of crucial information about how to adapt to the habitat. the Inuit constructed a unique form of composite bow. build shelters. This sampler of Inuit lifeways represents only a tiny fraction of the immense amount of habitat-specific knowledge that is necessary for humans to survive and prosper in the Central Arctic. The Franklin . you have to know how to make and use clothes. the back (the side away from the archer) is stretched. However. If they survive. but also treacherous. making the bow thicker increases the stress within the bow. cold conditions of the arctic (21). and tapering toward the tips. A bow can be made more powerful by adding wood to the limbs. it is often due to the hospitality of the indigenous population. and in some cases to make tools. they shifted to caribou hunting. Two different kinds of natural experiments support the intuition that forager adaptations are beyond the inventive capacities of individuals. and sun goggles. a special three-pronged spear with a sharp central spike and two hinged. However. Africa. harpoons. These bows were also recurved. and bows. and according to custom. Although advocates of the cognitive niche hypothesis focus on cognition. Amundsen sought out the Netsilik and learned from them how to make skin clothing. although char were plentiful in local streams (28). and were unable to harvest arctic char efficiently. A second line of evidence comes from the loss of beneficial technologies in small. The best documented example comes from the isolated Polar Inuit of northwest Greenland. Moreover. For instance. Over the next half century the Polar Inuit kayak design converged back to the West Greenland design (30). they collectively remembered kayaks. leisters. They argue that the ability to learn from others reduces the average cost of acquiring locally adaptive information. such as canoes. If this inference is correct it means that for 40 years (nearly two generations) the Polar Inuit could have benefitted from the lost knowledge. and manage dog sleds. Interestingly. a Fellow of the Royal Society and an experienced Arctic traveler. For example. Sir John Franklin. It was the best-equipped expedition in the history of British polar exploration. suggest that intelligence alone is not enough. It is also telling that the kayaks used by the Polar Inuit around the turn of the century closely resemble the large. 29). could only hunt seals during part of the year. isolated populations. set out with two ships to explore the northern coast of North America and find the North West Passage. and bows and arrows. when they were visited by a group of Inuit who migrated to Greenland from Baffin Island (28. beamy kayaks used by Baffin Island Inuit and not the small sleek kayaks of the West Greenland Inuit. respectively. When food ran short. the ability to cumulatively learn from others must play a crucial role. the Tasmanian tool kit gradually lost complexity after isolation from mainland Australia at the end of the Holocene (26). see ref. The Polar Inuit population declined during this period. hunt seals. King William Island is the heart of Netsilik territory. and stocked with a 3-y supply of food. Later he would put these Inuit skills to good use in his race with Scott to the South Pole.” The British sailors starved because they did not have the necessary local knowledge and. Other Pacific island groups have apparently lost useful technologies. He and his crew survived and completed the first successful traverse of the Northwest Passage. Apparently the population was struck by an epidemic in the 1820s that carried away the older. furnished with an extensive library. Barrett et al.Expedition of 1845–1846 provides a good example (24). but did not know how to make them and could not recreate that knowledge. Results from this lost European explorer experiment. knowledgeable members of the group. Everyone eventually perished from starvation and scurvy. The expedition spent the winter of 1846 at King William Island. where it became trapped in the ice. King William Island is rich in animal resources—the main harbor is named Uqsuqtuuq which means “lots of fat. leisters. Cultural Adaptation Is a Population Process We think that this body of evidence rules out the idea that superior cognitive ability alone explains human adaptability. perhaps exacerbated by lead poisoning from their tinned food. There is every reason to believe that these tools would have been useful between 1820 and 1862. the Norwegian explorer Roald Amundsen spent two winters on King William Island in 1903−1904. the explorers abandoned their ships and attempted to escape on foot. (13) write: . For a similar discussion of the ill-fated Burke and Wills expedition into the Australian outback. pottery. Explorers Elisha Kane and Isaac Hayes wintered with the Polar Inuit in 1853 and 1861. and bows and arrows and that their snow houses did not have the long heat-saving entryways that were seen among other Inuit populations. they do not ignore social learning. and reported that the Polar Inuit lacked kayaks. and the tools were immediately adopted once they were reintroduced. and many others. despite being endowed with the same improvisational intelligence as the Inuit and having 2 y to use this intelligence. and the Netsilik have lived there for almost a millennium. The Polar Inuit lived without these tools until about 1862. 25. and the bow and arrow (27). manned by a select crew. population size increased. their possessions had to be buried with them (29). failed to learn the skills necessary to subsist in this habitat. After their introduction. They could not hunt caribou. There will be no increase in the ability to adapt to varying environments. However. cultural transmission in humans results in a ratchet-like accumulation of knowledge. either because the environment has changed since then or because someone along the chain migrated from a different environment. First. As a result. The primary insight that emerges from these models is that imitation is a form of free riding—imitators scrounge information without producing anything of value. and cumulative cultural adaptation will not occur. and this in turn is affected by the nature of the learning psychology. The advocates of the cognitive niche hypothesis err because they take it as unproblematic that once a beneficial innovation arises. (p 244) On the surface this seems to be a logical argument. cultural learning can allow individuals to learn selectively—using environmental cues when they provide clear guidance and learning from others when they . These evolutionary models of social learning rest on two assumptions. and allowing its cost to be amortized over a much greater number of advantageous events and generations. and as a result. nonetheless. It may be costly for individuals using improvisational intelligence to discover locally adaptive information. the propensities to learn and to imitate are part of an evolved psychology shaped by natural selection. The second assumption is that the environment varies in time or space. The upshot is that on average imitators will be less likely to acquire the locally adaptive behavior than learners. evolutionary models show that if this is the only benefit of social learning. However. these chains extend further. imitators will acquire the locally adaptive behavior with the same probability as individual learners. At evolutionary equilibrium. This means that as chains of imitation get longer.Cognitive mechanisms underlying cultural transmission coevolved with improvisational intelligence. Because they do not pay the cost of learning. but once it is acquired. This means that the balance between learning and imitating will be governed by the relative fitness of the two modes of behavior—the average fitness of the population is irrelevant. Although this treatment is very simple. the population has the same average fitness as a population without any imitation. the capacities for imitation will be favored by selection. Realistic levels of relatedness among models and imitators do not qualitatively change the result (34). It is like cheating on a test: you do as well as the person you copy from but avoid all that tedious studying. It is probably true that learning from others either by teaching or imitation is usually cheaper than learning on your own. also benefit the population as a side effect. the basic result holds in more realistic models. Thinking about the coevolution of the cultural pool of observable behavior and the genes that control the individual and cultural learning suggests that cultural learning can increase average fitness only if it increases the ability of the population to create adaptive information (32). If imitators are simply information scroungers. then they will spread until selection no longer favors imitation. it will spread. this reasoning is mistaken. social learning acts to spread the cost of innovations over all who benefit. others can get it by teaching or imitation at relatively low cost. leading to an accumulation of knowledge. First. there is a greater chance that the learner who roots the chain learned in a different environment than the current environment. This surprising result emerges from the coevolutionary processes that affect the kinds of behaviors that are available to imitate and the psychology that controls learning and imitation. and the propensity to imitate spreads. However. some imitate individuals who imitated other individuals. The propensity to imitate will continue to increase until this reduction in fitness exactly balances the benefit of avoiding the costs of learning. to understand the evolution of social learning psychology you have to know what is available to learn. Free riders increase until they destroy the benefits of free riding. Unlike other species. Innovations accumulate. distributing the costs of the acquisition of nonrivalrous information over a much greater number of individuals. As the number of imitators increases. As the fraction of imitators in the population increases. who imitated other individuals. but it may. and so on until the chain is rooted in someone who extracted the information from the environment. The propensity to imitate evolves because it is directly beneficial to the individual. there will be no increase in the ability of the population to adapt (31⇓⇓–34). We have thought of three ways in which this could happen. imitators have higher fitness. When few individuals imitate. other times a short flat wide bow is best. width. In a small neighborhood in design space. 35) that selection can lead to a psychology that causes most individuals to rely on cultural learning most of the time. the frequency of imitators also increases. It is typically more difficult to make large improvements by trial and error than small ones for the same reasons that Fisher (36) identified in his “geometric model” of genetic adaptation. As the mean information quality threshold in the population increases. As a result. and culture plays little role. Individuals with a low information quality threshold rely on even poor cues. an organism capable of cultural learning can afford to be choosy. and degree of recurve. These models assume that our learning psychology has a genetically heritable “information quality threshold” that governs whether an individual relies on inferences from environmental cues or learns from others. Organisms that cannot imitate must rely on individual learning. We have shown (32. the fitness of learners increases because they are more likely to make accurate or low-cost inferences. Organisms that cannot imitate must start with whatever initial guess is provided by their genotype. “pupils” can acquire adaptive information without making any inferences based on environmental cues. by comparing “teachers” and learning selectively from those that seem most successful. We take the evidence on Inuit adaptations as indicating that many of the problems that faced the Inuit are far too difficult for most individuals to solve. At the same time. cultural learning allows the gradual accumulation of small improvements. However. the equilibrium threshold is high. cross section. we expect it to be much harder to design a useful bow from scratch than to tinker with the dimensions of a reasonably good bow. At this equilibrium. whereas individuals with a high threshold usually imitate. Finally. and their offspring must begin . and if small improvements are cheaper than big ones. even when the environmental cues that they do observe indicate a different behavior than the one they acquire by cultural learning. Now. so that different bows are optimal in different environments. As a consequence. For example. imagine that the environment varies. Many kinds of traits admit successive improvements toward some optimum. even when it is difficult and error prone. Such rare cues allow accurate low-cost inferences about the environment. or to link the color and texture of ice with its stability on windy days just after a thaw. The ability to learn or imitate selectively is advantageous because opportunities to learn from experience or by observation of the world vary.and less-successful teachers. taper. half of them will increase the payoff (unless the design is already at the optimum). Over their lifetimes. individual learning predominates.do not. when it is usually difficult for people to learn individually. an equilibrium emerges in which individuals deploy both individual and cultural learning in an optimal mix. this process can create complex cultural adaptations without any intelligence. we interpret this logic as predicting that selection should have favored a psychology that causes individuals to rely heavily on cultural learning. and also simultaneously increases the average fitness of the population relative to the fitness of a population that does not rely on cultural information. Second. Large changes will improve things only if they are in the small cone that includes the distant optimum. learning individually when it is cheap and accurate. perhaps because the kind of wood available varies. and relying on cultural learning when environmental information is costly or inaccurate. Thus. and thus making the same inference will be much more difficult for them. cultural learning can reduce the population's learning costs. They are stuck with whatever information that nature offers. when they die these improvements disappear with them. the population does not keep up with environmental changes as well as a population of individual learners. save that required to distinguish among more. When most individuals in the population observe accurate environmental cues. a rare chance observation might allow a hunter to associate a particular spoor with a wounded polar bear. the average fitness of the population is higher than in an ancestral population lacking cultural learning. the performance surface is approximately flat. Eventually. the equilibrium threshold is low. The ability to learn culturally can also raise the average fitness of a population by allowing acquired improvements to accumulate from one generation to the next. If individuals acquire information from multiple teachers and recombine this information. However. and most imitate. most individuals will not observe these cues. However. they can learn and improve their bow. Bows vary in many dimensions that affect performance—such as length. In contrast. Sometimes a long bow with a round cross section is best. so that even if small changes are made at random. and so on down through the generations until quite sophisticated artifacts evolve. even though imitators have no causal understanding of the connection. They were not able to produce a quality ayût (the Greenlandic word for both a ship's rudder and a kayak keel). Finally. In 1824. plaiting form trait will change so as to increase power. The result could be a better bow than anyone made in the previous generation without anyone inventing anything new. p 27) hid their crude rudders under the waterline. This is obvious when the scope of traits being compared is narrow. Nonetheless. As long as there is a reliable statistical correlation between plaiting and power. even though in reality it was just the plaiting that made the difference. In a species capable of acquiring behavior by teaching or imitation. This increased the momentum transferred to the harpoon and prevented capsizing. the Inuit found that they could not pick up and aim their guns before the kayak veered off course. They soon discovered that this unintentional innovation allowed them to use guns from their kayaks. He tried trailing a line behind the kayak. Causal understanding is helpful because it permits the exclusion of irrelevant traits like the bow's color. copiers can produce both novel and increasingly adaptive tools and techniques over generations. Inuit hunters always paddled their kayak hard toward the prey. Then. 44). You see that your uncle's bow shoots farther than yours and notice that it is thicker. and attention when choosing who to learn from (43. in imitation of the rudders of European ships. When hunting marine mammals from a kayak. if learners can compare the success of individuals modeling different behaviors. Historians of technology have demonstrated how this step-by-step improvement gradually diversifies and improves tools and other artifacts (37. perhaps owing to his local success and prestige. This feature of our cultural learning psychology fits a priori evolutionary predictions. causal understanding need not be very precise as long as the correlation is reliable. By recombining different components of technology from different but still successful individuals. develops early without instruction. success.again at the genetically inherited initial guess. confidence. Consistent with this. without any improvisational insights. After all. He then fastened a partially submerged wooden plate to the kayak's stern. In contrast. and uses a different plait for attaching the sinew. When firearms first spread in West Greenland. This did not work very well either—it was noisy. Even infants selectively attend to knowledgeable adults rather than their own mothers in novel situations (45). laboratory and field evidence suggests that both children and adults are predisposed to copy a wide range of traits from successful or prestigious people (42). cultural species can learn how to make bows from others after these have been improved by experience. and the fastenings tended to fail. 40). These models predict that an adaptive evolved psychology will often cause individuals to acquire the behaviors they observe used by in others even though inferences based on environmental cues suggest that alternative behaviors would be better. and over the next 50 y the ayût underwent a series of further small improvements. cultural learners start their search closer to the best design than pure individual learners and can invest in further improvements. then a propensity to imitate the successful can lead to the spread of traits that are correlated with success. Therefore. Copying irrelevant traits like thickness or color will only add noise to the process. they can transmit those improvements to the grandkids. The evolution of kayak keels by West Greenland Inuit provides an instructive example of how innovations arise and spread (41). a number of younger hunters imitated Reimer. However. eventually creating the modern form. and thus could only use them from land or ice floes. You copy all three traits. Advertisers clearly know this. 38). and operates largely outside conscious awareness. but less tapered. individuals are . Even “great insights” often result from lucky accidents or the recombination of elements from different technological traditions rather than the work of a creative genius who buckles down and racks his brain (39. a prominent Inuit hunter named Jens Reimer began to experiment with methods to stabilize kayaks for firearm use. and out of “bashfulness” (41. emerges spontaneously in experiments. An Inuit might copy the bow design from the best bowyer in his community but adopt the sinew plaiting used by the best hunter in a neighboring community. then picked up their harpoon and hurled it directly over the bow. but this did not work. what does Michael Jordan really know about underwear? Recent work in developmental psychology shows that young children readily attend to cues of reliability. if the environment is not too variable. in the New World. Several lines of evidence support the cultural learning hypothesis. This use of chili peppers is particularly interesting because they are inherently unpalatable. However. These acquired understandings of the world are then shared. we argue that cultural evolution operating over generations has gradually accumulated and recombined adaptive elements. an adaptive psychology will evolve in which most people ignore environmental cues and adopt behaviors that are common in the sample of the population they observe. they also observe the behaviors of a sample of their population. Nonhuman primates and human infants find . or reliably developing intuitions. evolved motivations. The cognitive niche hypothesis posits that technologies are adaptive because improvisational intelligence allows some individuals to figure out how they work and why they are better than alternatives. In contrast. Often individuals will have no idea why certain elements are included in a design. because the appropriate environmental cues are rare or the adaptive problem is too complex. Children seem to implicitly assume that if the model performed an action. Evidence for Cultural Adaptation The cultural niche hypothesis and the cognitive niche hypothesis make sharply different predictions about how local adaptations are acquired and understood. including steps that direct visual inspection would suggest are unnecessary. At times this will mean that cultural learning will overrule their direct experience. 50). We expect cultural learners to first acquire the local practices and occasionally experiment or modify them. In these experiments. They modify these behaviors rarely. The reliance of young learners on carefully observing and imitating the local repertoires revealed in the anthropological record converges with recent experiments on imitation (51. Then.exposed to two different kinds of cues that they can use to solve local adaptive problems. but this is not necessary. they can make inferences based on cues from the environment. a chemical defense evolved in the genus Capsicum to prevent mammals (especially rodents) from eating their fruits. Children accurately copy all steps. The anthropological literature on child development (46⇓–48) indicates that children and adolescents acquire most of their cultural information by learning from older individuals who typically discourage questions from young learners and rarely provide causal explanations of their behavior. and little experimentation is observed. even if they do not understand why. often only a minority will be able to solve the adaptive problem on the basis of environmental cues alone. or only at the margin. they mainly skip the unnecessary steps. except that necessary to master the adult repertoire (49. Chimpanzees do not seem to make this assumption. A subject. the traditional use of chili peppers in meat recipes likely protected people from food-borne pathogens (54). nor any notion of whether alternative designs would be better. an adult performs a behavior like opening a complex puzzle box to get a reward. and as a result local adaptations evolve gradually often over many generations. However. either a child or a chimpanzee. it was probably important. allowing others to acquire the same causal understanding without costly individual investigation. Many examples indicate that people often do not understand how adaptive practices work or why they are effective. Kids practice adult behaviors. The adult's behavior includes both necessary and unnecessary actions. For example. In some cases elements of causal understanding may be passed along. during mixed-age play. Like any other organism. observes the behavior. eventually creating adaptive packages beyond the causal understanding of the individuals who use them. 52). often using toy versions of adult tools. but some will copy to avoid learning costs. Peppers contain capsaicin. Many people will rely on their own inferences. leading them to develop more efficient repertoires than children (53) in these experimental settings. the models predict that an optimal learning psychology will result in social learning playing a significant but relatively modest role. When most individuals can solve the adaptive problem using environmental cues alone. Children's performance on such tasks in both western and small-scale societies differs in important ways from that of chimpanzees. then by imitating her you can increase your chances of acquiring traits that gave rise to her success. The taboos are learned and are not related to pregnancy sickness aversions. If her behavior is more common than alternatives. Fijian food taboos provide another example of this process. The cumulative cultural evolution of complex. However. This means that if there are cognitive or social processes that make maladaptive ideas common. For example. Adaptive Social Learning Biases Can Lead to Maladaptive Outcomes. this same propensity will cause individuals to acquire any common behavior as long as it is not clearly contradicted by their own inferences. Here are a couple of examples. For a longer discussion. human food preferences are heavily influenced by the preferences of those around us (56). Efforts to inculcate a taste for chilies in rats using reinforcement procedures have failed (55). the tendency to imitate the prestigious. her behavior may work better in your situation. So. they offer quite different causal explanations for them. and this may explain the cultural evolution of maladaptive cultural systems in which people risk life and limb to summit icy peaks or achieve spiritual perfection in celibate seclusion (61). Laboratory diffusion chain studies clearly document that biases that have undetectable effects on individual decisions can have very strong effects when iterated over “generations” in the laboratory (59). can lead to a “runaway” process analogous to sexual selection (10). The same effect may lead to the spread of false beliefs in natural populations. Although women in these communities all share the same food taboos. If she is more similar to you than alternative models. Analyses of the transmission pathways for these taboos indicate the adaptive pattern is sustained by selective learning from prestigious women. and to do this they had to overcome an instinctive aversion that we share with other mammals. New World peoples learned to appropriately use and enjoy chili peppers without understanding their antimicrobial properties. and these ideas are not patently false or harmful. An evolved cultural learning psychology that incorporates such biases increases the chance of acquiring beneficial beliefs and behaviors. which are particularly dangerous for pregnant women and perhaps nursing infants. observational learning leads people to reinterpret their pain as pleasure or excitement (57). Culture Is Part of Human Biology and Has Profoundly Shaped Human Evolution . hard-to-learn adaptations requires individuals to adopt the behavior of those around them even if it conflicts with their own inferences. Instead.peppers aversive because capsaicin stimulates pain receptors in the mouth. and little information is exchanged among women save for the taboos themselves (58). However. Culture and Maladaptation Cultural adaptation comes with a built-in tradeoff. Boyer (60) argues that a number of cognitive biases explain the spread of supernatural beliefs and account for the widespread occurrence of folktales about ghosts and zombies. these same biases can sometimes lead to the spread of maladaptive beliefs and practices. Psychological research indicates that people do not get accustomed to the chemical burning sensation. Many marine species in the Fijian diet contain toxins. However. see ref. Moreover. people will adopt these ideas as well. it is clear that several such processes exist. Weak Cognitive Biases Can Favor the Spread of Maladaptive Beliefs or Practices over Generations. For example. then it is likely to be adaptive because learning increases the frequency of adaptive behaviors. If she is successful. 10. so we overcome our innate aversion and actually learn to enjoy chilies. Food taboos targeting these species during pregnancy and lactation prohibit women from eating these species and reduce the incidence of fish poisoning during this period. A model's attributes provide indirect evidence about whether it is useful to imitate her. or those making credibility-enhancing displays of commitment. no species occupies as wide a range of habitats as Homo sapiens. Beginning early in human ontogeny. an evolutionary psychologist might explain the widespread taste among humans for fatty foods in terms of the importance in our species' distant past of consuming as much fat as possible on those rare occasions when the circumstances presented themselves. just a lot smarter—in essence.We have recounted two contrasting accounts of the nature and origins of human uniqueness. The presence of culturally evolved techniques and products— such as fire.g. weapons. there is a widespread view is that people are like other mammals. the degree of cognitive flexibility varies widely in nature—chimpanzees can solve problems that baffle monkeys. does culture overcome biology? The right question to ask is. a fact that may explain the rapid increase in human encephalization over the last 500. Nonetheless. powerfully and unconsciously motivates us to do so. we argue that individuals are not nearly smart enough to solve the myriad adaptive problems they face in any of their many habitats. organize. a functional understanding of artifacts (62). teeth. Culture has opened up a vast range of evolutionary vistas not available to noncultural species. it is more apt to think of humans occupying a cultural niche than a cognitive niche. In contrast. and monkeys are geniuses compared with opossums. As a result. which itself may be the result of evolved cognitive biases (64). sophisticated. The ancestral condition in the human lineage is a psychology that does not permit cumulative cultural evolution. For example. By contrast. and tools—created new selection pressures acting on our bones. However. and retrieve cultural information. Such a hypothesis can also help to explain novel cultural trends: the recent increase in obesity is explained as the result of a novel . Even experts lack a detailed causal understanding of the tools and techniques that permit them to survive. The evolution of the psychological capacities that give rise to cumulative cultural evolution is one of the key events in our evolutionary history. culture is as much a part of human biology as our peculiar pelvis. So it does not make sense to ask. and shapes the kind of traits that evolve. The availability of large amounts of valuable cultural information would have favored the evolution of bigger brains equipped to acquire. selective social referencing (45). overimitation (52).000 y and the evolution of specialized cognitive abilities that emerge early in life. flexible cognition is important too. how do genetic and cultural inheritance interact to produce the observed patterns of human psychology and behavior (65)? PROCESSES OF CULTURAL AND SOCIOPOLITICAL EVOLUTION CULTURAL EVOLUTION Theories of cultural evolution need to be distinguished from theories within evolutionary psychology. Tooby and Cosmides 1992) tends to assume that the most important inheritance mechanism in all species—our own included—is genetic inheritance. High-fidelity cultural learning allows human populations to solve these problems because it allows selective learning and the accumulation of small improvements over time. hairless chimpanzees. store. This common view probably taps into a deep vein of Western thought. dominating the world's biota like no other creature. chimpanzees cannot be socialized to become humans and have little or no cumulative cultural evolution. such as theory of mind. Of course. there is a sharp break between human cultural learning capacities and those of even our closest relatives. our psychology allows us to learn from others. but it makes little sense. Nonetheless. This approach contrasts with the common view that culture and biology are in a tug-of-war for control of human behavior. and these differences have allowed us spread across the world. and the use of taxonomic inheritance and category-based induction for living kinds (63). We have a uniquely flexible cognitive system that lets us make causal inferences in a wide range of environments and use that information to create much better tools. and guts (9). The evolutionary psychologist (e. Evolutionary psychology regards the human mind as evolving through a conventional process of natural selection acting on genetically inherited variation. even though both may involve an application of evolutionary ideas to the explanation of cultural phenomena. Despite earnest efforts. muscles. cooking. we are brainy. On the one hand. and that offspring resemble their parents in terms of the traits that promote or inhibit these abilities (Darwin 1859). Acephalous society to State and Simple Chiefdom to State have not). that natural selection can explain the origin of many complex adaptive traits. the transitions Acephalous society to Simple Chiefdom. Acephalous societies are organized politically only at the level of the local community (e. We have previously evaluated six different models of the evolution of political organization (figure 2). Darwin's theory of natural selection explains adaptation by appealing to what we now call vertical transmission —the inheritance of parental traits by offspring. For example.environmental change—the increased availability of cheap. For our present purposes we can classify political organization into four categories of increasing complexity based on the number of hierarchical decision-making levels in a society. as do biologists today. This is because oblique transmission opens up the possibility that some traits may spread through a population in spite of the fact that they reduce the fitness of the individuals who bear them. the evolution of Carnivore social systems. including adaptive change in a population—may also need to be further expanded to encompass oblique transmission.g. SOCIOPOLITICAL EVOLUTION (a) Evolutionary sequences A key feature of Spencerian hypotheses is that changes in human socio-political organization follow evolutionary sequences (e. and are commonly used to address questions about evolutionary pathways in biological evolution (e. while Complex Chiefdoms have two levels. gustatory preference. but the larger. The RECTILINEAR model reflects the idea that only sequential increases in complexity can occur. offspring might learn skills from their parents. in principle. direct increases Acephalous society to Complex Chiefdom. Therefore. Once we acknowledge the possibility that learning can underpin natural selection. As we have seen. PCMs can be used to examine the support for evolutionary sequences. underpin this form of inheritance.e. (ii) the categories are arranged on a scale of complexity with societies hypothesized to pass through adjacent stages of organization in the direction of increasing socio-political complexity. The admittance of oblique transmission into evolutionary theory necessitates far more radical revisions to traditional Darwinian models of evolution. now dangerous. This explanatory schema is largely neutral regarding what mechanism accounts for parent-offspring resemblance. it is perfectly possible to classify societies according to some criteria without this classification representing an evolutionary sequence. But we do not learn only from our parents—we also learn from peers. cultural processes such as learning might. and societies could evolve without having to pass through the same stages in the same order. Societies with more than two hierarchical decision-making levels above the local community are labelled ‘States’ (see electronic supplementary material).g. This view is often attributed to the classical evolutionists such as Spencer and Morgan. In Darwin's original presentation of natural selection. Complex Chiefdom to State have occurred. This is known asoblique transmission. Simple Chiefdom to Complex Chiefdom. Band. authority-figures and so forth.g. Three of these models reflect the Spencerian hypothesis that change in political organization has been sequential in the direction of increasing hierarchical complexity (i. high-fat foods—acting in concert with a once- adaptive. Chiefdom and State discussed earlier). Simple Chiefdoms have one permanent level of leadership uniting several villages. it does not matter why offspring resemble parents. From the perspective of natural selection explanations. only that they do resemble them. Whether this classification does in fact represent an evolutionary sequence is an empirical question on which suitable lines of evidence must be brought to bear. Such classificatory schemes contain two logically distinct elements: (i) societies are grouped together based on observed similarities in the way they are organized. Darwin believed. which are derived from discussions in the literature. We also specified two models in which increases are sequential . Tribe. we also acknowledge that a theory of evolution—a theory which seeks to explain change. he requires that parent organisms differ in their abilities to survive and reproduce. the village). and thereby come to resemble them behaviourally. = 99 998). the complexity of socio-political organization increases over time. Analyses show the UNILINEAR model to be the best supported. closely followed by the RELAXED UNILINEAR model (table 1). Figure 2. Whether increases in complexity have been more common than decreases is dealt with in the next section.. decreases occur only to adjacent levels of complexity. UNI. Alternative Trajectories (Reversible)) (adapted from Currie et al. while those models that do not allow declines in political complexity (i.e. Finally. Percentage of Stochastic Character Mappings in which increases or decreases in complexity are more common. decreases can occur to any lower level..but decreases are also possible. Yet. [ . they highlight that change has not always been in the direction of increasing complexity. Table 1. in the FULL model any change is possible. In contrast. We specified two models based on the idea that different forms or organization have developed along separate evolutionary pathways having evolved from an acephalous form of organization: ALTERNATIVE TRAJECTORIES (only increases possible) and ALTERNATIVE TRAJECTORIES (REVERSIBLE) (decreases also possible). In all comparisons. Support for different models of political evolution based on the Akaike Information Criterion (AIC) (REC. i. Importantly. Relaxed Unilinear. In the UNILINEAR model. The FULL model and the reversible version of the ALTERNATIVE TRAJECTORIES model are less well supported. in the other three models increasing political complexity does not follow a regular sequence. Overall. representing the idea that political organization has been completely unconstrained. Unilinear. the analyses provide strong support for the type of sequences of political evolution that have formed a core feature of the Spencerian hypotheses of cultural evolution. RU. Rectilinear. Full model. RECTILINEAR and non-reversible ALTERNATIVE TRAJECTORIES model) are even poorer fits to the data. That the archaeological record indicates an overall increase in complexity since the end of the last ice age is not in dispute. AT(R). the archaeological and . and comparisons of inferred number of changes between different forms of organization using paired sample t-tests (d. FULL.f.e. while in the RELAXED UNILINEAR model. (b) Direction of evolution Another defining feature of the Spencerian hypotheses is that there is a direction to cultural evolution. I believe. and it is unclear if increases have generally been more common than decreases. that retrogression has been as frequent as progression’ (Spencer 1890. or a measure of its central tendency). more efficient metabolism and homeostasis. Similar mechanisms could explain the trend towards increasing political complexity (figure 3). cited in [1. has on the whole been forward’ (Tylor 1870. p. p. greater mobility. but of a movement which. 281]. p. or even of equal oscillations to and fro. been a lack of consensus on this issue. seems to me to be untenable…It is possible. Although Spencerian cultural evolutionary theories have been characterized as assuming that increases in complexity have dominated. probable. A trend here is defined as a directional shift in a measurement value of some attribute over time (e. Additionally. Tylor proposed that human history ‘is not the history of a course of degeneration. For example. while acknowledging that decreases in complexity can and have occurred. Richerson & Boyd. yet over time the maximum degree of complexity will increase. is not goal directed. However. which is supported by the findings described in §2a. like biological evolution. Initially any changes in complexity must be in the direction of increased complexity. and. Subsequently. it also possible for trends to occur even in the absence of such a driving force if the ‘phase space’ in which a trait is evolving is constrained and the trait originally arises near one of the constraints (a so-called ‘passive’ trend). advantage in competition over resources. i.g. clearly see increases in complexity as more common. Despite the fact that biological evolution is not goal-directed. the trend of increasing biological complexity could be the result of the earliest single-celled organisms arising near a ‘left-wall’ of minimum complexity. and body size—see ref for a summary of the proposed macro-evolutionary trends). there has. increases and decreases are possible. Some trends are present only in certain clades and over certain time scales. In our own lineage.g. there are a number of large-scale trends that can be witnessed over evolutionary time. the extreme of a distribution. Figure 3. and decreased predation). in its ordinary form. in fact. For example.g. owing to the competitive advantage that societies hold in competition between groups. while others seem to hold over the entire history of life on earth (e. More recently. it was almost impossible for them to have been any less complex.historical records also indicate periods when societies have decreased in complexity. One explanation for such macro-evolutionary trends is that selection has favoured a consistent directional shift in the trait in question. arguing that complex social organization is compulsory in the long run. 93. the trend of increasing brain size in homonins is well-established even if there is much discussion as to the reasons for it. . while Spencer argued that ‘the theory of progression. 193 cited in [1. it is important to understand how such a macro-evolutionary trend can arise if cultural evolution. p.e. Diamond states that increasing complexity is ‘no more than an average long-term trend. 27]). For example. in spite of frequent stops and relapses. increases in the maximum degree of biological complexity. with innumerable shifts in either direction: 1000 amalgamations for 999 reversals’ [6. it has been argued that selection acts as a driving force favouring increased body size owing to the potential advantages that are gained from being large (e. 28]). p. The final two comparisons are situations where there were equal opportunities for increases or decreases and in these comparisons increases are again significantly greater than decreases. as societies are hierarchically related they may have several features in common. (c) Co-evolution of social and political traits Another aspect of social evolution that has been the subject of considerable debate is the idea that different aspects of social organization are correlated with one another. There has been a lack of quantitative comparative analyses attempting to address this question. . Simple Chiefdom = 0.. The results suggest that the ancestral Austronesian society was politically acephalous (proportional support for different forms of organization: Acephalous = 0. Chiefdom and State. .e. change is biased with increases in complexity more likely than decreases (this represents an extreme example in which only increases have occurred). We can see that increases in complexity have occurred more frequently than decreases (table 1) (although in the comparison between changes A → sC and sC → A.Alternative trend mechanisms underlying the increase in political complexity over time. societies cannot be treated as independent data points in a cross-cultural analysis. As a first step we inferred the form of political organization in the ancestral Austronesian society under the best-fitting model of evolution from the previous analysis. while such hereditary ranking is thought to be absent in societies organized politically only at the level of the local community (i. Bands and Tribes). therefore allowing for more opportunities for increases to occur. the significant differences in the first three comparisons could be owing to the fact that more time has been spent in the form of lower complexity. inherited inequalities and permanent offices of leadership. Figure 1shows the distributions of the estimated numbers of changes from these analyses. socio-political evolutionary change is punctuational. which suggests that Acephalous societies generally lack hereditary forms of social stratification.e. Phylogenetic comparative analyses can overcome these problems by identifying whether the traits under investigation are co-evolving while controlling for the historical relatedness between societies. Tribe. In traditional social evolutionary theories. We then used a PCM to infer the number of increases and decreases between levels of complexity under the UNILINEAR model of trait evolution. which potentially could be owing to either process). However.e. most of the Polynesian societies in the sample are organized as chiefdoms and have hereditary social stratification (see electronic supplementary material. Chiefdoms and States are thought to be socially stratified along these lines..76. i.01. degree of social differentiation. (b) In a driven trend. Here we use a PCM to directly estimate the number of changes between forms of political organization to assess whether increases in complexity have actually been more common than decreases. State = 0. which confirms that the maximum degree of hierarchical political organization in Austronesian societies has indeed increased over time. it has been argued that different aspects of social organization do not co-evolve this closely and that societies exhibit too much variation to fit easily into categories such Band. Table 2 shows the co-occurrence of these two aspects of socio-political organization in our sample. These results suggest that increases in political complexity in Austronesian-speaking societies have generally been more common than decreases. i. while it is generally present in Chiefdoms and States. Therefore. Complex Chiefdom = 0. Tribe. An associated idea is that change from one category to another involves the relatively rapid restructuring of these different aspects of social organization. not because they are functionally linked.00) (figure 1). We examined whether political organization co-evolves with hereditary social stratification (i.22. classificatory schemes such as Band. However. some individuals or groups of individuals within a society are afforded higher social status and have greater influence owing to who their ancestors were). the mean difference was less than one). the UNILINEAR model. Biologists have employed PCMs to investigate trends in biological evolution. Chiefdom and State are based on regular hypothesized differences between these categories in such things as subsistence practices. but because they have all been inherited from a common ancestral society (e.g.e. figure S2). As the more complex forms of political organization evolved later. the rate of change from Acephalous society to Chiefdom is greater in the presence of hereditary class distinctions. Interestingly. and thus shows the most likely pathways of evolution of these traits. figure S1). These results support the hypothesis that political organization. while the particular form of political organization does affect the rate at which hereditary class distinctions evolve. and (ii) an independent model where the rate of trait change does not vary according to the state of the other (see electronic supplementary material. Figure 4.Table 2. which is consistent with the idea that different features of social organization may alter relatively rapidly once other elements have changed. However. This dependent model has a much better fit to the data . Contingency table showing the occurrence of different forms of political organization and the presence or absence of hereditary social stratification in our sample. we use a PCM to compare two alternative models of trait evolution: (i) a dependent model where the rate of change of one trait is different depending on the state of the other. For our sample of Austronesian-speaking societies. Flow diagram showing the estimated rates of change between different combinations of the binary variables of Class Stratification and Jurisdictional Hierarchy under the dependent model of evolution.. This suggests that these intermediate forms of organization are unstable. as represented by the number of hierarchical jurisdictional levels. has indeed co-evolved with the wider presence of hereditary social stratification in Austronesian societies. Figure 4 shows the estimated rates of change between the different combinations of these variables.e. the rates of change away from the intermediate states (i. It appears that Acephalous societies lacking hereditary class distinctions can develop either hereditary class distinctions or a chiefdom form of political organization first. To formally test whether political organization has co-evolved with the wider presence of hereditary social stratification. Bands or Tribes exhibiting hereditary class distinctions and vice versa) are generally higher than those going towards these intermediate states. .. the dependent model of evolution fits the data much better than the independent model (figure 4 and electronic supplementary material).