The Mapuche in Modern Chile University Press of Florida Florida A&M University, Tallahassee Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton Florida Gulf Coast University, Ft. Myers Florida International University, Miami Florida State University, Tallahassee New College of Florida, Sarasota University of Central Florida, Orlando University of Florida, Gainesville University of North Florida, Jacksonville University of South Florida, Tampa University of West Florida, Pensacola The Mapuche in Modern Chile A Cultural History Joanna Crow University Press of Florida Gainesville · Tallahassee · Tampa · Boca Raton Pensacola · Orlando · Miami · Jacksonville · Ft. Myers · Sarasota Copyright 2013 by Joanna Crow All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America. This book is printed on Glatfelter Natures Book, a paper certified under the standards of the Forestry Stewardship Council (FSC). It is a recycled stock that contains 30 percent post-consumer waste and is acid-free. This book may be available in an electronic edition. 18 17 16 15 14 13 6 5 4 3 2 1 A record of cataloging-in-publication data is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN 978-0-8130-4428-6 University Press of Florida 15 Northwest 15th Street Gainesville, FL 32611-2079 http://www.upf.com To Alex and Sofía . The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. 1973–1990 / 150 6. and Sopranos: Articulating Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. 1964–1973 / 116 5. Poets.Contents List of Illustrations / ix Acknowledgments / xi List of Abbreviations / xv Introduction: Mythical Objects and Political Subjects / 1 1. 1862–1910 / 19 2. Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. Histories of Conquest: The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. Caudillos. 1938–1964 / 83 4. Renewed Struggles for Survival: National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. 1990–2010 / 181 Conclusion: A Defiant History of Difference / 213 Glossary / 231 Notes / 233 Bibliography / 267 Index / 281 . 1910–1938 / 51 3. . Photograph of a young Mapuche man 2 Figure 3. Southern South America. Advertisement for Mapuche craft shop in Santiago 148 Figure 15. Rewe and ceremonial space of the Mapuche community of Pedro Ancalef 207 Figure 18. Photograph of a Mapuche chief 3 Figure 5. The Mapuche heartland in Chile 21 Figure 1. Memorial arch in Temuco’s Park for Peace 151 Figure 16. Statue of Caupolicán in Temuco 81 Figure 11. Photograph of Mapuche women and children 3 Figure 6. Mapuche people on display in the Acclimatization Garden of Paris 47 Figure 8. Manuel Manquilef 62 Figure 10. Photograph collage in the Mapuche Museum of Cañete 209 . Statue of Caupolicán in Santiago 55 Figure 9. showing Mapuche territory in Chile 20 Map 2. Front cover of Mapuche newspaper Azkintuwe 195 Figure 17. Painting of the Parliament of Hipinco 27 Figure 7. Photograph of a Mapuche woman 2 Figure 4. Venancio Coñuepán and President Carlos Ibáñez 89 Figure 12. Photograph of “Cacique Lloncón” 2 Figure 2. Mapuche Museum of Cañete 129 Figure 14.Illustrations Map 1. Rayén Quitral 109 Figure 13. . who helped me appreciate the significance of the Chilean New Song movement. Since then. who always encouraged me to think about Chile in a broader Latin American context. When I learned their names. who asked challenging and stimulating questions about my research. and gave me confidence to push on to the final text. Michael Goebel. Kate Quinn. I look forward to continuing our conversations about Mapuche histories in the future. and steered my thinking toward publication possibilities. pressed me to clarify and sharpen my ideas. I felt incredibly privileged to have received such valuable input. and Lorraine Leu. I would also like to thank Carmen Brauning and Luis Bustamante. and Clare French on earlier versions of the manuscript. Beyond Bristol. Allison Ramay. which have really motivated me to think carefully about the narrative of the book as a whole. Of course. André Menard and Florencia Mallon.Acknowledgments A number of colleagues and friends at the University of Bristol gave me tremendously useful feedback on this book as it moved forward. I warmly thank Nicola Miller. A special acknowledgment goes to the two readers chosen by the University Press of Florida for their detailed and highly constructive reports on the first draft of the book. Florencia Mallon has provided further comments on revised drafts of chapters. who was my mentor for several years before she moved to the University of Texas at Austin and with whom I’ve enjoyed many thought-provoking discussions about the joys and perils of academic research. I am also indebted to Christopher Abel. who read the entire manuscript. and to Colin Lewis and Rebecca Earle. who was exceedingly generous with her time and intellectual guidance right from the beginning of the project. I am especially grateful to Matthew Brown and Caroline Williams. the thinking and writing involved in this project would never have gotten far off the ground if it were not for the many Mapuche . I am greatly appreciative for the comments I received from Nicola Foote. and to my closest friends. I am especially beholden to Amy Gorelick for the enthusiasm she has shown for my project from the day I first contacted her about it and for so patiently answering all my questions. Jorge Pavez. Francisca Riera and Diego Matte Palacios at the National History Museum. Pablo Marimán. They provide some hope for the future despite all the problems facing their people today. and the editorial team of the Mapuche newspaper Azkintuwe for providing me with and authorizing my use of many of the images that appear in this book. for taking time out to help me format all the images. Kirsteen Anderson. Richard Crow. and Paula. Camilo Pinto at the National Library. who have always been there to provide perspective on things when I feared I might lose it! A big thanks to our Chilean friends. and to Jon Hill for designing the maps. These certainly help to enliven the narrative and illustrate my arguments. following up on the historical leads they have given me and investigating the institutions of which they are part or with which they have collaborated over the years. Leonel Lienlaf. César Millahueique at the National Monuments Council. particularly to Sonia Montecino of the Salón de Investigadores. César Loncón. Juana Paillalef. . I was also lucky to be able to share ideas with a number of eminent Chilean scholars. Pedro Marimán. I also wish to thank my copyeditor. I am deeply indebted to my brother. Juana Paillalef at the Mapuche Museum of Cañete. Thanks to my loving parents. Jane Wilson and Ellie Reid. who have supported me throughout. and Jorge Pinto. André Menard. Jaime Huenún. Inés. Sebastián Queupul. at the Library of the National Congress. Marco.xii · Acknowledgments people in Chile who have given of their time to talk to me about their work and what has been happening in the country: Elicura Chihuailaf. My thanks also go to the staff at the National Library in Santiago. César Millahueique. and at the Regional Archive in Temuco. I wish to thank Pedro Marimán for letting me have access to the fascinating diaries of Manuel Aburto Manquilef. Among the many dedicated staff at the University Press of Florida who have helped make the publication process as painless as it could be. and Raúl Rupailaf. for her meticulous work and helpful queries. It is their creative exploitation and exploration of the minimal spaces that exist for intercultural dialogue in Chile that have inspired me to spend so much time in the archives and libraries. I am very grateful to Sebastián Barros at Pehuén Editores. Ann and Bob Crow. most notably Rolf Foerster. for their help with access to crucial historical sources. Finally. and without them coming to spend time in Chile with me. and our daughter. Sofía. I owe an enormous amount to Alex Boughton. . The book could not have happened without them giving me time to read. think. and write. my husband.Acknowledgments · xiii who have always made me so welcome in Satniago. . Archivos.Abbreviations ANI Asociación Nacional Indígena (National Association of Indigenous People) CCM Centros Culturales Mapuches (Mapuche Cultural Centers) Comisión Especial de los Pueblos Indígenas (Special ComCEPI mission on Indigenous Peoples) CEPRO Centro de Producción (Production Center) Centro de Reforma Agraria (Agrarian Reform Center) CERA Consejo de Monumentos Nacionales (National Monuments CMN Council) CONADI Corporación Nacional de Desarrollo Indígena (National Corporation for Indigenous Development) CORA Corporación de Reforma Agraria (Agrarian Reform Corporation) COREMA Comisión Regional del Medioambiente (Regional Environmental Commission) COTAM Comisión de Trabajo Autónoma Mapuche (Autonomous Mapuche Working Group) CVHNT Comisión de Verdad Histórica y Nuevo Trato con los Pueblos Indígenas (Commission for Historical Truth and New Treatment of Indigenous Peoples) DASIN Dirección de Asuntos Indígenas (Department of Indigenous Affairs) DIBAM Dirección de Bibliotecas. and Museums) FOCH Federación Obrera de Chile (Federation of Chilean Workers) Instituto de Desarrollo Indígena (Institute of Indigenous IDI Development) . Archives. y Museos (Department of Libraries. xvi · Abbreviations INDAP MCR MIR PC PCII PS UP Instituto de Desarrollo Agropecuario (Institute of Agrarian and Livestock Development) Movimiento Campesino Revolucionario (Revolutionary Peasant Movement) Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (Movement of the Revolutionary Left) Partido Comunista (Communist Party) Primer Congreso Indigenista Interamericano (First InterAmerican Indigenista Congress) Partido Socialista (Socialist Party) Unidad Popular (Popular Unity [Coalition]) . 3 This was shortly after the Chilean state concluded its military conquest of Mapuche territory. They were posing for the camera. the Mapuche people photographed here (the people behind the images) were actively partaking in the performance of indigenous identity. which were taken by Gustavo Milet Ramírez circa 1890. they portray a romanticized. such photographs erased indigenous historical agency. at the same time.1 According to the Chilean National Institute of Statistics. of southern Chile can be bought in souvenir shops all over downtown Santiago. half-naked man with a spear. In a sense. a young. this indigenous people make up between 4 and 10 percent of the country’s population today. They were impressing upon the viewer just how staged the photographs were.4 Milet’s photographs present us with the typical objects of travelers’ curiosity in 1890: a proud Indian leader. Introduction Mythical Objects and Political Subjects Postcards depicting the Mapuche.2 Tourist postcards tend to include historic images of Mapuche people. rural idyll—inhabited by an imagined mixture of the bellicose Araucanian warrior of colonial times and the tamed Indian of the present—that was destined to disappear as the Chilean nation marched toward “progress and modernization” (the catchphrase of most liberal states in Latin America during the late nineteenth century). a woman wearing traditional silver adornments. Together. such as the photographs shown in figures 1–5. And yet. No one could miss the studio setting and the European garden–like background of some of . and women and children preparing food around a tree. a chief on horseback. or Araucanians. 1890. ca. part of the “Araucanian Indians of Traiguén” collection.) Left: Figure 3. (Photo included on a postcard bought by the author in Santiago. Photograph of “Cacique Lloncón” by Gustavo Milet Ramírez. Photograph of a young Mapuche man by Gustavo Milet Ramírez.” ca. part of the “Araucanian Indians of Traiguén” collection. (Photo included on a postcard bought by the author in Santiago.Above left: Figure 1. part of a collection entitled “Araucanian Indians of Traiguén. 1890.) . (Photo included on a postcard bought by the author in Santiago. Photograph of a Mapuche woman by Gustavo Milet Ramírez. ca. 1890.) Above right: Figure 2. The settings were surely Milet’s choice. 1890. (Photo included on a postcard bought by the author in Santiago.Introduction: Mythical Objects and Political Subjects · 3 Left: Figure 4.” ascribed the same significance as the recipe for pisco sour (a national cocktail made from grape brandy). we can reasonably argue that the Mapuche are reduced to a mere “flavor of Chile. have reframed these historical images so as to assert the survival of their people .5 The caption on the back tells us that the Mapuche “are an autochthonous ethnic group from the south of Chile who.) these prints. founded the Chilean people. (Photo included on a postcard bought by the author in Santiago. even though the postcard does not provide dates) but their place in present-day Chile is precarious. ca. Photograph of a Mapuche chief by Gustavo Milet Ramírez. together with the Spanish. part of the “Araucanian Indians of Traiguén” collection. One postcard I found in the Cultural Center of La Moneda Palace in the summer of 2010 seems intent on feeding these nineteenth-century images into broader narratives of mestizaje and multiculturalism in twentyfirst-century Chile. ca. Photograph of Mapuche women and children by Gustavo Milet Ramírez.”6 They are presented as an important part of Chile’s past (the sepia tones make it clear that these are people of the past. but the Mapuche appear as (albeit unequal) participants in the process.) Above: Figure 5. part of the “Araucanian Indians of Traiguén” collection. Indeed. 1890. on the other hand. which is also printed on the back of the postcard. Contemporary Mapuche organizations. ethnographic studies. During the 1992 protests against official celebrations of the Spanish conquest of the Americas.” Alongside an analysis of Mapuche political activism. I scrutinize changes to the teaching curriculum at both local and national levels. to probe the complexities of Mapuche political struggles in modern Chile. as Fernando Coronil encourages us to do. and literary criticism.7 As José Ancán recently remarked. testimonial writing. Defining Cultural History It is partly because of its emphasis on cultural representation that I have subtitled this study “A Cultural History. Another major concern of the book is state cultural policy toward the Mapuche. In other words. Lloncón has been transformed into a modern-day Mapuche Che Guevara. my book analyzes creative and scholarly explorations of Chile’s “indigenous question. however.” Where possible. it also examines the dissemination and reception of such explorations. such as the photographs. the image of Cacique Lloncón (figure 1) was reproduced on posters with the words “I shit on the quincentenary” printed underneath. and intellectual works and. What I do. cultural policy is intimately connected to such reforms. I deal with poetry more substantially than any other form of cultural production. writers. for example. theater. This allows us to appreciate more deeply the significance of the artistic.4 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile in modern Chile.” For example. especially if we “see through” rather than merely “see” them. the impetus behind the . My analysis by no means ignores political or socioeconomic reforms.9 One of the primary goals of this book is to use a broad and diverse selection of cultural sources. these images provoke multiple histories. is bring to the forefront some of the key shifts in cultural policy so as to expand our understanding of Chilean state discourses on the “indigenous question. the following chapters investigate the multiple.10 but I also incorporate popular music. more importantly.8 In sum. and to inspire and legitimize their resistance campaigns against the Chilean state and (state-sponsored) mega-development projects in historic Mapuche territory. contesting ways in which Mapuche and Chilean artists. photography. and intellectuals have grappled with the country’s history of internal colonialism. and they—particularly changes in indigenous land rights legislation—provide a crucial backdrop to the story narrated in the following pages. Clearly. the social fabric in which they are embedded. literary. intellectuals. and the implications of government policies relating to national monuments. in particular the centennial celebrations of 1910. in order to deepen our understanding of the complex and shifting racial dynamics of Chilean society. I have thus chosen the subtitle “A Cultural History” not only because of the book’s principal topic of inquiry but also because of the way in which it carries out that inquiry. and look into one-off innovations such as the Department for the Defense of the Race and Enjoyment of Free Time. mean for Chilean intellectuals? How did they respond to and help to shape these . and the National Corporation for Indigenous Development (CONADI) since its creation in 1993. and writers. They draw our attention to the images and words produced by a wide array of Mapuche and Chilean artists. and by the state apparatus.” Images and words matter. from the late nineteenth century through to the present day. set up under President Pedro Aguirre Cerda (1938–41). or what we have grown accustomed to think of as “discourse. they are constitutive and potentially transformative of how a society functions. . which were institutionalized at a continental level in 1940. the Institute of Indigenous Development (IDI) under President Salvador Allende (1970–73). The following six chapters discuss images and power. rather than the inference of causal laws of explanation.”12 What did military conquest in the late nineteenth century mean for the Mapuche. I delve into the cultural initiatives sponsored by the Department of Indigenous Affairs (DASIN) under President Carlos Ibáñez (1952–58). . and territorial consequences? What did they say about it in their letters to state authorities? How did they narrate it in their memoirs? I ask the same for the Chilean military officers involved. This book is an analysis of images and words. I consider state-led national festivities. as Foucault and many other scholars since have asserted.Introduction: Mythical Objects and Political Subjects · 5 creation of new state museums or the renovation of older museums. political.11 But as Foucault himself made clear. and with broader state discourses of “civilization” and “modernization”? What type of education did they seek? What did discourses of indigenismo. beyond the obvious economic. What did the legislation of compulsory primary education in the early twentieth century mean for the Mapuche? In what ways did they engage with national debates about schooling. images and words do not make sense if separated from the relations of power out of which they emerge. My central task is—to quote Lynn Hunt—“the deciphering of meaning . Organizaciones. and the complex confrontations and negotiations that followed as this people tried to shape a place for themselves within Chilean national society. continued in this vein. Extending Previous Scholarship on the Mapuche An important body of scholarship already exists on the Mapuche in Chile. This has largely emerged from within the discipline of anthropology. but historians. by Rolf Foerster and Sonia Montecino (1988). documenting (mainly through newspaper sources) the political machinations of a growing number of Mapuche organizations during the years 1900 through 1970 as . and it was the first modern history of the Mapuche to embrace oral narratives as reliable historical sources. and sociologists have also made significant contributions. Without a doubt. It was the first book to chart the multiple strategies of Mapuche people as conscious actors on the national political stage. Bengoa used these narratives to highlight the diversity of Mapuche responses to the military occupation of their territory.6 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile discourses by incorporating the Chilean experience? How did Mapuche artists and political leaders appropriate such discourses? How did they use them to influence new populist development programs during the 1950s? How did Mapuche people interpret the political radicalization and agrarian reforms of the 1960s and early 1970s? How do they remember those times now? How did governing elites and Chilean musicians incorporate indigenous peoples into their discourses of revolutionary change? What kind of language did they use? How did Mapuche organizations address government officials during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet? How did they use the press to voice their condemnation of the new land division law? What significance did folkloric festivals have for them? Through what channels did the regime respond to Mapuche demands regarding education? What does historical truth mean for the Mapuche movement in the twenty-first century? What narratives have Mapuche people constructed through official truth commissions? How have they used the spaces opened up through official discourses of multiculturalism to criticize those very discourses? These are just some of the questions I try to answer in this study. political scientists. José Bengoa’s Historia del pueblo mapuche (published originally in 1985 and in its seventh edition by 2008) was the study of greatest consequence to appear in the twentieth century. líderes y contiendas mapuches. state-backed developmentalism. Mapuche rural communities. Shamans of the Foye Tree (2007).13 During the 2000s. the violent repression and neoliberal reforms of the Pinochet dictatorship. It also seeks to expand this scholarship by casting its net wider and incorporating some new. Most of them concentrate on the last two or three decades: Patricia Richards. Neoliberal Economics. and ritual contexts. and Mapuche shamans’ gender identities as performed in distinct social. Diane Haughney.Introduction: Mythical Objects and Political Subjects · 7 they fought to secure rights for their people from the state. agrarian reform during the 1960s and early 1970s. respectively) and focus on different perspectives: Mapuche activists in the women’s movement in Chile. and Mapuche Demands for Rights in Chile (2006). neoliberal legislation. They all draw our attention to the rich diversity of the contemporary Mapuche movement and its multifaceted interactions with the Chilean state. which coincided with increased Mapuche mobilization in the context of the Chilean transition to democracy and with the burgeoning scholarship on indigenous rights movements across Latin America. and environmental conflict. Mallon reconstructs the history of the Mapuche community of Nicolás Ailío across the entire twentieth century. and Ana Mariella Bacigalupo. it traces the connections between national political developments and the complex internal dynamics of Mapuche rural communities. a number of valuable monographs on Mapuche politics appeared in English. It is a history of state-building and modernization (encompassing post-occupation land policy. through oral testimonies gathered from community members and documents found in regional and national archives. underexplored protagonists and sources into its analysis. political science. Pobladoras. and the State (2004). and anthropology. These two works catalyzed an upsurge of academic interest in the Mapuche. Many previous works have focused on the . More successfully and more extensively than any other work. My book is deeply indebted to all of these studies (and many more listed in the bibliography). In this pioneering and prize-winning work. and draws on the specifics of the authors’ arguments throughout. These studies take distinct disciplinary approaches (sociology. Democratic Transition. and in doing so challenges some of our previous understandings about national political developments. Indígenas. not least the evolution of Chilean democracy. political. and the return to civilian rule in the 1990s) as experienced and remembered by members of Nicolás Ailío. The only long-term study of indigenous-state relations in English is Florencia Mallon’s Courage Tastes of Blood (2005). As Mallon stresses in Courage Tastes of Blood. or of exploiters and victims. and museum publications and exhibitions.”15 On the other hand.16 In short. This is particularly important for our understanding of the Chilean state. As in the other studies cited above. but also—as stated previously—considers photography. poetry. cultural journals. “since the moment of military defeat and resettlement [onto officially demarcated reservations known as reducciones]. agendas. Building on recent work by Karin Rosemblatt and Lessie Jo Frazier. theater productions. and especially to cultural and intellectual production in that sphere.”14 Mallon summarizes long-term state policy as having “fractured Mapuche territorial identity” and “attacked Mapuche people’s capacity to preserve their culture and memory. and indeed numerous other features of Chilean state legislation since then. exploitative force. creative negotiations with the state. My study similarly discusses Mapuche strategies to recover lost territory and Mapuche relationships with political parties. this comes across most clearly through her analysis of Mapuche communities’ and organizations’ diverse. she also shows how Mapuche peasants have “managed to adapt and make theirs” certain aspects of the post-resettlement institutional order. I emphasize the multiplicity of Chilean state discourses on the . but it gives increased attention to the urban sphere. It revisits widely analyzed material such as regional and national press clippings. My study supplements this narrative. which shows that even a state as strong and centralized as the Chilean one is composed of many different actors. school curricula. by exploring the multifaceted negotiations embedded in Mapuche cultural and intellectual production. Mallon impresses upon us how important it is to understand indigenous-state encounters as much more than a simple story of domination and resistance. and institutions. ideologies. official correspondence. music. and government legislation. the history of the Mapuche people in southern Chile has been completely intermingled with the policies and actions of the Chilean state. It also seeks to illustrate further the fact that the state is not simply a dominating.8 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile rural communities and investigated Mapuche interactions with the state through the lenses of their struggle for lands and Mapuche organizations’ alliances with mainstream political parties. It draws on these sources and the figure of the urban intellectual to delve further into the ambiguities of indigenous-state relations in modern Chile. national. he states. my book draws attention to the large number of Mapuche who have worked within or with the Chilean state. as developed in the existing scholarship discussed here. history. Yun-Joo Park and Patricia Richards recently published an excellent study on Mapuche state workers and the ways in which these actors have simultaneously participated in and challenged neoliberal multiculturalism. it is important not to go too far down the constructivist route. is to ignore the power of identity politics. cultural. and sexual) identities as social constructs that are contested. they have no fixed referents. rather. “to be Mapuche” has no innate meaning. by tracing this phenomenon back to the moment when the Mapuche were first incorporated into that state during the late nineteenth century. but there is no preconceived “thing” to express. My long-term analysis of state cultural policy and state sponsorship of (Mapuche and Chilean) intellectual production gives further weight to the multidimensional view of Mapuche activism and the Chilean state. Questions of Identity This book explores what it has meant and means “to be Mapuche” in modern Chile. perform. gender.Introduction: Mythical Objects and Political Subjects · 9 Mapuche. performed.19 Such an approach inevitably engages with broader scholarly debates about identity. and memory. and constantly shifting. It has become commonplace in Anglophone scholarship to talk of ethnic and racial (and class. however. Mapuche identity is created and transformed through these processes. “To be Mapuche” does not have a given meaning.” Moreover. In sum.18 I extend their story of indigenous people’s efforts to penetrate and influence state policies. multiple. It is expressed. but it is . Rights are given and demanded on the basis of this identity. even the same institution or the same president can make contradictory statements on Chile’s “indigenous question. and visualized.22 It affects how they see themselves and how they see and treat others.20 In other words. or visualize. which became official state ideology with Chile’s transition to democracy in 1990. To interpret identities as merely a performative act.17 I demonstrate that different representatives and organizational components of the same government have often talked about or treated the Mapuche in very different ways.21 Many people behave as if ethnic identity exists. Indeed. As Charles Hale warns. It also.10 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile far from meaningless. Mapuche people have seized on the romanticized story of their ancestors’ military prowess and virility in professing loyalty to. twentieth. and political struggle. the Mapuche freedom fighters’ heroic victories (they were one of the only indigenous peoples in the Americas to defeat the Spanish conquistadors on the battlefield) served to inspire nationalist sentiment among the Chilean populace. It shows how. maps out the many different ways in which the Araucanian warrior has been appropriated to reassert the continuing vitality of indigenous culture in Chile. at different stages throughout the nineteenth. or at least among the elite sectors of the populace.26 Indeed. but also how they have participated in the construction of these imaginaries. Building on the important theoretical insights of an ever-expanding historical scholarship on race and nation in Latin America.28 My study . or even justifying violent actions against the Chilean patriarchal state.23 My analysis focuses mainly on the relationship between indigenous Mapuche identities and Chilean national identities. As Ventura Marín (one of the first students to graduate from Chile’s National Institute) famously proclaimed in 1827: “What are those Demi-Gods of antiquity besides our Araucanians? In all points of comparison. is the Greek Hercules not notably inferior to the Chilean Caupolicán?”25 A rich body of work already exists on this long-standing imaginary and its paradoxes. however. During the early independence period. and twenty-first centuries.27 My study affords important insights into elite negations of the country’s indigenous reality. and thus becomes an important aspect of people’s lived experience. I explore not only how Mapuche people have challenged dominant national imaginaries in Chile. making demands of. The colonial encounter between the Araucanian warriors and Spanish conquistadors forms the basis of the dominant script of nation formation in modern Chile—mestizaje (cultural and racial mixing). it acquires meaning through cultural production. social relations. most notably the fact that Chilean elites’ exaltation of the Araucanians’ glorious military past has often coexisted alongside a notable disdain for contemporary Mapuche people.24 One of the key motifs interweaving the chapters of this book is that of the noble Araucanian warrior whose strength and valor was first narrated by Spanish soldier-cum-poet Alonso de Ercilla in the epic poem La Araucana (1568–98). twentieth-century Chilean governments are renowned not only for showing contempt toward contemporary Mapuche but also for denying their very existence. Mestizaje has often been seen as a social process through which Indians become literate and acquire urban skills. traditional versus organic. it is difficult to generalize about them. have either implicitly or explicitly celebrated a mestizo national identity that integrates. Even on an individual level. Most are urban based. The principal protagonists of the book are Mapuche and Chilean intellectuals. Beyond this.32 It is their constructions or imaginings of class. to the efforts made by Chilean and Mapuche leftists to link programs of social and racial vindication without diminishing the significance of either. and have received some level of higher education. and—more significantly—to assume their own indigenous heritage. It demonstrates the ways in which discourses of revolutionary struggle have often subsumed indigenous peoples within the peasant masses and failed to take on board the specificity of indigenous cultural traditions. grassroots versus elite. and consequently eliminates indigenous peoples.30 As I document in this book. at the same time as they have celebrated the Indian as the most “authentic” root of the Chilean nation. and indeed. dissolves. they often defy neat binary categorizations such as rural versus urban. It also points. chiefly with regard to leftist politics. however. ethnic-racial. evolving indigenous identity. how Latin America’s indigenous peoples have claimed mestizaje as a “liberating counterhegemonic discourse” of militant hybridity that questions colonial categories of race and ethnicity and allows for the survival of a diverse flexible.Introduction: Mythical Objects and Political Subjects · 11 points to numerous instances when Chilean elites. though.29 Existing scholarship has also shown. After all. to the class divisions within Mapuche society. self-identifications as Mapuche have just as often been articulated from the Right as from the Left. My study probes the complex intersections between class and indigenous identity in Chile. and national identities that I am analyzing. Mapuche activists and intellectuals in Chile have rarely used “mestizo” as an identity category to describe themselves. local versus national. but they have contributed (mainly during the first half of the twentieth century) to the elaboration of discourses of hybridity that promote cultural regeneration. they may shift between these opposing types of intellectuals or even occupy the . like their counterparts across the continent.31 This understanding of the term helpfully incorporates class into the equation. are politically active. I also underline a number of examples of Chilean intellectuals who have recast official discourses of mestizaje so as to reinforce the presence of indigenous peoples in Chile. But. the central question is “who has the power to define indigenous identities?”34 Understood in the Foucauldian sense. Nor does it operate independently of civil society. In many cases. all published extensively. teachers. as emphasized previously. Venancio Coñuepán. we have the Chilean state.”33 It plays a crucial role in constructing and imagining Mapuche and Chilean identities. but they have also lived. For Bacigalupo. or individual intellectual figure can. For example. and local levels comprise it. and Rosa Isolde Reuque Paillalef. The intellectuals and political activists discussed in the following chapters have often worked as agents of the state (as congressmen. museum curators. Political leaders also feature prominently in the study: Mapuche community authorities. Much of their poetry is rooted in the oral tradition. And each of these components is made up of hundreds if not thousands of people. these political leaders could be described as intellectuals. In the case of indigenous and Chilean identities. reflective cultural producers. This book underscores the . for instance. diplomats. Rather. who appear in several chapters. Pedro Aguirre Cerda. were all self-conscious. the state does not function as a homogeneous whole. and natural landscape of those communities. power is something that is exercised rather than possessed. and much more besides) and—of course—Chilean presidents are leading representatives of the state. but that is not to say that it can guarantee its ability to impose that narrative or those imaginings on civil society. worked. the latter continues to “act as a powerful force in shaping the contours of identity politics. and Chilean presidents. hundreds of different departments and institutions on the national. were born in rural communities. and presented their written verses in urban centers.12 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile position of both at the same time. And Manuel Aburto Panguilef. Elicura Chihuailaf and Leonel Lienlaf. artistic group. and Salvador Allende. Behind these individuals. Despite numerous proclamations signaling the end of the nation-state. religious worldview. Eduardo Frei Montalva. been educated. leaders of mainstream political parties. leaders of Mapuche political organizations. The state can exercise power more forcefully than a political movement. and most Mapuche organizations seek to articulate their demands for rights in a way that the state understands. to name only a few of the Mapuche whose voices enliven and inform my historical narrative. the state certainly has the financial resources and institutional structures to disseminate its narrative or imaginings more effectively than any of the other actors. regional. not simply to solidify support . History and Memory Since the 1980s. novelists. In Chile and elsewhere we witness an ongoing effort by academics. a deluge of scholarly works on the “politics of memory” has appeared in book shops and libraries. and that often permits violent actions by the military police to go unchecked. human rights lawyers. and became even more prominent following the controversial arrest of General Pinochet in London in 1998. punctuated by outbursts of protest. and many others to collect people’s testimonies of the repressive past. Mapuche people are becoming increasingly visible and audible on the national stage. we also need to incorporate the views of the powerful and the perpetrators of violence.” By tracing the history of memory struggles. “we see efforts of persuasion from above to shore up a social base from below.37 By foregrounding struggle and plurality.36 The scholarship helpfully draws our attention to the struggle over memory and the fact that this struggle is not only between remembering and forgetting but also between competing memories.Introduction: Mythical Objects and Political Subjects · 13 multiplicity of voices from within the state and civil society that have contributed to and influenced identity debates. for example.35 Chile assumed a prominent place in this literature following the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1990. Particular emphasis has been placed on recovering the voices of marginalized sectors and the victims of repression. as a social construct—a process in which a whole range of different actors take part. and a bottom-up perspective that sees its obverse: suppression. This is what Steve Stern has done in his trilogy The Memory Box of Pinochet’s Chile (2004–10). or as fast disappearing) but in their everyday lives they still have to contend with a system that allows so many lands to be held by so few people. “the lens of memory struggles invites us to move beyond the rigid conceptual dichotomy between a top-down perspective oriented to elite engineering. like identity. when many Latin American countries embarked on transitions to democracy after years of military dictatorship. but they are still the poorest and least-educated sector of Chilean society. it presents memory. but in order to get a full understanding of authoritarian rule. journalists. They are constantly subverting dominant imaginaries of the Mapuche (as backward and ignorant. As he outlines in the first volume. while also remaining mindful of the reality of power relations in Chile. Cheryl Natzmer argued that “the voice of the Mapuche is conspicuously absent from the reconciliation dialogue as it is from most national discourse. One of the aims of my book is to show that this was not a new phenomenon of the 1990s. This book is an analysis of how Mapuche people have sought to preserve their culture and memory. the Mapuche protagonists have thus “made history in a double sense. Mapuche people also recounted their memories in other arenas: they published poetry. President Patricio Aylwin established the Special Commission on Indigenous Peoples (CEPI) only a month after he created the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. not simply to organize networks. and making complaints and demands of the state ever since they were first incorporated into that state. Many Mapuche people participated in the CEPI. and protest among subaltern groups. taught in schools. they are political actors . or pressure the elites of state.”40 They are sites where multiple representations and understandings of the past confront and dialogue with one another. theater productions. and protested in the streets.14 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile and concentrate power from above. church and political parties. influence. split off. Mapuche memories have been “absent.” We also see “grass-roots efforts to seek influence among. Like the indigenous intellectuals who are the focus of Joanne Rappaport’s study of historical memory in Colombia. Many of the sources that I discuss (above all literary texts.”41 That is to say. it provided an important platform from which to tell their stories of the past. but the memories were certainly being expressed. Chilean artists and writers further publicized Mapuche memories. or forgotten” in post-dictatorship Chile.” According to Natzmer. It is also an account of how culture and memory have been reconstructed in the process. music. This is not to say that they were necessarily being listened to. telling Chilean society about their histories.39 And yet state-led attempts at national reconciliation in the early 1990s were closely connected to official recognition of Chile as a multicultural nation. or acknowledged by political elites. but rather that the Mapuche have been speaking out. ignored. covered city walls with graffiti. In a recent essay on remembering and forgetting in post-Pinochet Chile. The Mapuche have always been active participants in these sites. read. and museum exhibitions) act as what Lessie Jo Frazier has referred to as “containers of memory.”38 It is this nuanced view of the actions and strategies of governing elites and subaltern groups that I seek to convey in my study of Mapuche history. including newspapers. It is a story of what has been written about the liberal state’s invasion of Mapuche territory.Introduction: Mythical Objects and Political Subjects · 15 who have taken part in and thereby influenced historical events. and museum exhibitions. it argues that the Mapuche could and did assert agency. This was a time of escalating working-class mobilization in response to the problem of worsening living and working conditions. Chapter Outline My argument is structured around six chapters that follow a chronological order. The detail of the chapter also shows that even a “civilizing” state had some use for the notion of the noble Araucanian and that the very idea of “civilizing” indigenous territory was nuanced by elements of doubt about state violence. which elites either ignored (until 1920) or made tentative and unsuccessful efforts to resolve (during Arturo Alessandri’s presidency. Chapter 1 explores the multiple histories of the conquest of Araucanía during the second half of the nineteenth century as told by a vast array of sources. the two most prominent figures of the Mapuche political movement during the first decades of the twentieth century. such as schooling and the literacy that came with it. and are cultural producers who have narrated and reconstructed national historical processes. the school curriculum. Overall. In the face of state strength. photographs.” who embraced Chilean citizenship but simultaneously took advantage of Chilean state provisions. developing multiple strategies for survival that usually fitted somewhere between the two. It concludes by focusing on the complex figure of the “friendly Indian. to condemn state policy in Araucanía. government documents. in various ways. The main part of the chapter focuses on Manuel Manquilef and Manuel Aburto Panguilef. it is an analysis of how different people perceived this invasion at the time and how it has been remembered since. correspondence with military officials. Chapter 2 begins by analyzing the role allocated to the Mapuche in the divergent visions of nationhood that were circulating during the centennial celebrations of Chilean independence in 1910. during and after the occupation campaigns. testimonies. the populist . It shows that Mapuche political leaders and intellectuals were active participants in these nationalist festivities and in debates about the fate of indigenous peoples in modern Chile. they veered between participation and resistance. I argue that they both sought to reassert the place of the Indian in the Chilean nation-state and thereby challenge official (urban. and their articulations of Mapuche cultural identity through political speeches. It examines teaching reforms. and the rise and fall of Mapuche opera singer Rayén Quitral. scholarly writings. and museums under Frei Montalva. when a succession of Radical Party presidents and the (elected) populist administration of Carlos Ibáñez expanded state services and promoted more inclusive political programs based on notions of participation and social justice. but that they did so in very different ways. as outlined in previous scholarship. Pablo Neruda and Gabriela Mistral. the political machinations of Coñuepán as he worked his way up through the corridors of power. and Manquilef and Aburto were eclipsed by the figure of Venancio Coñuepán. I conclude by tracing some of the developments of the 1930s. Against this backdrop. as they campaigned to try to make Chilean governments and national society listen to the demands and problems of the Mapuche. as Mapuche migration from rural to urban areas increased. I examine the pronouncements of Manquilef and Aburto on education and indigenous land rights. although these tended to exclude rural areas. Ultimately. My analysis of the racial dimensions of the “Revolution in Liberty” and “Chilean Road to Socialism” reaffirms the contradictions of agrarian mobilization and the tension between ethnic-based and class-based organizing. My third chapter focuses on the 1940s and 1950s. Chapter 4 moves to the 1960s and early 1970s. in order to show how Chile contributed to and was influenced by developments in continental discourses of indigenismo. For the first time in Chilean history. and ritual and theatrical performances. whitened) definitions of citizenship. but then shifts its focus from the rural environment to look at what was being said about the Mapuche in the urban centers (mainly Santiago). the music of New Chilean Song artists Violeta Parra and Víctor Jara. I analyze the writings of Chile’s two Nobel laureates. poetic production. and the writings of Communist intellectual . which saw important agrarian reform programs enacted by the Christian Democratic government of Eduardo Frei Montalva and the Popular Unity government of Salvador Allende. I suggest that all four figures managed to blur the boundaries between indigenista and indigenous. And in Araucanía the Mapuche made up a large proportion of the peasantry. the state-directed national project had the peasantry at its heart.16 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile military dictatorship of Carlos Ibáñez and the short-lived Socialist Republic of Marmaduke Grove). and the continuing diversity of the Mapuche political movement. However. the poetic verses of David Aniñir. The chapter also stresses how. by emphasizing the continuing oscillation between negotiation and confrontation that has characterized indigenous-state relations in Chile since the conquest of Mapuche territory in the late nineteenth century. Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006). concentrate on Mapuche and Chilean cultural production and state cultural policy (folklore festivals. sports tournaments. I investigate the narratives constructed by the Mapuche newspaper Azkintuwe. the Commission for Historical Truth and New Treatment of Indigenous Peoples (2001–3). Overall. In Chapter 5 I explore the interacting dynamics of indigenous-state relations during the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. and the final reports produced by. government discourses on the indigenous question were multiple and often inconsistent. even under a military dictator. Chapter 6 scrutinizes the spaces opened up and constraints imposed by state-sponsored multiculturalism in post-dictatorship Chile. The main sections. Focusing mainly on the government of the third Concertación president. This chapter brings the book full circle. The chapter begins by outlining the brutality of state repression. it explores the processes via which competing historical truths of internal colonialism have been constructed and disseminated. on the flip side. I examine the procedures and protagonists involved in. And. some sectors of Mapuche society supported the military regime) involved moments of defiance. and official teaching programs) in order to show that resistance could entail some strategic negotiating. however. we see that collaboration (as with Chilean society more broadly. winka! Finally. it also notes a key shift in Mapuche identity discourses: that is the proclamation by many intellectuals and political . in conjunction with. I explore the endeavors of two Mapuche poets to revise dominant ideas about history and memory from within regional state museums and the National Monuments Council.Introduction: Mythical Objects and Political Subjects · 17 Alejandro Lipschutz and the public declarations of Allende. or indeed sometimes as a direct result of government initiatives. and a controversial collection of essays by Mapuche historians and sociologists entitled ¡Escucha. and the significance of the emergence of a large ethnic-based Mapuche organizational network in opposition to this law. the chapter demonstrates how Mapuche culture became increasingly visible during this period despite. the consequences of the land division law of 1979. the multilayered nature of Chilean state institutions. theater performances. regional press narratives. as indicated in the title of the conclusion. but it seeks to show that what it means for the Mapuche to be “different” has changed according to the historical and political context in which difference is being enunciated. and who is doing the enunciating. the book narrates a defiant history of difference.18 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile activists of a Mapuche nation (pueblo-nación) that is separate from the Chilean nation. rather than a Mapuche people or race within the Chilean nation. Overall. . In reality. In theory. Arauco (or Araucanía) could not be conceived as a province of Chile “if Chile means a country where her flag is flown and her laws are obeyed. assistance from Mapuche leaders to journey overland. Seven years after Domeyko made this remark. the very numerous Mapuche population of southern Chile. a discourse. Indigenous territory was legally reconceptualized and re-presented as “territory inhabited by indigenous people” or as “frontier lands” that. but most of the territory between Concepción and Valdivia was controlled by the Mapuche (see maps 1 and 2). the new legal framework was just that: a framework.2 As the Argentine writer and statesman Domingo Faustino Sarmiento commented in 1854. the Chilean state created the Province of Arauco (July 2. as of March 1853. 1852).”3 . the Polish geologist and mineralogist Ignacio Domeyko exclaimed with great surprise that his adopted country—a supposedly “free and sovereign nation”—was divided in two by “a handful of people [who remained] submerged in barbarism. indeed. shortly before he was granted Chilean citizenship.”1 That “handful of people” was. Maps of the period often portrayed Chile as a long. could be bought or sold only with the authorization of local state authorities. 1862–1910 In 1845. it did not so much secure state control of Mapuche lands as legitimize the state’s desire for and plans to achieve that control. If people wanted to travel between these two Chilean provinces they either had to go by sea or to request permission and.1 Histories of Conquest The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. continuous whole. in fact. this meant that the lands to the south of the Bío-Bío River were no longer controlled by the Mapuche. however. an ideal. Several key figures. more broadly.20 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Map 1. Southern South America. Such proposals were not well received by government authorities in . showing independent Mapuche territory in Chile before the state began its military occupation campaigns (1862–83). about what integration meant. (Map created by Jon Hill. most members of the political and military elite agreed that a more effective integrationist program was needed. but there was no consensus about how this should be carried out or.) By the late 1850s. such as General José María de la Cruz. promoted a peaceful process of incorporation that would allow for mechanisms of regional autonomy and self-government. The Mapuche heartland in Chile.) . giving an orientation to towns and cities mentioned in this book. (Map created by Jon Hill.Map 2. and asks how these conceptions fitted in with dominant discourses of race and nation.5 Economic considerations were also important: Chile’s burgeoning agricultural export economy would benefit enormously from the acquisition of the fertile lands of the south. It investigates the trajectories of five important Mapuche figures and their divergent interactions with the colonizing forces. however. and the final report of the Commission for Historical Truth and New Treatment of Indigenous Peoples.4 As Arturo Leiva has documented. it explores the multiple histories of conquest as told by national and regional newspapers. which was supported by many Mapuche chiefs in Araucanía. “There is no more glorious and dignified endeavor for our army. it discusses the consequences of military occupation for the Mapuche as a people.” its editorial page of May 24. rich territories. government documents. “than to take control of those barbarians. museum exhibitions. Instead.7 This chapter does not purport to provide a definitive account of what happened during these years. [thereby] assuring forevermore the tranquility of the southern provinces and conquering for our country those vast. regionalist uprising in Concepción in 1859. contemporary Mapuche poetry. when Chilean troops took over the ruins of the colonial town of Villarrica. Throughout I stress that the histories of the occupation campaigns are plural and contested. the occupation of Mapuche territory became an issue of national security for the centralizing state led by Presidents Manuel Montt (1851–61) and José Joaquín Pérez (1861–71). the oldest and most influential newspaper in the country. the national history curriculum. correspondence between Mapuche leaders and state authorities. particularly in the context of the federalist. in the name of civilization. 1859. And yet we detect several key threads or patterns . It then delves into the two most prominent narratives at the time of the military campaigns: stories of peace and friendship between Chileans and Mapuche versus vivid accounts of violent conflict. It also explores the contesting ways in which the “Indian” was imagined in late nineteenthcentury Chile. Finally.” That supposed “glorious and dignified endeavor” began in earnest with the occupation of Angol in December 1862 and proceeded in stages until January 1883.22 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Santiago. was constantly urging the government to proceed with military intervention. Mapuche testimonies. which was made public in 2003. The chapter begins with a brief outline of recent changes in scholarly work on and official representations of the occupation campaigns.6 El Mercurio. asserted. not least because their brave military struggles of the (colonial and more recent) past continued to provide inspiration in the present. 1862–1910 · 23 within this framework of multiplicity. endured well into the twentieth century.8 There is certainly much evidence to support claims of Chilean state racism. Various state actors and institutions responded to Mapuche society in a number of different ways. The most recent edition of A History of Chile by . (Remember that the acquisition of Araucanía coincided with the annexation of vast tracts of Peruvian and Bolivian territory in the north during the War of the Pacific. but—as I will show—not all descriptions of or expressions about the Mapuche were negative.The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. Two other fundamental points emerge in conjunction with this reassessment of the state. and that Chilean state authorities were highly racist in their attitude toward and treatment of contemporary Mapuche. Recovering a Marginalized History Despite playing such a central role in the Liberal Republic’s drive for economic modernization and territorial expansion. especially when the state was at war with external enemies. Second. state presence in. Araucanía remained precarious for many years after the occupation campaigns. which emerged during the colonial period (as a result of Ercilla’s epic poem La Araucana) and were reinforced during the early independence years. Most existing scholarship suggests that the heroic Araucanian warrior had disappeared from official discourse by the late nineteenth century. and was followed shortly after by the appropriation of Rapa Nui. First. Moreover. more centralized. the military campaigns against the Mapuche have received little attention in Anglophone studies of Chilean history. and control over.) But it was far from one uniform or all-powerful whole. This meant that governing authorities needed to engage and negotiate with—rather than merely impose their will on—local Mapuche leaders. their territory was occupied by the Chilean state. The Chilean state of the late 1800s and early 1900s was stronger. the Mapuche could and did assert agency in various ways during and after the military campaigns. and more successful in its expansionist drive than many other states in Latin America at the time. They retained a place within Chilean nationalist discourse and iconography. the romantic images of the Mapuche. but they were not entirely conquered nor was their culture wholly assimilated. but he died shortly after the final offensive and never wrote any scholarly accounts of the campaigns.”11 Visitors to the National History Museum in Santiago used to be told in the exhibit placards that “the Mapuche resisted [occupation] but the superiority of the Chilean military forces was unstoppable. for example.”12 The Regional Museum of Araucanía in Temuco also presented the “Conquest and Pacification” of the Mapuche as an inevitable. In the sixteen volumes that made up his Historia jeneral de Chile (1904). but his take on events replicated the standard story. Chapter 52 of volume 18 called readers’ attention to the horrors of the Mapuche uprising in 1881. it simply stated “the difficulty was not so much a struggle against the aborigines as against the [region’s] dense forest. . It has also been sidelined by some of Chile’s most renowned historians. Moreover. the Mapuche rebellion of 1881. School texts and museum poster boards eulogized Cornelio Saavedra.”10 Traditionally. focusing on the influx of foreign and national settlers. the activities of the French adventurer Orélie Antoine (who proclaimed himself king of Araucanía and Patagonia in 1861). when one might presume that a war of conquest would have been celebrated. the national history curriculum and Chilean state museums reinforced these minimalist narratives.9 Francisco Antonio Encina dedicated more space to the conquest of Mapuche territory in his twenty-volume Historia de Chile (1940–52). but claimed that the attacks were repelled without many problems because most of the indigenous population “had lost their admirable fighting strength. Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna was a vociferous supporter of military intervention in Araucanía.” and then only briefly.” And of the army’s occupation of Villarrica in 1883. During the Christian Democratic government of Eduardo Frei Montalva (1964–70). and the “pacification” of that revolt. teaching programs barely mentioned the occupation campaigns. it was not until secondary school that students looked at the “spontaneous and official occupation of Araucanía.13 Mapuche protagonists were noticeably absent from this dominant narrative. dedicates only one and a half pages to the subject. as was the civilizing ideology that justified the advance of the troops. Luis Galdames devoted only two pages to the subject in his Estudio de la historia de Chile (1907). Diego Barros Arana only got as far as 1833.24 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Simon Collier and William Sater. Even during the fervently nationalistic military regime of Augusto Pinochet (1973–90). the subject was introduced within the bigger picture of “peaceful resolutions to border conflicts. uncomplicated component of the nation-building project. published in 1913. the colonization process. almost preordained. Most obviously. and Wilhelm de Moesbach. The last two to three decades. but this is not to say that no in-depth record of it existed previously. but national and regional archives in the country hold an abundance of official correspondence and military reports detailing the intrigues of the occupation campaigns. the first modern study of the Mapuche to draw substantially on oral histories and to underscore the diversity of Mapuche responses to the military occupation of their territory. This text foreshadowed some of the most important tenets of postcolonial studies in Latin America. we see how the varied (official and nonofficial) attempts to deal with the legacy of the Pinochet dictatorship (1973–90) have stimulated a broader discussion about conflict and state violence in Chilean history. this people were presented as a homogeneous and defeated mass. otherwise known as Chilean exceptionalism in Latin America. More is being written on the subject. The year 1985 saw the publication of José Bengoa’s groundbreaking Historia del pueblo mapuche. and Gregorio Urrutia (the military generals who led the campaigns) and often made reference to the adventures of French “King” Orélie Antoine (most likely for comic effect). Instead. Vida y costumbres de los . national order.. Las últimas familias i costumbres araucanas. and their participatory roles in.The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. Tomás Guevara. and increasing emphasis is being placed on Mapuche experiences of. We also have access to the published testimonies (albeit filtered by the transcriber) of a number of Mapuche who either participated in the hostilities themselves or remembered the participation of their friends and relatives (e. have seen a major rethinking of the campaigns that brought an end to Mapuche independence. but rarely did they mention any Mapuche individuals.”14 A complicated military conflict does not fit with the dominant narrative of political stability. The failure to deal in any depth with this chapter of the past can largely be attributed to the fact that one of the main themes in Chilean national historiography has been the “unfolding of a stable. particularly with regard to indigenous historical agency.g. Chile’s most prestigious historians may not have dwelt for long on the episode. 1862–1910 · 25 Basilio Urrutia. however. and encouraged other Chilean anthropologists and historians to move in this direction.16 The accepted history of the colonization of Araucanía has thus undergone substantial revisions since the 1980s.15 The political realities of late twentieth-century Chile also played an important role in opening up debates about the occupation campaigns. The point is that this history was not widely disseminated or debated until the late twentieth century. the first military intrusion (the occupation of Angol in 1862) took place “without any resistance. Historia de la civilización de la Araucanía (1898–1902). described by Jorge Pinto as “local historians. more importantly. According to one of his early works.” he said. Crónica militar de la conquista y pacificación de la Araucanía (1909). quietly trusting in the civilizing protection afforded by our laws. during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries several people. the complex history of the campaigns has been available in written documents ever since they took place.17 All three writers support the “civilizing” mission of the Chilean state. the occupation campaigns “were given a toque de naturalidad. was to become the official narrative of events: “In the public sphere. President Domingo Santa María proudly declared that the occupation of Araucanía had been achieved without “inflicting any harm upon the bellicose but now pacified inhabitants of those territories. Furthermore. acknowledge the multiple roles assumed by Mapuche people in this mission. Thus.18 Proclamations of Peace and Friendship In his opening speech to the Chilean Congress in 1883.” and terms such as war and military invasion were purposefully avoided. Tomás Guevara. Crónica de la Araucanía (1889).26 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile indígenas araucanos en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. and Leandro Navarro. as Mapuche historian Sergio Caniuqueo notes.” thought it important to bring together the primary documents and relate in book form the events that led up to the final offensives of 1883: Horacio Lara. but their narratives also attest to the problems involved and.”21 By 1881. when troops were withdrawn from the Araucanian frontier and sent northward to fight against Bolivia and Peru. who received the National History Prize in 1992 and is the author of numerous history textbooks.” According to Santa María “once aware that they would receive fair treatment” the Mapuche were “persuaded of the futility of their struggle and gave themselves up. when marginalized histories began to be incorporated into mainstream narratives of the past. has proffered a similarly peaceful description of the occupation campaigns.20 Sergio Villalobos.”19 This. he noted that the Chilean position was weakened . published in 1930). when. available at www. memoriachilena.) but claimed that the Mapuche failed to make the most of this situation.) Villalobos finished his brief summary by saying “thus the task assumed by the Spanish more than three hundred years before was [finally] concluded.” . however.cl. In the most recent edition of Breve historia de Chile (2008). Painting of the Parliament of Hipinco (1869) by Manuel José Olascoaga. was very different. which Villalobos captioned “a friendly meeting between Cornelio Saavedra and the caciques of Araucanía. due to false images of a bloody struggle. people presumed that the military advances would be terrible. and where. well-intentioned parlamentos. but there is no analysis of such resistance efforts nor of the repression that followed. Villalobos’s conclusion was particularly forthright: “initially. he acknowledged that there was a Mapuche uprising against Chilean intrusions in the late 1860s. There was no formidable rebellion. everything was resolved through high-flown words. etc.The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. and the main thrust of his account centers around the establishment of forts (which forts. threats and [a few] skirmishes. (Image provided by the Colección Biblioteca Nacional de Chile.”22 By the 2000s. Villalobos had revised his story line slightly. The reality. fears. 1862–1910 · 27 Figure 6.”23 Accompanying this last comment was a copy of a painting of the Parliament of Hipinco by Manuel José Olascoaga (figure 6). and that the Mapuche did take advantage of the War of the Pacific (1879–84) to rebel again in 1881. together with his benevolent approach. These “friendly” meetings enabled the government. Perhaps most significantly. [and] offering them protection against thieves and those who seek to usurp their lands. represented on this occasion by Saavedra.”27 This was how . while all the other people either stand or sit on the ground.”26 Other military officers sought to perpetuate this story of peace and friendship. Chilean civilians. For example. Reflecting on one particular meeting. the occupation campaigns were a painless affair.” He asserted that he had “never shot an Indian” and that this fact.24 Undoubtedly. prominent Mapuche leaders. the occupation and “civilization” of Mapuche territory necessitated nothing more than a clear explanation (to the Mapuche) as to the procedures involved and the benefits it would bring. allaying their fears. he claimed that the “Indians quickly became used to the presence of our troops on their lands. religious missionaries. who led the final offensives of 1882 and 1883. and their followers.25 In the same report. and thereby avoiding violent confrontation. It was Saavedra who led most of the expeditions into Mapuche territory during the 1860s and 1870s. Saavedra explained how crucial the parlamentos were to the colonization process. One man is talking. dialoguing with the Mapuche. and Saavedra appears to be reflecting on what is being said. Imagined thus. once professed: “I have always endeavored to carry out the occupation by convincing the Indians of the benefits of civilization. including military officials. “was the great secret that [allowed us] to occupy Araucanía without spilling a drop of blood.28 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile The same painting appears in several other histories of the occupation campaigns. some of whom were armed with spears. they became friendly with the soldiers and brought fruit and other products to the army camps. it is an important visual source which suggests that the meetings between colonial authorities and indigenous representatives continued to function long after Chilean independence. helping them in their disputes. One of his commentaries has become particularly famous. not least because of its frequent citation by Villalobos: in 1862 he told state authorities in Santiago that Angol had been “taken without any resistance” and assured them that the occupation of Arauco “no nos costará sino mucho mosto y mucha música” (requires little more than alcohol and music). General Gregorio Urrutia. treating them with care. to keep a firm control of the situation. sitting comfortably on a chair in the shade. Saavedra is presented as the superior authority. It also indicates that the meeting in Hipinco was attended by a variety of different people. and that.”31 Ambrosio Paillalef began one letter to Major Barbosa in March 1870 by saying. such as his impending blindness and various hacendados’ attempts to steal his lands. It is also significant that they felt they needed to try to garner Mapuche support. after recounting some of his problems. it is significant that this was the kind of self-image that Chilean military officers wanted to promote. the Chilean government and military forces were successful in such efforts. To a certain extent. Nonetheless.The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. In this particular letter. your servant.”32 In September 1878. pledges of friendship and an apparent willingness to acknowledge (some) Mapuche sovereignty did not always translate into respectful behavior in reality (and it is worth noting that Gregorio Urrutia qualified his not “spilling a drop of blood” by finishing the sentence with “unless we were at war”). congratulating him on his appointment as minister of war. In 1872 Basilio Urrutia signed off a letter to Antonio Painemal as “your friend who wishes to live in peace with all the caciques of your land. helping to . an exceptionally valuable resource for investigating Mapuche-state relations in Chile and Argentina during the nineteenth century.”28 Particularly interesting is Urrutia’s recognition that at least some of Araucanía was Mapuche land (“your land”).”29 He was the author of one of the letters Jorge Pavez reproduces in Cartas mapuches (2008). An investigation of correspondence between military authorities and Mapuche leaders suggests that it was also how they wanted Mapuche people to think of their incorporation into the Chilean state. Domingo Melin wrote to Saavedra. and reasserting that he was a cacique who had “always offered his services to the government. As early as 1861. The aforementioned Antonio Painemal was once described by a fellow Mapuche as “a very useful supporter of the Chilean government. 1862–1910 · 29 Gregorio Urrutia wanted the campaigns to be remembered in the official records. “It is my great pleasure to take this pen in my hands so that I can greet you with the warmest of well wishes and ask after the health of all your family” and ended with the words. intervening in the establishment of forts. “My beloved friend. Painemal referred to Gregorio Urrutia as “my General” and. Narciso Lonkgochino assured the Chilean Ministry of the Interior that his Mapuche-Huilliche Indians would always remain “at peace with and obedient to the Republic. I am.”30 We find many other proclamations of support from Mapuche leaders in the letters collected by Pavez. if he died. Of course. his sons would continue to “propagate [Urrutia’s] affability. as always. promised that he would always help Urrutia. ” Ambrosio Paillalef politely reminded the commander. Christian men.”34 Such promises of peaceful intent are not surprising. and was given “a couple of the finest horses” in return. Mapuche caciques were supposed to receive regular payments for providing information on planned rebellions and trying to prevent such rebellions from taking place. Domingo Painevilu.30 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile quell any [potential] uprisings amongst the Indians. “Do not forget to send me a rifle and some bullets. who described himself as someone who had “always served the government. Venancio Coñuepán (I) told independence leader Bernardo O’Higgins that he could always “count on [his] Araucanians. for example. He presumably hoped that assertions of long-term loyalty would help to secure his release. the “friendly Indians” were also given weapons to defend themselves against their Mapuche rivals: in the last line of his letter of March 18. Pavez’s Cartas mapuches indicates the large number of Mapuche leaders receiving salaries from the Chilean government.” Beyond payments or provisions of arms.”35 Professed loyalty to the government also had several benefits or at least compensations. Mapuche-Chilean alliances were a constant throughout the nineteenth century. 1870. many Mapuche probably decided it was in their best interests (or that their only option was) to pledge loyalty to the colonizing forces.38 Accounts of Violence Many Mapuche pledges of loyalty were made in direct response to allegations of treachery.” traveled to Santiago to warn President Santa María about a planned attack against Temuco in 1881.36 According to Basilio Urrutia. and after proclaiming himself to be Barbosa’s “servant. there were other favors that pro-government caciques could request. the success of government recruitment was such that all the main caciques of Araucanía were rentados by 1879. In one well-known letter of 1823.” Melin concluded the letter by describing himself as “a good friend of civilized.37 In many cases. Luis Colipí also wrote to Saavedra. A letter written by Melin to Saavedra on December . and protecting Spanish [meaning Chilean] traders. This was by no means a new phenomenon. In the face of state strength. As with indios amigos (friendly Indians) during the colonial period.”33 The next month. Melin’s letter of 1878 was written from prison. stressing the “fidelity I have always shown toward [Chilean] laws. The Chilean military was far better armed than the Mapuche. however. for example. detailing all his efforts to maintain calm in the region. enraged war. the newspaper lamented that the body of an “unfortunate Chilean” had been found “horrendously mutilated. . On February 9. Following defeat. according to official records. it would seem that Araucanía was far from calm. Panic reigns everywhere” it said. “We do not want to go to war. According to Leandro Navarro.”40 He described the “violent raids” carried out by the Araucanians. 1862–1910 · 31 13.200 Indians had recently assailed the fort of Traiguén. expressly sought to allay Saavedra’s concerns that a major uprising against Chile was being planned amongst his people. 1869 marked the beginning of a “cruel. it gave details of an assault by “the indomitable savages” on the fort of Curaco near Collipulli. in which the legendary Araucanian made perhaps his last supreme effort to hold on to independence. The piece finished by proclaiming that the rebels would “soon receive their punishment!”43 On February 21. its tone had become quite hysterical: “So far the expedition to the south has achieved nothing. and the terrifying threats of the notorious Mapuche rebel José Santos Quilapán.” this leader promised. . On January 31. “order” was restored to Araucanía by 1871.39 By the late 1860s.” and warned that the military campaign against the Indian rebels was going to be “full of dangers.” By March 7. when Chile was at war with Bolivia and Peru.” “a war to the death. “we are not mixed up in anything. shortly after meeting with Saavedra in Angol. In early 1881 no more than two or three days went by without El Mercurio of Valparaíso reporting on some vicious attack against a frontier town and its inhabitants. who quietly let their milk be taken. the battle that followed.” On February 3.”42 Quilapán’s threats were enacted in various military confrontations. 1867. and publicized by the press. Ten years later. national newspapers again bombarded their readers with reports of Mapuche violence in the southern regions. . and the deaths of various Chilean civilians who were trying to defend the fort alongside the military troops. they made their way to Los Sauces and “burn[ed] everything in their path.” He wrote again a week later.The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. their assassination of “friendly Indians” such as Ancamilla. El Mercurio reported that Indians had hijacked a convoy of six wagons from Traiguén and murdered the drivers.41 who proclaimed himself “cacique generalissimo” of Araucanía and harshly criticized people like Melin for acting like “hobbled cows. it reproduced a piece from La Revista del Sur of Concepción claiming that 1. before telling readers about more atrocities committed . but he eventually signed a peace deal with the authorities and. a scorched earth policy endorsed at the highest levels. A group of Chilean representatives.32 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile by the Indians. and retrospective scholarly accounts. the rebellion of 1881 was “the last cultural act. Coña was not a witness to what happened.” war was a “rite of historical continuity. a commander of the frontier troops stated that Imperial had been “completely destroyed. In one telegram to the Ministry of War dated November 9. Temuco. but instead relayed what other people had told him: “People say these Chileans were tied up and had their hearts ripped out while they were still alive.46 The book recounts numerous instances of Mapuche violence. military documents. were captured by Marimán (one of the rebel leaders). expressive of [Mapuche] cultural unity. who self-identified as “the sons of Lautaro and Caupolicán. and Imperial in November 1881. who had been sent to Araucanía in an attempt to dissuade the Mapuche from rebelling.”45 This source was cited by Bengoa in his Historia del pueblo mapuche. recounted one particularly gruesome act of violence that took place during the uprising of 1881. The Mapuche offered the hearts up to their Gods and dipped their spears in the blood of these men. but they also recorded the deaths of more than six hundred Mapuche.” “a symbolic act. he said.” and that the total “number of victims [was] incalculable. Official reports on the rebellions of 1869 noted the loss of scores of Chilean soldiers and some civilians. the most shocking aspect of the picture drawn by the same sources is the brutality of the Chilean forces. a respected community figure from Lake Budi near Puerto Saavedra.” that the number of people “killed by the Indians in and around Lumaco [was] more than one hundred. weaving them into a history of heroic ethnic resistance: as interpreted by Bengoa. despite the fact that Mapuche acts of violence appear in contemporaneous newspapers.50 In 1870 Minister of War Francisco Echaurren wrote to the . Ñielol.”44 Official military correspondence and government reports did not mention such an incident. These are just five of at least fifty reports to appear in El Mercurio during the first half of the year—notably before the major rebellion that took place in November.49 Some senior military figures were surprisingly open about the trail of destruction left behind by Chilean troops as they advanced through Araucanía. which also documented the killing of forty injured Chilean soldiers as they were transported from Temuco to Ñielol. Cañete. but they did detail the brutality of the attacks led by Mapuche rebels against the forts of Lumaco.”48 Yet. Pascual Coña. Mapuche testimonies.”47 For the Mapuche. . Lorenzo Koliman told Tomás Guevara that “during this period people killed Mapuche like today they hunt birds. José Manuel Pinto: “If the Indians do not obey . El Araucano of Lebu published a tale which it said would “truly touch people’s hearts. he seemed to say. and the fact that they can easily avoid or escape the clutches of our soldiers. On February 25. El Ferrocarril of Santiago described the war being waged “against the savages” as an “inhumane. will always be destructive. The next day his “naked body was beaten over and over” by both junior and senior officers. Many Mapuche “informants” (in the traditional ethnographical sense) confirmed the aggression and cruelty of Chilean soldiers. Coña relays the macabre story of Patricio Rojas. and immoral war that brings no glory to our soldiers.”55 Several years later. a “monster” who “arrested some Mapuche people and locked them up inside their ruka”.”53 and the memoirs of Pascual Coña describe one trigger-happy Chilean officer. lamented by some local and national newspapers. and—above all else— never ending. the latter are left with no other option than the worst and most repugnant of actions.”51 Even Saavedra. who took the lives of many Indian rebels that surrendered. you need to organize military regiments that will penetrate the rebel territory. was later forced to admit that violence and suffering was bound to accompany the Chilean colonizing mission: A war. In addition.”54 The brutality of the colonizing forces was also acknowledged and.52 In this 1868 report. just prior to the widespread Mapuche rebellion of November 1881. who had been so optimistic in 1862. they would find it difficult to remain loyal to a state whose military forces had treated them so abominably. and [then] destroy everything that cannot be taken away. 1862–1910 · 33 then commander of frontier troops. . steal their livestock. from various different points. imprudent. expensive. even if the Mapuche surrendered. Because of the type of lands controlled by the savage Araucanians. Saavedra aired his doubts as to whether the occupation campaigns could ever be successfully concluded. initiated by a series of military incursions into indigenous lands. The prisoner was kept tied to a pole by his hands and feet overnight. destroying their properties and causing them the worst suffering possible. indeed. . That is to say they burn down the [Indians’] farms. he then “set fire to the ruka and watched as the Indians died in the flames. . Juan Peña.The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. kidnap their families. . 1869. but this “barbarous and inhumane flagellation” .”56 The author recounted the capture of an Indian rebel in Ñielol. again and again” and “thereby finished the existence . “the army invaded [Mapuche] territory and began a relentless war of extermination against the civilian population. which went unpunished by Chilean authorities. the state-sponsored narrative of conquest now rejects President Santa María’s 1883 peaceful version of events. a terrible strike. reference to the brutality of the army troops sent in to occupy Mapuche territory. burning [their] houses and fields.60 and since 2008 the Regional . it is little wonder that Bengoa described it as “one of the darkest pages in Chilean history. Lara. who had always pledged loyalty to the government.” The author clearly pitied the captive. who celebrated the “pacification” of Araucanía as a splendid triumph for Chile. supposedly charged with the mission of “civilizing” the Indians. he said. .”58 Drawing on Bengoa as one of its most authoritative sources. all of sudden. who had been educated in a Chilean school. and his son.” According to this author. and was at the time working as a translator for the local governor. He was then forced to march. who was romanticized as a heroic martyr. had trained to be a teacher. What all these sources shared in common.57 And all three wrote of barbaric atrocities committed by colonist farmers against defenseless Mapuche women and children. was an inversion (or at least questioning) of the dominant racial discourse of “civilization” versus “barbarism. Both Lara and Navarro. Given this profusion of primary material confirming the violence of the occupation process. for the prisoner refused to tell them what they wanted to know. [including] women and children. and felt embarrassed that Chilean police officers could act in such a “barbarous and inhumane” manner. was clear: to “provoke [such] terror that [the Mapuche] were forced to give in. [struck] his head with his sword. for example. of someone who had lived freely in this place for many years. albeit brief. Since the changes of 2006–7.” for it was the Chilean state agents. the final report of the Commission for Historical Truth and New Treatment of Indigenous Peoples concluded that Santiago society at the time had become “convinced that it was [only going to be possible] to occupy Araucanía through violent means” and labeled the years 1869 through 1883 as “a period of great violence. Even Guevara. either implicitly or explicitly.34 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile achieved nothing. and “a young policeman. stealing [their] animals.” The purpose. recounted the premeditated murder of Domingo Melin. and Navarro. the National History Museum has made more explicit. who were portrayed as barbarians.”59 Thus. . did not ignore the violence of the occupying troops. Fermín Alejo Melin. personified by the cacique. As narrated by renowned poet Elicura Chihuailaf. My grandfather.64 If we read the poem as an account of the latter. they are once again able to dream. responses to . and the duality of identity versus chauvinism. “The Chilean state was consolidated through blood and fire. was disappeared and his wives and children cried for him. the identity of “they” here is ambiguous. In an equally moving poem on Temuco published as part of his prizewinning Se ha despertado el ave de mi corazón (The Bird of My Heart Has Awoken). .The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. particularly 1868–71 and 1881–83. we are confronted by a Chilean nation that is created from the body parts of murdered Indians. these times coincided with widespread Mapuche rebellions and subsequent military repression. [thereby] violently interrupting the dreams of our people. And the skin of his back / they used for a flag / and his head they tied to a belt. from the same collection. Lienlaf ’s ancestors experience death as liberation. no longer subject to brutal repression. . the Mapuche nation. the cacique of Quechurewe. Even teaching programs. as recounted by Mapuche testimonies. 1862–1910 · 35 Museum of Araucanía has obliged visitors to confront the stories of horror and suffering. . in De sueños azules y contrasueños. and local intellectuals. Leonel Lienlaf evoked his ancestors who slept below that city: “Dreaming in their sleep / they are / and in the river flows / their blood. which refrain from probing this historical conflict in too much detail. As official documents tell it. now use this episode as a starting point to “discuss the strengths and weaknesses of our nationalism. had to be dismembered in order for the Chilean nation to flourish. in part. leaving the reader to reflect upon the similarities between the Spanish and Chilean wars of conquest.”62 It is a memory that haunts his family: “they move their / sad winter lips / and remind us of our / dead and disappeared” he writes in “Es otro el invierno que en mis ojos llora” (It Is Another Winter That I Weep For).” As I have contended elsewhere. “Le sacaron la piel” (They tore off his skin). is more powerful still: “They tore off the skin / of our brave leader! / And cut off his head. Yet the rebellions were.”61 Particularly compelling are recent Mapuche literary representations of the military campaigns.”63 Whereas violence interrupts the dreams of Chihuailaf ’s family. / We leave crying and our blood / soaks the land. my father told me that he was taken together with some other men to be killed because he would not agree to the ‘voluntary’ sale of his lands. contemporary newspapers. Some periods during the colonization process were more violent than others. and all his children killed. In more recent years. and his son Quilapán was “the last great lonko” of rebel Araucanía. And yet. “You do not know what your countrymen have done to us. This is the overwhelming narrative to come out of the majority of sources. even as we acknowledge these two broad (opposing) strategies.36 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile the atrocities already being committed by Chilean troops or Chilean colonos. The point to stress here is the constant violence underpinning the colonization of Araucanía. Family lineage was clearly an important factor: Mangin was one of the most feared anti-Chilean Mapuche caciques during the first half of the nineteenth century (he died in 1860). It is not surprising to find such challenges in recent sources. but it is unexpected to find them in documents produced by the same military authorities that were leading the campaigns. the doubt focuses on the very notion of civilizing in this context. even at the time of the occupation campaigns. new museum exhibits. we get a clear sense that the Mapuche of the late 1800s veered between compliance and resistance in the face of state strength.66 But lineage did not explain everybody’s position. Venancio Coñuepán (II) maintained good relations . and contemporary Mapuche poetry. The authorities knew what was happening—military commanders in the southern regions frequently complained to the central government that such violence was hindering the occupation process—but they refused. Investigating Subaltern Actions From the proclamations of peace and accounts of violence outlined thus far. the newspapers that often condemned the Mapuche as barbaric savages. All accounts of violence undermine the official rhetoric of the Chilean state during the late nineteenth century. and the accounts written by local historians who celebrated the military “pacification” of indigenous territory. or were unable. you have no right to reprimand me.”65 This man’s wives had been raped and murdered. we are continually struck by the great internal diversity of Mapuche society and how difficult it is to neatly categorize or explain everyone’s responses to Chilean colonization. to do much about it. A general civilizing ideal elaborated by the state was. and it is the story prioritized by the recent Commission for Historical Truth and New Treatment of Indigenous Peoples. it seems. nuanced by elements of doubt about violence. As one Mapuche man arrested after the uprising of 1881 told General Urrutia. The year 1881. most of whom have already appeared in this chapter.The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences.67 Territorial location also had a role to play—the arribanos from the northern frontier region (e. Quilapán) tended to be more rebellious and violent than the abajinos farther south (e. “They might threaten us with their guns and cannons.. (Quilapán may have feared that he would be killed if he went in person. The resulting peace settlement was signed by Quilapán’s fatherin-law.g. Quilapán had already demonstrated his capacity to organize the Mapuche and lead a successful rebel army: one of the first direct confrontations between Quilapán’s men and Chilean forces was in April 1868. if you want to avoid bloodshed. a large number of caciques did not change their position and fought with Chilean troops against their compatriots during the uprising. and yet his brother Millapán was one of the leaders of this uprising. Let them come! We will confront them with our spears. and it was the former that emerged victorious.g. Faustino Quilahueque. As Bengoa recounts. perhaps because they could see that their alliance with the authorities had not helped to protect their lands. I delve into the experiences of five representative individuals. was a key turning point: many leaders who had long been loyal to the government ended up joining the major insurrection.)71 And yet Quilapán continued to describe himself as “cacique generalissimo of . come with your sword and we will resolve this dispute between the two of us. timing can help us to understand Mapuche actions. however. Still.70 Such successes were short-lived.”68 For a while at least. Finally.”69 By this point. Coñuepán). he announced. twenty-three Chilean soldiers were killed and the remaining troops were forced to retreat. and he defended the government during the great uprising of 1881. but this was not always the case. “You may have thousands of bayonets at your disposition. 1862–1910 · 37 with the Chilean authorities. Perhaps for this reason. for instance. Quilapán entered into negotiations with the government in July 1869. and harsh reprisals usually followed. as his father had done before him. but I have the same number of spears at mine. his son Quilapán maintained this defiant stance against the invading forces. in September of the same year. locations. Mangin once proclaimed. It is through their personal histories that we can best appreciate the complex reality of Mapuche historical agency during this period. and if I wish I can double them.. Addressing José Manuel Pinto in early 1869. Rather than try to outline all the different Mapuche positions (to compile lists of people. and dates would not sufficiently document all the variants). ”76 As noted. Coñuepán took refuge in the fort of Ñielol when the violence broke out and. like someone who . In a letter to General Gregorio Urrutia. he did not entirely “reject the benefits of [Chilean] civilization. to others. we are at war. he penned an abrupt note to Colonel Orosimbo Barbosa to complain that he was still waiting for the formal written peace agreement. He showed respect toward them and was prepared to fight for them. he argued determinedly that there was no officially recognized basis for such actions. For this reason. Coñuepán did not envisage himself as subservient to Chilean state authorities.75 He was consequently proclaimed the “Cacique General of the Pacification of Araucanía.72 He certainly remained mistrustful of Chilean military authorities. But Coñuepán presented his loyalty as something that far surpassed such practical benefits.”73 A final complicating twist was Quilapán’s stance on education. Even when he was at war with the Chilean government. On April 29.38 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Araucanian territory. he explained that he had recently met with various local caciques who were “very angry with the government” because they felt it sought to “take away [their] lands. he had soldiers to defend him and his lands from rival Mapuche leaders. According to Navarro. there were several incentives to act as a “friendly Indian”: Coñuepán was paid.77 At the same time. 1870. he was not informed about the planned uprising of 1881. making a reference to their fathers who had fought with “Señor Freires” (probably the independence leader Ramón Freire) and General Bulnes (who led Chile to war against the Peruvian-Bolivian Confederation in the 1830s). Coñuepán may seem like a desperate man trying to preserve (at least some of) his lands and local power. he described himself and the caciques he represented as the ultimate “patriots” and purposefully rooted this patriotism in history. and Basilio Urrutia promised that the government would take care of his sons after he died. he employed a Chilean tutor to teach his children how to read and write in Spanish.”74 Venancio Coñuepán (II) consistently proclaimed his loyalty to the Chilean government. In the words of Navarro. together with sixty of his followers.” an indication that he did not equate peace with Chilean sovereignty over the region. he demanded Barbosa reply as soon as possible “because if the peace [accord] is not signed. In the same letter to Urrutia. To some. however. but demanded that he and his people be treated deferentially in return.” Appropriating the legalistic discourse of the Chilean state. fought alongside the Chileans to defend the town against its attackers. thieves). he narrates the entire episode in such a deadpan manner that it seems he could just have easily joined the rebels.”79 Coña and Painemilla (the main lonko of the area) were not informed of the forthcoming rebellion because everyone knew they supported the huincas: “Once [the rebels] had carried out the mass meetings. In reality. Oral legend has it . According to this document. saying “I have decided in favor of the uprising and I advise you to do likewise.” Here they joined the Chilean troops who were en route to Toltén.The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. 1862–1910 · 39 sincerely believed in his friendship with state authorities. Shortly before he died in 1927. the rebellion of 1881 in Chile was initiated by Mapuche leaders in Argentina via a message sent across the Andes: “We still have the issue of these huincas (foreigners. because we have agreed that anybody who does not join the rebellion will be severely punished. as we see in later chapters). Coña did not explain his or Painemilla’s motives: there is no mention of a salary. this did not usually involve emotive commitment. but they left empty-handed. he was referring instead to a distinctly political friendship. we also became aware that a great uprising was about to take place [and we] went to the army headquarters in Puerto Saavedra.”81 Neculmán joined in the attack against Temuco on November 11. Indeed. it was Neculmán who first received instructions from the Argentine caciques in 1881. of loyalty to the government. it was simply that “he did not want them to establish towns” in Araucanía. What was his reward for supporting Chilean occupation? Nothing: he traveled to Santiago with Painemilla to inform President Santa María of the rebels’ actions. we are going to rise up against them. he was a mixture of the two. The indigenous people of Argentina will finish them off. Juan de Dios Neculmán was a major protagonist of the 1881 rebellion. and was forced to flee with the other rebels when their insurrectionary plans failed. Traditional Mapuche society was highly segmented and functioned around a complex system of alliances. Neculmán did not dislike huincas per se. His son described him as “one of the most well-known caciques of Boroa” who was feared by the Chilean authorities because “he was so powerful. and we want you to do the same with yours. or of patriotic pride in being part of the Chilean republic.” Apparently.78 This setup continued into the late nineteenth century (and well beyond. He then passed these on to other Mapuche chiefs in Araucanía. Pascual Coña of Lake Budi recounted his life story to Capuchin missionary Father Wilhelm de Moesbach. When Coñuepán spoke of amistad or fidelidad.80 According to Coña’s memoirs. we can never know what motivated these men to act in the way that they did. only a month before this local newspaper report. including the governor of Imperial. assuring him that he had not taken any part in it and offering his help “in the reprisals against the leaders that ordered the rebellion. Ultimately. We have an infamous . at least some of the Mapuche rebel leaders of 1881 must have thought Painemal was on their side because (as narrated in Coña’s memoirs) they informed him of the impending uprising. Neculmán was being paid (or was supposed to be paid) a government salary. El Mercurio of Valparaíso told its readers that Painemal had been “emboldening the Indians and encouraging them to attack [Chilean] carts. a fellow Mapuche described Painemal as a “very useful supporter of the Chilean government. Even sources (directly or indirectly) authored by them cannot be taken at face value. whom they were addressing.40 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile that he went into hiding in nearby forests until he could negotiate a peace settlement.87 Yet. attended his funeral.”88 According to Navarro. and that this agreement involved the establishment of an Anglican Church mission and school on his lands.”86 He professed his allegiance to the Chilean state on numerous occasions. on the basis that doing so would mean that the Mapuche would lose their lands and be subjected to laws they did not recognize. but rather to get a sense of the many different (real and perceived) trajectories that the relationship between Mapuche leaders and the Chilean state could take. Neculmán transformed himself from a powerful rebel leader into one of the Chilean authorities’ most important allies. or rather it was never really known to what extent he supported Chilean occupation. however. and El Araucano once wrote of his leading fifty “tame” Indians into the town of Lebu to pay their respects to the new governor. is not to ascertain their exact motivations. In the case of Antonio Painemal the shift was less clear-cut. and why.” The governor agreed to give Neculmán the benefit of the doubt and encouraged him to “punish all the leaders and their men. for we always have to think about the context in which they were writing. As noted previously.82 But in Coña’s narrative we read that Neculmán made contact with the governor of Imperial as soon as the uprising failed.”83 Within a year.89 Whatever his dealings with the government.90 The point of probing the actions of these five individuals.85 Thus. Painemal met with the government minister Recabarren in 1881 and pleaded with him not to proceed any further with the establishment of forts in Araucanía.84 Seventeen years later. a large number of important state officials. eventually signed a peace deal. We will never be able to civilize the Indians. (Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna’s outburst in 1868. and yet never entirely capitulated. a powerful rebel leader who converted into an important ally of the government. it follows that Chilean attitudes toward them could be just as diverse.) And national newspapers.” is probably the most widely cited source. and a cacique who professed peace but whose loyalties were frequently doubted and who certainly knew about the rebellion of 1881. and was applauded and rewarded for doing so. because this has entailed nothing but a loss of life. such as El Mercurio.91 Certainly. and vice versa.The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences.” This is just one quotation. They possibly feigned submission or rebellion. 1881. when he urged his peers to “rip the [Araucanians’] poisonous arrow of savage revenge out of the heart of the republic. ample primary material exists to support this line of thinking. Given that Mapuche people responded to the realities of conquest in multiple ways. echoed the theme. 1862–1910 · 41 warrior-hero who was determined to resist Chilean intrusions. That this was the predominant sentiment of intellectual and political elites at the time. however. a consistently loyal Chilean “patriot. especially in the heated congressional debates about the occupation of Araucanía. but who also demanded compromises of the republican authorities. particularly during the buildup to and the events of the major Mapuche rebellion in 1881. but there are hundreds of others like it. does not mean it was the only prevailing . They often changed tactics. the latter’s editorial page proclaimed that the government should “declare a war of extermination [against the Indians] and not think about trying to civilize them. Participation in the nation-building project did not preclude all resistance against it. time. they could be involved in one element of it and reject another.” who was prepared to fight to the death for Chile. a sidekick of a lonko who sided quite spontaneously with Chile during the rebellion of 1881 but received nothing in exchange for his endeavors. the strategies these Mapuche adopted indicate a significant gray area in between resistance against and participation in the state’s colonizing mission. and money. On March 14. In sum. Images of Race and Nation during the Occupation Campaigns The dominance of anti-indigenous sentiment during the late nineteenth century has become a well-established fact in existing scholarship on Chile. a pink if not white complexion. and in fact enjoyed a revival during the War of the Pacific against Bolivia and Peru. an idealization of the indigenous past is quite different from an appreciation of the indigenous present—and the contemporary Indian was a source of contempt for many of those people determined to push on with the “progress and modernization” of Chile—but I would argue that elite attitudes toward the contemporary Mapuche (or Araucanian) could be as varied as those toward his heroic ancestors. The former were less than women. On April 2. from alto Imperial. The noble Araucanian warrior of old was certainly less prominent in late nineteenth-century imaginings of the Chilean nation than he had been during the early independence years. What beautiful Indians! Tall. for example. The main objective of their coming here was to pay their respects to the new governor. the latter much more than men. El Mercurio printed a stirring piece called “To War We Go!” in which “the volcanic lava of Arauco” was compared to the Inca of Peru: “Pizarro drove thousands of Atahualpa’s Indians to the slaughter in Lima’s main square as if they were sheep [whereas] Valdivia could not manage to kill a single Araucanian without being punished for it. Despite having submitted to Chilean . which could field almost three times as many troops as Santiago. who presented a major obstacle to the consolidation of the modern nation-state. [indeed] they were titanic patriots. weakened Indians that inhabited many people’s imagination in the late nineteenth century. a courtesy which has a long history among the tame Indians. each one of them was a magnificent specimen of that strong and rigorous Araucanian race that inhabits the shores of our southern rivers.93 The Mapuche protagonists in this piece also distinguished themselves from the poor. In opposition to the savage. athletic.” As the furor surrounding the initial campaigns developed and Chile prepared to confront the allied armies of Peru and Bolivia. with their heads held high.42 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile sentiment. has descended on Lebu. rebel Indian. The latter was widely lauded in southern newspapers such as El Araucano of Lebu: Over the last couple of days an avalanche of Indians. 1879. but he remained present nonetheless. and riding fine horses.92 the robust and virile Araucanian warrior of colonial times became the perfect national hero. To be sure. was the “civilized” (or at least partially civilized) loyal Indian who had earned his place as a citizen of the Chilean republic. as he referred to it—and many people surrounded him. a wide forehead. asking if he knew the history of his father. Yesterday he went to the telegraph office to send a message to one of his relatives—in his homeland (tierra). renowned for its anti-indigenous propaganda. his enthusiasm to fight in the war against Peru and Bolivia. The following detailed report. . urban) nationhood. loyal Indian. to which he replied affirmatively. there was something of the independent. Imaged thus. His hat and scarf were deemed to be typically western. was prepared to honor the civilized. of course. another sign of “modernity”. wide-brimmed hat and a silk scarf around his neck. . with an important message for our government. and full lips. arrived in the capital on the same train as General Urrutia. broad-shouldered man. he then relayed this history. for he was able to converse with people about a variety of different issues. Colipí was a modern Indian. Yet. who arrived in Santiago not on horseback but by train—moreover. on the same train as General Urrutia (one of the military leaders responsible for “civilizing” Mapuche territory). with little facial hair. he had come to epitomize the ideals of Chilean (modern. a penetrating and alert stare. the “tame Indians” were physically imposing. Equally as important as his social status and modern practices was. He replied that he would prefer to go as a cavalryman. He used the telegraph. but if this were not possible he would be happy to fight in any other capacity. . he wears a black. He said he had come to offer his services to the government. apart from that his clothes are no different from those of his compatriots. After speaking extensively about a variety of issues. son of [the man] who so valiantly defended the town of Buin in the glorious campaign of 1838. Someone asked him if he wanted to fight as part of the cavalry or the infantry. published in May 1879. . Indeed. Even El Mercurio. and wealthy (if the ownership of fine horses is any indication of social status). recounts the arrival of Juan Colipí the younger in Santiago: This famous chief. and was clearly literate and well spoken in Spanish. prominent cheekbones. 1862–1910 · 43 control.The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences.94 As presented here. he returned home followed by many people. Colipí was living proof that national integration of the Indian was possible. that he wanted to . rebel Araucanía left . He is a tall. proud. . help to defend Chile [against Peru and Bolivia]. at the same time. which could be a threat to the Chilean state if he decided to turn against it. this article presented their defense of freedom as something to be celebrated.” and standing in great contrast to the indigenous Chilean “son of the temperate forest”). at the same time that other issues of the same newspaper were urging the government to exterminate the “uncivilizable” Indian. but loyalty did not necessarily mean subservience. based on the climates in which they lived (the indigenous Peruvian having been “weakened by the excess of tropical heat. Its author first proclaimed the superiority of the Chilean Araucanian over the Peruvian Inca. like the “magnificent specimen” described in the previous passage. A newspaper article published in February 1881 is particularly illuminating in this regard.” where other Mapuche were destroying the telegraph lines. we can see that not all Mapuche who continued to believe in an independent homeland were denigrated as barbaric enemies of Chile. some of the officials commanding these troops openly denounced the short-sighted nature of the campaigns (in terms of the contingency plan for the post-military occupation) and. had not been entirely “de-Indianized. Colipí had also inherited the military prowess of his ancestors. Basilio Urrutia complained that the “Indians are [supposed to be] citizens like us. they were subjected to “a constitution and laws that they are not familiar with. in reality.44 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile in him: most of his clothes were like those of his indigenous compatriots. There were even occasions when the military troops fighting in Araucanía were moved by “the arrogant Araucanian defending the independence of his lands. laws that do not . and worse still.”95 Thus. exalted by Ercilla” was still sleeping “with their spears at the ready. It also portrayed their struggle as a source of pride for the very Chileans who were seeking to quash it. This military figure transcended the binary oppositions of modernity versus tradition and was testimony to the fact that class was just as significant as race when it came to determining who was to be counted as a fully fledged citizen of the nation. Colipí’s prestige and wealth (he owned a large estate in the south) had allowed him to become “whiter” than other Indians. then celebrated the fact that this “race of mighty warriors.” Finally. but he. in doing so.” yet.”96 What is more. as we saw with Coñuepán. In his report of 1867. defended at least some elements of Mapuche autonomy. and he used the telegraph to communicate with a relative in his “homeland. guarding their frontiers and defending their territory. he was loyal when it served his purposes to be so. Instead he was a type of mestizo ladino. at least temporarily. and thus “greeted with horror” the punishments handed down by the Chilean legal system. valor). physiologically (strength. a real Indian. called attention to the style of dress of cacique Lorenzo Colipí. and the fact that racial identity categories were expressed or manifested in a variety of different ways: biologically (in “the blood that runs through our veins”). . intelligent and literate. the continuation of Mapuche customary law—which might suggest that he did not deem this to be barbaric or completely antagonistic to the civilizing mission of the state. Although Colipí “had a general’s [military] uniform. They also point to the possibility of crossing racial boundaries. 1862–1910 · 45 take into account their most traditional customs. The imaginings analyzed here show that the meanings of civilization or barbarism were open to contestation. just as El Mercurio had done with Juan Colipí in 1881. a piece on Domingo Melin published in El Bío Bío of Los Angeles on October 14.” Lorenzo Koliman remembered that he “always dressed as a Mapuche.”97 As explained by Urrutia. . physically (build. The same man. He seemed to be saying that crimes committed by indigenous people in lands inhabited exclusively by them should be judged and punished by their own authorities. height). language).” Here Melin. who was charged with occupying Mapuche territory was willing to allow. was denied “real” Indian status. or socially (education. 1880. This was possibly a way of saying that he was not a savage. rebel Indian who deserved to be killed. this leader easily shifted between Chilean (white. . then. Melin could never be described as the last of the Araucanians. One Mapuche testimony.”98 As expressed through his clothes. He also sent his oldest son to school in Santiago. whereas in Araucanía he had no need to do so. and thereby denouncing the . who had just been murdered by government officials. wealth).The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. when he went to Santiago. with fine robes and a silver-adorned saddle. the Mapuche enacted their own system of justice. for he had learnt to read and write in the public school of Los Angeles. It also explicitly interpreted mestizaje as a process by which indigenous people either lost or purposefully cast off their original culture: “Unlike Quilapán. which appears in Las últimas familias (1913). European) and Mapuche identities. envisaged racial identity in a far more rigid fashion. In contrast. The “fine robes” allowed Colipí to assert his indigenousness at a moment when this might seem threatened: in Santiago (the most modern and Europeanized of Chilean cities) he wanted to proclaim his indigenousness. culturally (clothes. meant that Mapuche communities were “exposed to the unrestrained violence of their mestizo neighbors. and exposure to external threats. a group of Mapuche (reportedly two families) from Cañete were being displayed in the “domesticated section” of the garden. which was created for international exhibitions.100 It established land-grant communities (reservations) for the Mapuche. but it also intimates that a person could not be literate and Indian at the same time. Consequences of Occupation When Villarrica fell to the Chilean army in January 1883. to do away with our customs and to disturb our solitary way of life. the huincas have [finally] arrived to take our lands and erect [their own] towns. there was a marked power vacuum in the region. What is clear from the sum of the evidence is that the media and even the modern “civilizing” state. the author did not know that Quilapán was literate. had some use for the notion of the noble Araucanian. when state presence was limited.”105 On initial view. cacique Queupul of Cunco mournfully declared. .103 It also eroded the traditional system of authority and leadership in Araucanía. which according to Leonardo León.107 They are confined to a small space. not even their homes . they were in a really dismal state. after many years. fragmentation of power structures.101 In the words of Pascual Coña “the poor Mapuche no longer owned anything.106 At precisely the same time as the Chilean state was concluding its so-called pacification of their territory. Clearly. It gave away or sold off most of the newly acquired territory to national and foreign colonists. and gratefully accepted the military services of present-day Mapuche leaders. which in total encompassed approximately 5 percent of their historic territory. . or that he employed a Chilean tutor to teach his sons.”99 The Chilean state most certainly took their lands. the photograph in figure 7 epitomizes this history of military defeat. like caged animals: the fences are not high enough to . for the first couple of decades after the final military offensive. It was taken by French photographer Pierre Petit in 1883 in the Acclimatization Garden of Paris. Debates about the meaning of Indianness continued throughout the occupation campaigns and well beyond.”102 The loss of land resources transformed the Mapuche from semi-migratory livestock herders into small peasant farmers.46 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile government. dispossession of land. “Today.104 Thus. which still named battleships and army battalions after Lautaro and Caupolicán. 108 As the French ethnographer Girard de Rialle exclaimed at the time: “The Mapuche exist. They are. in sum. Some of the men are holding palin (hurling) sticks. resigned to their fate. There is a kultrun (Mapuche drum) in the middle of the picture. (Photo by Pierre Petit. 1862–1910 · 47 Figure 7. Photograph of Mapuche people in the Acclimatization Garden in Paris. these people were asserting their presence. The women and some of the young girls wear trarilonkos (silver chains fastened around their heads) and trapelacuchas (silver pendants). All the men are dressed in ponchos and head scarves. a perfect example of the “exotic” native about whom Europeans fantasized.) prevent escape but surely help to contain them. but one could argue that there are also some looks of defiance here and a certain pride in their ethnic origins and cultural customs. and they are here in the Acclimatization Garden!”109 In this context. Some of the Mapuche appear subdued. one imagines). Almost all of the “exhibits” are looking directly at the camera (as instructed. However unequal the colonial power relations were. image provided by Editores Pehuén. it is important to note the possibility that (unlike the Fuegino families who were captured and forcibly transported to Europe . The only infant is supported upright in the traditional kupulhue (carrier).The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. although there are not enough of them to play the actual game. 1883. both in the moment of the photograph being taken and in the image itself. This comes across quite clearly in their correspondence with Chileans. Berlin. and went on to do likewise in the nightspots of Brussels.115 Nor did Chilean occupation lead to the elimination of Mapuche cultural practices. or at least continued to highlight their particular cultural and ethnic identity even as they claimed their place within the Chilean state. . have claimed that.113 Evidence also suggests that the Mapuche “maintained some combative muscle” back in Araucanía. despite all its negative implications. On February 19. and Rolf Foerster. and therefore secured some influence over.48 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile for similar exhibitions) these Mapuche were not obliged to go to Paris. On behalf of his “homeland (patria) Arauco” he thanked Lara for investigating and disseminating its history. According to Cristián Báez and Peter Mason. they were willing participants in the spectacle of exoticism. they also offered their services to. Several scholars.114 During the 1890s and 1900s. who studied the Mapuche “specimens” on display in the garden. Mapuche leaders were also able to influence frontier life from within the intruding state institutions. and Hamburg. the reservation system allowed the Mapuche a space in which to continue and reassert the validity of their communal traditions. Temuco authorities complained that “certain ceremonies which were depressing [to behold]” were still a frequent occurrence among the local indigenous population. Domingo Coñuepán wrote to Horacio Lara to congratulate him on the publication of his Crónica de la Araucanía. 1889. In Temuco (the regional capital) several Mapuche lonkos were appointed as district judges.111 They performed for the revelers at this famous cabaret. although they certainly did not celebrate it. who then introduced them to the French capital’s literary and political circles in the Chat Noir. who accompanied them on their trip from Chile. Government reports from the time confirm this reality. while on display in the garden. then. José Bengoa.112 To some extent. In 1901. They could also set limits to that spectacle. they were visited regularly by Achille Laviarde (relative of Orélie Antoine and pretender to the “Araucanian throne”). regional and national newspapers were full of tales of Mapuche raids on frontier towns and vengeful attacks against landowners.110 Furthermore. local army regiments. such as Mischa Titiev. the two families had cordial relations with German zoologist Richard Fritz. it was difficult to measure their body parts: they simply refused to comply.116 Mapuche leaders continued to think of themselves as distinct from nonindigenous Chileans. As reported by anthropologist Joseph Deniker. Five years later. . “the public school [was] designed as a mechanism to dominate.”122 After qualifying as a teacher. 1862–1910 · 49 and finished with the words “in the name of my nation. . . Many caciques in the post-occupation period saw state-provided education as an opportunity to be seized rather than as a punishment or colonial imposition. In an essay titled ¡Las Tierras de Arauco! (1915). He took advantage of this privileged position to denounce the actions of past Chilean governments. According to the final report of the Commission of Historical Truth and New Treatment of Indigenous Peoples. and [in this case] they . or negation of Mapuche society. In contact with such elements. whom he specifically identified as Araucanian Chileans.120 but learning to read and write in Spanish could also be a tool of empowerment. asking for help in defending his lands from unwanted impostors. not Chile. I wish you a happy future. which were supported by the army of the Republic. subjugate. while simultaneously proclaiming his indigenous roots. were supposed “like all other citizens. it would enable them to survive and perhaps even prosper in that society. As noted. to be represented under the Chilean flag.121 It would enable their sons to understand the Chilean society of which they were now part. and colonization. He embraced Chilean citizenship. Quite the opposite—he chose to have his sons educated in Spanish precisely to prevent them becoming “servants of the Chileans. Joaquín Millanaw wrote to the minister of foreign relations. subjugation. in 1896.”117 That nation was Arauco. followed the example set by Millanaw. . and negate Mapuche [society]. education did not signify domination. overseen by the worst of the public administration system. culture. For Quilapán. He made this request on the basis that he and his people. the Indians had to learn vices as well as virtues.The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. Manquilef went on to achieve great acclaim in Chilean academic circles.”118 Manuel Manquilef González. and this was long before the definitive occupation of their territory. he complained that the new “towns emerged . He was sent away from home as a young child to attend a Chilean school and remained in the Chilean education system until adulthood. as do all races that embark on the civilizing process. . qualifying as a teacher in 1906. born four years after the final military offensive of 1883. even the most rebellious of Mapuche leaders were keen to have their children educated by Chilean tutors. especially with regard to their policies in post-occupation Araucanía.”119 Chilean authorities of the early 1900s most certainly saw schooling as a means to “civilize” and “nationalize” the Mapuche. This is the subject of chapter 2. Following chapters also reiterate the patterns within this multiplicity: Mapuche people’s oscillation between participation in and resistance against Chile state-building (or rebuilding) projects. contested histories of the military campaigns outlined here reemerge on several occasions in the book.”123 Conclusion Manquilef internalized the “civilizing” discourse of the state but he also undermined that discourse by highlighting its failings and hypocrisy. Manuel Aburto Panguilef. The position of pro-integration. . Through Manquilef and his main political rival. In turn. literate Mapuche in early twentieth-century Chile was ambiguous but not entirely untenable. . . . elite and subaltern appropriations of the image of the Araucanian freedom fighter. If someone had to judge the acts of the Government of Chile.50 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile only learned vices. they would condemn it as a corruptor of minors. we return to the “Histories of Conquest” and probe further the way in which these have been re-presented and re-signified by the colonized. He was testimony to the fact that Chilean occupation of Mapuche territory did not entail the complete silencing of its people or the disappearance of their culture. the multiple. and a multilayered state that elaborates divergent policies toward and discourses about its indigenous population. because they remained a crucial reference point for Mapuche intellectuals and political activists throughout the 1900s and well into the 2000s. seeing as the government never concerned itself with teaching them any virtues. Indeed. and the ever-evolving relationship between Chilean and Mapuche identities. these all relate to broader questions about landownership. the connection between class and ethnicity. the enactment of a new constitution in 1925 (which increased the power of the executive vis-à-vis parliament). the dictatorship of the populist military leader Carlos Ibáñez (1927–31). however. In the years building up to the centenary of Chilean independence in 1910 there was a proliferation of strikes and mass demonstrations. 1910–1938 Following the occupation campaigns of the late nineteenth century.2 Arturo Alessandri’s administration (1920–24) attempted to introduce important social reforms to improve living and working conditions for the poor. overall. This chapter argues that the Mapuche continued to be a visible and vocal presence in Chilean society throughout the early decades of the twentieth century—a period of increasing rural and urban poverty. to have their territory occupied and to be subjugated to Chilean laws did not mean that indigenous people were totally powerless or voiceless. but the congress refused to pass them. and of escalating working-class radicalism.1 As shown in chapter 1.2 Renewed Struggles for Survival National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. the 1910s and 1920s marked the consolidation and institutionalization of worker organizations: the Socialist Workers Party was formed in 1912 and it was succeeded by the Communist Party in 1922. Responses to this political stalemate included a military coup in 1924. which were met with violent state repression (the most symbolic episode being the massacre of thousands of nitrate workers at the Escuela Santa María in Iquique in 1907). and the short-lived Socialist Republic led by Marmaduke Grove in June . This repression led to some retrenchment but. the Mapuche became colonial subjects of the Chilean state and were reduced (reducidos) to approximately 5 percent of their historic territory. ” according to André Menard and Jorge Pavez. as articulated by state institutions. state authorities proceeded with their plans for lavish celebrations and warmly welcomed the many foreign dignitaries who arrived in Santiago for the occasion. even if only for a couple of days.” an accomplishment that was due . Mapuche organizations were active participants in these political developments. I concentrate on the works of Manuel Manquilef (1887–1950) and Manuel Aburto Panguilef (1887–1952). Against the political backdrop outlined earlier. “the two most active ideologues of the Mapuche political movement during the first three decades of the century. probing their ambiguous views on the fate of the Mapuche in modern Chile. particularly with regard to the issue of communal landownership in the southern provinces (in the context of the continuing resettlement of their people onto state-demarcated reservations). the chapter highlights some of the important developments that took place during the late 1930s. Finally.3 This chapter begins by investigating some of the competing visions of Chilean nationhood that were circulating during the centennial celebrations of 1910.”5 and the Valparaíso weekly Sucesos rejoiced to see the capital’s streets “so brilliantly illuminated”. Celebrating Independence September 18.4 Manquilef and Aburto sought to carve a place for their people (or “race”) within the Chilean nation and thereby undermined dominant assumptions about both Mapuche and Chilean identities. marked the centenary of Chile’s first declaration of independence from Spain. 1910.52 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile 1932. These become particularly intriguing when we incorporate Mapuche pronouncements on the matter. people felt “as if they had been transported to a fantasy land reminiscent of the tales of Arabian Nights. and economic progress. But they did so in very different ways. It explores the dominant racial theories of the time. Congressman José Ramón Gutiérrez asserted that Chile now found itself reaping the benefits of “social. Despite the deaths of President Pedro Montt on August 16 and his interim successor Elías Fernández Albano on September 6 of that year.”6 In a parliamentary meeting the day before the anniversary. as Manquilef and Aburto were eclipsed by a new generation of Mapuche activists. political. scholars. and various media outlets. The literary arts magazine Selecta praised the “luster and splendor” of the festivities which “far surpassed [people’s] wildest expectations. ”8 And yet the same newspaper also informed readers of the many troubles facing Chile in 1910. and conscious of what we are. anti-liberalism. well organized. we find ourselves in great health.15 but in the context of the centennial celebrations.”12 They disagreed on the nature of the crisis they were denouncing and they proposed different solutions. but they also prompted the emergence of counter-narratives and the revelation of internal divisions.National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. but they were generally united in their nationalism.”9 El Mercurio was not the only publication to voice concerns: El Peneca drew its readers’ attention to the problem of child poverty in the country and (on the very day when everyone was supposed to be celebrating Chile’s accomplishments) El Ferrocarril printed eye-catching posters warning people against the perils of alcoholism. whereas their Peruvian counterparts emphasized its “cultural and historic attributes. asserting in one editorial (only a couple of weeks before Independence Day) “that in no other place [in Hispanic America] did the people live in such deplorable conditions as in Chile.13 William Skuban recently claimed that statesmen in early twentiethcentury Chile tended to stress the “political and civic elements” of the nation. These writers argued that the nation was in a state of crisis. it seems clear that cultural and historic . 1910–1938 · 53 to Chileans’ profound “national spirit and respectful attitude toward the country’s institutions. In Chile’s case.” but they also functioned as “battlegrounds for competing political communities. and rejection of the governing elite’s cosmopolitan agenda. conservatives and progressive reformers. “Independence Day celebrations served as forums for elites to promote [their own] political philosophies and programmes. which is Skuban’s focus. believers and agnostics. “there were rich and poor. experienced.”14 This comparison is certainly valid with relation to the strategies employed in the Peru-Chile border region during the dispute over Tacna and Arica. It ran several reports on “the problem of working-class housing. They were far from a homogenous group: in the words of Chilean historian Cristián Gazmuri.10 As Michael Gonzales has recently argued in regard to Mexico.”11 They provided governing authorities with the perfect occasion to instill patriotic pride in the populace and to create an image of a united national community.”7 A special Independence Day issue of El Mercurio echoed Gutiérrez’s congratulatory narrative: “After one hundred years. the most prominent counter-narrative was elaborated by a group of intellectuals known as decadentistas. robust.” for example. confident. they were imaged by some as the very origins or roots of the nation. advertisements for the Historic Centenary Exhibition. Indeed. organized by Joaquín Figueroa and housed in the Urmeneta Palace in Santiago. they stressed how important it was to “collect together all objects of historical interest. and the indigenous present. with one of the rocks of Santa Lucía as its pedestal. “the immortal poet who sang of Araucanian glories.” That a statue of the legendary Araucanian warrior existed and that it should be moved to a more open space (in the center of Santiago) in the context of Independence Day celebrations should come as no surprise. After visiting the Centenary Exhibition. What we see with this monument. which was exalted.” One can therefore argue that the Mapuche had an important presence in the national histories being circulated in 1910. but also to donate objects for the exhibition. however. in that it confined Mapuche agency to the first pages (or prologue) of the national narrative. sculpted by Nicanor Plaza in the 1860s (figure 8).” because this would help Chileans to “remember the era of our aborigines” as well as the colonial and republican periods. . and excluded them from the main story line of modern historical developments. it reinforces the dissociation between the indigenous past. a commemoration of the heroic feats of Chile’s independence leaders one hundred years beforehand) meant it was difficult to separate the two forms of nationalism.19 According to the special centenary issue of El Mercurio.17 As articulated here. journalist Luis Orrego Luco affirmed that it was “the indigenous mummies . that attracted most interest” for they took people “back to the very beginning of our historia patria. Indeed. In one letter to the central government. the nation’s past went back much farther than the independence wars and it had decidedly ethnic hues. which was largely ignored.”18 His monthly column also referred to the inauguration of a statue of Alonso de Ercilla. In many ways. called on Chilean citizens not only to attend the exhibition and thereby discover the glories of the national past. is not just an attempt to relegate the Mapuche to . Particularly worthy of analysis in this regard is the “immensely popular statue” of Caupolicán. it was one’s civic responsibility to show an interest in Chilean history. the very nature of the occasion (that is. Yet we also detect the limitations of such an emphasis.16 State authorities in Temuco commended such initiatives. “the hero of La Araucana” was soon to “stand out against the beautiful Chilean sky.54 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile attributes of nationhood were just as high on the Chilean government’s propagandistic agenda as its political and civic elements. Thus. . 1910–1938 · 55 Figure 8. (Photo by author. Caupolicán was not the statue’s original name. Apparently.S. embassy in Santiago had commissioned Plaza to create an “authentic Araucanian Indian. the sculptor based his work on the only text on indigenous peoples that he had to hand: The Last of the Mohicans by James Fenimore Cooper. . As novelist and playwright Ariel Dorfman narrates. It now stands on the top of Santa Lucía Hill in Santiago.S. because he was living in Paris at the time and had no knowledge of Araucanian culture. Statue of Caupolicán.20 The U.National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. the U. 2010.” However.) history but also a distortion of that history. sculpted by Nicanor Plaza in the 1860s. 56 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile embassy did not want a statue commemorating one of their own Indians and reneged on the deal but, luckily for Plaza, Chilean government authorities stepped in and bought it. According to Dorfman, the latter did not mind that the statue was not based on Caupolicán. In fact, he maintains they paid for it precisely because it was so far removed from the real Araucanian Indian and his history; Caupolicán had met a brutal death, impaled on a stake by his Spanish foes, but state authorities did not want to dwell on this part of the story. In this way, a statue that was supposed to memorialize Caupolicán actually served to erase him twice over from national memory: both Caupolicán (as a likeness or an artistic inspiration) and his history of violent struggle were absent. Santiago-based newspapers and magazines tended to focus on the festive activities of the elites: a garden party organized for diplomatic residents in the grounds of Santa Lucía,21 a spectacular dance held by the Colonia Francesa,22 a lunch for journalists held in the exclusive Jockey Club,23 a dinner (and various other events) to celebrate the arrival of the Argentine president José Figueroa Alcorta,24 and so forth. Popular events were not given as much coverage, but they were certainly not ignored. Sucesos of September 22 and El Mercurio of September 18, for example, both reported on the staggering number of children from public schools who had participated in the pilgrimage to the monument of the independence hero Bernardo O’Higgins. On September 17, the latter told readers about the patriotic revelry of Boy Scout groups, university students, and various worker organizations; and Sucesos of September 15 included several photo features of the workers in Santiago’s bakeries, factories, and vineyards. Regional newspapers in particular provided detailed accounts of non-elite celebrations of the centenary. As relayed by La Prensa, “never have the citizens of Temuco been as patriotic as today.”25 On September 18 in Temuco, Chilean flags were flying from every home; trains were decorated with giant posters of the padres de la patria; a gymnastics competition for local public schools was held in one of the main squares; a bike race sped through the city; and a spectacular fireworks display was put on in the Plaza de Armas. More telling still was a piece on Gorbea, approximately forty kilometers south of Temuco, which complained that the “local authorities [had] not made any plans to celebrate our centenary.” In spite of this, the town’s inhabitants had rallied together and organized a balloon launch and “other honest entertainment.”26 National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism, 1910–1938 · 57 Many Mapuche in the southern provinces embraced the opportunity to participate in the centennial celebrations. Barely a day of September 1910 passed by without La Época of Temuco making some reference to the activities of the Caupolicán Society, the first nontraditional Mapuche organization in Chile, which had been founded just two months previously.27 Its first public event was to be a parade in honor of the centenary: “Beloved brothers,” read the leadership’s directive of September 2 (published in La Época), “do not forget that your presence is required on the great day of September 18 in order to show the civilized people that we are patriotic and that we respond to the demands that are made of us.”28 On September 11, La Época announced that the Caupolicán Society was to lay the first stone of a monument dedicated to the “Araucanian Race” later that afternoon.29 It encouraged the public to attend, exclaiming that “the good works of the Araucanian race merit a page in our national history.”30 On September 14, the newspaper ran a brief piece on the people who had been chosen as patrons for the monument. On September 17, it published the official program for the “fiestas patrias” and noted that Manuel Manquilef, a founding member of the Caupolicán Society, was going to be one of the judges of the gymnastics competition.31 The same Manquilef was author of a prizewinning essay on the Mapuche rebellion of 1881, which was to appear on the front page of La Época on September 18.32 Three important points are worth highlighting here. First, the prominence of the Caupolicán Society in both the celebrations themselves and in the newspaper reports about them indicates the very real, contemporary inclusion of Mapuche people in local (Temuco) society, as opposed to the imaginary, historical inclusion discussed earlier in relation to events in Santiago. Second, the Mapuche participants in the celebrations were not always part of the popular classes. Manquilef—an educated, wealthy member of various associations and societies in Temuco—most certainly considered himself, and was often treated as part of, the local elite. Third, Mapuche participation in the festivities did not preclude criticism of the Chilean state. In his prizewinning essay, for example, Manquilef railed against the deceitful and dishonorable manner in which it had treated some of the Mapuche leaders who fought with Chilean troops during the occupation campaigns. There is a similar point to be made for their contribution to dominant racial discourses of the time. 58 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Cultural Representations of the Mapuche: Vestiges of the Past or Part of Chile’s Future? Impressed by the public response to the Historic Centenary Exhibition, the government of Ramón Barros Luco decided to establish a national history museum in July 1911. According to Rebecca Earle, indigenous artifacts constituted an important part of the new museum’s collection,33 although early catalogues suggest that these were largely relegated to the “prehistoric section.” As with the Centenary Exhibition (from which many of the museum’s displays were drawn), indigenous culture served as a starting point for national history, but it was quickly overshadowed by the courageous exploits of the conquistadors and the even braver feats of Chile’s republican leaders. One visitor in 1914 exclaimed his disappointment with the “primitive and rudimentary” objects found in the prehistoric section, especially when compared to the “glorious and magnificent” relics pertaining to Chile’s colonial and republican past.34 Indeed, visitors could easily miss the prehistoric section altogether, hidden away as it was in the basement. More than indigenous peoples being gradually erased from national history, then, it could have been construed (by a visitor who began his or her tour in the colonial section) that they never formed part of that history at all. The National History Museum can thus be read as an attempt by the state to ignore the existence of its newly acquired Mapuche subjects, yet other state institutions at the time did acknowledge the presence of the Mapuche in modern Chile and, what is more, seemed to endorse their survival. In 1907 the National Institute of Statistics recorded more than 100,000 “Araucanians” living in six different provinces, and a subsequent government report on these figures (published in 1912) congratulated the Chilean military for managing to “conquer and occupy Araucanía without annihilating the defeated.”35 In correspondence between local authorities and the central government, we find many complaints about the barbarism of Mapuche ritual customs, but we also discover letters authorizing those same practices. This is particularly the case with the guillatún,36 which has been described as one of the most important bulwarks of Mapuche identity.37 By the early twentieth century, the notion that humankind was divided into inferior and superior races carried the “imprimatur of science.”38 According to scientific racial theories, strong and intelligent (white, National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism, 1910–1938 · 59 European) races were destined to flourish, whereas weak, ignorant, and “uncivilized” (indigenous, black) races were doomed to extinction. Félix José de Augusta, a Capuchin missionary of Jewish-German descent who spent many years working in southern Chile, feared that this was the fate of the Mapuche. In the prologue to Lecturas araucanas, which was published to much critical acclaim in 1910, he stated that the “Araucanian race [was] undergoing a period of transformation” and lamented that the “customs and superstitions” documented in the book would “in a very short space of time no longer conform to reality.” “Not even a memory of them” would remain, hence his efforts “to preserve all the details for ethnological science.”39 Three years later, in the foreword to his collection of Mapuche oral testimonies, Tomás Guevara laid out a similar fate for the Mapuche, although he seemed less regretful than Augusta. The “Araucanian race,” he asserted, was “in its last period of existence.” Indeed, he claimed that many Mapuche customs had already “disappeared due to [their] contact with progress and the necessities of modern life.”40 Paradoxically, at the same time as these scholars were dismissing Mapuche culture as (soon to be) part of Chile’s past, their documentation of Mapuche language and traditional practices served to inscribe this people in the national narrative of the present. As Augusta wrote, “this [Mapuche] nation lives, thinks, loves; [it] has its traditional laws, religious ideas, culture, poetry, eloquence; its songs, music, arts, dances, and games; its civic life, passions, and virtues.”41 And this is precisely what he recorded in Lecturas araucanas: the visions and dreams of a machi, funeral prayers, ceremonial chants, historical memories, tales, poems, songs, and much more. The orators were named (for example, Domingo Segundo Wenuñamko, Painemal Weitra, and Julian Weitra) and their stories were told in the present tense. Moreover, by recording these stories in Mapuzungun (as well as in Spanish) Augusta validated its continued use. He applauded the Mapuche language’s “simple logic and structure, the richness of its verbal forms, the precision and clarity of diction, and the facility with which it expresses all thoughts and feelings.”42 We can make the same argument for the German-turned-Chilean folklorist and ethno-linguist Rodolfo Lenz, who referred to the Mapuche as people “de baja cultura,” but found their language “so interesting” that he dedicated his life to investigating it, and was especially concerned with “find[ing] material relating to the Indians of today.”43 Thus, he wrote about a contemporary as opposed to ancient language. Lenz also sought to demonstrate how much 60 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Mapuzungun had influenced, and therefore reasserted itself through, Chilean Spanish.44 Similarly, Guevara claimed to be writing about Las últimas familias i costumbres araucanas, but many of his “informants” clearly did not feel themselves to be “in the last period of their existence.” Their memories of events in the past were firmly connected to the present, and had important implications for the future too. It is no coincidence that this book was recently re-edited by CoLibris and the Liwen Center for Mapuche Studies with a new title that omits the word last.45 Such contradictory representations were also present in, and perpetuated by, cultural magazines of the time. For instance, on January 22, 1910, Zig-Zag published a poem by Claudio de Alas titled “Raza vencida” (Defeated Race): Sweating and weary, with hardened skin, a frank and noble dialect, a sullen and diffident gaze, the Indian travels the curve of life ................... Arrogant race, mighty race that is in its death throes like a colossus who fell after the triumph . . . From your consumed trunk, ashes float and fly over towns, mountains, and seas!46 There is no doubt that the Mapuche “race,” as imagined by Alas, has been vanquished. Nevertheless, something of their strength and fury lingers on. They seem indomitable even as they are about to die, and their remains (ashes) continue to haunt the landscape. Three weeks earlier Zig-Zag’s editorial team chose a photograph of a wizened old Mapuche woman for the publication’s title page. The caption below read, “The oldest Indian of the reservation of cacique Malhuepe in Angol. Taken in 1898, when she was 120 years old.”47 There was no mention of this image in the interior pages of the issue, leaving the reader unsure as to whether the editors intended to tell a story of extinction or of survival. The woman was old and wrinkled, and needed the support of a stick to stand, but she was still alive. The photograph was taken in 1898, so the woman was presumably dead by 1910, but the magazine did not say so. Furthermore, the people in the background, presumably members of the woman’s community, were young, healthy, and engaged in a lively conversation—they appeared to have a long future in front of them. National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism, 1910–1938 · 61 This ambiguity about the fate of the Mapuche in modern Chile also marked the public discourse of prominent Mapuche figures. To some extent, they internalized the dominant racial discourse of the period and resigned themselves to the idea that their people’s time on earth had come to an end: in a September 1910 letter to Leoncio Rivera (who was in charge of organizing the resettlement of Mapuche people onto land-grant communities), the then president of the Caupolicán Society, Manuel Antonio Neculmán, wrote: “our society wants nothing else but to recognize your passionate work in favor of a race that is marching toward its disappearance,”48 and in Comentarios del pueblo araucano (1911), Manquilef described himself as “one of the last remnants of a race that steadfastly defended its territory during three and a half centuries of struggle.”49 And yet the purpose of Manquilef ’s auto-ethnography, which—like the narratives of Augusta, Guevara, and Lenz—was written in both Mapuzungun and Spanish, was surely to give a new lease of life to that race. In Manquilef ’s own words, he sought to show Chileans “that the Araucanians were men of great souls, with knowledge, sentiments, and thoughts analogous to those of the races that have created the most cultured and powerful nations in the world.”50 More significantly, the political organization founded by Neculmán and Manquilef explicitly fought to defend the rights of the Mapuche in the present and to secure a place for their people in the Chile of the future. Manuel Manquilef: Reconciling Tradition and Modernity Manuel Manquilef (figure 9), son of Fermín Trekaman Manquilef (a Mapuche) and Trinidad González (a Chilean criolla), began to work on ethnographic studies of Mapuche culture and history shortly after he graduated from the Teacher Training College of Chillán in 1906. His published works attracted a national readership and he was frequently invited to speak at prestigious institutions such as the Chilean Folklore Society. As previously noted, he was also a founder of the Caupolicán Society, and served as its president between 1916 and 1925. In 1926 he was elected diputado (member of the national Chamber of Deputies) for the Liberal Democratic Party and, in this capacity, served as a member of the Public Education Commission and the Agriculture and Colonization Commission. After losing his congressional post in 1932 (a result of the dissolution Mapuzungun-speaking and poncho-wearing experience that made him. it was this oral. Manuel Manquilef (1887–1950). in his own words. a “genuine Araucanian” and thereby allowed him to write with authority about Mapuche culture and history.62 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Figure 9. urbanbased professional who gained an important voice in Chilean intellectual and political circles.51 In short. Manquilef was an educated.” He pledged never to forget the “loving verses” that his grandmother taught him or the dances of ritual ceremonies like the guillatún: “how pleasant it was to move my head to the rhythm of the musical instruments and dance the famous lonkomeu!” As presented by Manquilef. In his Comentarios del pueblo araucano Manquilef reconstructed an idyllic childhood “en medio de los matorrales. where he was raised speaking Mapuzungun. Before this he lived with his Mapuche grandmother in Pelal (his father was cacique of Pelal).”52 He remembered wearing traditional indigenous clothes (a “black chiripan. Manquilef ’s success story can be attributed to his father’s decision to send him. he was briefly governor of Lautaro. to a Chilean state school in Temuco.53 .memoriachilena. striped poncho.) of congress during the Socialist Republic of Marmaduke Grove). (Photograph provided by Colección Biblioteca Nacional de Chile. and beautiful ornate trarilonko”) and running “happily among the numerous flock of sheep. rural. as a young boy.cl. available at www. in Xavier Albó’s words. but for Chile as a whole: “When we achieve the complete fusion of the two races. and when both [those races] have realized that they form but two arms of the same body. The same could be said of the Caupolicán Society which.”55 He thus undermined the elites’ tendency to equate progress with the annihilation of the “native. that the practice of modernity [was] not consistent with the theory. According to Lenz. history.”58 which begged the . that will be the moment when our beloved Chile will have fully embarked on the path of national progress. and that the happiness of the patria depends on their shared intelligence and fraternal labor. a nation-building project based on modern capitalism and. and language as part of a broader project of crosscultural communication and political fusion. As Florencia Mallon has commented. 1910–1938 · 63 Manquilef was thus a mixture of a “modern” (Chilean) present and a “traditional” (Mapuche) past. Manquilef portrayed himself as the academic expert who wanted to share his knowledge of Mapuche culture. as Pavez asserts. “he believe[d] that the state and its laws should treat everyone fairly as equals” but “the condition of his people shout[ed] out to him. This bilingual ethnographical study was authored by Manquilef but prefaced by Rodolfo Lenz. Manquilef avowed (in October 1910.”57 She makes this point about Manquilef ’s “double consciousness” in the context of the increasing pauperization of Mapuche society during the early 1900s and his (failed) attempts to recover lands illegally expropriated by colonists and powerful hacendados. Manquilef sometimes “struggled to find an adequate idiom in Spanish for the concept expressed in the Indian phrase. “straddled the line between ancestral roots and an ideology of progress. In this sense. but then proceeded to underline the inadequacies of Manquilef ’s translation from Mapuzungun into Spanish. the “fusion” that Manquilef spoke of was. as such. shortly after founding the society).56 Manquilef campaigned to transform this utopian vision of political fusion into a reality but was well aware of the obstacles he faced. Lenz praised the value of Manquilef ’s text. In the same work Mallon discusses how colonialism and modernity related to issues of translation in the aforementioned Comentarios del pueblo araucano.National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. as the first study of Mapuche society authored by an “authentic” Mapuche. they would help to shape it. rather than the antithesis of. was what was best not just for the Mapuche.” The Mapuche were to be key participants in.”54 To find some meeting point between the two. more political than biological. time and time again. 60 Lenz promoted the diffusion of Comentarios. as congressmen discussed the possibility of making primary-level schooling .” which meant he was subsequently accepted at the esteemed Liceo de Temuco (the same school that Pablo Neruda would attend several years later). despite the fact that some of his own voluminous studies traced linguistic overlaps between them. he saw no conflict between this and his individual Mapuche identity: “in stark contrast to most of my Araucanian brothers who have been fortunate enough to receive an education. where I stayed for three months.64 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile question. that no fusion was possible. Lenz sought to underline the evolutionary differences between Mapuche and Spanish cultures. The next day she took me to a school. but clearly felt threatened by the transgressive subtext of the book. “Is it possible to translate literally from one language to another. rural school that was not far from Pelal but nonetheless required him to leave his grandmother’s community. more broadly. when the structure of each is so distinct and they represent completely different levels of culture?”59 His answer was a resounding no. Manquilef learned his first Chilean words in a private. meaning. As Mallon notes. This establishment taught Manquilef “to speak the [Spanish] language very well” and “to read and write with remarkable perfection. but he certainly valued the tools that such schooling gave him. until I managed to escape and return to my homeland (tierra). this was a direct response to Manquilef ’s efforts to break down the colonial hierarchies embedded in traditional ethnographic scholarship. Lenz ignored Manquilef ’s own very sophisticated sense of the issues of translation. In saying all this.63 It is difficult to tell from Manquilef ’s writings whether he actually enjoyed his time at school in Temuco. because I didn’t understand a word she was saying.61 He wrote about this moment in Comentarios: “one day a woman came and had a conversation with my father. exact translation was impossible. most notably his awareness of the need for both literary as well as literal translations. Moreover. She tried to speak to me but I ran to hide behind my grandmother. Particularly innovative was Manquilef ’s decision to translate Chilean authors into Mapuzungun (to support his argument about the values of Mapuche culture). I have never tried to hide my origins nor change the spelling of my surname.”62 His father then decided to send him to a state school in Temuco so as to prevent him running away again. and it appears that he never returned to live in Pelal.”64 Education was a major topic of debate across Chile during the 1910s. . socioeconomic needs of Mapuche students. for it was precisely the “civilized” Mapuche like him who were trying to ensure that their people maintain a sense of ethnic difference. Most of the Caupolicán Society’s education-related demands focused on the increased provision of schooling for Mapuche children. and disturbed the perceived equation between the two. Manquilef was urging Mapuche people to make use of the literacy and knowledge gained through education to defend their dignity as an independent people. the main concern was education per se rather than what kind of education students were receiving.”67 If we take the last words at face value.65 Manquilef made the most of this opening and.66 whose primary tool for alleviating social problems was charity. was Manquilef ’s call for Mapuche people to use the education system to serve their own purposes. resolutely petitioned the government to expand and improve school facilities in Araucanía. the Caupolicán Society demanded access to education as a fundamental right of all citizens. In contrast to the oligarchic Chilean administrations of this period.National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. although the society’s leaders did express a preference for secular as opposed to religious education and also emphasized the practical. given that official correspondence between Temuco and Santiago (dated September 5. Perhaps more significant. civilization” was to provide them with “industrial and agricultural training. and incorporate them into . together with the Caupolicán Society. . 1910–1938 · 65 obligatory for all children. and to create more boarding schools and student residences for this purpose. arguing that schools were a crucial weapon in the struggle against ignorance and barbarism. In a newspaper article of April 1911 he asserted that it was the duty of “civilized Indians” to maintain “their honor and alertness” and to show that they could defend “with energetic penmanship and [use of] the reasoned word” what their ancestors “had defended with spears and arrows. .68 In this sense. to provide more grants enabling Mapuche students to receive secondary and higher education in Chile’s urban centers.”69 It would seem that either governing authorities responded quickly to this petition or they were already thinking of the same project themselves. He thereby simultaneously appropriated and challenged the civilizing and nationalizing goals of state education policy. But its members were also careful to articulate such demands within the official government rhetoric of “progress and modernization”—that is. however. It asked the government to build more primary schools in rural areas. claiming (in July 1910) that “the best way to improve the moral and material conditions of our descendants. Particularly intriguing are his comments on the “modern” or “imported” sports. and the production of mudai (a wheat-based liquor) and apple cider.” the building of a ruka (traditional thatched-roof family dwelling). Manquilef praised his people’s camaraderie. but the subsequent detail was written in the present. and traditional dances. 1911). but they tended to prioritize the socioeconomic modernization of Mapuche society over culture and tradition. provided detailed descriptions of the “clothes and adornments used during fiestas. in terms of maintaining a level of autonomy as a people. asserting that their kind treatment of guests was “an innate characteristic of the Araucanian race. there was an element of subversion in the public statements issued by Manquilef and his organization. Among other things.” It was. La faz social (The Social Aspect. these demonstrated Mapuche people’s “intelligence and reason” as well as their capacity to assimilate elements . entitled La jimnasia nacional (Physical Training) (1914). According to Manquilef. The text was all written in the present tense—apart from the section which relayed the actual construction of his father’s ruka several years beforehand—thereby implying that such traditional practices were still common in 1910. He even turns the job of branding his animals into a festive gathering known as uneltun.”71 This narrative continued in the second volume. Manquilef drew on many different sources of information.70 Overall. military exercises.72 This connection between the past and present was important: it was disciplined physical training that had allowed the Mapuche to defeat the Spanish conquistadors and to survive as a people well into the twentieth century. We detect far more interest in Mapuche culture and tradition in Manquilef ’s Comentarios. which focused on Mapuche sports. a celebratory narrative. Certainly. They were also depicted as fundamentally collective in nature: “The Indian wants to include all his friends and family in his daily tasks.” which were introduced in the past tense. the Caupolicán Society presented its demands for education in a language that the state would understand.66 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile 1910) confirmed the purchase of a plot of land and ministerial permission to construct an “Industrial School and Refuge for Indigenous People” in Temuco. the festivities in honor of a community member’s return (after he had been away looking for sustenance for his family). from Ercilla’s colonial epic La Araucana to his own experiences of a machitún. the branding of livestock. without doubt. the making of enclosures. It was mainly about “ancient sports. The first volume. which had taken place as recently as 1909. particularly when he was acting in his role as politician. then. Also sitting rather uneasily with the story told in Comentarios were Manquilef ’s views on and proposals for land reform. it was difficult to reconcile these traditions with Chilean modernity. however. he urged the government to outlaw this practice. Comentarios seemed to assert the same possibility for the Mapuche of Chile: they could become part of the mestizo nation.”78 To Manquilef ’s mind. In ¡Las tierras de Arauco! (1915). “There are several clubs in the province of Cautín. that were “entirely Araucanian” and deserved much praise for their “good organization. it is well known that the Caupolicán Society denounced machi healing rituals as “immoral” and “irrational.77 And. transculturation pointed to the “possibility that mestizos could come into existence .” he asserted. . such adaptation would only renew and strengthen their own cultural system. hygiene. he often spoke out against polygamous marriage. in a sense. despite Manquilef ’s own personal memories of the “beautiful” machi (shaman) Mercei and his apparent acceptance of her medical credentials (he described her as a doctor in volume 2 of the Comentarios). He wrote of “the ease with which indigenous people brought Chilean games to their fields. modernizing experience that would benefit indigenous peoples if they were in control of it. selectively adopting elements of the Chilean criollo cultural system (which itself had elements absorbed from many cultures) to better their own society. 1910–1938 · 67 from foreign cultures. He insisted that his people had once been “rich and powerful” and had owned “hundreds of thousands of . through a conscious formation launched by the Indians themselves. Indeed.”76 Arguedas promoted mestizaje (cultural mixing in this case) as a constructive. and attention to the rules. Manquilef was. as well as his ability to appropriate aspects of other cultures without losing any of his own supposedly innate characteristics. For example.National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. The Mapuche were leading the process of cultural change.”73 recounting specifically the history of soccer in Araucanía. and instead of forcing the dissolution or disappearance of indigenousness. When we look at Manquilef ’s pronouncements as a political leader.”74 Overall.75 As expressed by Quechua-speaking Peruvian José María Arguedas (1911–69). there was plenty to rejoice about: an abundance of evidence proving the intellectual and physical capacity of the Indian. it becomes apparent that he did not defend all Mapuche cultural traditions. he blamed previous governments for the degradation and poverty of Mapuche communities. . relaying a process of transculturation. Manquilef claimed. Manquilef ’s political propositions portrayed the Mapuche as (want-to-be) adherents of the individualism of modern capitalism. When it came to landownership. there was no room for collective tradition. Soon after being elected as diputado for the province of Cautín in 1926.80 Thus. Such theft was possible. We also see how the land. stating “I represent only the Liberal Democratic Party and the civilized Indians of my province.”84 No longer did this political leader link his indigenous identity to a childhood spent in a rural community or to his own participation in and knowledge of cultural traditions. in stark contrast to Comentarios.” but during the process of radicación initiated after the military occupation of Araucanía. which had important cultural and historical connotations in Comentarios.”82 Yet in response to other diputados who had strong reservations about the law and questioned his “Mapuche-ness” for having presented it to the National Congress without proper consultation. was re-envisaged as a primarily economic resource.83 he affirmed “my blood tells me that with this law I am loyally and effectively serving the Araucanian race. Mapuche society was thus imaged as both dynamic and static. According to Manquilef ’s ethnographic studies. Manquilef submitted a draft law for the division and privatization of indigenous communal lands (which triggered his expulsion from the Caupolicán Society). State legislation decreed that each family plot formed part of a larger communal whole. only because the state turned a blind eye to it and because the Mapuche were not allowed to put up fences around (and thereby protect) their lands. compared to between 40 and 150 hec tares given to foreign settlers). Here tradition and (capitalist) modernity were . rather. For Manquilef. it was communal landownership that prevented the Mapuche from enjoying the benefits of modernization and becoming equal citizens of the Chilean republic. he presented his indigenousness as a biological fact.79 And even these tiny allocations continued to be encroached upon and usurped by colonos and local hacendados. there was room for some Mapuche community customs in modern Chile. he also showed how Mapuche society was capable of modernizing without doing away with these customs.68 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile animals. Manquilef denied having any obligation to act as their spokesman. which presented Mapuche culture as essentially collective.81 Confronted by his Mapuche constituents who protested against the bill. they had been allocated only very small plots of land (between 1 and 4 hectares. which could not be formally divided or sold off. however. once and for all. and it was from here that he began his political organizing. as opposed to Manquilef ’s (mainly) state school experience. but his first surname points to a history of strategic political alliances between his family and Spanish governors during the late colonial period. despite spending much time in Temuco (because of his political organizing) and traveling up and down the country with his theater groups.88 Like Manquilef.87 and his grandfather and uncle had supported the Chilean army during the occupation campaigns of the late nineteenth century. provided by the Anglican mission in Maquehue.89 Another important factor distinguishing the two leaders was their community experiences: Manquilef never returned to live in Pelal after his father sent him to study in Temuco. Documenting. It was in this context that Manquilef ’s own indigenous identity became rather shaky.”86 Aburto would likely have approved of this description. La Época of Loncoche described Manuel Aburto Panguilef as “a tireless defender of the Araucanian race” and “a perfect example of [Chilean] patriotism and good citizenship. 1910–1938 · 69 directly opposed to each other. whereas Aburto did go back to his community in Collimallin.National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. Eradicating them as a biological or cultural category was neither possible nor necessary. and Performing Mapuche Cultural Identity Shortly after his death in 1952. he implored the government “to change its [land] policy and to. One particularly poignant statement helps to shed light on the tensions within Manquilef ’s discourse: in ¡Las tierras de Arauco!.”85 By to “kill the Indians” he meant to eliminate them as a (marginalized) social category. whose mother was a Chilean criolla). Aburto retained Collimallin as his main base throughout . mystical) form that his political discourse was to take in the following years—it was primarily a religious education. Manuel Aburto Panguilef: Creating. he received a European-style education and later some professional training as a lawyer. kill the Indians and allow them to live like other citizens. because indigenous blood and cultural practices (or at least some cultural practices) were not antagonistic to civilization and modernity. published more than ten years before he presented the land division law to congress. to do away with property laws that treated them differently. Loncoche. Biologically speaking he was “pure” Mapuche (in contrast to Manquilef. but—and this is a crucial difference that might help to explain the distinctive (spiritual. Indeed. Aburto knew firsthand the reality of rural poverty. Aburto was a vociferous opponent of Manquilef ’s land division law. He note[d] down every occurrence.91 and thousands of pages of his personal diary. so as to encourage a dialogue (rather than fusion) with Chilean national society.94 Aburto began to make a name for himself in regional circles in 1910. of course. and to support their contemporary demands. in these practices and thereby constantly revitalized and re-presented them. but the history of dispossession impacted his family and community more than Manquilef ’s (who owned extensive tracts of land). to maintain their historical-political difference as a people. Among these are newspapers (which either reproduced his speeches as part of news articles or published his communiqués about forthcoming events). which narrated the minutiae of his working life. Rather than describe or narrate traditional practices. he actively participated. “he [wrote] at every possible opportunity. and encouraged others to participate. Aburto did not publish any books or academic studies. letters. but he did produce a vast corpus of writings.”93 He also collected and made constant reference to documents produced by others—legal treaties. Like Manquilef. records pertaining to the Araucanian Federation (over which he presided from 1921 until his death) and the Araucanian Congresses (1921–50).92 As Menard remarked. his hours and minutes and.90 He was descended from a prestigious line of lonkos. Aburto internalized certain aspects of the dominant “civilizing” discourse of his time—he frequently spoke of the need for advancement and progress—yet for him culture was more of a constitutive social process than a fixed way of life that could be “civilized” or eradicated. which he organized and chaired. each meeting. written by either himself or his daughter Herminia. Aburto also developed and promoted a different understanding of the notions of Mapuche culture and customs. he developed close links with the Left during the 1920s (whereas Manquilef was a member of the right-leaning Liberal Democratic Party). when he got a job as interpreter for the Protectorate of Indigenous People . Furthermore. legislative records.70 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile his lifetime. and he did not seem to feel that he had to prove his “Mapuche-ness” (as Manquilef was constantly doing in his public speeches and writings). and—again—Aburto’s political organizing emerged from this local reality. each peso spent or earned. each transaction. epic poems—that served to re-create the Mapuche in history as legitimate political subjects. the increasing number of messages emitted by Divine Voices. he founded the Mapuche Mutual Protection Society of Loncoche—a response to the dire socioeconomic conditions in which many local Mapuche peasant-farmers were living and to the violent treatment they were suffering at the hands of colonos who sought to expropriate their lands (the press reported on several massacres of indigenous people by colonos in the area during the years 1912–15).” The Araucanian Theater Company succeeded in recontextualizing the “ancient customs” of Mapuche communities: it performed the exotic and historically remote Indian for Chilean . “demonstrated that the customs of the aboriginal and indomitable tribe of Arauco remain[ed] very much intact. Temuco. the protective hand of the society will be there to defend his cause. Aburto’s theater company traveled to Valdivia.National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. and villatunes.” which promised to be “very interesting.95 According to Andrés Donoso Romo. Valparaíso. he published an advertisement in La Voz de Loncoche inviting “all those friends of the Araucanian race and all those people who wish to see the improvement [agrandecimiento] of Loncoche” to a recital “by a talented troupe of forty young Mapuche people.” Four days later the same newspaper reported that the performance had gone very well. the organization’s principal objectives were to condemn the abuses being committed against Mapuche people and to offer support to the victims of such abuses. 1916. On December 23.”100 Such a display. Talca.”97 The announcement promised a spectacular exhibition of “all the customs of the aborigines” by indigenous performers who would be “dressed according to ancient tradition. El Diario Austral of Temuco encouraged people to attend a “soirée of indigenous theater.98 Over the next couple of months. Chillán.”96 There was also an important cultural dimension to the society’s agenda. On December 2. 1910–1938 · 71 in Valdivia. it said. Tomé. Talcahuano. Concepción. Six years later. whose rendition of the song “Los copihues rojos” received widespread applause. there will be protection for all widows who do not have the means to educate their children. dances.”99 In mid-January La Divisa of Tomé commended the “splendid program” of “brilliant songs. singling out the Hormachea girls. He quotes Aburto speaking at the first meeting of the Mapuche Mutual Protection Society in September 1916: “With the formation of this society. One of Aburto’s first initiatives as president of the Mapuche Mutual Protection Society was to set up the Araucanian Theater Company. and Santiago. If a Mapuche is unjustly arrested. given the originality of the act. Aburto stressed that it would benefit the entire population of Loncoche: its teaching and apprentice schemes were to be exclusive to Mapuche students. the idea that a Chilean education would ensure progress). Aburto’s organization endorsed official state discourse on education (specifically. and to provide grants to enable more Mapuche children to attend secondary . the Mapuche Mutual Protection Society was in agreement with the Caupolicán Society about the need for specialized schools for Mapuche students. in Aburto’s words. “the only way to advance as a people was to become civilized. making specific reference to “the people of Valparaíso” whose League of Workers’ Societies had started a fund-raising campaign for it. as resolved at the Araucanian Congress of 1925.103 As director of the group. “this artistic group projected itself as a cultural delegation which aspired to reestablish the lost dignity of their people. but the education and economic well-being of the Mapuche was crucial to the progress of the town as a whole.”105 Like the Caupolicán Society.”102 The positive reviews suggest that Aburto’s group was successful in its mission. At the same congress of 1925 delegates agreed to petition the government to create more primary schools in or near rural communities.72 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile audiences of the 1910s. In this sense. A couple of years later Aburto recalled how well received the school project had been. which Aburto founded in 1921. to establish special boarding schools for indigenous students of both sexes. but it also referred to the Mapuche as “a people” who—regardless of the education they received—would remain historically and politically distinct from Chilean society. One of the first things the group did when it returned to Loncoche was to hold a mass meeting to inform local people of its plans for this school. previously “had no idea about the Mapuche. it brought this supposedly ancient culture to life for people who. Aburto was constantly using his public platform to urge Mapuche parents to send their children to school because.”101 As Luis Pradenas summarized. he presented himself and his performing troupe as civic-minded citizens who were proud of both their ethnic and their regional identities. The tour also had more immediate.104 As indicated here. This was also a key demand of the larger Araucanian Federation. Almost every newspaper report about the Araucanian Theater Company told readers that the money raised from ticket sales would be put toward the construction of an agricultural and industrial school for indigenous people in Loncoche. but it also made the exotic real. practical goals. It was shortly after this that the state deemed Aburto’s political organizing sufficiently subversive to warrant legal punishment. in the words of Menard and Pavez. At least a couple of months beforehand he was always busy issuing invitations. annual political-ceremonial meetings which were led by the Araucanian Federation but brought together thousands of Mapuche people of various political hues from all over Araucanía. Indeed. and most of the other community leaders and Mapuche organizations in attendance at the congresses were resolutely against Manquilef ’s land division law. symbolized an autonomous “space of territorial and organizational representation. indeed probably the most prominent issue on the agenda.110 He must have been distraught by this. inscribed in a permanent building”) the Araucanian Congresses (which were “mobile [and] updated intermittently. led by indigenous teachers. Manquilef was proclaimed a “traitor” and widely denounced for failing to consult with Mapuche people before he presented the new legislation to parliament. placing advertisements in the local press encouraging people to attend. He was also one of the leading figures at the event itself which.” Acting as the “inverse reflection of the [Chilean] National Congress” (which was a “secure institution. his Araucanian Federation. Ercilla. and the provision of trained teachers to set up these schools. were not being listened to. 1910–1938 · 73 school.107 At the Araucanian Congress of 1931 Aburto railed against the authorities for their failure to build a single school for the rural communities. in an . Aburto. Another important issue.108 Nevertheless. for the congress was one of the most important events of the year for him.National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. was indigenous land rights: how best to defend the lands they had and how best to recuperate the lands that had been stolen from them. at the Congress of 1926 held in Collico.109 Education was clearly an important topic of debate at the Araucanian Congresses. He also started to elaborate the idea of an enseñanza indígena—a more indigenous-oriented teaching practice. Mapuche demands. it seems.106 The demands recorded in the proceedings of the 1929 congress were more specific: sixty million pesos of government funding to build six hundred new schools. and deciding what food to take (a dream inspired him to take large quantities of corn to one congress). Aburto missed several of the Araucanian Congresses due to successive prison sentences in internal exile.111 Aburto was involved in every aspect of the preparations. Aburto talked more forcefully than ever before about obliging the government to improve education facilities for the Mapuche. calf. during which requests were made of the ancestral spirits and a small animal (usually a lamb. and they held a great guillatún. Prayer sessions were led by a machi.115 and Chilean journalists were encouraged to attend so as to be able to report on the event afterward. who often spoke in Mapuzungun. newspaper reports. Importantly. who usually spoke in Mapuzungun . or young bull) was sacrificed in return. this was not done in an adversarial or threatening manner. for example). led by a machi. and then consumed mudai (a traditional drink made from fermented wheat. Aburto usually opened the proceedings by proclaiming “the virtues of the Araucanian Race.114 but several Chilean politicians were invited to address the congress (senators Artemio Gutiérrez and Luis Enrique Concha were present at the 1926 congress. much of this was spoken in Mapuzungun. offered to the earth.74 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile itinerant fashion in the open air”) helped to reinforce Mapuche historicalpolitical difference. Aburto and other participants thus asserted the enduring vitality of Mapuche cultural traditions as well as the legitimacy of Mapuche political demands in twentieth-century Chile. described by Manquilef in his Comentarios).” but another crucial ingredient of this first ceremonial act was the singing of the national anthem. and he recounted the visions that he had had in his dreams. This was not simply by default: to “reestablish and uplift all the ceremonies and customs of the Mapuche race” was part of the very purpose behind their (and the Araucanian Federation’s) initial establishment. but so too was the Chilean national flag.113 The minutes of the congresses. Those with voting power had to be Mapuche. The congresses also gave Aburto a chance to perform his own individual Mapuche identity: he often wore a poncho and traditional head scarf. one person taking over from the next. he spoke in Mapuzungun. One of the most striking features of the congresses was the actual or metaphorical inclusion of Chileans. though.112 The congresses also provided opportunities for large collectives of people to act out and revitalize Mapuche cultural identity. There was also a long prayer. Again. Flags pertaining to the various Mapuche organizations were flown everywhere. The first few hours of the three-day (sometimes four-day) meeting were taken up with greetings from political dirigentes and community leaders. People prepared. and Aburto’s diaries give us a sense of some of the ritual practices involved. in which many different people participated. but the gramophone was also an important accompaniment to the festivities). Loncoche. Aburto himself moved constantly between the rural and urban worlds: he spent several nights a week in Temuco but then returned to stay with his two wives and children in Collimallin.”117 Yet the main office of the Araucanian Federation was in Temuco and most of its legal activities were carried out there and in nearby towns. and the agreements they reached were reported in urban newspapers. so as to be more easily accessible. he said. Far from it. Thus. Bengoa has described Aburto’s movement as “100 percent rural.National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. and when it was suggested (at the 1926 congress) that the meeting take place in a town. Similarly.119 Consequently.”116 Rather than separating Mapuche and Chilean cultures. At the congress of 1924. one could also speak of their bringing together the rural and urban. the collective and individual (Mapuche cultural identity was performed en masse but there was also the opportunity to assert one’s individual Mapuche identity in front of the masses). not just the Mapuche people or Araucanía. (Indeed Aburto himself was comfortable in both a poncho and a formal suit. the spiritual and legal (ritual ceremonies were a key component but so too was the drafting of formal petitions to the government). prayers. then. and political debates were recorded in print). such as Collico or Collimallin. and the traditional and modern (the rewe was a centerpiece of the guillatún. for instance.”118 However. spoke Mapuzungun and Spanish. many of the delegates were urban-based (as were the congressmen and journalists who were invited). but supplications were also directed at the “all-powerful” Christian God and related to Chile as a whole. Aburto and machi Ignacio Quipaihuanque co-led a special prayer in which they asked “Dios el Todopoderoso” to guide “the military government in its beautiful work” so as to bring “positive benefits for the country. was “to relax the rules of its organization as a Mapuche entity. they combined the oral and written (speeches. the urban world was not excluded from the congresses. prayed to . 1910–1938 · 75 and made an offering to the ancestral spirits. The Araucanian congresses were always held in rural localities. Aburto refused. To move the “Parliament of the Araucanian Race” from the countryside. the Araucanian congresses disturbed many of the preconceived ideas about indigenous identity in early twentieth-century Chile. the congresses acted as a meeting point where they could enter into dialogue with each other. just as the congresses brought together Chilean and Mapuche cultures. Aburto frequently made reference to “el territorio indígena” and what this consisted of in both his private diaries and public speeches.”) One of the most well-known and widely cited congresses was that of 1931. customs. when delegates at the Araucanian Congress agreed that the “problems related to the land and education of the [Mapuche] race” were social problems that also affected and thereby linked the Mapuche to the “national proletariat. And by the mid-1920s regional newspapers. Aburto had shown indications of his leftist leanings almost as soon as he emerged onto the political scene in 1916 when. land was an economic as well as a cultural resource) but he never reduced the “indigenous question” to one of class.”124 With specific regard to the creation of an Indigenous Republic. and rituals” and use their territorial space to “create their own progress and culture. a proposition supported by the Communist International. in conjunction with his Araucanian Theater Company’s tour and its warm reception in Valparaíso. he made a pact with the League of Workers’ Societies. promoted the value of the spoken word but also recorded everything in written documents.”122 what most troubled the governing elites were his connections with the Left. that is.”125 For Aburto. it is probably fair to say that his class politics were more sharply pronounced by 1931. were denouncing him as a “caudillo of Communism” and a “Mapuche soviet. what had been independent Mapuche territory before the occupation campaigns.120 He also stated that the Araucanian race should be able to “lead their lives according to their own psychology. to describe Aburto as “anti-Christian and anti-Chilean. race and class were intimately connected (the Mapuche were discriminated against for being poor and for being Indians. and had two wives but pledged never to contravene the “laws of the Republic.”121 While these proclamations of Mapuche cultural and territorial sovereignty led certain religious scholars. it was noted that the “aspirations of the race” were achievable “only with an effective alliance between indigenous peoples and the campesinos and the workers.”123 Nonetheless. By this point he and his Araucanian Federation no longer demanded only the return of those lands that had been illegally usurped since “pacification.” but also Mapuche ancestral lands. such as El Diario Austral of Temuco. Moreover.76 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Mapuche and Christian deities. as the 1930s progressed and dreams of political and territorial autonomy were no longer . such as Augusta. because it was here that Aburto proposed the creation of an Indigenous Republic in Araucanía. as dictator between 1927 and 1931. 1910–1938 · 77 deemed compatible with the international class struggle led by Moscow.)130 In 1936. even in his most eccentric moments. but these only became prominent in the displays once Ricardo Latcham became director in 1928 and was able to embark on a major renovation of the anthropological section. Anthropology. Nevertheless. funds from the National Tourism Council allowed for the inauguration of the Araucanian Room in which a life-size ruka was built by local Mapuche men. and he had decided to support the military populist Carlos Ibáñez (who rejected the traditional party system and had. By 1938 his attitude toward the Communist and Socialist parties in Chile was openly hostile. for example.129 He sought to forge a dialogue between rather than to separate (or indeed fuse) Mapuche and Chilean cultures. slant to his discourse. but it was only in the 1930s (and particularly during the Popular . and Politics in the City Aburto was keen to see Mapuche relics preserved and exhibited in Chilean state museums. fundamentalist political leader.128 and he was much more preoccupied with re-creating cultural tradition than Manquilef was. even messianic. Aburto focused his struggle on Chilean recognition of Mapuche difference. there was a notable mystical and spiritual. Furthermore.126 Aburto has often been referred to as a radical. Latcham found a vocation as an anthropologist when he came to work on the Chilean railways in the late nineteenth century. Yet. (A civil engineer from England. both of which were constantly changing. The Natural History Museum in Santiago had amassed thousands of objects pertaining to indigenous cultures by the early twentieth century. introduced a number of initially progressive policies that included an attempt to rethink colonization policy in the southern provinces) in the upcoming presidential election. such developments suggest an increasing interest in indigenous society and a concerted effort to make it more “lifelike” for visitors.131 Not unexpectedly for a natural history museum. as I have argued previously.127 Certainly. Aburto began to move away from the Left. the exhibits tended to relegate the Mapuche to the status of flora and fauna.132 This was notable in artistic and literary circles from at least the 1920s. they point to the reemergence of a popular cultural nationalism in Chile based on emotive evocations of land and nature. Poetry.National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. / You took revenge for the way you were punished / and for that reason you rise up again [today].134 Igaymán. Arauco! / Remember how one day you spilled / your beautiful blood upon this beloved land / refusing time and again to give in . “Oh. Igaymán sang. It was also during the mid. In his memoir. Painemal. but for the main part the mass urbanization of Mapuche society that took place during this period was directly linked to the poverty of the rural communities and the stimulus of urban employment created by state-led industrialization campaigns. as did Manquilef and Aburto. . Araucanian soul! You are / the ancient legend of our land / But you are [also] the light of the bright morning star. but rather focused on their people as whole. These poets and the men who built the ruka for the Natural History Museum were just a few of the thousands of Mapuche who were beginning to migrate to urban centers. Guillermo Igaymán and Antonio Painemal saw their verses published in newspapers such as La Voz de Arauco of Temuco and El Heraldo of Santiago.” Painemal wrote of a “mirror of the Bío-Bío / where you pledged to fight until death / where you struggled with ferocious momentum / [where] today we see your people smile once more. during the first decades of the twentieth century. . but increasingly Santiago too). “Ay. .135 Most migrants had no other choice but to try to make a living in the city (often Temuco or Valdivia. Some may have decided to spend time in the city for professional or political reasons.78 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Front government of Pedro Aguirre Cerda. but they reworked them in order to assert the continuing resistance and strength of Mapuche society in twentieth-century Chile.to late 1930s that poetry written by Mapuche authors—as opposed to the oral poetry that had been transcribed and translated by Chilean and foreign scholars in the early 1900s—first appeared in the public sphere. They also envisaged a Chile in which this people still had the potential to threaten the status quo. which will be discussed in chapter 3) that such visions of nationhood were widely adopted by state institutions.133 All of these authors drew inspiration from the well-trodden stories of Araucanian military prowess and valor during the colonial era.” Quilaqueo penned. and Anselmo Quilaqueo (with the backing of the Mapuche student organization Centro de Estudiantes Newentuain) published a book of poetry entitled Cancionero Araucano (Araucanian Anthology) in 1939. and Quilaqueo did not write of their individual realities. or to move back and forth between the rural and urban worlds. Aburto recorded every detail of the episode in his diary. and we maintain close ties with our families and friends. leader of the Radical Party (favored by many young urban Mapuche). However. 1938. as Menard and Pavez have noted. how much wine they drank.137 It was the young urban Mapuche who challenged the patriarchal ways of Aburto Panguilef as president of the Araucanian Federation.141 The Araucanian Corporation was officially formed on . partly due to (or perhaps as illustrated by) his problematic relationship with young Mapuche militants. which pitted Pedro Aguirre Cerda. these came to a head during the presidential elections of 1938. as a result. there is little doubt that he began to fade from the national political scene in the late 1930s. but they had conflicting ideas about the importance of cultural traditions and they worked separately from each other.138 However. including specialized education for indigenous students and the need to defend communal lands. Tensions between the militant youth and the traditional leadership were already a significant problem by 1926. On August 10. such as the Galvarino Society and the Society of Araucanian Residents. and on August 11 he and Venancio Coñuepán (who was by then the main leader of the Caupolicán Society) signed a pact of alliance.National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. We are therefore more representative [of the race] than Manuel Aburto Panguilef and his so-called Central Committee of the Araucanian Federation. As was customary. and the cost of the bill ($45. Aburto claimed that “the young Araucanians who live[d] in Santiago [did] not represent the Araucanian race. 1910–1938 · 79 Mapuche political leader Martín Painemal remembered arriving in Santiago in the mid-1920s and searching for work in a bakery. against the former military dictator Carlos Ibáñez (supported by Aburto).80. Confronted with this internal political division. which was paid by Coñuepán).136 “There were many young Mapuche in Santiago by that time. The Caupolicán Society and the Araucanian Federation agreed on numerous issues in the 1930s. José Cayupi approached Aburto to talk about a possible reconciliation between the two organizations in order to “better defend the interests of the race. Aburto’s loss of influence was also explained by the situation of the indigenous rights movement more generally.”139 Aburto presided over the Araucanian Federation until his death in 1952.” to which they responded: “we come from many different places.”140 Aburto was reluctant but eventually conceded.” he commented and. down to the restaurant where they went to celebrate afterwards. we have come to know each other in this city. an increasing number of Mapuche organizations. whereas Aburto stressed a historical-political difference that could coexist in dialogue with Chilean society and was to be reinforced through writing. These two figures had largely disappeared from the national political scene by the late 1930s. On November 26. and bureaucratic/legal practice. at the same time as we begin to see the impact of urbanization and increased literacy on both Mapuche organizing and Mapuche cultural production. Manquilef and Aburto provide a fascinating window onto the internal diversity of the incipient Mapuche political movement. Bolivar Alarcón del Canto donated the scaled-down replica that he had made of Nicanor Plaza’s sculpture (although. Both leaders undermined stereotypical images of the Indian and sought to carve a space for Indians in. as did Aburto. the Mapuche continued to exert their presence in early twentieth-century Chile. who was eclipsed by the figure of Coñuepán. and by this means to transform. cultural performance. but it became obsolete. the Araucanian Federation continued to function. The statue erected in 1939 was a private initiative: according to El Diario Austral. Almost thirty years had passed since the Caupolicán Society had laid the first stone of its “Monument to the Race” during the buildup to the centennial celebrations. One event that took place in Temuco in 1939 encapsulates some of these developments. According to the latter’s diary and to newspaper reports of the following years. and they founded numerous organizations in defense of indigenous rights. but in very different ways: Manquilef promoted the revalorization of Mapuche cultural difference within a broader project of political fusion. the modern nation. but also about the meaning and performance of “Mapuche-ness” in twentieth-century Chile.80 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile November 12. 1938. and they were just two (albeit the most prominent) of a much larger number of leaders.142 This diversity was reflected in conflicting views not only about landownership. a large crowd gathered at the intersection of Avenida Caupolicán and Calle Manuel Montt to witness the unveiling of a statue of Caupolicán (figure 10). They were active participants in the centennial celebrations. they engaged with (simultaneously internalizing and challenging) dominant scientific discourses of race. as you can see from . Conclusion Despite scholarly proclamations of impending extinction. with Coñuepán as its president and Aburto as vice president. 1910–1938 · 81 Figure 10. José Cayupi.144 An article in El Diario Austral stressed that this was a tribute to “ancient Araucanía” and praised Temuco’s efforts to improve civic pride through . and Marcelino Nanculeo—as well as the poet Ignacio Igaymán were invited to speak at the event. 2010. it was also Alarcón who paid for the statue to be mounted on a plinth. the two are quite different). (Photograph by author.) the photographs in figures 8 and 10.National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism.143 In contrast to the official rhetoric surrounding Plaza’s Caupolicán in Santiago. important connections were made between the legendary Araucanian hero and his contemporary descendants: three Mapuche leaders—Venancio Coñuepán. But local governing authorities decided to make a formal occasion of the inaugural ceremony. Statue of Caupolicán in Temuco. 145 Mapuche people were part of this story of civic pride. it points to the international dimensions of the “Mapuche question” by exploring the indigenismo of Gabriela Mistral and Pablo Neruda. the political machinations of Venancio Coñuepán. analyzing the twists and turns that occurred during the 1940s and 1950s.82 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile the installation of monuments. . it symbolized their continuing struggle for dignity and justice in the present. Chapter 3 further develops the themes of urbanization and the precarious position of Mapuche intellectual-political figures. but their demands (and their identities) remained closely linked to the rural world. An increasing number of Mapuche inhabited the urban space and made their voices heard in it. They wanted to contribute to the development of Temuco as a city. For them the monument was much more than a tribute to “ancient Araucanía”. but they also objected when development plans ran contrary to the well-being of the rural communities. and the public persona of Mapuche opera singer Rayén Quitral. In particular. I say “claimed” because most recent scholarship concurs that there were many limitations to this artistic and political current (it could also be referred to as an ideology. a movement.3 Caudillos. indigenous identities are not elaborated solely within national boundaries. and Mapuche opera singer Rayén Quitral (1916–79)—and explores the ways in which their efforts to reshape notions of Chilean national citizenship were influenced by and responded to the development of continental indigenismo. Indigenismo claimed to seek the emancipation and integration of the exploited Indian. Poets. indeed. and Sopranos Articulating Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. during the Radical Party presidencies of Pedro Aguirre Cerda. but also in the context of broader geopolitical and economic realities.”2 And indigenistas often defended their role as spokesmen (or spokeswomen) for indigenous people on the basis that the latter were incapable of speaking for themselves: in the words of . and Gabriel González Videla. 1938–1964 As Ronald Niezen emphasizes in The Origins of Indigenism (2003). or both) that rose to prominence during the 1920s. Juan Antonio Ríos Morales.1 Most indigenistas were criollos or mestizos. This chapter focuses on four cultural and political figures of the period—renowned poets Pablo Neruda (1904–73) and Gabriela Mistral (1889–1957). The international dimension of Chilean ethnic politics was particularly prominent in the 1940s and 1950s. Mapuche caudillo Venancio Coñuepán (1905–68). Mexicanist scholar Alan Knight describes indigenismo as an explicitly “non-Indian construct. and the (second) government of the self-styled populist leader Carlos Ibáñez. Quitral traveled to Mexico City in 1945. and she stayed there until 1925. To Larraín’s mind. having been invited to perform in its Palace of Fine Arts.8 Mexico certainly seems to have opened the eyes of Mistral and Neruda to the plight of indigenous people (they had not written on the subject before going to Mexico).5 Apart from academics.9 Neruda .6 All four figures discussed in this chapter spent time living in Mexico under a postrevolutionary state that incorporated indigenismo into its official ideology: Mistral was invited in 1922 to participate in a literacy crusade led by Education Minister José Vasconcelos. It is also true that many indigenistas continued to consider the Indian a “problem.84 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Manuel Gamio (first director of the Inter-American Indigenista Institute. and—together with many Mapuche cultural producers and political activists—put pressure on successive governments to engage with the issue of indigenous rights. and remained in the country for four years. it also prompted their growing sense of and identification with a collective Latin American identity. the Indian did “not know or understand the appropriate means to achieve his liberation. in the sense that it never became a dominant current in Chilean intellectual circles. many members of the country’s artistic and literary community.” but claims such writings were limited to anthropology scholarship and argues that they had very limited impact.7 Neruda was given a diplomatic post in Mexico City between 1940 and 1943. Mistral was particularly influenced by the postrevolutionary Mexican model of mestizaje (a binary. Latin American indigenismo can be seen as profoundly paternalistic in its treatment of the Indian. It is certainly difficult to talk of an indigenista “movement” in Chile.” According to the sociologist Jorge Larraín.4 He acknowledges that several prominent Chilean intellectuals wrote about the “indigenous question. state-sponsored version). However. which she reproduced in numerous essays and poems intended for distribution in schools across the continent. Coñuepán visited for brief spell in April 1940. what I have argued elsewhere and aim to illustrate further here is that Larraín’s comments slightly misconstrue the Chilean experience. integrationist. created in 1940).”3 Consequently. Chile never developed an indigenista intellectual movement comparable to that of countries like Mexico or Peru. it was not until the 1980s that a significant number of authors began to show an interest in the subject. not least its two Nobel laureates. showed a concern for indigenous peoples at least as early as the 1940s and 1950s. at the same time as the wider debates led them to rethink the situation in Chile. . in the Chilean state bureaucracy. The Chilean experience of these four figures and their articulation of that experience contributed to and helped to shape those continental debates.S. The full name of his organization was. for it shows that the Indian could be the author as well as the object of indigenismo. interventionist state) in power in Chile. it seems. woven into the Institutional Revolutionary Party’s folkloric tapestry of indigenous America. Neruda. An analysis of the discourses elaborated by and projected onto Mistral. Neruda exemplifies the renewed links between Marxism and indigenismo in the context of cold war politics and U. but we do know that her performances at the Palace of Fine Arts in Mexico City were well received and that she was subsequently contracted to sing on government-funded radio stations across the country. and Quitral helps to illustrate the diversity of emphases and positions that existed within Latin American indigenismo. 1938–1964 · 85 was struck by the work of the Mexican muralists and the power of their visual vocabularies of revolution. he proceeded to incorporate Mapuche colonial history into his own heroic narrative of leftist revolutionary struggle. He once stated that “the best things about Mexico [were] the agronomists and the painters. Quitral provides a fascinating window onto indigenista debates about the possibilities of “civilizing” and “redeeming” the Indian. whose presidency (1934–40) has been described as “a spirited revisiting of the egalitarian and nationalist thrust of the revolution. Finally. albeit a temporary one. Impressed by Mexicans’ use of the pre-Columbian indigenous theme as a propagandistic device.12 Evidence on Quitral is fragmentary. while also blurring the boundaries between Indian and non-Indian. has the potential to transform into an agent of social change.Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage.”10 Coñuepán left Mexico enamored of Lázaro Cárdenas. as well as the shifts that took place in indigenista debates during the 1940s and 1950s (and through to the 1960s).” and it was as a result of his political machinations that indigenismo found a place. the “Araucanian Corporation (Indigenista Movement of Chile). imperialism in Latin America.”11 He wanted to see a similar kind of man (and a similarly activist. In Mistral’s writings the Indian as degenerate “other.13 She was.” in need of protection and doomed to disappear through an assimilatory process of mestizaje. after all. Coñuepán. Coñuepán’s political career counters what Knight says of early twentieth-century Mexico. The latter involved many Mapuche people.” one of the legendary Mapuche warriors who fought against the Spanish conquistadors. state officials angrily proclaimed.18 Beyond these practical initiatives.’”21 There was no explicit mention of . .14 In a short essay published in 1968. he launched a new magazine called Araucanía. it announced the creation of a new state department. an official entity composed of government figures and Mapuche political representatives.19 In November 1939. Instead. For example. which proposed three steps toward a resolution of the land question: that communal lands not be divided. Soon after arriving in the country.16 and a new law (Law 6362) was passed authorizing the establishment of Small Farmers’ Cooperatives. . centred on the inclusion of marginalised Chileans .17 Aguirre Cerda also set up the Commission on Indigenous Issues. dominated by the “most beautiful smile in the world: that of an Araucanian woman. in a more democratic vision of ‘nation.86 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile “We are not a country of Indians!” Or Are We? In 1940.” The poet spent a small fortune sending copies home and waited expectantly for some words of commendation and gratitude. but he did not receive them. The first front cover was. named Defense of the Race and Enjoyment of Free Time. Cunco. Pedro Aguirre Cerda. the Popular Front’s “culturally oriented discourse . Aguirre Cerda’s administration represented an important shift in official discourses of nationhood.15 More significant. Aguirre Cerda’s Popular Front government (1938–41) was in the process of creating special laws. “We are not a country of Indians!” and instructed him either to change the name of the magazine or to suspend its publication. given that Chile’s president at the time. educational institutions. which coincided with its pledge to expand state services. as Neruda himself put it. Neruda remarked on how perplexing this response had been. in 1940 a school for Mapuche children was built in Huichahue. both as potential members of the cooperatives and as state officials in charge of overseeing the scheme. and consultation forums to address the specific demands of this supposedly nonexistent people. that usurped lands be returned. and that all sale contracts entered into since the laws of 1927 and 1931 be nullified.20 As Patrick Barr-Melej summarized. which he hoped would increase Mexicans’ awareness of Chilean culture. . . which sought to cultivate national consciousness and patriotic honor among elite and popular classes. was the “spitting image of Michimalonco. Pablo Neruda was appointed Chilean consul-general in Mexico City. ”26 As was true at the Natural History Museum in Santiago.23 opened up a space for the Mapuche. Furthermore. and ultimately improve the local population. however.25 This cultural institution also aimed to encourage a sense of belonging to the “frontier zone” and to disseminate the “spirit of Chilean nationality. There were at least some innovative suggestions for the exhibition design. The permanent exhibition might not have recognized Mapuche people as modern political subjects. its emphasis on the value of folklore and its official sponsorship of regional (as well as national) identities. which took place near Lake Pátzcuaro in .22 At the same time. The last section on fine arts. the unifying racial imaginary of Chilean nationality reinforced historic denials of the country’s ethnic diversity. In fact. Carlos Oliver Schneider (the then general inspector of museums) told readers of El Diario Austral that the new museum sought to counter the lamentable ignorance about the region’s pre-Hispanic past. the Mapuche were depicted as an intrinsically rural people: the entire first section of the exhibition was dedicated to the flora and fauna of the region. 1938–1964 · 87 indigenous people in what was later to become the Plan de Chilenidad.”27 In line with the Popular Front’s eugenic rhetoric—the openings and constraints of which Karin Rosemblatt probes in Gendered Compromises (2000)—it asserted the need to educate. in many ways. the organizers were eager to display the “physical characteristics” of indigenous people (which points to their endorsement of deterministic theories of race) and to teach visitors about “social hygiene.”28 Especially noteworthy was a commemorative event organized by the museum in 1946: the laying of a plaque at the bottom of Cerro Ñielol to honor those Mapuche leaders who had met there one early morning of 1881 to plan Temuco’s liberation from Chilean control. but some of the events it was involved in certainly did. Shortly after it established this museum. however.” and Schneider pledged to show that “static ‘mummy’ museums [were] a thing of the past.24 In February 1940. Aguirre Cerda’s government sent Mapuche leader Venancio Coñuepán to the First Inter-American Indigenista Congress (PCII).Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. and the “Conquest and Pacification” of Araucanía was told along the official lines discussed in chapter 1. Recent indigenous history was ignored. sanitize. for instance. One example of this was the Popular Front’s creation of the Araucanian Museum in Temuco. planned to “reunite indigenous people and the region in everything that has inspired artistic creation. or at least that he was interested to know what other countries were doing about theirs. for Coñuepán was asked to submit a report on the conference. for example. the countryside was left out of the new “compromise state. largely spoke about rather than with indigenous people—is even more intriguing. The event coincided with the creation of the InterAmerican Indigenista Institute (III) and thereby marked the institutionalization of indigenismo at the continental level. as Rosemblatt comments.30 Surely. this was a public declaration of Chile’s contemporary indigenousness. Mexico. little was actually achieved in practice. Aguirre Cerda was indicating that Chile shared America’s Indian problem. Even the New York Times commented on its importance: “The nations of America” were finally coming “face to face with their Indian problem” stated one of its leading articles of April 14. 1940. That the chosen representative was indigenous—a rarity at the conference which. and labor rights. New legislation aimed at developing and modernizing the nation tended to concentrate on Chile’s urban centers. The 1940 law on agricultural cooperatives was not widely implemented (recommendations along these lines were still being made in the early 1950s). The congress was a major hemispheric event. and yet—as noted earlier—certain sectors of the state bureaucracy at the time rejected the existence of a “dark-skinned” Chile. health care. The Santiago magazine Zig-Zag once claimed that Aguirre Cerda represented “the Chile of the poncho. Moreover. and talked of incorporating the rural into chilenidad. it would also seem to suggest that the government wanted indigenous people’s feedback on international developments.32 and the proposals for agrarian reform were eventually rejected by Aguirre Cerda. remained a major problem in rural Araucanía throughout the 1940s. and never revisited by Ríos Morales or González Videla. as did the lack of .”31 His government’s decision to send Coñuepán to Mexico would seem to endorse this view. the dark-skinned [and] the rural.”33 The absence of roads. by either him or the Radical Party–led Popular Front administrations that followed him.88 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Michoacán.29 By sending a representative to the PCII. which they proposed to combat through statesponsored reforms in the fields of education. although Aguirre Cerda certainly promoted a more democratized vision of nation than his conservative predecessors. according to Rodolfo Stavenhagen. Delegates to the PCII focused on the perceived poverty and miserable living conditions of indigenous communities. 1955. Venancio Coñuepán (wearing glasses.) .Figure 11. second from right) and President Carlos Ibáñez (in center. (Courtesy of the Museo Histórico Nacional. ca. Santiago. waving hat) in Temuco. the political climate had shifted to the right (González Videla outlawed the Communist Party in 1947). streets.37 He was elected senator for the recently formed Agrarian Labor Party (PAL) in 1949 and went on to win the presidential elections of 1952 with 46. and there was a general erosion of support for the Radical Party.34 Overall. Coñuepán was elected as diputado for the department encompassing Temuco.8 percent of the national vote.” Gabriela Mistral and Pablo Neruda: Poetry.”38 In 1945. Villarrica. himself portrayed as a great “hope for his long-suffering people. monuments and statues have been built in their honor. parks. Both poets are revered national icons in Chile: schools. given their pronounced interest in indigenous cultures. who were still the majority despite the ever-increasing number of Mapuche moving to the cities. and squares are named after them. and relaunched himself as a leader with a noble and disinterested sense of patriotism. which was seen as “corrupt and self-seeking. and Pitrufquén.40 Ibáñez was well aware of this—it was the result of an informal “populist pact” between the two caudillo-like leaders (figure 11)—and he returned the favor by making Coñuepán minister of lands and colonization and then creating the Department of Indigenous Affairs in 1953.90 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile schools. which Coñuepán would run until 1958. The rise to power of the “General of Hope” coincided with the increasing visibility and audibility of Venancio Coñuepán.41 It was the most explicit acknowledgment by a Chilean president that Chile was most definitely “a country of Indians.”36 The ex-dictator Carlos Ibáñez took advantage of the electorate’s disenchantment with the established political system and the traditional parties. which is perhaps surprising. the Popular Front era was a great disappointment for rural Mapuche. and Chile’s Indigenous Question Gabriela Mistral and Pablo Neruda were contemporaries of Coñuepán but there is no evidence that they ever met or had any communication with him. their faces appear on banknotes and . he drew on the expanding organizational networks of his Araucanian Corporation to increase his share of the vote.39 The support that Coñuepán and his corporation gave to Ibáñez was one of the reasons that the General of Hope received so many votes from enfranchised peasants in the southern provinces in 1952. Imperial. In the 1949 congressional elections.35 By the late 1940s. National Iconography. Lautaro. and probe the place that they ascribed to the Mapuche within national and continental narratives. nor Neruda. Here I draw mainly on Neruda’s Canto general (General Song). which suggests that Mistral made a conscious decision during the early 1920s to remodel herself as the “national mother of racially mixed children” in order to ingratiate herself with the postrevolutionary Mexican state.44 One welcome exception to this lack of skepticism is the work of Licia Fiol-Matta. . Indeed. who spent much time in historic Mapuche territory during the 1910s and 1920s.45 Whether genuine or contrived. however. saintly mother of the nation.Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. In this section. what becomes clear from any analysis of the reception of their literary works and political personas is just how contested these have always been. That Mexico was the catalyst for their indigenismo has largely been interpreted as a natural consequence of their contact with its far greater indigenous population and their exchanges with Mexican intellectuals and government officials. and Mistral’s Poema de Chile (Poem of Chile).43 These writers’ symbolic significance. written during the 1940s and 1950s but not published until 1967. their reformulations of the relationship between indigenous people and nature. their engagement with the state. and they also made sure Mexicans and other Latin Americans knew about Chile’s indigenous reality. Recent scholarship on Mistral has explored and critiqued successive Chilean governments’ appropriations of her as the passive. showed much interest in writing about the Mapuche until they went to Mexico. for it was while they were in that country that they began to engage in debates about the indigenous question. or in literary publications. in the case of Mistral. as a teacher at the Liceo de Niñas in Traiguén and director of the Liceo de Temuco. Neither Mistral. Most existing studies on Mistral and Neruda do not find this problematic. published in exile in 1950. who never returned to live in Chile after 1922).42 which contrasts starkly with Neruda’s national image as the combative. is by no means fixed. in the case of Neruda. and their self-identification with the Mapuche past and present. I focus on Mistral’s and Neruda’s literary indigenismo and highlight some of the divergent responses to it. 1938–1964 · 91 stamps. who grew up in Temuco and spent his family holidays in Puerto Saavedra. the indigenismo of these two literary figures cannot be understood outside the Mexican framework. They made sure Chileans knew about these debates (taking them back either in person. revolutionary father. Neruda’s story is one of rebirth as well as death. The Mapuche are not reduced to nature. who went on to defeat Pedro de Valdivia’s forces in the Battle of Tucapel (1553). Neruda—like the Mexican revolutionary muralists Diego Rivera. downwards. That’s how the earth coerced man into being. onto the seed which is awaiting springtime. which went on to produce other freedom fighters: The burning blood fell from silence to silence.”47 They are made of the natural landscape and they learn to manipulate it for their own purposes.92 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile The Mapuche appear toward the beginning of Neruda’s “great epic poem of America. With his “steadfast eyes of the land. and David Alfaro Siqueiros—made it a central motif of his story.” Caupolicán makes use of the foliage of the southern forests to camouflage himself and his men as they prepare to attack the Spanish invaders. . Thus. José Clemente Orozco. “is born of the earth. / from that fermented rain / in the volcanic cones / magnificent breasts emerged / . we read of the warrior’s gruesome torture and murder: “Impaled on the sacrificial spear. / wounding the hallowed lands”). for Caupolicán’s blood irrigated the land. Toward those about to be born. in that he links nature to political struggle. / he died a slow death like trees. / From that black wetness.”46 They quite literally “rise up” from the earth: “The war chiefs germinated there. This blood fell deeper still. It flowed toward the dead. but they did not terminate Mapuche rebellion. “the stone rises where the drop falls” and that is how Lautaro.”50 La tierra and indigenous Mapuche identity are closely connected in Neruda’s poetic narrative. Instead of eschewing the brutal violence of Spanish colonialism. Caupolicán’s blood eventually lands upon a deposit of quartz crystals. .49 In the poem “El Empalado” (Impaled). It flowed toward the roots. they are not a mere part of the natural landscape (as represented in . but he goes beyond the essentializing tropes that we find in much early twentieth-century indigenista literature.” Such atrocities scarred Chilean nationality (“Into my country’s bowels/ plunged the lethal blade.48 Neruda’s Caupolicán was markedly different from the idealization monumentalized on Santa Lucía Hill in Santiago. but we generally think of this cohesion as having waned by the 1940s. Neruda’s literary crusade for national and continental liberation sought to bring indigenismo and Marxism back together. The (perceived) complementary relationship between Marxism and indigenismo dates back at least as far as José Carlos Mariátegui in Peru (1894–1930).Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. It is notable that the poem “Toqui Caupolicán” (War Chief Caupolicán) shifts from past to present tense after the first stanza. which . As noted in chapter 2. as Neruda told it. they are active historical agents. when he was elected as senator for the northern province of Antofagasta. Pushing in a contrary direction. The most renowned of Neruda’s poems on the Araucanian “Liberators” is probably “La educación del cacique” (The Chief ’s Training). but it was not until 1945. the main concern of which was to make capitalism work for indigenous communities. their heroism is passed on to Chilean independence leaders and twentieth-century working-class figures such as Luis Emilio Recabarren.”53 Neruda had been a communist sympathizer since the Spanish Civil War (1936–39). who founded the Communist Party of Chile. and U. and leftist revolution was certainly not endorsed by the PCII. instead. class hierarchies. that he officially became a member of the Chilean Communist Party. also had important contemporary relevance. Always present. imperialism. The indomitable warrior was part of Chile’s colonial history but his struggle. whether this resistance is actually taking place or being planned. then. as Mary Louise Pratt has remarked.S.to late 1930s as it became apparent that his plan for an Indigenous Republic was no longer supported by the Communist International.52 The symbolism is no less clear in Neruda’s verses: the glorious military feats of Caupolicán and Lautaro feed into a broader narrative of resistance against colonial rule. and he publicly associated with many well-known communist figures during his time in Mexico (1940–43). 1938–1964 · 93 some museum exhibits).”51 In Siqueiros’s painting Tropical America (1932) “an Indian is crucified on a double cross on top of which stood the Yankee eagle of [North] American finance” (the principal capitalist oppressor). is the theme of rebellion and war. It is. Aburto Panguilef distanced himself from the Left during the mid. La Araucana “revived in a radical counterhegemonic guise. Canto general was essentially a “Cold War epic. In the words of Jason Wilson. who live on through nature and use it to help defend their territory against the enemy. . . The Caupolicáns and Lautaros of the colonial period were long dead.... which fell “from silence to silence. Speak through my words and my blood. Neruda’s quest to speak for the Araucanians raises some important questions. [that] I hear the thoughts of my elders [and] sense the tenderness of my people. / Give me the fury in your blood. If silence symbolized impending rebellion. The most notable example is Elicura Chihuailaf. ..... ... Neruda often uses the first person: “Give me your coldness and heart.”57 The highly . and brings us back to Knight’s argument about the nonindigenous authorship of Mexican indigenismo. who recently translated forty-four poems from Canto general into Mapuzungun. ..94 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile narrates the hardships suffered by an adolescent Lautaro. Respond to my veins and to my mouth.”54 Neruda purposefully confuses himself with the Araucanian warriors.” which depicts the murder of the Spanish conquistador by Lautaro’s men. his writings have been well received by several contemporary Mapuche intellectuals and political activists. Across the country bring together the silent dispersed lips and from the depths talk to me through this long night . as they seek strength and power through the consumption of Valdivia’s blood. / Give me your great jaguar’s bravery.. He allies himself with them and becomes a vehicle for telling their story. heinous foreigner. but by the time we get to “Pedro de Valdivia’s Heart. including “The Chief ’s Training. my grandparents and my parents reflected [in his verses].. but Neruda allowed them to continue speaking through him.. . In a similar vein to Caupolicán’s blood. Press your bodies against mine like magnets..”56 In the prologue to Todos los cantos/Ti kom vl (All Songs)...... Chihuailaf described the impact that Neruda’s poetry had on him: “So close do I feel the emotion and compassion .” this heroic figure’s “childhood years were dominated by silence. speech embodied actual rebellion..” as he bided his time and prepared for war. just as he does with the Inca in “Alturas de Macchu Picchu” (Heights of Macchu Picchu): I’ve come to speak through your dead mouths. “The Chief ’s Training” is written in the third person..55 But here Neruda does not so much patronize and talk over indigenous people as identify and try to communicate with them. Furthermore. . No such people exist.” she insisted. and Mexican indigenista intellectuals (such as Gamio).59 “La Araucana is dead. and once the cultivator. like the ethno-linguists Augusta. During the 1940s and 1950s. and naive Homeric model. and priest were no more. but the work died a literary death within fifty years. and concern for the deplorable and impoverished situation of contemporary indigenous people were to be the principal narratives of delegates at the PCII in Pátzcuaro.58 In an essay of 1932.60 At the time. . Guevara. failed to protect the Mapuche against “rural bullies” and thieves—but the overwhelming story being told here and in other writings on Mapuche music and poetry (for example. . . Mistral was working on Poema de Chile.” Mistral denounced the complicit role of the courts of law and the Catholic Church in this decline—they had. and Lenz (whom I discussed in chapter 2). .Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. . . . [and] annoyed readers with its false tone . however. Mistral seemed to revise her view of Mapuche culture and to identify more closely with it. . were eulogized by their mortal enemies . Mistral—unlike Neruda—was highly critical of the monumental stature of La Araucana. which was too easily manipulated for nationalistic purposes. forgot their love of family and spiritual values. “Elementos del folklore chileno” [Elements of Chilean Folklore] published in 1938) was of a people who had lost all connection to their glorious past. However. but it is his own people. 1938–1964 · 95 acclaimed Mapuche poet thus endorses and celebrates Neruda’s role as a literary voice of the Mapuche. they slowly returned to a state of barbarism. moral. abandoned their tribal loyalty . family chief. would have had a more fortunate fate.” Mistral praised the “profound beauty” of traditional Mapuche music. “and shows no signs of coming back to life. and cultural degradation: “they gave up cultivating their lands. titled “Música araucana” (Araucanian Music) she wrote: anyone would have thought that a people who . Neruda is writing. his own family that Chihuailaf can hear through the verses. it was deadly boring. In this poetic narrative . Mistral prioritized a history of social. The generous intentions were felt at the time . . This shift coincides with Alexander Dawson’s outline of the development of Mexican indigenismo from its paternalistic stance in the 1920s to a more open recognition by the 1940s of Indians as social actors in their own right. she said. This rejection of a romanticized account of indigenous history. Those who work the land are present. We also detect a marked absence of the state. but Chile is not entirely depopulated. of all the eye can see and much beyond that. of plants and fruits.96 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Mistral returns to Chile as a ghost and travels from the Atacama Desert in the north to the glaciers of Magallanes in the south. mountains. in “Huerta” (Fruit Garden). celebrating an allegedly pure. say it with me: fierce—Araucanian—people.. They are an ancient choir that no longer laughs or sings.. a profound agrarian reform program. trees. According to Mary Louise Pratt..”62 The reader is also introduced to the “Araucanos” (Araucanians): Little one. Chile’s urban centers. They were dispossessed of their lands but they are the Old Country. she and her co-traveler (an Atacameño child) name the flowers. “Campesinos” (Peasant Farmers) and “Reparto de la tierra” (Distribution of Lands). relation. and lakes that they encounter. Go on: they fell . . until the arrival of men who owned guns and horses...”61 Without doubt. As they go. even if only in an indirect or metaphorical sense. . and successive Chilean governments’ failure to implement. which were the priority target of Popular Front reforms. only the national territory naturalized as an ecological entity and a concrete maternal . as well as the animals and birds that inhabit this inspiring natural landscape. either no longer exist or are purposefully ignored. listen: they were the owners of the forests and the mountains. . Mistral “was no primitivist or atavist.. there are few human protagonists in the poemario. our newborn cry and our first word. Name them. of the open air and Araucanian enlightenment. “there is no imagined community in Mistral’s poem. All three poems press home the desperate need for. uncomplicated rural life. As stated by Nicola Miller. we see critiques along these lines in many of her private letters. emboldened by the Quechua in Peru. And much of her poetry.” firmly locates Chile and its inhabitants within a regional cultural community. Let’s go. So far. The allusion to Pan-American indigenous political mobilization is significant. This poem narrates a brutal history of conquest and dispossession.Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. including “Araucanos. There is also a spoken certainty here that they will come back.” Focusing on her time in Mexico in the 1920s. you will see them again one day they will return. and this has to be acknowledged publicly. . anchor the nation in a primordial time. it is Mistral and her companion who do the talking in Poema de Chile. do not have a voice: . 1938–1964 · 97 Say more: they will return tomorrow. The Mapuche. naming them out loud testifies to their existence and claims a space for them in the national vocabulary. They are the first enunciation of Chilean nationhood: “our newborn cry. the rightful owners of vast tracts of land. to claim what is theirs. a shadow of their former selves. Mistral encourages the Atacameño child she is traveling with to name the Araucanians. . transfigured coming down from the lands of the Quechua to the lands of the Araucanians to look at and recognize one other. but then the poem shifts gears. to embrace each other silently . but they have lost it (“they are an ancient choir / that no longer laughs or sings”) just as they have lost their lands. She urges her companion to enunciate both their historical defeat and forthcoming revival. Fiol-Matta argues that Mistral was “obsessed with national boundaries and who belonged within them. The Mapuche. Notably.”63 I am more inclined however to agree with Nicola Miller. The verbal recuperation of the past (“say it with me”) and the declared recognition that they have a future is of utmost importance to Mistral: the Mapuche have been mistreated and have suffered greatly. as symbolized by the spectral female figure that approaches the travelers at the beginning of the poem but then quickly disappears. who claims that Mistral “wrote dismissively of those whose vision was bounded by the borders of nation-states.” They once had a voice. the story is not so different from earlier portrayals of decline. for it allows Mistral to transcend the nation even though her collection is titled “Poem of Chile.”64 Certainly. —She’s not coming back. She literally disappears from Chile. little one. white people. and hiding her face? Call her. who reads Mistral’s poem as the narrative of the “Death of the Mother” (meaning death of the Araucanian people as the Mother of Chilean mestizaje). the state is noticeably absent throughout Poema de Chile.”65 She was. she was a staunch and outspoken advocate of state-sponsored social reform. “a millenarian and singular icon fatally detached from social life. no one can reach her. But—and this is the crucial point—not forever. instead. but they were not passive victims. The Mapuche return at the end of the poem. a story of possible Mapuche emancipation.”68 They clearly suffered as a result of nation-building projects and so-called modernization campaigns. embracing their Quechua brothers and sisters. she’s vanished like a ghost. but without the help of the state. Indeed. in sum. bring her over. as noted.67 Antillanca and Loncón claim it “envisages a future in which the Mapuche rediscover themselves” and play a fundamental role in “the process of social construction.”66 We can see this dynamic here to some extent: the “india azorada” hides her face and slips away when confronted by danger.” In contrast to cultural theorist Patricio Marchant. much less as a leader. the indigenous woman evoked in Mistral’s pedagogical essays of the 1920s “was never hailed as a significant social actor. you say. She’s escaping from what she’s seen strangers. they are silent.98 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile —Why is she running. she looks like my mother. It is the assertion of Mapuche historical agency and the possibility of “returning tomorrow” that Mapuche literary critics Ariel Antillanca and César Loncón perceive to be the most important storyline of “Araucanians. The poem is. According to Fiol-Matta. Mistral did not reject the well-intentioned efforts of governments to raise the living standards of indigenous people. . run. but the reader gets the impression that they will shortly recover the ability and desire to speak. an oddity deserving a curious admixture of pity and admiration. She runs too quickly. as proposed at the PCII in Pátzcuaro. But. unifying narrative of revolutionary class struggle. Coñuepán shared this history of strategic alliances with Manuel Manquilef and Manuel Aburto Panguilef. and rarely engaged with the political activism of contemporary Mapuche. Mistral’s choice of an Atacameño boy for a companion is also noteworthy: as Pratt comments. He was the third Venancio Coñuepán to figure in Chilean national history. whom General Cornelio Saavedra named “Cacique General de la Pacificación de la Araucanía. His grandfather. Neruda’s epic poem focused on the colonial past of the Mapuche (its Mapuche protagonists are those of the sixteenth century) and tended to subsume this people and their distinct culture and history within a broader. were both mentioned in chapter 1. several prominent Mapuche intellectuals have noted and reinforced both literary figures’ defense of the Mapuche struggle. however.Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. 1938–1964 · 99 There are numerous limitations to the indigenista discourses of Neruda and Mistral. who fought for the patriotas against the Spanish in the early nineteenth century.”69 Such appropriation points to the Nobel laureates’ useful status as national icons: what better figures to legitimize the Mapuche cause? It also hints at the flexible. he also claims Neruda’s work “offers one of the possibilities for dialogue between Chileans and Mapuche. there is no sense that they have already come back and started fighting for their rights (as we saw with Manquilef and Aburto in chapter 2. Mistral prioritized a history of exploitation and oppression. shifting nature of their representations of “Mapuche-ness. and will see with Coñuepán in this chapter). Mistral takes on a decidedly maternal role and indigenous people are rendered childlike. but located himself at the opposite end of the political spectrum (supported by the Popular Liberation Alliance in 1945 and the Conservative Party in 1949).” and his great-grandfather.” which both replicates and counters dominant discourses of indigenismo in mid-twentieth-century Latin America. Chihuailaf incorporated Mistral’s voice as part of the collective that spoke out in his Sueños azules y contrasueños (Blue Dreams and Counter-Dreams). but it is always she who has the answers. Her “Araucanians” are going to return. He also shared the . Despite such limitations. The boy asks pertinent questions.70 Venancio Coñuepán: Reframing Official Doctrines of Development Venancio Coñuepán Huenchual was elected to the National Congress at the same time as Neruda. he married Ruth Kindley Parcker and decided to give up his managerial post with Ford in order to concentrate on developing his political career. which affirms that the Araucanian Corporation—rooted in and supported by the rural communities and their traditional authorities (lonkos)—constituted an “organic” movement “with a strong ethnic character. the Liceo de Temuco (the same school Manquilef attended). In what follows. we can interpret this leading Mapuche figure and his political organization as simultaneously integrationist (indigenista) and pro–ethnic autonomy (indígena). Coñuepán entered the world of business and worked for Ford Motors in Temuco.” but in rather subtle and indirect ways.”74 However. “depend on a salary or the goodwill of [any] institution. Following the readings of Mallon and of Foerster and Montecino. but he seemed to manage this position more effectively than his predecessors did (remember that Manquilef was expelled from the Caupolicán Society and that Aburto was reproached by both state authorities and young Mapuche militants). therefore.100 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile experience of a western-style education.” I would argue. On graduating from the latter. countering Haughney. having attended the Araucanian mission’s primary school in Cholchol (the same mission that operated the school in Maquehue where Aburto was educated) and. Mallon also quotes from Foerster and Montecino’s seminal study.”72 According to Diane Haughney. and his response to the dominant developmentalist discourse of the time. not as a reordering of the overall political relationship between the Mapuche people and the Chilean state. Coñuepán was fortunate enough to make a great deal of money from business and agriculture (his family owned vast tracts of land in Pitrako and Pewchen near Cholchol) and did not.71 This was the same year when he became president of the newly formed Araucanian Corporation. afterwards. . his “imaginings” of Chilean and Mapuche identities.”73 and Florencia Mallon points to its “integrationist character. I am not so much interested in the details of his political demands as in the way he articulated those demands. that Coñuepán and his Araucanian Corporation did in fact seek to “reorder” the “overall political relationship between the Mapuche people and the Chilean state. the Araucanian Corporation “framed its demands in terms of the immediate needs of the rural communities. I analyze Coñuepán’s role as a Mapuche cultural activist and politician in Chile during the 1940s and 1950s. Coñuepán found himself at the interface between Mapuche and Chilean societies. In 1938. As historian Pablo Marimán has remarked. Like Manquilef and Aburto. Bengoa refers to the “desarrollismo indígena” of Coñuepán. In the campaign for this election. and to support the training of individuals working with indigenous communities. but failed to get elected. the focus of discussions was the poverty of indigenous communities and how to best alleviate this issue through economic development. In this sense. According to Bengoa. He blurred the boundaries between indigenous and indigenista in a more overt manner than Neruda and Mistral.75 I explore the meaning of this term. It was. 1938–1964 · 101 which was intimately connected to continental indigenismo. Coñuepán first stood for parliament in 1941 as an independent candidate. but rather selectively adopted and adapted certain elements to suit his own political agenda. Aguirre Cerda’s administration asked Coñuepán and César Colima (another Mapuche political leader) to represent Chile at the PCII in Mexico. he affirmed indigenous identity not in opposition to modernity but as intimately bound up with it. In 1945. the leader of the Araucanian Corporation did not speak at the congress but instead “took notes and processed” everything that went on. Coñuepán proposed an alternative modernity. partly because he had the support of the Popular Liberation Alliance. They jumped at the chance. to promote research into indigenous peoples’ living conditions. including the United States.Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage.76 As outlined in the introduction to this chapter. he was more successful. a major international event that could have important consequences for their people: urban intellectuals and political representatives from all over the continent. Moreover. Its founding guidelines and the limited scholarship available on the event suggest that he went as an observer (oyente) rather than a delegate with voting power. In response to a formal invitation from Lázaro Cárdenas. The basic objectives of the congress and the institute that it created were to assist in coordinating the indigenous affairs policies of member states. as presented at the PCII in Mexico. who tended to associate themselves with an indigenous past rather than an indigenous present. after all.77 Whatever his role there. would be there. a newspaper advertisement presented Coñuepán to the voting public as the “Candidato de la Raza” (Candidate of the . he fought for modernization on indigenous terms. and argue that Coñuepán did not simply imitate or repeat the dominant paradigm of indigenismo. it is clear from his parliamentary interventions during the late 1940s that the conference in Mexico had a major impact on his political strategizing. We know very little about Coñuepán’s participation in the PCII. he made much of his (planned) indigenous rights program on the campaign trail.102 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Race). because to do so is to vote for Chile”). credit systems. Coñuepán represented a blending of the old and the new: as an “energetic combatant of great ability” he was the living embodiment of the Araucanian warrior of colonial times. (In this respect. Coñuepán’s indigenousness became part of the solution to the country’s troubles: he was the most authentic of Chileans (the “body and soul” of the nation). still leader of the Araucanian Corporation. In his early parliamentary speeches. Far from being a problem. which affect our fortune as a country. which had become corrupted and stale. and gringos will vote for him.81 As with Neruda’s and Mistral’s histories. as “the true spirit of renewal.” he would help transform Chilean politics. similar to the nationalist imaginaries elaborated by conservative intellectuals of the early twentieth century such as Nicolás Palacios.” But “la Raza” can also be construed to refer to the Chilean mestizo race. serious. If Coñuepán was evoking a mestizo national identity here. after all. More importantly.79 As portrayed in the advertisement. because we are painfully aware that there are already many hateful divisions between Chileans. Coñuepán presented himself as “a genuine representative of the Indians” who had “come out of [his] silence” in order to counter the “sensationalist propaganda campaign” that had been launched against his people. indeed. . business. it was most certainly one that allowed for the survival of the Mapuche race.” along with “our sarcastic expression and insulting scorn. democratic nation. Coñuepán’s decision to speak out was intimately connected to political struggle. hardworking. the collective destiny of Chile depended on it. contrarily. in addition to telling a history of Mapuche suffering and resistance.” This experience and the implication that he had the facility to bring the rural and urban worlds together were crucial to Chile’s development as a modern. as proof of the Indians’ patriotism: “we have remained silent .”83 The recovery of (public) .”82 It also served. he also embodied it. and he—like other Mapuche leaders—often spoke of “la raza araucana. and patriotic of Chileans. The difference was that.78 This could be interpreted as an open declaration of his Mapuche racial identity. and the social question. Indians. Previously. the electorate was told he had “good experience and knowledge of agriculture. he said.80 the most honorable. silence had been one of the Indians’ only “weapons. . his selfprojected image was very similar to that of Ibáñez). a symbol of difference and unity (“Chileans. He was. malicious words of others.” Inverting dominant racial stereotypes of the poor. ignorant. Coñuepán made frequent references to what “nosotros sabemos” (we know) and what “ellos ignoran” (they do not know). and they did know that they had been dispossessed of what was rightfully theirs.Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. The terms conocer and saber (to know) were central to Coñuepán’s discourse. he used it as a launching pad for his diatribes against the hypocrisy of the “civilizing” mission of the Chilean state. by him) should be heeded and acted upon. “The men at Pátzcuaro” he stated. The Indians did not have sufficient knowledge of the laws (a situation he sought to change through education). but they did know the value of their cultural customs. ineffectual Indian. they did know the value of land. For one thing.” he asked.” was to “confirm the lack of understanding shown toward them. Chilean landowners who had stolen indigenous lands. the “enemies of the race.” but “the Indian [knew].86 At that moment in Chile the Indian was being “blamed for everything: for the failure to meet production targets and for the lack of progress. they did know about their ancestral past. The Indian knew that the dispossession of his lands required justification in the form of “evidence” of his supposed inferiority. The “others” were the Chilean ruling elites who refused to pass legislation to benefit indigenous people. delegates at Pátzcuaro had rejected the “old theories regarding the ‘incorporation of the Indian into civilization’ as a mere pretext for the [continuing] oppression of aboriginal peoples. particularly those of lower social extraction” (remember that Coñuepán was from a . and sinful way in which they had been treated. enunciated not only by the Chilean governing classes but also by some leading creole indigenista intellectuals in Mexico.”85 What kind of people “showed the world the goodness of their civilization by killing and murdering the Indians[?]. In contrast. was forced upon him by the suffering of his people and the deceitful.” Coñuepán said. [and] the brutal.”84 Building on this. inhumane. of course. According to Coñuepán. Coñuepán claimed that to relate the history of the Mapuche “since [their] contact with civilization. he asserted. “know much more than others” about the indigenous question. 1938–1964 · 103 speech. The PCII featured prominently in Coñuepán’s presentations to Congress. and Chilean journalists who were leading the “sensationalist propaganda campaign against the Indian. that this was a construct of his enemies’ imagination. implying that what they said (mediated. Marshall argued that the Cherokee people “retain their original native rights as the indisputable owners of the lands.”87 He cited specific Chilean intellectuals who wrote regularly for the national press. 1947. how to use the tools of dominant society to his own advantage. but he needed to acquire new knowledge—for example. landowning family) were “ignorant of their history and incapable of comprehending the value of tradition. given that many delegates there claimed to speak for the ignorant Indian). that wherever we find ourselves. who had recently ruled in favor of a large hacendado and evicted Mapuche families from their ancestral lands.”89 Coñuepán repeated the last part of the quotation in a subsequent session. according to Coñuepán. Worcester case of 1832.104 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile wealthy. how to make his land more productive. and contrasted Marshall’s acknowledgment of indigenous rights to the actions of one of Chile’s protectores de indígenas (magistrates charged with protecting Indians’ rights). after telling Congress “we [the Indians] are fully aware . but—despite . It was they who needed redemption. On November 25. who had traveled to the United States from Mexico in 1940. According to Coñuepán. there were numerous well-todo Chileans who received a first-class education and yet remained uninformed on very many issues. asserting that they “[did] not know the Indian and therefore [could] not understand him. not least their country’s indigenous history. because he was well aware of the benefits that education could bring. He would do well at school. The PCII concluded that indigenous people required improved access to education in order to redeem themselves from backwardness. The Indian already had much knowledge. but not on the basis that the Indian was naturally ignorant. such as Hernán Díaz Arrieta (better known as Alone). and Emilio Rodríguez Mendoza. we are living and walking on lands that have always been ours. Chief Justice John Marshall’s opinion in the famous Georgia v. the U. . On the other hand. Coñuepán then proceeded to subvert one of its principal resolutions (and thus bring the incongruity full circle).” Coñuepán quoted the U. . since time immemorial.”88 Having drawn on the PCII to reinforce the validity of what he was saying (an irony.S. The United States also made a frequent appearance in Coñuepán’s verbal harangues.90 Coñuepán also referred to a court case involving the Shoshone people: as he told it. Alejandro Tinsly. Coñuepán was a firm believer in education. “federal government had recognized the Shoshone tribe’s claim to some lands.S. flora. and other authorities either do not want to listen. and a Corporation of Indigenous Affairs. oil. created funds to enable the government to buy lands for landless indigenous people. Coñuepán proceeded to Franklin D. Roosevelt’s administration and its Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 (the “Indian New Deal”) which. an institute dedicated to indigenous people’s health. the U. set up credit schemes for indigenous agriculture and industry.S. and the United States was everything the Chilean ruling elites wanted to be or be seen to be: a beacon of democracy and modernity. and hypocritical attitudes. 1938–1964 · 105 this—settled another group of Indians on these lands.23 plus interest in compensation. prohibited the sale of indigenous lands. government was spending $10 million on indigenous education and more than $4 million on indigenous health care. and water resources found on indigenous lands. “I have never heard of the Chilean government having to pay a thousand. its government needed to respond to indigenous demands. the “great men of this great country” secured the “solidarity of the Indians as members of the political state.”95 By 1942. as summarized by Coñuepán. and language” of the Mapuche (and which needed to be run by “people who know how to understand the aboriginal character and soul”). provided economic assistance for indigenous students to attain higher education.”93 The point was clear: Coñuepán was contrasting Chile unfavorably with the United States. or they listen with icecold attitudes.96 Through such initiatives.97 This . Roosevelt described these reforms as “no more than a powerful nation’s obligation of honor to a people who live among us and depend on our protection. “our governments.” In contrast.Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage.”92 he lamented. customs. Coñuepán said. the “Supreme Court found in favor of the Shoshone and ordered the government to pay $4.” However. These included the creation of a “special education institute” that took into account “the idiosyncrasy. pesos to the Indians!”91 “When it comes to the indigenous problem. From these landmark cases of the nineteenth century. an organization providing indigenous people with credit and technical assistance. the logic of Coñuepán’s speech was obvious: if Chile wanted to be as “great” and integrated a country as the United States. and established a preference for indigenous workers in the State Department of Indigenous Affairs. protected the lumber.” Again.408. demagogic.” Coñuepán then exclaimed.144.94 According to Coñuepán. courts of law. as if they were gentlemen of a superior world. all the Mapuche heard from Chilean ruling elites were “petty. let alone a million. had banks. “benefit all inhabitants of Chile.102 . postponing the consequences of Manquilef ’s division law of 1927 and the subsequent reform package of 1931).”98 They also wanted to benefit from that progress and greatness. “despite the indignity with which they have been treated. and self-sufficient citizens. Thus.106 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile agenda drew on Roosevelt’s Indian New Deal and the resolutions of the PCII in Mexico. as opposed to a local or regional.99 He also saw the Department of Indigenous Affairs (DASIN). Coñuepán asserted that his people. which would. Coñuepán demanded equality of opportunity.100 This success can be partly attributed to Ibáñez’s broader goal of creating “new institutional channels for mediation between state and society that would stand as legitimate and stable alternatives to the traditional party system. He succeeded in reimposing constraints upon indigenous land sales during the late 1940s (specifically. productive. become a reality soon after right-wing populist leader Carlos Ibáñez was elected to the presidency in 1952. but it was Indian-led and it had a more cultural and more egalitarian bent.” In this way. in turn.”101 but it is also an indication that Ibáñez was willing to listen to and act upon some of the Araucanian Corporation’s demands (in return for its support during the election campaign). He also shifted the “problem” from the indigenous people themselves to the country that had treated its indigenous people so badly. an indigenista development plan that would transform his people from victims in need of protection to fully fledged. What he presented was.” because assistance would improve the quantity and quality of indigenous people’s productive output. Like Manquilef before him. Coñuepán was appointed director of DASIN. and so forth. Non-indigenous people. credit schemes. meaning that for the first time in the twentieth century the country had a national state institution “led and controlled” by an indigenous person. Coñuepán was partially triumphant in his mission. which he proposed.” wanted to “contribute to the progress and greatness of our fatherland. in short. Coñuepán presented the indigenous question as a national. “resulting in an increase in national production” (my emphasis). rights as opposed to charity. and to do so as a distinct people with their own language and cultural traditions. problem. not special treatment— in other words. why shouldn’t the Indian too? To refuse to help the Indian was decidedly “antipatriotic. we see the racial nationalism of his 1945 electoral campaign converge with a distinctly utilitarian notion of citizenship. he rationalized. but also to “indigenize” discourses of development and modernization. customs. Coñuepán claimed DASIN had secured agreements that would “produce many millions of pesos”). Coñuepán now started to talk of “incorporating the aboriginal race into modern civilization. 55 million pesos. however. which would have required the relocation of scores of Mapuche families. but also as a fundamental base for the reproduction of Mapuche culture. civilization no longer entailed the loss of indigenous lands. in Cautín province. and to reinsert rural Chile back into a state agenda that prioritized urban centers. DASIN ensured continued tax exemption for indigenous communities and arranged for the State Bank to provide them with credit loans (in 1954. Under Coñuepán’s directorship. 100 million pesos). thereby conforming to the indi genista agenda adopted at the PCII in Mexico.”105 As Coñuepán framed it. but this effort was combined with cultural initiatives. that such a process had to take place “en forma integral. such as new libraries for young people in the communities. not just as a means of production. It awarded hundreds of grants to enable Mapuche students to finish their secondary education. in the area of education. however.Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. and it found jobs for some of the thousands of Mapuche migrants arriving in Santiago.103 The institution’s remit was primarily economic. and language. rather than be exploited by. and they were to do so as a collective (with distinct cultural practices that kept them bound together) in addition to as individuals. Coñuepán always fought to defend communal lands. capitalist development ventures. Finally.”104 It sought to “develop” and “modernize” the countryside.106 Indigenous people were to benefit from and participate in. On the contrary. making these more advantageous for those communities (in 1955. with a focus on improving the production levels of thousands of Mapuche farmers. which were to take into account Mapuche “tradition. It renegotiated numerous contracts between forestry companies and Mapuche communities. in 1956.” despite having previously denounced such notions as mere pretexts for oppression. he stressed. DASIN implemented several initiatives that benefited Mapuche people and also jumped in to defend indigenous communities against unwanted intrusions. Every year Coñuepán presented the establishment of indigenous schools . 1938–1964 · 107 A review of DASIN’s annual reports (1953–58) provides useful insight into Coñuepán’s discourse as government minister. DASIN made very little progress. It thwarted plans to build an airport at Natre. ”107 DASIN also had to deal with critics who. but the same state apparatus also constrained his efforts. according to Coñuepán. but his support was not enough.” Ignacio Palma of the National Falange (later the Christian Democratic Party) spoke to congress of his fears that DASIN would stimulate the creation of a “political movement with distinctly racial characteristics. Coñuepán has been described as “a revolutionary for the society of his time.”109 He worked within the state apparatus. made up of many people who felt threatened by Coñuepán and what he represented. In fact. he was reelected as diputado for the United Conservative Party in 1961.” who were so peculiar as to “speak a different language from the rest of Chile. after all.”108 Coñuepán’s efforts to show congressmen that the Mapuche also spoke the same language as them had. but did not manage to persuade them to reconsider their opinions on indigenous rights. clearly did not “know or understand the government’s plans. it publicized the issue and made sure people were talking about it. Coñuepán got the political elites talking. With the fall of Ibáñez. As Jean Grugel states. But it did not manage to establish a lasting dialogue with those who controlled that agenda. but he did not disappear from the political scene. thereby securing an important public platform from which to defend indigenous rights and to reformulate dominant (indigenista) discourses of development.” That confusion created a space for Coñuepán. and every year he reported that this objective had been impossible to meet “due to lack of money and staff. and he was successful again in the parliamentary elections of 1964. Ibáñez may have supported the Araucanian Corporation. in this case at least. failed. DASIN forced indigenous rights onto the national political agenda. It was. Coñuepán continued to have a voice in national politics right up until he died in . Coñuepán lost his prominent position in government. More broadly. his government “suffered from a high degree of ideological confusion” composed as it was of “a variety of antagonistic political projects. Jorge Alessandri.108 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile near rural communities as one of his main priorities. but it also produced a lack of (clear and long-term) direction for his “revolutionary” agenda. by 1958 it was clear that Ibáñez’s plans to establish a new framework for civil-state relations that relegated traditional political parties to the sidelines had failed: the presidential election that year was won by the leader of the revived National Party. Jorge Alessandri’s administration appointed him director of the State Bank.” He complained that it was being run “by a people rather lacking in culture. The “popular broadcasting” (entrance to the concert was free) of her internationally acclaimed soprano voice coincided with the Popular Front’s campaign. Opera singer Rayén Quitral. however. 1952.”111 In light of her own rags-to-riches life story. Santiago. an opera singer of Mapuche descent who had traveled from Argentina for the occasion. led by the newly created Department for the Defense of the Race and Enjoyment of Free Time. Quitral seemed the perfect Figure 12. the efforts of his Araucanian Corporation to stimulate the “cultural progress of the indigenous race” were celebrated at a concert held in Temuco. 1938–1964 · 109 1968. By this point.110 The star of the show was Rayén Quitral (figure 12). Rayén Quitral: The Potential for Indian Redemption? Shortly before Coñuepán set off for Mexico in 1940. he was no longer talking about indigenous rights. (Courtesy of the Museo Histórico Nacional. to provide enhanced recreational opportunities and thereby “improve the intellectual and artistic conditions of the masses.) .Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. Alfredo Avaria. It described Quitral as the “sensation of the season” and reported that she was “bewildered by offers from all sides. Like Aburto Panguilef. a music teacher of Bavarian origin.”112 Another account claims that Quitral’s voice was discovered by a dentist.114 the New York Times correspondent in Chile reinvented her origins so as to underscore the magnitude of the event: according to this account. the Metropolitan in New York. who was struck by “the exceptional vocal talents of the young Araucanian girl” and “decided immediately to [try to] train her beautiful. is that her voice required disciplining and training in order for her to succeed on the national and international stage. What both accounts agree on. María Georgina Quitral Espinoza (her original name) was born into a poor peasant family in Iloca in Chile’s Seventh Region in 1916. According to Manuel Peña Muñoz’s study of literary cafés in Santiago. Quitral performed her Mapuche identity: she changed her first name from María to Rayén and. Quitral found employment as a maid in the house of Sofía Campo. including the Teatro Colón in Buenos Aires. indeed. She also represented Chile (the Musical .117 She also used these opportunities to speak out about her people’s suffering and struggles in modern Chile: “I am the flower that unfolds.113 The discrepancy underlines the fragmentary nature of historical sources on Quitral. and the Royal Opera House in London. this Mapuche woman from Iloca was invited to sing at prestigious opera venues across the Americas and Europe. dressed as “a real Indian. however.”116 On European stages. “nearby the Indian homes / that which springs to life in the morning / [and] during my drowsy nights / harbors within my bloody leaves / the tears of the Araucanians.110 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile advertisement for the government’s civilizing and modernizing mission: she symbolized the possibility of Indian redemption in mid-twentiethcentury Chile. according to the New York Times. and—like so many other Mapuche and.” she sang. who invited her to work in his house in Santiago and introduced her to Emma Wachtler de Ortiz. she had “been discovered in an Araucanian settlement in the far south of Chile” only a few months beforehand. non-Mapuche campesinos—migrated to Santiago in the early 1930s. resounding voice. her traditional Mapuche clothes and distinctive trapelacucha (silver pendant) were particularly well received. the famous Chilean soprano and music teacher.”118 But this was not the only role she performed. the Palacio de Bellas Artes in Mexico City. When Quitral made her debut in Santiago’s Central Theater in May 1937.”115 Over the next twenty years. Quitral had “some good solid metal in her voice” but she needed to “learn to use it better. ay. Her penetrating tones also rose above class divisions.” and Modern Music praised her “phenomenal voice. and as far as the audience was concerned (at least when she put on a spectacular performance). such as Beethoven’s Fidelio.Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. rather than for her recitals of Chilean songs or her indigenous roots. and Mozart’s The Magic Flute. 1938–1964 · 111 Courier of New York and the New Statesman of London referred to her as a Chilean rather than Araucanian soprano) and it was Chilean verses. Puccini’s Madame Butterfly. as nothing short of “disastrous. Quitral can thus be seen to exemplify the possible coexistence of and dialogue between Mapuche and Chilean cultures. The Revista Musical Chilena referred to Quitral as “the extraordinary Chilean soprano” who was “endowed with one of the most marvelous vocal instruments. who had managed to see one of her recitals while in Chile. went so far as to say she was the best Queen of the Night on the circuit during the early 1940s. was written by a non-Mapuche Chilean poet. it would seem that although the national and international press might have noted her racial identity. the reviews of her operatic talent were varied. that she helped to make famous abroad. in effect. given opera’s European origins. it played little . but embraced a form of music traditionally associated with the elite. Overall.”124 and in a review of her performance at the Metropolitan in New York. . London. Quitral’s voice reached out even beyond these cultures. . Quitral could not have used that music to promote a “primordial” Chilean or Mapuche identity. such as “Ay. Ignacio Verdugo (1887–1970). By participating in the free concert held in Temuco in 1940 and by incorporating well-known Chilean songs into her European performances (alongside Mozart and Beethoven) she was. for she achieved the most international acclaim for her interpretations of the great European classics. “El copihue chileno” (Chilean Copihue Flower) the previously quoted song lamenting the way Mapuche people were treated in Chile. In many ways. for example. Harold Rosenthal described her interpretation of Queen of the Night at the Royal Opera House in Covent Garden. The Austrian conductor Erich Kleiber (1890–1956).119 Moreover. said simply “no [Dame Nellie] Melba. .”121 According to the New Statesman. popularizing opera. ay” by Osman Pérez Freire.”125 From the limited evidence available.120 To be sure. but still.”123 At the other end of the scale.”122 And the famed travel writer Harry Alversen Franck. Quitral’s ethnic origins were irrelevant. her voice was summarized as “unmusical. She came from a humble peasant family. the soprano’s shining star began to fade in international circles long before her last public performance at the casino in Viña del Mar in 1967. She drank a great deal. Alexander Kipnis from the Ukraine.112 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile role in appraisals of her talent. let alone abroad. Quitral spent her last years “wandering around” Santiago’s literary cafes “piecing together memories from her travels in Europe. However. however. often made reference to it. and Perico Vergara. as a result. treating her like any other performing artist and focusing on her voice. but without rendering ethnic and national identities meaningless. the soprano voice of Quitral would never have been heard in Chile. she . the Concertación government of Eduardo Frei RuizTagle paid tribute to Quitral in a series of commemorative stamps dedicated to Chile’s most important “cantantes líricos. he says. dramatic smile when she sang. “completely forgotten” by the time of her death in October 1979. in 1997. Rayén Quitral’s career fits into a broader narrative of cross-cultural artistic collaboration. Rayén Quitral was lacking in education. Reviewers may have been critical but they tended not to patronize Quitral.126 In this respect. She performed with a wide variety of internationally renowned opera singers. Austrian conductor Erich Kleiber helped to secure Quitral’s place in the music scene of Buenos Aires. Quitral constantly stressed her indigenous heritage: she promoted it on her international tours and reviewers. Overall. Through Quitral we also come across several instances of official state recognition of Mapuche contributions to national culture: the Christian Democratic government of Eduardo Frei Montalva (1964–70). Peña seems to feel little compassion for the singer: “She had a [much-needed] arrogance and a wonderful. Without Sofía Campo’s (or Emma Wachtler de Ortiz’s) direction and training. including Charles Kullmann from the United States. Profoundly indigenous. Quitral’s life story reaffirms the potential of music to transcend ethnic and national boundaries. According to Ma nuel Peña Muñoz and Carolina Benavente. and Giacomo Vaghi from Italy. Both attribute this to her excessive consumption of alcohol and failure to complete contracts. Like the music she performed. for example. apparently an acquaintance of the Prince of Wales.” She was. Even if it did not ultimately affect how her voice was received.”127 Quitral’s life did not have a happy ending. She did not honor her contracts. made sure her performances in London were well publicized.128 As narrated by Peña. granted Quitral a state pension for her work and. but she lacked discipline. contesting interpretations of emancipation (emancipation from what? how?) and integration (into a homogeneous or a plural collective?). for several years afterward he . Indigenismo is often associated with assimilatory notions of mestizaje. It has testified to the existence of multiple. the Mapuche were certainly being spoken for and speaking for themselves during the 1940s and 1950s. asserted the survival of indigenous difference in midtwentieth-century Chile. after denouncing the anticommunist repression of González Videla.”129 The Quitral portrayed in this passage managed to transcend her indigenous identity only temporarily. and Quitral has underlined the heterogeneity of indigenismo as a continental ideology and movement. but this is not to say the two never coincided. Neruda. Thus. and has also highlighted some of the broader shifts taking place within this diverse indigenista mosaic. but all four figures. Coñuepán’s Department of Indigenous Affairs faced numerous challenges from other sectors of the state apparatus. Mistral was a consistent and vociferous campaigner for agrarian reform. which greatly hindered its work in defense of indigenous rights. Peña counters the optimism displayed by El Diario Austral and Aguirre Cerda’s government in 1940 with regard to the potential for the “cultural advancement of the Araucanian race. she could not succeed without (western) discipline and education. More questionable is how much they or their supporters were being listened to.” or at least intimates that in this case the optimism was misplaced. but nothing was achieved in this area during her lifetime.Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. albeit to differing degrees and with various limitations. This chapter’s exploration of the discourses elaborated by and projected onto Mistral. Numerous scholars have stressed that indigenismo was not the same as indigenous political mobilization. Although Quitral might have popularized opera. Her decline was almost inevitable: no matter how powerful her voice. opera did not manage to gentrify her. As shown here. Conclusion Latin American indigenismo claimed to seek the emancipation and integration of the exploited Indian. She had a natural talent. Neruda escaped into exile in 1949. 1938–1964 · 113 felt like an outsider in Europe. Coñuepán. who achieved international acclaim for her soprano voice during the 1940s and 1950s. and Canto general was first published in Mexico. Neruda was a staunch supporter of the Communist Party and its left-wing revolutionary project. Mapuche poet Elicura Chihuailaf has appropriated the verses of both Neruda and Mistral to defend his people’s continuing struggle in contemporary Chile. All four figures affirm the potential for intercultural dialogue in the country. The politics behind their protests varied. speaking out from within state institutions (Coñuepán). it is worth noting that many other leftist intellectuals did not hear or at least did not respond to this aspect of Neruda’s poetic narrative. not Chile. It did not involve enough (sufficiently powerful) people to push forward with the socioeconomic changes that were necessary if the Mapuche were to become equal players in national cultural and political arenas. this intercultural dialogue only went so far. had no public platform from which to speak by the time she died in the 1970s. as I have suggested. but these were always with groups on the right of the political spectrum. Quitral. whereas I have prioritized the place that he gave to the Mapuche in his discourse of class struggle.114 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile had to do his speaking from abroad. Coñuepán was elected to the National Congress by Chilean and Mapuche voters. Quitral’s voice was trained and then launched and disseminated by others. Rosemblatt’s history of the Popular Front years talks of “vacillations in state policy” and asserts that these “permitted a degree of flexibility” with regard to gender identities and women’s rights legislation. and it was through his close relationship with Ibáñez that DASIN came into being. Pan-American indigenous organization (Mistral). Coñuepán was a firm opponent of this project: he strategically negotiated a variety of allegiances in order to carve a place for himself in the state apparatus. Vacillations in state policy under the Radical Party presidencies and Ibáñez’s populist right-wing government allowed a space for the Mapuche to voice their problems. Moreover. Finally. and rejection of rigid ethnic boundaries (Quitral). A final theme linking all four cultural and political figures is protest and rebellion: military resistance against invaders (Neruda). but the same lack of consistency and resolution meant that few concrete reforms were enacted to deal with such problems. Mistral eschewed ideological labels: she pushed for progressive social reforms but condemned the “fanaticism and constant electioneering” . Yet.130 We could say the same of indigenous identities and rights. and carry this through to Ibáñez’s government too. Chilean society became increasingly polarized between those agitating for far-reaching agrarian. and labor reforms. . but they also show that it was still possible to abstain from the divisions between Left and Right in Chile. though she was not apolitical by any means. the experiences of Mistral and Quitral speak to the realities of gender relations in the mid-twentieth century. Quitral had little to do with mainstream party politics. This was no longer the case by the 1960s. During the elections of 1964 and even more so in the decade that followed. More than anything else.Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage. and those who were trying to prevent them. educational. The place of the Mapuche and Mapuche indigenous identity within this context of class conflict is the subject of the next chapter.131 Similarly. 1938–1964 · 115 of people like Neruda. As a Mapuche campesino inserted into proletarian life in the capital city. which investigates the incongruities of leftist discourses on the Mapuche during the 1960s and early 1970s. and the Cultural Indigenista League of Chile. animals. Aillapán was involved in numerous indigenous rights associations in Santiago. At one point in their conversation. near Puerto Saavedra. First. was born in the Mapuche community of Rukatraro–Lake Budi. in 1940. That year he recounted something of this experience to Chilean anthropologist Carlos Munizaga. Munizaga asked whether the indigenous rights movement could be described as Marxist.4 Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges.1 Aillapán’s life story. known today as “El Hombre Pájaro” because of his birdlike oral poetry. including the Galvarino Araucanian Union Society. edited and published by Munizaga. In 1959. By 1971. Aillapán transcends the rural-urban divide. where he worked in a factory and studied at night school. The answer he received was no: “Marxism is a scientific conception.” But Aillapán finished by saying “despite this. He also eschews the dualistic view that sets the written word against oral expression. the testimony reinforces just how difficult it is to pigeonhole Mapuche activist-intellectuals. which renders tribute to spirits. gaining prestige in intellectual circles for his creative . he migrated to Santiago. when they met again. and supernatural forces. there are many Mapuche who are communists or socialists.” and then asserted that there were several constructive things that the Mapuche movement could take from Marxism. the Mapuche Center (CENMAP). 1964–1973 Lorenzo Aillapán Cayuleo. provides a compelling starting point for this chapter. and the Mapuche people cannot relate to it as such. It is incompatible with Mapuche culture generally. -sponsored Alliance for Progress (which promoted social reform so as to prevent the spread of Communism) on the other.”5 He urged peasants to stop the land occupations. Frei sought to make capitalism healthier (that is. Under pressure from an increasingly radicalized social movement on the one hand and the U. Second. were increasingly taking the law into their own hands—often with the support of the Movement of the Revolutionary Left (MIR)—and seizing lands that they believed to be theirs by legal or ancestral right. and its peasant affiliate the Revolutionary Peasant Movement . and most important.3 For many rural and urban workers. he gave a speech to student volunteers in Santiago in which he declared that his mandate derived “from the pain and the hope of the Araucanians in the south of Chile. The province of Cautín. when Aillapán was discussing these issues with Munizaga. land invasions and mass street protests were common occurrences. more inclusive) and more efficient for Chile. his Revolution in Liberty was not enough. the UP legalized such actions by officially expropriating the lands and incorporating them into the reformed sector. the MIR. yet he was also well aware of the antagonisms that existed between the class reductionism of Marxism and the Mapuche worldview (and therefore Mapuche organizing).4 Soon after Allende became president in November 1970. but did not evict them.S. Frei’s response to such direct actions was police repression. This included agrarian reform. 1964–1973 · 117 use of both. in particular. indeed. in many cases. the testimony underscores the complex relationship between class-based and ethnic-based mobilization in Chile. and (top-down) popular mobilization through trade unions and neighborhood groups. which—like other reformist governments in Latin America after the Cuban Revolution—had pursued a program of extensive social change. In 1971.6 Florencia Mallon has published several compelling analyses of this period of political radicalization from the perspective of Mapuche communities and Mapuche rural activists. Aillapán sympathized with the Left and could see connections between its political agenda and the problems faced by the Mapuche. Chile was being led along a “democratic path to socialism” by Salvador Allende’s Popular Unity (UP) government (1970–73). frustrated with the slow pace of agrarian reform. She shows how the UP parties.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. became a hotbed of grassroots mobilization: Mapuche peasants. Allende took over from the Christian Democratic administration of Eduardo Frei Montalva (1964–70). By the late 1960s.2 a dramatic increase in education coverage. that Frei’s cultural policies—even if only inadvertently—catalyzed some important openings. I examine teaching reforms. However. in conjunction with. they failed to take the particularity of traditional Mapuche society into account. above all in relation to the national literacy campaign and the Agrarian Reform Law of 1967. in this sense. Mallon’s insights add force to Aillapán’s remarks and provide a crucial backdrop to this chapter. both of whom were closely associated with La Nueva Canción Chilena (New Chilean Song). and museums under Frei Montalva. It probes the racial dimensions of the contrasting revolutionary programs enacted by the Christian Democrats and the UP. I argue that Mapuche cultural difference became increasingly visible during these heady years. First. Of course.118 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile (MCR). she also observes that. poetic production. sometimes from within the central state apparatus. Nevertheless. This movement. engaged with the indigenous question in the . officially inaugurated at the Catholic University in Santiago in 1969.9 I argue.”8 There is much truth to this statement. however. Overall. which shifts the focus from the agrarian environment to the urban cultural and intellectual sphere (mainly of Santiago). My analysis focuses on several key cultural and intellectual sites. which Mapuche people were able to use to assert their presence as a distinct people in the Chilean state. despite. government initiatives. by endorsing a single message of liberation that was supposed to work for all. like the Marxist Left elsewhere in Latin America. as they were articulated at the center of government. The second section focuses on Violeta Parra and Víctor Jara. they ended up reinforcing some of the same colonial hierarchies they were struggling to overthrow. engaged with and supported indigenous land claims as part of their anticolonial class struggle. the “center” was responding to and seeking to impose itself on Mapuche rural communities. Carlos Ruiz Rodríguez and Augusto Samaniego Mesías argue that it “rendered indigenous groups invisible by hiding them amongst the marginalized. In one of the few studies available on the Christian Democratic government’s attitude toward the Mapuche. And Mapuche peasant-activists were traveling and often migrating to the urban centers and making themselves heard there. a fresh perspective on leftist and center-leftist imaginaries of the Mapuche helps to elucidate the successes of as well as the tensions inherent in Mapuche political organizing during the 1960s and early 1970s. or indeed sometimes as a direct result of.7 And. and territorial marginalization. the argument that Cayuqueo made and that I develop further in the last section of this chapter is that the UP did acknowledge the cultural difference of the Mapuche. which allowed for and. but Violeta Parra and Víctor Jara nonetheless made an important attempt to open up Chilean attitudes toward the Mapuche. We see this most clearly in the case of agrarian reform and official representations of indigenous peoples’ relationship with the land.13 However. and Salvador Allende’s public declarations about the Mapuche.”10 and Mapuche newspaper editor Pedro Cayuqueo recently claimed that the UP represented a “time of great hope for the Mapuche. Allende presented Chile’s indigenous people as both important participants in and beneficiaries of his socialist revolution. However. an anthropologist closely associated with the UP government. their music acted as a space through which that culture could be reproduced. has described the reforms enacted during the early 1970s as “the first real opportunity that the Mapuche had to solve a difficult situation of political. indeed. and a firm commitment to radical social and political change.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. sometimes encouraged the assertion of an ethnically diverse Chile. a search for a more inclusive and “authentic” sense of Chilean nationhood. the UP experiment could still be described as a “time of hope” or the “first real opportunity” for the Mapuche. From the very beginning.”11 Such assessments do not necessarily contradict the argument that Allende and the UP failed to consider the cultural aspects of the indigenous problem. They acknowledged that the Mapuche struggle was not just about landownership and economic development.000 hectares of land were returned to Mapuche communities during the first year of Allende’s government. almost 200. and many Mapuche activists remember this revolution in positive terms today. this was only one aspect of the UP’s revolutionary experiment. There were undoubtedly limitations to and contradictions within its discourse. After all. for example. social. The Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (a militant autonomist organization founded in the late 1990s). 1964–1973 · 119 broader context of a revitalization of folk traditions. The third section scrutinizes the writings of Alejandro Lipschutz. but also about culture and. and even more so in the implementation of its reforms. in many ways.12 Even if government reforms focused on economic concerns and sought to homogenize indigenous people as part of the rural working class. There were other more cultural components. That context often limited the extent of engagement. . there existed a long history of alliance between Mapuche activists and the Left in Chile. and introduce important socioeconomic reforms to benefit Mapuche communities. Such contextualization is essential if we are to get a full sense of both the confines of and spaces opened up through cultural and intellectual debates. let me say a little more about Mapuche political organizing during this period. In 1953. Coñuepán—who allied himself with parties on the right of the political spectrum—was by far the most prominent Mapuche leader in Chile. the Mapuche activists in attendance promised to support Allende’s candidacy. pledged that. . “have always identified with a wide array of ideological perspectives. To be sure.”15 Painemal was a member of the Communist Party (PC). as Foerster and Montecino have remarked. he cofounded and became leader of the National Association of Indigenous People (ANI) which. his government would respect Mapuche culture and religion. The Cautín Pact: Shifts in Mapuche Political Organizing The Mapuche.”14 Nonetheless. that Aburto developed close links with the FOCH (Federation of Chilean Workers) and the PC in the 1920s and early 1930s. if elected. That day. and he publicly spurned them when their program for revolution no longer fitted in with his desire to establish an Indigenous Republic. however. How did such a pact come about? During the 1950s. especially among urban Mapuche who had become involved with trade union organizations and leftist political parties. Allende. like other indigenous peoples across Latin America. in Temuco.120 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Before proceeding further. largely because the latter supported demands for the redistribution of lands in Araucanía. as leader of the Socialist Party (PS). was “the first Mapuche association with a clearly defined party-political orientation. but he had many adversaries. We know. was one such opponent. on April 6. one can reasonably argue that a leftist tendency became dominant during the 1960s. signed between Salvador Allende and various Mapuche organizations at the foot of Cerro Ñielol. Martín Painemal. 1964. In return. and the ANI emerged from within and was supported by the PC.16 But in the case of the ANI we are talking about a more organic and longer-lasting relationship. who worked in the bakery industry in Santiago. for example. Aburto was never a member of the FOCH or the PC. This tendency is perhaps best encapsulated in the Cautín Pact. was condemned as a hypocrite and traitor to the Mapuche cause. who was a wealthy landowner and. and the plans about how best to achieve them. whose meetings were attended by renowned Communist intellectuals such as Pablo Neruda. that we were lackeys of the huincas. He was a poor. went “on and on about the race question” just to get votes. and that we had to unite with our working-class brothers. It urged the nationalization of the country’s natural resources and openly denounced the landowning oligarchy and “Yankee” imperialism as the main enemies of the Mapuche as well as the main cause of Chile’s economic prostration. he said. Another thing favoring Coñuepán was his fluency in Mapuche.17 What differed were the broader picture into which the aims and demands fitted. as we saw in chapter 3. Coñuepán attacked us.” And they tended to align themselves with the Left. to preserve Mapuche culture and language.S. He also had plenty of money.”21 Painemal embodied a new kind of Mapuche political leader. whose power had dwindled as soon as Ibáñez left office. “They said we were working for the huincas. . He was a good orator. The Araucanian Corporation. The ANI. Painemal denounced Coñuepán and other indigenous parliamentary representatives for never “bothering to inform their peers either in the Senate or in the Chamber of Deputies about the needs [of the Mapuche]. During a rally in Temuco in 1955.18 pledged to work together with the working classes to liberate Chile from foreign domination. the aims and demands of Painemal’s organization were not so different from those of Coñuepán and the Araucanian Corporation: the ANI fought to bring an end to racial discrimination. urban worker who did not speak Mapuzungun.22 In the context of increasing rural-urban migration and mass popular mobilization. to defend collective landownership and recuperate usurped lands.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. This close connection with Chilean leftist parties was one axis (the “eje partidaria” as Mallon puts it) of Mapuche political organizing during the . We argued that there was no reason to separate ourselves. he said we were extremists. he and other urban leaders took over from Coñuepán and the Araucanian Corporation. . as the most prominent representatives of the “indigenous race.”20 Painemal also criticized Coñuepán in his memoirs.19 Coñuepán. . indigenous rights initiatives. He continued. What cheek! They also had party-political links: Coñuepán was a member of the Conservative Party. sang the praises of U. and to promote economic development. 1964–1973 · 121 On some levels. Mapuche activist and supporter of the Movement of the Revolutionary Left. not Allende. Such actions were indicative of the communities’ growing exasperation with the state’s legal mechanisms. won the elections of 1964. and other intruders. which were supposed to help defend indigenous lands but were either unable to do so (remember DASIN’s problems in the 1950s) or actively sided with landowners. that the courts and the judges were corrupt and useless. for other more combative warriors will come forth.’”25 It was this rage that Allende was responding to when he promised a new era in indigenous-state relations with the Cautín Pact. logging companies.23 These initiatives were initially supported and encouraged by a number of leftist parties and organizations. Nonetheless. witrapetu Lautaro. Education Reform and Cultural Policy under Frei Montalva: Democratizing Chilean Nationality Speaking about the Educational Reform Law in 1965. For the moment. As Rafael Railaf. It does not matter if we die.”24 Similarly to Neruda’s orientation in Canto general. but they became increasingly autonomous as the decade progressed and young community activists often took the leading role. grassroots level: the recuperation of communal lands through corridas de cerco (moving of fences) and tomas de fundos (illegal land occupations). The other was the “eje comunitaria. and the following evidence partly reinforces just how limited his government’s representations of the Mapuche were. we turn to Frei Montalva as he. President Frei Montalva asserted that one of the main aims of his government was to stimulate an “open dialogue between all sectors of our nationality.”26 There seems little doubt that Frei was referring to social rather than ethnic or racial sectors here. Railaf drew inspiration from the legendary Araucanians of the colonial era: “We used to say to ourselves ‘we are going to have to fight.” a wave of direct actions instigated at the local. though. witrapetu Caupolicán. But he was also trying—as I shall show—to capitalize on and harness the strength of Mapuche mobilization in order to buttress his own political agenda. the Christian Democrats’ reform program provided some important . recounted in a recently published collection of testimonies: “Once we saw that there really was no solution.122 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile 1960s. we began to organize ourselves. . or Maya peoples “due to their intrinsic importance [and] influence in the forthcoming societies [of Latin America]. Primary-school children were to be taught that Chileans. the American world. Frei’s government increased investment in education from one-seventh to one-fifth of public expenditure.”30 Development and integration were the principal catchphrases of the new syllabus.34 a narra- .27 Matriculation in secondary schools and higher education establishments also improved dramatically. due to the nationwide campaign launched under the guidance of Brazilian pedagogue Paulo Freire.31 The Mapuche were brought into the teaching program as an illustration of the continental problems of underdevelopment. They were also incorporated into discussions about Latin American mestizaje. Aztec. which Mapuche people were able to exploit to promote their cultural difference as a people. 1964–1973 · 123 opportunities. which allowed approximately three thousand new schools to be built across the country. Inca. like their neighbors.28 Particularly innovative were the changes made to the teaching of history. Chile was portrayed as part of Latin American underdevelopment. especially. Government authorities wanted students to leave school with “a strong sense of the planet around them and. But the reforms were not exclusively about access to education. . not the obliteration of one by another. and for the first time Marxist historians. we detect a marked shift in emphasis from western Europe to Latin America.”32 With regard to the pre-Columbian period. secondary teachers were encouraged to focus on Araucanian. were the “product of mestizaje” and it was suggested that they “collect and interpret artistic representations of race and mestizaje in Hispanic America. such as Hernán Ramírez Necochea and Julio César Jobet.”33 Teaching programs stressed that European penetration of the Americas caused the coming together of two distinct cultures. as did adult literacy statistics.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. or what was to become historical and social sciences. the subject [would] be of more interest to young people. As Mapuche academic Juan Pablo Lipiante has noted. . were included in the bibliography for teachers. this was the first time that a Chilean government sought to fundamentally revise the content and methodology of the national teaching curriculum.”29 They hoped that by “giving a preferential place to national and Latin American reality. If we compare the post-1968 curricula with what came before (the reform law was passed in 1965 but the new programs were not produced until 1968). this marginalization was discussed in purely socioeconomic terms. resolved through mestizaje. renowned Mexican anthropologist and member of the Inter-American Indigenista Institute. Comás repudiated “narrow-minded nationalisms” that excluded indigenous peoples. Indigenous cultures were also studied as part of courses on contemporary Latin America.38 In contrast.35 Such persistence was presented as a problem that should be. different groups were being successfully assimilated into a modern. which compared the mestizo. Seemingly.124 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile tive which eschewed the violence of conquest. and black populations of various Latin American countries. He asserted the need to improve indigenous communities’ socioeconomic situation and praised their contribution to national culture. and countries where the indigenous “element” was significant but deemed more developed and its integration consequently more advanced (for example. Mexico had found the “model solution” to the indigenous problem: via mestizaje. The problem of “ethnic minorities” in contemporary Chile was not mentioned until the second year. Chile featured prominently in another book by Argentine scholar Angel Rosenblatt. where the problem was concrete but localized (for example.37 Chile was thereby located in the same group as Costa Rica. Teachers of the (first-year secondary-level) unit entitled “Integration: The Challenge of Today” were told to discuss the “persistent legacy of ethnic groups” in Latin America. The continued existence and marginalization of the Mapuche people was portrayed as a regional rather than a national problem. countries with a majority indigenous population that was seen as culturally undeveloped and segregated (Peru and Guatemala).36 Chile was conspicuously absent from this comparative framework. Moreover. Mexico). but the specific article recommended made no reference to Chile. and then it was limited to the “frontier zone” around Temuco. indigenous. One name that stood out was Juan Comás. homogenized nation. It was important that teachers were reading about these ideas. Chile was . but at least recognized the continued existence of indigenous cultures. The continent was divided into three groups: countries with small indigenous populations. Costa Rica). but in many places had yet to be.39 According to official statistics. The bibliography for secondary-school teachers provides further insights into the innovations in but also the limitations of official representations of the “indigenous question” during Frei’s administration. in a unit on rural-urban migration and agrarian reform. but they were still presented largely as a (socioeconomic) problem. What we see overall. increasing class consciousness went hand in hand with growing cultural awareness.42 The teaching in schools and universities did not actively promote the cultural difference of Mapuche people and there was no official endorsement of bilingual education. such as literacy. then. Rosenblatt said. and Santiago. had already published numerous works on indigenous cultures and mestizaje by the 1960s. which had an important impact on rural areas and meant that many more Mapuche children received an education. none of the authors included in the bibliography was Chilean. There was also a significant increase in the number of Mapuche students enrolled in secondary schools and higher education establishments due to increased grants for low-income families.”44 In this regard. a rural community near the town of Nueva Imperial in southern Chile.24 percent Indian. Some people. The Christian Democrats made greater efforts to incorporate the Mapuche into the national teaching curriculum than the Popular Front government of Aguirre Cerda and the populist administration of Ibáñez had (see chapter 3). a North American anthropologist. Like . who claimed that indigenous people constituted 10 percent of the national total. but the Mapuche often used the tools provided by education. They published poetry in Mapuzungun. quoting Donald Brand. And yet Alejandro Lipschutz. As Alvaro Bello states. They created new journals and magazines with Mapuche titles. even described Chile as “profoundly Indian. As noted. despite the demands of Mapuche organizations. who is discussed in the last section of this chapter. by the end of the 1960s Mapuche students had an “important presence” in Temuco. these limited revisions of official national imaginings coincided with a significant expansion of primary schooling. 1964–1973 · 125 50 percent mestizo and only 2. Osorno.”41 Notably. are some hesitant incursions into continental debates about indigenous peoples.40 but Rosenblatt pointed out the discrepancy between these and nonofficial statistics. Chile shared this problem but only in a limited sense: it was reduced to one specific region and presented as a minor preoccupation of the government and intellectuals.43 In Temuco they campaigned to protect the Araucanian Museum when it was threatened with closure in 1970: one newspaper report claimed that “the Mapuche had been the first to go out on to the battlefield” to protect “their treasures and relics. Sebastian Queupul Quintremil (1924–) was born in Ralipitra. Valdivia. to reinforce their distinct ethnic identity.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. And look for symmetry in times gone by. I want to weave together the fibers of the white foam. two years into Frei’s Revolution in Liberty. And the blood in my veins breaks down the floodgates. In 1966. in the words of Ariel Antillanca. Crying ceaselessly as it goes. As we saw in chapter 2. Of the four poems in Poemas mapuches the most widely reproduced is “Arado de palo” (Wooden Plough): I want to turn over the earth with my wooden plough. And lie down on the plush marine carpet. What makes it especially worthy of analysis is that Queupul was working for the Ministry of Education at the time. The saddened Mapuche drum moves slowly away. it was the Ministry of Education that financed the publication of Poemas mapuches. My knotted heart is made of climbing plants. The mutinous Mapuche trumpet blurts out its woes.45 Soon after graduating from there Queupul left for Santiago. Queupul received his primary and secondary schooling at religious establishments: the Capuchin mission of Boroa and the Anglican mission of Pelal. I am convinced I have seen the moon. And plant my simple words in the wilderness. . and by the 1930s several Mapuche writers were circulating their verses via Chilean newspapers. when he was accepted into the Teacher Training College of Victoria. The Chilean state apparatus effectively entered his life and took charge of his education in 1943. translated. and César Loncón. Clorinda Cuminao.126 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile many Mapuche before him. Inhaling the scent of the canelo tree or sleeping in the ruka. I want to trace the straight line of my own desires. Queupul published a short bilingual collection of poems entitled Poemas mapuches en castellano which. and published) Mapuche oral poetry in the early 1900s. marked a “dramatic opening of a new period in Mapuche poetic production.”46 The publication of Mapuche poetry was not in itself a new phenomenon. many were the scholars who “collected” (transcribed. The novelty of Poemas mapuches lies in the fact that it was the first (albeit short) book of poetry in Mapuzungun and Spanish to be self.and sole-authored by a Mapuche writer. Indeed. Hurt by the infamy and indescribable contempt. that Queupul’s connection with Mapuche culture went far “beyond a mere yearning or nostalgia” for the past. It draws attention to the disruptive encounter between a provincial rural life and the cosmopolitanism of Santiago.48 The kultrún is moving away. and clearly there is a sense of frustration and even rebellion (the “knotted heart” and the “mutinous Mapuche trumpet”). the ruka (rural dwelling).” Some “elements [were] truly Mapuche. building on Antillanca. Queupul’s poetry demonstrated a Mapuche cultural resurgence.” yet the critic also noted a certain “apathy and tedium.” The poemario was.” As interpreted by these Mapuche critics. after all. Carrasco continued to make the same argument about Queupul’s poetry: “The impossibility of maintaining or recuperating a stable Mapuche identity that is defined in terms of its ancestral culture. as Carrasco asserts. melancholic and wistful. the trutruka (trumpet) and the sacred canelo tree—but these existed only in nostalgic memories: they were part of the author’s past. as were phrases such as “trazar la recta” (trace the straight line) and “simetría” (symmetry). Cuminao. written in Mapuzungun as well as Spanish. the city was decidedly European and nonindigenous. But I would argue. And lie down in the furrow of my old desires. according to Carrasco. literary specialist Iván Carrasco argued that Queupul’s poem symbolized the “dissolution of Mapuche consciousness. During an interview in . it followed that his indigenous identity would disappear.”47 The poem’s tone is. not a “loss of Mapuche-ness. not his present.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. For Carrasco. Carrasco claimed that Queupul wanted to “distance himself from the present and return to a distinctive and authentic past. the Mapuche were unaware of geometry. The critic’s analysis also conflicts with Queupul’s own statements about his work. Almost thirty years later. In a 1971 article.”50 Carrasco’s persistent references to a “stable Mapuche identity” and “lost identity” run counter to most contemporary scholarship. it is powerful enough to “break down the floodgates.” which he claimed was “visible in so many indigenous people.” he said—such as the kultrún (drum). and Loncón. “is manifested in a feeling of nostalgia for [his] lost identity and the yearning to recuperate it.” he said. 1964–1973 · 127 I want to turn over the earth with my wooden plough. which asserts that identities are always in flux.49 When Queupul became part of the city. but the (Mapuche) blood that courses through his veins cannot be stopped. he said. As Gloria Cárdenas and Irene González have stated. this poet was working for the Department of Culture and Publications (in the Ministry of Education). he was reinforcing and renovating it. but rather trying to come to terms with it. and having everyone else speak about. encouraged him to do so. As Queupul represents it. tries to find peace in an unfamiliar environment. he had benefited from the education system. as Peruvianist Jorge Coronado comments. who is alone (there are no other humans in the poem).128 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile 2003. The Christian Democrats wanted a healthier capitalist Chile.51 His Mapuche heritage emerged in the poetry. his Mapuche identity. and he was grappling with the processes of modernization and urbanization. apparently impressed by his love letters. and place-names. and diffusing” their cultural heritage. and it may well be that by 2003 Queupul was tired of speaking about. this was a retrospective commentary on his literary production. He was. Queupul recalled that he began to write poetry only because others. the two are not mutually exclusive. Queupul’s poetry articulated some of the problems of urban life for a migrant but without denouncing the system that had brought migration about. nor is it as antagonistic to and easily diluted by European culture as Carrasco seems to imply. exhibiting. the writer stressed the universality of his poetry. The sense of displacement and confusion that we detect in “Arado de palo” is. To be sure.”52 The protagonist. By the time Poemas mapuches was published.53 Such aims were . by “protecting. Frei’s government passed a law creating the Mapuche Museum of Cañete (figure 13). He is not rejecting that environment. the exemplary Indian for Frei’s government: there were no direct political references in his work. but this was not the reason for. Instead of losing his Mapuche cultural identity. “at the center of all migrant experience. nor the main theme of his writings. The poet was preoccupied with the rural past. preparing school texts on Mapuche grammar. Instead. Mapuche culture is not stable. it is also important to acknowledge that a poem about living in the capital city (he does not explicitly mention Santiago but we know he was there at the time) could speak to Mapuche and to universal issues. and through his own career Queupul showed that a Mapuche could succeed in Santiago. Two years after the publication of Poemas mapuches. in a sense. but he was also shaping a place for himself in the urban present. lexicology. the official objective of the new institution was to “pay homage” to the Mapuche of Chile. However. 56 . for example.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. In a 1971 letter to the Department of Indigenous Affairs in Temuco. It is also significant that local communities themselves were not involved in the initiative to create the museum. he alleged that the museum was of “transcendental importance” to the local Mapuche community. nor were they consulted about its original exhibition. when it received the aforementioned letter from Brousse Soto.55 Furthermore.54 Congressional documents tell a rather different story. 2003. Mapuche Museum of Cañete. who had been born in Cañete and whose family was to donate the land for the museum. he made no mention of the protection and diffusion of Mapuche culture. Instead his emphasis was on honoring the memory of deceased Radical Party President Juan Antonio Ríos Morales. One wonders how the museum could have been of such “transcendental importance” to the Mapuche if the government body supposedly responsible for this people’s well-being was unaware of its existence. When the diputado for Cañete first presented the project to the Chamber of Deputies in 1966. official correspondence suggests that the Department of Indigenous Affairs office in Temuco had no idea that the museum existed until 1971. however. (Photo by author. Fernando Brousse Soto. and asked the head of this department to send as much information as possible on Mapuche culture for the museum’s library.) enthusiastically embraced by the first director. 1964–1973 · 129 Figure 13. who claimed an indigenous great-grandmother. live performances. as well as their own oral histories of the past. “no formal structures. Víctor Jara (the ostensible leader of the movement after Parra’s suicide in 1967). until very recently the narratives accompanying the exhibits of Mapuche weavings. the mere fact that a museum dedicated to Mapuche culture should be the vehicle chosen to commemorate the life of a Chilean president was significant. certain ideas and views that connected New Song artists together: a passion for Latin American folk music. and a commitment to radical social and political change. no manifestos. the Mapuche became more visible within the country’s institutional landscape. and all these musicians showed an interest in and concern for indigenous cultures. and sports equipment were written entirely in the past tense). Like at the Araucanian Museum in Temuco.58 In sum. silver jewelry. but the new museum in Cañete provided an important space—as did education and poetry—through which the Mapuche could assert their distinctive identity in modern Chile. recalls his experience. and Quilapayún and Inti-Illimani (who continued to promote New Song abroad long after the military coup of 1973). but some local Mapuche people were employed as guides and were thus able to communicate something of their present-day lives. There were also key figures and groups that stood out from the great diversity of musicians involved in the movement: Violeta Parra (generally considered to be the founder of the movement). as a result. is how Armando Marileo Marileo. at least. It was initiated by one congressman. The New Chilean Song Movement: Revolutionizing Folklore La Nueva Canción Chilena had. cultural imperialism. interpreted indigenous ceremonies in her . Through these artists’ top-selling records. but the government approved the proposal and. funerary ornaments. who began working at the museum in 1974.130 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Whatever the motives behind its creation. [and] no regular meetings.S. in the words of Jan Fairley. the innovations in government cultural policy were limited and did not compensate for the heavy-handed response to Mapuche protests and land invasions. indigenous Chile became increasingly visible and audible to audiences at home and abroad.57 This. nonetheless. however. the early displays tended to relegate Mapuche culture to the past (in fact. a rejection of U.”59 There were. Violeta Parra. no group statements. and radio broadcasts. 1964–1973 · 131 music. recording hundreds if not thousands of folk songs. The Mapuche thus gained visibility and audibility as romanticized objects. he started working with the group Quilapayún (“three beards” in Mapuzungun). as Fairley says. After Cuncumén. the Indians resolve .”62 In this sense. a lyrical representation of a Mapuche ritual ceremony in which the community asks for help from their ancestral and natural deities. In the early days. one of the things that caught everyone’s attention when they listened to Parra sing was her reaction against the “limits and prejudices of traditional ‘tourist’ folk [music]. And yet. The name Inti-Illimani was also indigenous (Quechua and Aymara). and their song “Charagua” was the first using indigenous instruments to reach the top ten in Chile. synonymous with a rural idyll on the verge of extinction.”63 In reality. he was a member of a group called Cuncumén (“murmuring water” in Mapuzungun). but they nevertheless helped to pave the way for more open understandings of that culture: they brought the rural. I examine what it meant for the Mapuche to be included in the new revolutionary Chile when such inclusion was firmly rooted in folkloric tradition and class struggle. imitative music of Europe and the United States. Focusing on Violeta Parra and Víctor Jara. My aim here is to explore how New Song artists saw their Mapuche contemporaries.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. New Song artists’ interest in indigenous music constituted part of what Nancy Morris refers to as a broader “search for a genuine national identity. seeking to prevent them from being “lost forever. they obliged listeners in Santiago to take notice of this “other” Chile.” in particular the way in which it “sentimentalized and idealized rural life. and often wore indigenous peasant clothes. spoke out against indigenous people’s suffering. indigenous world alive for urban audiences.”61 Violeta Parra traveled all over Chile. These artists’ representations of Mapuche culture were not entirely unproblematic. is anything but idealized: Millelche is saddened by the coming of the storm the wheat stalks lie down in the muddy ground after crying.60 Víctor Jara based some of his verses on Mapuche people he had met during his travels. the folklorist had much in common with the missionaries-cum-ethnographers of the early 1900s: it was the music of “traditional” Mapuche of the countryside that Parra sought out in order to counter the artificial. the rural life Parra describes in “El guillatún” (1964–65). Instead. they stamp their feet because they are going to lose their crops. which Isabel Parra described as “vulgarity wrapped in national colors” and “lo popular stuck in its repetition. Parra explored the expressive possibilities of a wide range of instruments. God. The song may depict a close relationship between Mapuche people and nature. Despite the diversity and. indeed. she represented “not so much a folk revival as a folk rebirth.66 As the Guardian said of Quilapayún when they performed in London in 1975. The machi walks on to the guillatún. even the patients of her machitún join the swelling ranks of this guillatún. including the quena (Andean flute).” an intense. The situation is so desperate that even the sick people (“patients of the machitún”) decide to attend the ceremony. shawl and head scarf. jewels and drum.” The folklorist would likely have approved of their eclectic mix of creole guitar and electric guitar. The rain comes down without reprieve the Indians look on. but it is certainly not a harmonious one. portrayed Mapuche religious practice as far from becoming extinct. which is why they have decided to pray as a collective to their gods. to establish a “ritual of communion” between her and them.132 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile to speak to Isidro. audiences were confronted with powerful cultural expression that continued to serve an important function in 1960s Chile. Parra’s crusade against the dominant form of folklore. Parra’s style was simple. not knowing what to do they pull out their hair. spontaneity of her music. Parra was not an antiquarian who liked “to see folk music pinned down safely between the covers of books. the trutruka (Mapuche trumpet). almost chant-like melody that reached a crescendo at the end of each verse. sometimes even austere.”67 Like Chilean New Song more broadly. and the charango (a small guitar). She also experimented with different rhythms and musical chords. Her main aim was to involve the public in her performance.”68 .”65 was taken one step further in Los Jaivas’s reinterpretation of “El guillatún. This song evokes the precariousness of Mapuche peasants’ existence. and San Juan.64 “El guillatún. many of which were indigenous. and echo chamber and kultrún. A storm has destroyed a community’s wheat crop. amplifiers and Mapuche trutruka. Blood is soon spilled the Indian doesn’t know what to do they are going to take his lands he must defend them .. the Mapuche were part of this “long-suffering... and the soul of Galvarino was carried away by the southern wind For this reason.. and denigrated” sector of national society.. or a picturesque element.. everyone has witnessed the centuries of injustice . Parra’s folkloric music was openly political.”69 To Gramsci’s mind... As “El guillatún” indicates... 1964–1973 · 133 Jeffrey Taffet recently discussed the revolutionary potential of folklore in an article on the cultural politics of the Popular Unity government... who claimed that “folklore must not be considered an eccentricity. but he also believed that its symbolism could be transformed if given proper attention. they are still crying ... she made it serious and took it seriously..... This comes across most clearly in “Arauco tiene una pena” (Arauco Is Grieving): Arauco’s grief and sorrow cannot be silenced. an oddity. saddened. Where did Lautaro go? lost in the blue sky.. but fundamentally of the long-suffering. but as something which is serious and must be taken seriously...... “To speak of Violeta Parra is to speak of Chile. folklore stood in the way of revolutionary culture because it incorporated many ideas and worldviews from the dominant classes. saddened..... Violeta Parra did just that: she gave folklore “proper attention”.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges.... of Chile in its entirety... From the year 1400 dates the Indian’s distress in the shade of his dwelling you can see him cry ..... and denigrated Chile.”70 For Parra.. He quoted extensively from Gramsci.. In the words of the Argentine singer and writer Horacio Guarany. their telluric roots. and Pailahuán at the ends of subsequent verses. Manquilef. Joan Jara (Víctor’s widow) described how Angelita Huenumán became a friend “whom he met again . Víctor Jara also sang of the exploitation suffered by the Mapuche in modern Chile. from similarly denunciatory narratives such as Neruda’s Canto general (discussed in chapter 3). As in Mistral’s poem “Araucanos. Callfull. she urges at the end of the first verse. The elections are approaching we hear endless speeches but the complaints of the Indian why won’t they be heard? Despite the tomb resounding with the voice of Caupolicán This song is a forceful condemnation of the abuse and discrimination that has continued from colonial times through to the present. It differs markedly.. listens to the complaints of the Mapuche in modern Chile.134 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile .. but there is no recognition of the many rural and urban activists who were already doing so in 1960s Chile.” who remembers but is far removed from his heroic ancestors. The voice of Caupolicán lingers on but no one. she says the same to Curimón. Arauco’s grief is darker than the Indian’s shawl it is no longer the Spanish who make him cry today it is the Chileans who steal his bread ..”71 Recalling the meeting several years afterward..... Huenchullán)..... Parra justifies and encourages this rebellion: “Levántate Huenchullán” (Rise up. in that it portrays a debilitated and victimized Indian who cries over his losses.. however.. and their struggles.. especially not among the political classes. it was his encounter with Angelita Huenumán that awakened “a passionate interest in the history of his ancestors.. Callupán. who “doesn’t know what to do.. The fact that the legendary warrior’s voice continues to resonate suggests the possibility of future rebellion.” Parra hopes that they will rise up to defend their lands... According to the Víctor Jara Foundation. but also its artistic and imaginative side. a cueca from northern Argentina.” and his appeal to Chilean society to accept its indigenous identity.. and the anonymous hands of my own resourceful people.. in your weaving I see time and tears and sweat. his belief in the “need for an intercultural dialogue......73 The Mapuche poet cited some of its lyrics in his introduction to Canto libre/Lliz ulkantun (Free Song) to show that Jara “assumed and publicized his morenidad as few other Chileans did. It was Angelita’s labors that Jara identified with: the grueling physical nature of weaving. ..... 1964–1973 · 135 as the years passed and historic events drew people together.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. The red blood of the copihue flower flows through her Huenumán veins.” It told of a friend who lived a lonely existence on a farm in Pocuno with a son and five dogs to look after her...... This was a more personal song than Parra’s “Arauco tiene una pena” or “El guillatún. and by the light of the window Angelita weaves her life... he and his family immediately liked and identified with “La cocinerita” (The Little Cook).. Through Angelita however there also emerged a collective imaginary of the Mapuche as poor. Importantly.74 However. . his brother Arauco introduced him to the song . Angelita. Shortly thereafter..”72 This is the song that he wrote about her: In the Pocuno Valley where the sea wind ricochets about and the rain nourishes the moss lives Angelita Huenumán. Reportedly.. it was not Jara’s “knowledge of and love for Mapuche culture” that originally attracted Chihuailaf to his music.. “Angelita Huenumán” was one of twenty songs by Víctor Jara that Elicura Chihuailaf recently chose to translate into Mapuzungun. hardworking campesinos.” Chihuailaf then proceeded to talk about Jara’s frequent visits to Mapuche communities.. In the introduction to Canto libre. Chihuailaf described the first time he heard Jara singing on the radio. These “texts and melodies. however.” Chihuailaf said. denounced the massacre but were not involved in the uprising which triggered such brutal repression. is the reinforcement of a partially mythologized story of a past cross-cultural alliance between the Mapuche and Chilean workers aimed . and had grown. legends. Mapuche people. Reports of a musical composition that Jara had been working on shortly before his death are also worthy of analysis. “the Confederación Ranquil approached Víctor to write and compose a work about their history. then. one of whom had the minutes of the 1928 meeting at which the confederation was created: “Let us go forward. According to Mallon. such as Aburto Panguilef. He wanted.136 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile “Questions about Puerto Montt. “a new sun will light up this valley of snow and forest.78 Prominent Mapuche political figures at the time. Joan Jara was also keen to stress that her husband aimed to recapture the myths.”76 In quoting this source.”77 In the 1930s. to “bring out the cultural inheritance of those forgotten and persecuted people. According to Joan Jara. but these were interpreted as a consequence of the landowning elite’s divide-andrule strategy. Mapuches of Lonquimay. Jara was saying the same thing. As interpreted by the Mapuche poet.” who always smiled while he was singing of “dreams for a better future. Víctor Jara met and talked with the survivors of the massacre. Communist Party publications claimed that the Ranquil rebellion was instigated by an allied group of tenant farmers. but this did not mean they had to disappear within it. she said. However.” Juan Leiva Tapia had proclaimed. the Mapuche were part of the class struggle that was taking place in 1960s–1970s Chile. Joan Jara acknowledged that there were differences between Mapuche and non-Mapuche peasants. and mine workers in the region.” For Chihuailaf.”75 Apparently. reflected “the commitment and sensitivity of this man of peasant origins. little by little. scholars generally agree that few Mapuche participated in the uprising and that those who did acted as individuals rather than as a collective. into the massive confederation which was fighting for the interests of the peasants throughout Chile. and ultimately the story was one of a shared struggle for land. What we see in Jara’s unfinished song. let us put aside the quarrels and disagreements which the landowners foment among us and give life to our union.” which described a police massacre of landless squatters in March 1969. about how their organization had survived a terrible massacre [the Ranquil Massacre of June 1934]. and natural beauty of the region in the poetic text that he was working on. chairs of parents’ associations. and regional directors of the Institute of Agrarian and Livestock Development (INDAP). They supported an integrationist project of social vindication. Both artists were also interested in Mapuche folkloric tradition. Violeta Parra and Víctor Jara knew well the realities of poverty. artists like Jara and Parra used “autochthonous elements. but also as part of the ever-changing present. In some cases they were able to dominate the agenda because they . Furthermore. they were military officers. Alejandro Lipschutz. many Mapuche people of Araucanía held prominent positions in the local state apparatus. not only as part of the bygone past. surely. some contemporary Mapuche have championed their music in order to reinforce a common understanding about the problems plaguing Chilean society.mapuexpress.” The piece then moved on to discuss the “social schizophrenia” of Chile’s mestizo population and their “hidden desires” to appropriate a “cultural expression that does not belong to them.”79 To argue thus is. Popular Unity.net in 2009 claimed that folklore was “the false copy of the original reflection. which fed into the National Peasant Council. Their reproduction of folklore made it universal as well as local. They sought to recapture this tradition in their music. A commentary published on the Mapuche website www.80 Mapuche people also played important roles in locally elected peasant councils.” According to the author. urban as well as rural. created by state decree in December 1970. to deny (as Carrasco did in his analysis of Queupul) the flexibility and fluidity of cultural identity.” but these were “dissociated from their origins. and modern as well as traditional. school principals.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. and Mapuche Political Activism: An Intercultural Dialogue? By the time Allende was inaugurated as president in November 1970. Both Parra and Jara maintained that indigenous cultural expression did belong to them: they spoke of the Mapuche as their ancestors. 1964–1973 · 137 at inspiring similar collaborative support for Allende’s Popular Unity government in the present. they lived it as children. but they also endorsed a more culturally based vision in which Mapuche autonomy was not entirely subsumed by the divisions and demands of the political parties. Through music Violeta Parra and Víctor Jara communicated a history of social inequality that linked Mapuche and Chileans together. Among other things. 1970. Most of these organizations participated in the National Mapuche Congresses held in Ercilla in 1969 and Temuco in 1970. Juan Marín Calquín and Heriberto Huenulaf from Pitrufquén requested official permission to celebrate a guillatún in their community.87 The Peasant Front for the Full Dignity and Development of Araucanía solicited the creation of a Mapuche education council to study the cultural reality of the area and to promote (with financial support from the government) the “preservation . socioeconomic problems were the top priority. some Mapuche participated in the Movement of the Revolutionary Left and the Revolutionary Peasant Movement (two of its founding leaders in Cautín were Moisés and Félix Huentelaf). then.” and assured the government that they wanted to work “within the legal channels. wrote to the government to say their community desperately needed electricity. better road access to the school. a group of Mapuche prisoners in Temuco. and an ambulance service. principal of a state school in Pumalal. they set up scores of their own organizations.138 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile made up the majority of council delegates. The Small Farmers’ Association of Loncoche and the Regional Cooperative Cachillalfe.82 Finally. and improved toilet facilities. Clearly. described various aspects of the agrarian reform program to be “muy nuestra. from the Radical Committee of the People of Melipeuco to the National Confederation of Mapuche Associations. extra desks and chairs for new students.”85 At the other extreme.86 René Colillán Catrilaf made the same request on behalf of the Mapuche Union. and national levels. on local. but petitions to the government also addressed cultural concerns. Some asked only for basic socioeconomic provisions: the Radical Committee of the People of Melipeuco. On December 14. in contrast.84 Neither letter made any allusion to support for Popular Unity or Allende. This was not a rejection of dialogue with the UP. regional.83 and Pedro Milliman Antilef. but rather an attempt to draw attention to the plight of Mapuche and non-Mapuche peasant communities. they wanted to celebrate the New Year according to their own traditions and asked the local governor to contribute three lambs for the occasion. for example. requested a well. a permanent doctor. and to compel the government to radicalize agrarian reform.81 Beyond the state apparatus. Both within and outside the state. Mapuche people had gained important platforms from which to speak out. Their demands varied. a completed school fence. the MCR asserted the moral legitimacy of their decision to take the law into their own hands and continue with their illegal land seizures. 93 We know.91 and his work on legal cases involving Mapuche defendants certainly seems to confirm this assertion. In Marx y Lenin en América Latina (1974). [used] in defense of social privileges acquired through conquest. recreation. and folklore” in the region. and the government itself. establishment of cooperatives. took such cultural affirmations seriously. for example. both when he was living in Concepción and later from Santiago. he never subscribed to the idea that class struggle would erase cultural difference. Alejandro Lipschutz (1883–1980) was an important intellectual voice during the UP government. that this biological scientist–cum–anthropologist had been talking to Mapuche people.92 Berdichewsky also recalls Mapuche political leaders visiting Lipschutz’s Institute of Experimental Medicine in Santiago.”88 The public summons to the Second National Mapuche Congress also pointed to the significance of cultural issues: apart from the proposal for a new indigenous law. In some instances he turned the discussion around and looked at the way in which cultural and racial factors impacted upon economic and class structures.94 Lipschutz persistently claimed that the concept of Indian and the treatment of those people referred to as Indians could not be understood outside their social context and colonial history: “racial discrimination is a powerful instrument of social discrimination. 1964–1973 · 139 of [our] customs and traditions. Lipschutz had visited many Mapuche rural communities in the south.89 The central question addressed in the last section of this chapter is whether or not intellectuals linked to the UP government. as well as the creation of a new cultural journal. therefore. he cited Queupul’s bilingual poetry and Aillapán’s autobiography. congres sional delegates were to “analyze and discuss” a “Mapuche plan for tourism. however. Despite his advanced age. Of Lithuanian descent and a Chilean national since 1930. Lipschutz had studied and written about Mapuche culture and history for more than half of his adult life. He had been involved in and spoken at meetings that Mapuche organizations attended. He had also read some of their written publications. Bernardo Berdichewsky. . and legal defense requirements. Lipschutz clearly did not reduce it entirely to class determinations.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. This was the fundamental problem and one that was being addressed by the UP’s agrarian reform program. tax exemption.”95 The Mapuche were living in abject poverty because they were a colonized people who had been dispossessed of (most of) their lands. As I have discussed elsewhere.96 Despite prioritizing the socioeconomic dimensions of the indigenous question.90 According to one of his students.97 Furthermore. at a time when most leftists (following the line of the Communist International) had long since moved on to a more integrationist agenda.” As Lipschutz interpreted it.”101 Lipschutz saw culture as adaptable and flexible. In Chile. cultural difference was something that should and would be celebrated in revolutionary communist societies—hence his discussions about Mapuche “tribal or national autonomy” within the “great Chilean nation. director of Chile’s Indigenista Institute. Mapuche people might wear miniskirts instead of the traditional ponchos. to realize that they had a “fervent desire for a cultural renaissance. Seemingly. speak Spanish as well as or instead of Mapuzungun. Lipschutz moved beyond the notions of an earlier or primordial indigenous identity that were common in Latin American Marxist intellectual circles. and Luis Sandoval. the president of the Chilean Anthropological Society. go to see a doctor instead of a machi. Thus.”100 And one only had to look at the works of people like Sebastián Queupul. the Mapuche belonged and were loyal to that nation.”98 The parallels with Aburto Panguilef ’s call for the creation of an Indigenous Republic in the early 1930s are remarkable.99 He asserted that there were at least half a million people in Chile who claimed an indigenous Mapuche identity and for whom the “memory of Caupolicán and Lautaro [was] still very much alive. for Lipschutz.140 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile To his mind. but this did not mean they had lost their cultural identity. appropriation of “other” cultural practices signified purification rather than contamination. Yet it would be wrong to suggest that he was the only one to elaborate such ideas. Mapuche identity was “amplified” and “cleansed” through these renovations. This was the “law of double patriotism.102 On the contrary. Indeed. who were interested in diverse aspects of Chilean indigenous . but they also identified as Mapuche. Lipschutz was revisiting the possibilities for indigenous autonomy in the context of revolutionary change. he said. Lipschutz co-published an essay on cultural change in Mapuche society with Gregorio Rodríguez. one of his principal arguments was that Mapuche culture was not on the verge of extinction (despite numerous claims to the contrary). something that was constantly being reconstructed and renegotiated. and embrace written as well as oral literary production.103 He worked with the artists Carlos Isamitt and Margot Loyola. Lipschutz’s interest in Mapuche culture went far beyond a concern for the preservation of traditional customs or a preoccupation with recording those customs before they disappeared. Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges, 1964–1973 · 141 music. He had long discussions with Tomás Lago, director of the Popular American Art Museum in Santiago, which held an impressive collection of Mapuche objects. He also spent much time with Pablo Neruda. According to Hernán Soto, the Nobel laureate had more influence on Lipschutz than vice versa (because Lipschutz liked poetry, whereas Neruda rebelled against scientific prose),104 but I would suggest that Neruda’s shift of emphasis in the 1960s from the heroic Araucanian warrior of old to the present-day Mapuche, and his proposals for an Araucanian university where the teaching would be done in Mapuzungun, came about at least partly as a result of conversations with Lipschutz.105 The crucial point here is that other intellectuals engaged with Lipschutz’s rejection of classical Marxism’s class reductionism. To some extent, so too did Allende. Lipschutz was a good friend of his and a firm supporter of the Chilean Way to Socialism.106 Allende, in turn, showed great interest in Lipschutz’s work on Mapuche culture and history. In 1970, the Chilean government awarded Lipschutz the National Science Prize for his “cultural indigenismo” as well as his contributions to medical science. It also asked for Lipschutz’s advice on how best to incorporate the Mapuche into the agrarian reform process. Perhaps most significantly, Allende made special reference to Lipschutz and his “intellectual merits” when he presented a new indigenous law to the Chamber of Deputies on May 19, 1971.107 This piece of legislation was based largely on the proposals put forward by Mapuche organizations at the Second Mapuche National Congress in Temuco in December 1970, which Allende had attended. When he introduced the draft law to Congress, the president emphasized that “indigenous peoples have different values [than Chileans], just as they have different ways of behaving.”108 He also asserted that indigenous peasants’ views on land and land reform differed from those of the rest of the peasantry: Conscious that they have been the owners of their land for centuries, their attitude is that of someone who has been dispossessed of something that legally belongs to him, whereas for other peasants the acquisition of land constitutes a conquest. Indigenous peoples fight for the recuperation of their land, while other peasants demand the redistribution of the land to those that work it. 142 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Possibly, Allende was restating what he had heard at the Mapuche National Congress. Possibly, he had read the history of colonization and pauperization told by Pascual Coña in the late 1920s (which I discussed in chapter 1).109 After all, a new edition of this book was published by the Institute of Training and Research for Agrarian Reform (ICIRA) during the UP government. Coña’s testimony helped to bolster Allende’s point about historical consciousness. It also supported his proposal for separate laws and institutions to deal with the needs of the Mapuche, and reinforced his explanation as to why Mapuche peasants had been driven to violent action in recent years. Importantly, the new edition replaced the Capuchin missionary Moesbach with Coña as the primary author, and thus reasserted Mapuche agency in the storytelling process. It seems clear that Allende’s speech of 1971 transmitted Mapuche views. And it is surely not insignificant that some retrospective accounts provided by Mapuche activists who were involved in the illegal land seizures in the 1960s and 1970s mirror what Allende told the Chamber of Deputies. Rudecindo Quinchavil, for example, recently stressed that the “fundamental problem in the countryside [was] always land,” and that this issue affected both Mapuche and non-Mapuche, but that a distinction needed to be made “in the historical and cultural aspect” of the problem. “Non-Mapuche [peasants] had the same needs as the Mapuche,” he said, “but from a historical perspective they were not ‘reduced’ people; they did not live on reservations.”110 Shortly before speaking to the Chamber of Deputies about the new indigenous law, Allende recorded an unprecedented television interview with the U.S. journalist Saul Landau, during which he insisted that the “Mapuche problem [could] not be resolved through agrarian reform alone.”111 It was not just an economic problem, he said, but “an anthropological problem, a cultural one, a problem of race.”112 It was unclear what he meant by the Mapuche being an anthropological, a cultural, and a racial problem—and Landau did not push him on the subject—but this comment, together with the institutions created through the indigenous law—when it was finally passed in September 1972—point to an official recognition that Mapuche cultural difference could not be entirely subsumed within class struggle. For example, Article 34 of the law stipulated that the new Institute of Indigenous Development [IDI] aimed to “promote the social, economic, educational, and cultural progress of Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges, 1964–1973 · 143 indigenous people, and to strive for their integration into the national community, taking account of their idiosyncrasy and respecting their customs.” Within this broad remit, one of its specific obligations was to “promote the development of indigenous art and craft” by “building handicraft centers, providing credit, be it in the form of money or primary materials . . . , and helping to secure its commercial viability by organizing buyers for the craft works.”113 The final document said nothing about bilingual education, but existing scholarship affirms that Allende’s government endorsed this policy in areas of the country with high proportions of Mapuche inhabitants and gave the IDI joint responsibility for implementing it.114 One of the most significant initiatives in this area was the Program for the Cultural Mobilization of the Mapuche People, which was launched in 1971 as part of the National Workers Education Program, and which encompassed technical and work training, organizational development, and Mapuzungun-Spanish bilingual literacy.115 The project was, as Robert Austin comments, “premised on educational self-management and ethnic selfaffirmation.”116 Indigenous organizations such as the National Confederation of Mapuche Associations and the Federation of Indigenous Students played an important role in designing and managing the program; it also involved twenty Mapuche monitors and one thousand Mapuche literacy educators. But they did not work alone. These individuals and organizations were in constant contact with government bodies (such as the Ministry of Agriculture and the Department of Culture) and non-Mapuche anthropologists. Meeting together in the literacy centers, they engaged in ongoing debates about revisions to teaching methodologies, didactic materials, and the written forms of the Mapuche alphabet. The IDI, which was to become part of these debates in 1972, also provided an important forum in which Mapuche people could voice their concerns and influence indigenous policy. As laid out in Article 40 of the promulgated indigenous law, seven of the sixteen members of the IDI management council were to be Mapuche, elected directly by Mapuche peasants by secret ballot. In the opinion of Lipschutz, these seven Mapuche councilors were to be the legal representatives of their people. “It is essential,” he said in the same year that the IDI was created, “that we now proceed, without delay, to the creation of an autonomous body to represent the Mapuche tribe or nation. We are not just talking about 144 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile theory or words, but rather an immediate, urgent action [to be] taken by the Mapuche.” As he saw it, indigenous Mapuche autonomy was not only feasible but also inevitable within the framework laid out by Indigenous Law 17.729.117 We could also argue that the new legislation allowed for a more nuanced and open understanding of indigenousness—again, an indication of Lipschutz’s (direct or indirect) involvement in the drafting process. For example, when Allende first spoke to the National Congress about the law in May 1971, he stated that at least one-quarter of Chile’s total indigenous population, which was estimated to be 800,000, lived in urban areas (mainly Santiago, Concepción, and Temuco). The rural Mapuche population was still the majority, hence the president’s emphasis on the necessity of radical agrarian reform. Nonetheless, it was significant that the urban reality of many Mapuche was finally being acknowledged. For the first time in Chilean history, the official definition of indigenous was extended beyond those who lived or owned a plot of land in an indigenous community to include people who lived “in any part of our national territory,” formed “part of a group that usually expresses itself in a native language,” and distinguished themselves “from the rest of the inhabitants of the Republic [through their] social organization, customs, [and] religion.”118 If we look at other elements of the indigenous law or other statements made by Allende, however, we are confronted with a less encouraging picture. Indeed, we discover that Allende voiced an official discourse that became increasingly contradictory and seemed to ignore the realities and views of contemporary Mapuche. During the aforementioned interview with Landau, for instance, Allende described those Mapuche individuals and communities involved in the illegal land seizures as “lacking in political understanding.” He also asserted that “when one is hungry” and has been promised so many things and cheated so many times “it is difficult to reason.” Explained thus, the Mapuche (or at least the most radical Mapuche, who were the only ones being discussed) were denied a role as informed, rational actors; yet, the government negotiated with them and, in fact, often legitimized their actions by officially expropriating the illegally occupied lands.119 Such puzzling remarks make more sense if we think about them in the broader Latin American context. As Mallon has commented, Latin American Marxism has focused on the connection between indigenous peoples and the land, has tended to see this connection as based on an Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges, 1964–1973 · 145 ancestral or primordial collective and communal identity, and has therefore to some extent romanticized indigenous peoples as having the purest and most direct connection to the land.120 Following this line, Allende presented Mapuche strategies to recuperate lost land as emotive, instinctual, and spontaneous, and therefore lacking in theoretical insights and ideological maturity. But at the same time, their rebellious actions could not be ignored or repressed as they were under Frei Montalva. To the contrary, the UP celebrated the force of Mapuche communal mobilization and actually sought to cultivate this, but also to confine it within the remit of party-political aims. In the same interview, Allende told Landau that, along with the minister of agriculture, he had sent “doctors, teachers, anthropologists, and sociologists” to the southern regions “to help the Mapuche.” The emphasis was no longer on Mapuche participation in the revolutionary socialist project, but rather on how they were to be helped by it. This paternalistic attitude was verbalized more forcefully during a speech Allende gave to youth workers in Santiago on December 21, 1970: “the Popular Government . . . will raise the material and cultural levels of the Araucanian. . . . It will give them lands and dignify their existence.” After asking the young people gathered there to do voluntary work in the communities, he pushed the same point home again: “For our part, we will mobilize INDAP, CORA, and all other organizations necessary to change the life and work of the Mapuche.”121 Clearly, it was the state that was to act as the key motor of revolution, even if it was student volunteers and intellectuals that were going to help carry it out. But what if Mapuche people did not want (everything about) their life and work to be changed? At one point during the interview with Landau, Allende stated, “We need sufficient time in order to erase from the spirit, from the mind of these people what has been happening for more than a hundred years.” He was referring to the fact that the law had previously treated the Mapuche “like children, without rights” and that it was therefore difficult to try to enter immediately into legal agreements with them as full citizens. This seemingly ran counter to the decision-making roles that they were allocated in the IDI and to their leadership of bilingual literacy schemes. The statement was also relevant to the state-led farming cooperatives that Allende wanted to set up in conjunction with the agrarian reform program. When he presented the new indigenous law to the Chamber of Deputies in May 1971, Allende acknowledged that even 146 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile though Mapuche people had a collective link with the land—formally enshrined through the títulos de merced established after Chilean occupation of Araucanía—they farmed, managed, and owned the land as family units.122 However, rather than accept the “individualist spirit” of Mapuche peasant-farmers (which was also attributed to the post-occupation radicación process, as a consequence of the scarce amount of land granted through the títulos de merced) Allende was adamant that their agricultural system be transformed into one of collective or cooperative ownership and production.123 Many Mapuche rejected this imposition, but as José Aylwin has observed, their “will was not always respected.”124 Lipschutz had listened to Mapuche views on the issue. He defended the indivisibility of Mapuche communal lands, but he did not presuppose that these had to be farmed collectively. The choice between individual production and cooperatives, he said, should be up to each person or family.125 Either he did not impress this point upon Allende, or the president decided to ignore his advice. Thus, Allende recognized Mapuche cultural specificity and was willing to listen to and act upon some of their demands, but he also insisted that this people relearn their supposedly instinctive collective ways and conform to the UP’s lawful road to socialism. As with so many presidents before him, he still had a sense of wanting to civilize and teach the Mapuche.126 Rafael Railaf, a Mapuche political organizer from Alhueco who supported the MIR and participated in illegal land occupations, recently spoke of the time when he met Allende in person. Allende’s words to Railaf sum up the incongruities of the UP’s efforts to incorporate indigenous people into its revolutionary experiment: “You are true revolutionaries,” he said, “[and] I’m pleased to see you encouraging your people to rise up against the [capitalist] system, but not in this way.”127 It is plausible that the socialist leader adjusted his acceptance of Mapuche actions and values depending on who he was talking to. Perhaps he could talk in this patronizing manner to an individual such as Railaf. And when speaking to a journalist whose (U.S.) government proclaimed the illegitimacy and unfeasibility of the Chilean Way to Socialism, it makes sense to isolate those peasants involved in illegal land seizures as politically immature and explain their actions as the inevitable result of hunger and poverty; this is the story he would have wanted a sympathetic Landau to communicate to a U.S. audience. The UP had to appear to be in control, so much so that it might be capable of erasing Mapuche history which could not be encompassed within the totalizing narrative of classical Marxism. To this end. He acknowledged that the Mapuche had a distinct culture and history. but not an overwhelming one. The most prominent artists of the Chilean New Song movement. 1964–1973 · 147 and memory.” as if this was tantamount to saying that the seizures would stop). Allende recognized that this was an “important problem for Chile.” No obstacle was too great for his socialist revolution. spoke.”129 The system had to be changed in order for the lives of Mapuche people to improve. A similar point could be made about his address to the Chamber of Deputies in May 1971 (his plan to incorporate the Mapuche into the agrarian reform process was feasible because his government was capable of transforming their agricultural practice) and his speech to volunteers in Santiago in December 1970 (he recognized the “legitimacy of [Mapuche] hopes and their yearning for land” but explained that he had “demanded they no longer participate in illegal land seizures. but they were also keen to promote the continuing value of indigenous culture in Chile and they identified with that culture. and wrote about the complexities of Mapuche cultural identity politics.128 Conclusion The Christian Democratic government failed to engage with the specificity of Mapuche land claims. but they did not try to explain race entirely in terms of economics. and they often used it to assert a distinct ethnic identity. drew attention to the plight of indigenous peoples within the remit of the workers’ struggle for social justice. and its reformed teaching curriculum downplayed Chile’s indigenous question. and he engaged with some of their demands in this .Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. Allende presented the Mapuche as “the most authentic exponent of a system that [had] permitted men to blindly exploit other men. Violeta Parra and Víctor Jara. but the Mapuche did gain a louder public voice during this period (due to increasing social mobility and the creation of new cultural spaces). when asked by Landau about Mapuche people separating themselves from Chileans. Allende probably did not emphasize his own demands or talk about Mapuche political immaturity when he addressed the four hundred Mapuche leaders who were invited to La Moneda for the official promulgation of the new indigenous law in September 1972. For both Alejandro Lipschutz and Salvador Allende. Lipschutz perceived. the origins of Chile’s racial problems lay in the class relations of colonialism. and wooden kitchen implements. The main opposition newspaper. such as musical instruments. Newspaper advertisement for Melilahuen. community and party political). a Mapuche craft shop in Santiago. 1972.) regard. 1972. Allende responded to and drew inspiration from the power of Mapuche organizing. he recognized that they had multiple collective identities (rural and urban. Much more common were reports of marauding Mapuche “gangs” instilling panic and fear in the southern regions as the land seizures continued unchecked by the government.148 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Figure 14. but not all and not always. leftist peasant that he prioritized. It . El Mercurio. to take back home as “unusual and exclusive presents” for their family and friends. and we are thus left wondering whether it was run by Mapuche people themselves. It encouraged tourists to visit Melilahuen. September 15. Ultimately. (Courtesy of the Archivo Diario El Mercurio de Santiago de Chile. Few records exist of this shop. ceramic pots. as if he and his government had superior political knowledge. where they could find all sorts of indigenous objects. described as “an authentically Mapuche corner” of Santiago. but he also sought to hold sway over it. I was therefore surprised to find an advertisement for a Mapuche craft shop (figure 14) in the issue of September 15. jewels. but it was the rural. said little about Mapuche culture during Allende’s thousand days in power. ethnic and class. With branches in downtown Santiago and Las Condes. especially those who participated in the illegal land occupations. This newspaper was jubilant when the UP’s revolutionary experiment was brought to an end by the military coup of September 11. One could consequently argue that they all thereby failed to fully understand the very complex nature of that question. which he had donated to the University of Chile. Mapuche business entrepreneurs did exist in Santiago. murdered. Melilahuen catered to both mainstream and upper-class tourists. As depicted in this advertisement.Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. 1973. and his collection of books. Peasants involved in the agrarian reform program. were not. It also abolished the National Workers Education Program set up under Allende. . This is an important point that was largely ignored by leftist and centerleftist discourse in the 1960s and early 1970s. the artifacts for sale were genuinely and uniquely Mapuche. That is the focus of chapter 5. and burned. 1964–1973 · 149 could have been. Alejandro Lipschutz’s house was ransacked by the military on two occasions. removed from record stores. It is less obvious what they meant for Mapuche cultural politics. The music of Chilean New Song artists was “banned from the airwaves. imprisoned or. in the case of Víctor Jara. Augusto Pinochet’s regime soon embarked on major education reforms that included a revision of the history curriculum so as to eradicate the discussions of social inequality and underdevelopment promoted by Frei Montalva. confiscated. the political subjects engaged in land occupations in the south. When they talked about the indigenous question neither the Christian Democrats nor Allende nor Lipschutz nor Violeta Parra nor Víctor Jara made any reference to those Mapuche who were not part of the neglected and oppressed.”131 Many of its authors were exiled. a topic which attracted much attention in both the national and international press. an event that El Mercurio decided not to discuss. It seemed to want to separate culture from politics for those tourists. It is clear what the coup and ensuing dictatorship meant for class politics in Chile.132 Allende committed suicide and many people in his government were rounded up and sent to notorious prison camps such as Dawson Island.130 Notably. the advertisement ran on the same day that the new indigenous law was promulgated. was destroyed. were brutally repressed. Detention and . consisting of General Augusto Pinochet. UP activists were arrested and interrogated.” For Dorfman. Dorfman (cultural and media adviser to Salvador Allende’s chief of staff) was “ushered into a musty.”1 The invasion occurred on September 11. and General César Mendoza (Pinochet took over sole command in 1974). General Gustavo Leigh. when none were found. and censored the press. The woman wanted Allende to punish those responsible but “it was as if power had already been transferred to the military. secluded room of the presidential palace” to listen to “an old Mapuche Indian woman who had come to Santiago from the south of the country to denounce her husband’s torture and death. the officers had taunted him. some were shot immediately. A military junta. 1973–1990 In his memoir Heading South. Toward the end of August 1973.5 The Pinochet Dictatorship Conflicting Histories and Memories.2 The junta shut down congress. Admiral José Toribio Merino. this tragic story constituted a “visionary dress rehearsal of the violence that was about to invade the country. imposed a strict curfew. imposed by the fatherland” to depose the “unashamedly illegitimate” government of Salvador Allende.” While the man spun round in agony. declared that it had a “moral duty. proceeded to tie the woman’s husband to the blades of a helicopter. “a group of Air Force officers had raided the family’s communal farm in search of weapons and. Looking North the author Ariel Dorfman relayed some of the foreboding events that took place in the last weeks of the UP government. asking why his president was not coming to the rescue and suggesting he call on his “fucking pagan gods” for help instead. outlawed the UP parties. 1973.” As Dorfman recounted it. The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. The new regime’s campaign “to extirpate the Marxist cancer” was particularly brutal in Cautín in Araucanía. had little chance of defending themselves. Julio Agosto Ñiripil Paillao. and shot dead outside his home. It was inaugurated in 2001 during the presidency of Ricardo Lagos. By August 1973. because of the groundswell of protest and illegal land seizures that had occurred here during the governments of Frei and Allende (as described in chapter 4.4 Others were well advanced in age and. 1973. Memorial to “The People Who Were Disappeared or Executed for Political Reasons during the Military Dictatorship (1973–90) in the Region of Araucanía” in Parque para la Paz (Park for Peace) in Temuco.”3 The memorial arch in Temuco’s Park for Peace (figure 15) shows that many of the victims of military repression in Araucanía were Mapuche. Gregoria Carilaf Huenchupán was severely beaten by the police when . Some had barely reached adulthood. this was where Allende’s accelerated agrarian reform program was pushed to its furthest limits). a farmworker from the community of Huincaleo near Galvarino. 2010. the right-wing press was bombarding its readers with rumors of arms factories. and guerrilla schools. (Photo by author. similarly. was only sixteen years old when he was dragged from his bed by military officers late on October 8. “local peasants were seen either as conspiratorial revolutionaries ready to attack all peace-loving citizens in their homes or as innocent dupes in a violent extreme-left conspiracy led by the MIR. buried weapons. As Florencia Ma llon notes of Nehuentúe.) torture centers were set up throughout the country. 1973–1990 · 151 Figure 15. ”11 Finally. “how the Indians were pulled from their shacks and killed and thrown into the Toltén River. In April 1974. his regime was responsible for the “most ferocious attack ever launched against the Mapuche territorial base in the postreducción communities. 1973. it returned to “the punishing assimilationist ideology of times past.6 Foreign academics and journalists at the time voiced concerns that the military dictatorship was committing acts of genocide and ethnocide against the Mapuche. only Chileans”).152 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile they came to look for (and could not find) her son on November 15.5 The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (1990–91) concluded that a total of 136 Mapuche were disappeared or murdered during the Pinochet years.” Another described how the “Indian reserves [had] been pacified and taken over by cruel military officials. that most recent scholarship points to the especially violent physical repression suffered by Mapuche people during the military dictatorship. nearly all previous studies highlight the . then.8 It also underscores the significance of Decree-Law 2568 of 1979. aged seventy-three.” And a Mapuche student wrote of the torture “being used against Mapuche university students in Santiago and at the Universidad Técnica de Estado in Temuco.” A Chilean filmmaker recounted the story of two friends who had observed the “mass-killing of Mapuche youths. almost all Mapuche reducciones had been subdivided.9 By the time Pinochet left power in 1990. In the words of Mallon. and urged the American Anthropological Association and other organizations to investigate further.”7 No wonder. where 90 percent of the Mapuche students [had] been expelled. which encouraged the division and privatization of indigenous communal lands. she died two days later.” This effectively presumed the eradication of indigenous people as a distinct legal and social category (hence ministerial statements to the effect that there were “no indigenous people in Chile. Anthropology News published four harrowing reports from people who were either living in or visiting the southern provinces in September and October 1973.”10 There is also a consensus (rooted primarily in the land division law and its implications) that the dictatorship explicitly and consistently denied Chile’s ethnic diversity.” she said. and stated that the subdivided plots of land would “cease to be considered indigenous. as would their owners. as expressed by Charles Hale and Rosamel Millamán. for example. One Chilean woman relayed a conversation she had had “with a German named Gustavo Hott” who “had loaned his car to local carabineros and accompanied them at night on an Indian-killing mission.” “He told me in detail. Without doubt. academics. it does not represent the experience of all Mapuche people. the ever-increasing body of work shows just how contested and fragmented such memories are. 1973–1990 · 153 valiant efforts of Mapuche people to resist the onslaught. Ninth. Drawing on the important theoretical insights of Elizabeth Jelin. which had managed to link fifteen hundred communities from the Eighth. Instead. and human rights organizations have collected and published thousands of personal memories of life under the Pinochet regime. calling attention to some of the lesser-known stories.14 Taken together.16 The policies of this period need to be considered with a great deal of care and contextualized within the broader social and political goals of the regime—particularly its plan to reorganize society. However. in a corporatist fashion. This is the starting point for my analysis of Mapuche experiences of the military dictatorship.17 . mainly through the Mapuche Cultural Centers (CCM). they add to it and help us to understand further how Pinochet managed to remain in power for so long.13 Over the years. as they told it at the time and as they have remembered it since. showing that—as in the previous periods—not all Mapuche opposed the regime.12 These are the principal components of what could be referred to as the dominant historical narrative on indigenous rights in Pinochet’s Chile: brutal repression on the part of the dictatorship and large-scale resistance on the part of the Mapuche. established in 1978. These do not undermine the dominant version of events. This chapter aims to supplement and broaden the existing literature by incorporating new. and that this military regime both denied and did not deny the cultural and ethnic diversity of Chile. and Tenth regions by 1982. I do not seek to establish the “truth” of what happened but rather to destabilize some of the “certainties. and by revisiting regional press sources and published testimonies of important Mapuche political figures.The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. the general picture outlined here faithfully represents the experience of many Mapuche people during the dictatorship. I probe the conflicting narratives of the dictatorial past. government institutions. into private economic sectoral organizations that would interact directly with the state rather than going through political parties. Nor does it fully convey the internal diversity of the state apparatus under Pinochet. writers. and their successor Ad-Mapu. It teases out some of the more subtle interactive dynamics of indigenous-state relations at this time.”15 To this end. untapped material from the period. El Diario Austral.”19 the state never functioned as a uniform whole. in contrast to the “exclusionary. Neoliberal Restructuring. Nonetheless. repressive. were members of peasant councils or trade union federations. First. as Paul Drake asserts. what is important for us is that the opposition—which included Mapuche associations such as the CCM (later Ad-Mapu)—could use the new laws of social organization to create a small space for themselves and make tangible demands of the state. sports tournaments.”18 Ibáñez had flirted with state corporatism during his military-based dictatorship of 1927–31 and his elected government of 1952–58. quasi-fascist corporatism” of the Pinochet years. In the next three sections I shift my focus to cultural production and cultural policy: I analyze some of the cultural activities that took place during the 1970s and 1980s (specifically folklore festivals. and the details of official education schemes under Pinochet to show how people could simultaneously resist and collaborate with the regime. 1973. This chapter is divided into four main sections. I also highlight the inconsistency and multiplicity of government discourse on the indigenous question. Rather it was composed of multiple entities that had different agendas and responded to Mapuche demands in a variety of ways. “the most concerted effort at corporatist government in Chilean history. some of the cooperation between Mapuche organizations and the state involved moments of resistance and defiance. Political Repression. the narratives and voices that appeared in the main newspaper of Temuco. In other words. and theater productions). I explore the racialized nature of military repression under Pinochet and compare Decree-Law 2568 to previous land division legislation. resistance could entail some strategic negotiating and. and Mapuche Responses during the Early Dictatorship Years Many of the Mapuche who felt the wrath of military repression after the coup of September 11.154 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Pinochet was not the first president to try to discipline national society in this way. but his regime represented. which sought to demobilize assertive interests. vice versa. Even under a military dictator who once proclaimed “not a leaf moves in this country if I am not moving it. or supported more radical organizations such as the Movement of the . had links with the Communist or Socialist parties. Drake describes this as “inclusionary or quasi-populist corporatism” (or “controlled mobilization”). 23 The objective. In other words. they might not have been targeted for being Mapuche.21 In some cases. as well as young children. Many had been involved in the UP agrarian reform program (as members or indeed leaders of the newly established asentamientos. was not to restore the traditional hacienda. In this regard. and in this way it took on racial or ethnic dimensions. 1973–1990 · 155 Revolutionary Left (MIR) and its affiliate the Revolutionary Peasant Movement (MCR). Sometimes the practice of repression was different for the Mapuche. were held captive in their communities and physically and psychologically tortured together. their communal. however. territorial space.20 This coincides with Dorfman’s account of military officers goading their prisoner to pray to his “fucking pagan gods” as they tortured him.24 The military’s agrarian counter-reform coincided with the passage of new legislation to encourage . labor-intensive commercial farms. saying they were maligned not just as communists or subversives. however. A number of Mapuche people who survived imprisonment have testified to the insulting. hence the old man in Dorfman’s narrative being mocked for his loyalty to Allende. but specifically as Indian communists or Indian subversives. much of the violent intimidation and interrogation sessions took place in the communities. Government spending on agriculture was dramatically reduced. Mapuche rural communities were also greatly impacted by the military regime’s neoliberal economic reforms. including elderly men and women.22 Like other “subversives. or CERAs) or had participated in the land invasions that forced the Popular Unity government to radicalize its agenda or both. Mapuche people were targeted not because they were Mapuche. but rather because of their alleged leftist connections and their attempts to undermine the power of the large landowners in the south. as Collier and Sater comment. as well as the authority of their community leaders. CEPROs.The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. Furthermore. as documented by the human rights organization CODEPU. large groups. The process of land redistribution initiated under Frei Montalva and expanded under Allende was brought to a swift halt. the repression was political. racist language of the military police who interrogated them. but their Mapuche-ness affected the way they were treated by the repressive state apparatus. In contrast to other people. but rather to transform the countryside into highly capitalized. Almost a third of the land in the “reformed sector” was returned to its former owners and the asentamiento system was dismantled.” Mapuche people had their homes and bodies repeatedly violated. was desecrated. rather than in prisons or army regiments. passed almost fifty years earlier. Decree-Law 2568 was a simple land-to-the-occupant law. those who had leased their land to outsiders (a growing trend during the economic hardships of the early dictatorship years) lost their plots because the renters were in possession of the land when the military commission responsible for the division process visited the communities.26 Indeed. The dictatorship’s neoliberal policy also overlapped in the long term with Decree-Law 2568 of 1979. presented. as Mallon details. had been unable to divide their lands. had presumed that the lands would be divided among those individuals with a kin connection to the original settlers under the título de merced. More importantly. people in many communities. which had been dispossessed of lands that could not be restored. who—through the prohibition of political organizing—lost their rights to protest against such intrusions. The Mapuche Cultural Centers and Ad-Mapu campaigned consistently and vociferously against the subdivision and privatization of indigenous lands. numerous communities. significant differences between Law 4169 of 1927 and the Pinochet law of 1979. and all subsequent discussions emanating from it.27 This should perhaps come as no surprise given that the first subdivision law.28 By contrast. the reform package drafted. not least the latter’s stipulation that the process could be undertaken at the request of any single occupant of the community. Rosa Isolde Reuque Paillalef. however. There were. Furthermore. has acknowledged that a number of communities wanted individual property titles and therefore requested division. In fact. all migrants to the cities—who under earlier rules . but one of the leaders of this organization. Thus. Consequently. official correspondence held in the Regional Archive in Temuco shows that some community leaders were approaching the authorities as early as 1974 to ask for permission to divide their lands. that is.25 National and international conglomerates receiving generous subsidies from the government were favored over local communities. It also required the community to be in possession of the whole extent of their original title. and defended by Manquilef. was proposed by Mapuche congressman Manuel Manquilef. although often interested in farming their individual plots and avoiding enduring conflicts with their neighbors. also requested division in order to achieve restitution of lands that had been usurped from their community as a whole.156 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile expansion of the logging industry in the southern regions. according to membership in that particular Mapuche lineage and land-grant community. it is possible that some individual petitions for land division under Pinochet were predicated on earlier understandings of what land division would entail. the idea that the Left has always been a natural ally of the Mapuche. just because it was a time of great fear. As Mapuche historian Sergio Caniuqueo recently stated.” According to Quilaleo’s letter “the whole of Araucanía [was] jubilant about the work that the [military was] doing for the benefit of all Chileans. and moral disorder . On the other hand. Three days after the coup.34 Many Mapuche have aligned themselves with the Left (as we saw in chapters 2 and 4). 1973–1990 · 157 that took the inheritance of kinship rights into account would have had access to land in their rural communities—were now left out of the equation. the “conditions of intimidation under which the division was carried out. those Mapuche who declared their support for Pinochet or developed the “private property bug.The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. but there are also those. Arturo Hueche Manquilef and Rafael Cayupán Antivil wrote on behalf of the Committee of Small Farmers of Temuco to thank the armed forces for crushing “the foreign and sectarian tendencies” that had threatened Chilean democracy. the Confederation of Araucanian Societies wrote to congratulate the military junta for its “patriotic decision to intervene to resolve the economic. to offer “unconditional support” to the “Military Government of National Reconstruction. as Ma llon does in the case of the community of Nicolás Ailío. Antonio Quilaleo Quintulem from the community of Molonhue wrote. we cannot presume. We also have to acknowledge. who have sought alliances with the Right (see chapter 3). that these people had no real sympathy with the coup. were no less likely to lay claim to a collective Mapuche identity than those people who backed Allende.29 This resulted in many disagreements and conflicts within communities and families. Importantly. and the Right their obvious enemy. from a group of organizations in Lican Ray was particularly emotive: their hearts.33 Of course. such as Coñuepán.” and they “begged God to bless” their efforts “to bring peace and well-being” to Chile. were “filled with love for the fatherland and gratitude toward the Generals. Indeed. On September 14. as representative of the Small Farmers of Nueva Imperial. it made sense to pledge loyalty to a government that seemed determined to eliminate anyone who did not support it. it said.31 Following suit. social.” as Reuque calls it.”32 One communication.”30 Fear and intimidation could also help to explain the many letters of support that the military received from Mapuche people shortly after the coup. is an invention of the Left. dated September 20. on the basis that he had married a woman who worked for the Agrarian Reform Corporation (CORA) under Allende. They told of the rivalries that existed within their communities at the same time as they promoted a strong collective identity as a people. who persist in trying to disrupt our peaceful lives. enacting justice for all the poor people of Chile. meaning she had less plausible claims to the land. On July 9. an indigenous ethnic identity often informed their demands. . On March 15. from Petronila Nahuelpán Niripil to the minister of the interior. 1974. however. was seen to be manipulating these courts and consequently to have become less Mapuche. General Oscar Bonilla.”35 Caniuqueo draws on this letter to argue that the Mapuche have always had a project as a “people” and that their party-political allegiances depend on who they think best serves this quest for autonomy.158 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile and chaos [created by] the Popular Unity Government. They were all written by women and pledged loyalty to the military regime. .36 Three letters written the following year help to reinforce as well as nuance Caniuqueo’s argument. Unlike Poblete and Manqueo. “Our indigenous race” she said “has full confidence in the Military Government.” as well as to end the abuses “of some violent Mapuche people. with dignity and respect. María Isabel Poblete Huircán wrote to the regional intendant in Temuco to complain about another Mapuche woman who was trying to throw her family off their land. Like Poblete. Felicia Manqueo asked the same intendant to suspend the legal actions being carried out in favor of her son (who wanted some of the family land). Furthermore. Nahuelpán was not complaining about a neighbor . hope to be treated . 1974. .” The distinction between the “good” and “bad” Indian here (with the intention of prohibiting the second from claiming his or land rights) depended on one’s politics. was to demand that the government appoint “competent authorities” who understood Mapuzungun to investigate the matter. We. . The main purpose of Poblete’s letter. which is . Her adversary. She began by lamenting that Mapuche people had always been tricked by the law courts. Finally. in contrast. but they also made demands of it.” and avowed that their “national movement [had] been fighting for years to try to prevent the Marxist evil from spreading to the Mapuche communities. we have a letter of February 8. the Mapuche. Manqueo demanded that the authorities appoint someone “who knows about our problems” to monitor the situation. Nevertheless. Folklore. In some cases. Mapuche folklore festivals and sporting tournaments. and the military officers threatened to kill people if they did not sign. the letters confirm the use of violent repression. In terms of the regime. and she did so specifically as an “indigenous person and Chilean citizen. some cultural activities were indeed repressed by military police) and it is worth stressing that Hale and Millamán were talking specifically about Mapuche cultural expression. “the Pinochet regime responded ferociously to any sign of political opposition but did not view cultural expression as political. one could argue that their organizers were being co-opted by the dictatorship and forced to play along with the official image of that dictatorship as open and tolerant (an organic type of democracy).”37 These letters indicate the variety of strategies adopted by Mapuche people during the dictatorship. their overriding point is a valid and important one.”38 An always should probably be inserted here between not and view (as I show. but they also indicate some instances of dialogue and interaction. Of particular interest here is that five months after the coup Nahuelpán still thought it was worth complaining about military violence. collaboration and resistance were opposing extremes. which political elites have so often reduced to “traditional” ritual ceremonies. The papers stated that the community had usurped the lands they were living on. which was brutally repressed. Chilean cultural production. who is proud of my tradition and that of my parents. and Theater: Astute Negotiations and Subtle Subversions According to Hale and Millamán. 1973–1990 · 159 or family member. the Chilean press. we can also see how cultural events provided a space for Mapuche people to voice their . and the dictatorship’s cultural policies. most strategies fit somewhere in between the two or incorporated elements of both. Sport. but rather a group of military officers who had come to the community and tried to intimidate people into signing some legal papers. However. as opposed to a phenomenon like the Chilean New Song movement.The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. and theatrical productions focusing on Mapuche culture and history. were sanctioned and occasionally even sponsored by the regime. This comes across more clearly still in Mapuche cultural performance. As with the occupation campaigns of the late nineteenth century. ” and the newspaper was pleased to report that the Spanish and German embassies had shown interest in attending.39 The initiative received funding from the government’s Department of Sports and Recreation. On January 15. dressed in multicolored robes. a game of chueca. The festival itself centered on music. included some presentations on Mapuche culture by teachers at the local Catholic University. Loncoche. In one case. perhaps more than any other government. “brandishing weapons of the past. readers of El Diario Austral were told that “eighty Mapuche warriors” would be participating in the military parade later that afternoon. They had been asked to perform “authentic” Mapuche culture for a largely non-Mapuche public. Four other men. The men were dressed in ponchos and head scarves.” were to bring up the rear. apart from exhibiting and selling artistic items. and indeed how they and others interested in the indigenous question could use this space to challenge government policy.160 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile concerns. A “life-size” ruka was also erected for the occasion. These events could not have been more “official. but on all three occasions this assertion seemed to be reduced to clichéd leftovers of a heroic past. The event was to be held in conjunction with the Mapuche Craft Fair of Villarrica which. and Temuco.40 The following year. and dance “of authentic autochthonous origin” performed by “the most genuine representatives of our aboriginal race. it was Temuco’s turn.43 . 1979. On September 18. sought to anchor Chilean nationality in the virility and military prowess of the Araucanian titans of colonial times.” They could not have been less threatening to a regime which. Mapuche people paraded along the main street playing their trutrukas. There was a similar celebration of Mapuche cultural traditions in Loncoche in March 1979. and a performance by the “prestigious folkloric group Palomar” from Santiago. This time the street performance was in honor of Pinochet’s visit to the region.42 The Mapuche were thus asserting their presence in Villarrica.41 “Lautaro’s troops” were to be led by four Mapuche caciques on horseback wearing the “typical black riding robes” and four war leaders on foot. El Diario Austral published a short article about the Third Mapuche Festival. 1980 (the 170th anniversary of Chilean independence). and the women wore their traditional silver adornments. which was to take place in Villarrica the following month. they were performing for the dictator himself. song. It was also supported by the National Confederation of Folkloric Groups and the Regional Tourist Office in Temuco. but rather as everyday experience at the grassroots level. in opposition to) it. but precisely because of (that is.”46 Two pertinent points emerge here. she recalls being invited to participate in Temuco’s centennial festivities of 1981: “We asked ourselves. and not in a traditionally folkloric or mass-produced sense. at the palin tournaments we organized . 1973–1990 · 161 Isolde Reuque has been critical of these kinds of events. but acknowledged that being seen as such provided them with an opening that they could use to their advantage: For example. was far from government certified: they represented a strong show of Mapuche solidarity and pride at precisely the same time as state authorities in Temuco were celebrating Chilean occupation of Mapuche territory. First.The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. played palin. which culminated in a mass guillatún in Temuco. organizing and planning. almost tourist-oriented approach” to the Mapuche that allowed them a space to organize politically. and we said it loud and clear. and most ironically. I think in times of great repression. but her organization also took part in official celebrations. The motive behind these local ceremonies. Let me tell you that under . and have only a pair of policemen assigned to monitor the event. . especially the Mapuche Festival and Craft Fair in Villarrica. but also served to commemorate four young peasant-farmers whose shackled bodies had been found a year earlier in Puerto Saavedra. . and arranged storytelling competitions and traditional cooking contests. As Reuque remembers it. They held guillatunes.48 Reuque was keen to assert that it was not the intention of the CCM to be folkloric. .47 For example. it was the regime’s “folkloric. . the Mapuche did not organize despite the repression. the Cultural Week of February 1979 in Nehuentúe was billed as a folkloric and tourist event. all the events in which the CCM was involved had political as well as cultural significance: “[they] helped us to get in touch with our roots. ‘what should we do?’ We were invited to dance and we accepted. which she describes as gaudily folkloric. but we didn’t just want to dance. Second.”44 In the eighteen months leading up to the event.45 One hundred years might have passed since Temuco was definitively “pacified. you could have forty teams at a single gathering . people look for ways to connect to each other and to unify. In When a Flower Is Reborn. .” but the activities organized by the CCM demonstrated that Mapuche culture had survived. the Mapuche Cultural Centers worked in communities across Araucanía. . . One event in Tirua in March 1984 had only just begun when it was interrupted and forcibly terminated by the military police.53 The movement had a space because it was cultural. but that space was limited. They entered this private area without any justification and without saying anything to us. . the game was a pretext for a political meeting. this made them all the more threatening.52 Yet its inauguration was publicly announced in the newspapers and it was sponsored by Catholic Church authorities in Temuco. arrest and torture were very real possibilities.51 At this point it is useful to return to the foundation of the CCM in 1978 and the organizational developments of the early 1980s. Subversion was not always this simple. he also asserted that the Mapuche present were drinking alcohol.” she said. this is a traditional custom of ours. .” and they were explicit that that enemy was the dictatorship (because it was trying to liquidate indigenous communities). but they spoke in Mapuzungun. Reuque would then speak in Spanish. because they reinforce this dual story of openings and constraints. however. especially the cops. and some of the people involved were hiding weapons.162 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile no other government have we been able to have so many people. others were savagely beaten. As documented by numerous sources. Drawing on negative racial stereotypes. A participant in the event later told CODEPU. the movement began modestly and its meetings were clandestine due to the threat of repression. more than four hundred military officers and policemen arrived. If its members pushed the boundaries too far. [and began] hitting us with machine guns. about development and participation: “that was the facade for the wingkas. and they fired into the group. and shooting at my relatives and everyone else gathered there in Miquihue for a ceremony and game of chueca. Apparently. which the police did not understand. On March 27. so many teams gathered in one place . especially for people like Mellilán . injuring five peñis (brothers).50 According to Chief of Police Aquiles Blu Quezada. which provided some measure of protection. and the violent treatment to which they were subjected all the more justified. and the speeches people gave were truly militant!49 Some leaders appealed to those present “to rise up and face the common enemy. They made us line up. especially those working for officially sanctioned associations. when the CCM changed its name to the Association of Artisans and Small Farmers Ad-Mapu. which forced an opening in civil-state relations (people were overcoming their fear. He took part in the ceremonies.54 Despite the known party politics of some of the CCM’s leadership. intimidated. the dictatorship gained a tighter control of Ad-Mapu’s activities—in keeping with the practice of corporatist regimes. Therefore. and sometimes abused by state agents. To some extent.56 During this period Domingo Colicoy Caniulén. but did not get involved in the grassroots organizing because of the dangers involved. set up the Mapuche Theater Group. Domingo Montupil. medical assistance. as an occupation-based organization that made concrete socioeconomic demands (such as scholarships. and they often spoke out against state actions and policies. it started off as a folkloric venture but also showed the “reality and suffering of the Mapuche people. it became increasingly difficult for the regime to disappear or murder public figures. internal political divisions began to afflict Ad-Mapu. its members were monitored.57 According to another political leader of the time. although members of Ad-Mapu were always cautious about their work in the communities. It conformed to Pinochet’s constitutional requirements.”58 Montupil claimed it helped young people develop a sense of their Mapuche identity . a socialist militant and prominent member of Ad-Mapu. the government had to formally recognize the network in 1980. when civil society began to express its discontent in mass street protests. the non-party perspective lost ground and Reuque left the organization in 1983. which was to achieve legendary status in the rural communities and cities of the southern regions. however.55 By 1982–83. who was a member of the Communist Party. all group interaction was supposed to occur only through the prior mediation of the state and official channels (for example. 1973–1990 · 163 Painemal. funding for cultural events) and prioritized indigenous rights over and above any particular ideological line. and in huge numbers they were impossible to fully contain). they were not as fearful as they had been in the 1970s. Ad-Mapu was thus working within the parameters set out by the regime and challenging its authority. especially the land division law. Not coincidentally. Ad-Mapu had to ask permission to hold meetings)—but it also provided the organization’s members with an authorized platform from which to speak. at the same time as leftist parties were given a new lease on life. Thus.The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. Lautaro and Valdivia spot each other in one particularly gruesome combat. Lautaro too finally dies—a brave fighter to the end. from whom it received official endorsement by way of a positive review in the Revista de Educación (mouthpiece of the Ministry of Education). Valdivia is killed. who is more intelligent and honorable than most other conquistadors. claiming ownership of all they see and submitting any indigenous person who dares to challenge their rule or resist slave labor to unthinkably cruel punishment. taking with him his knowledge of Spanish war tactics in order to lead the Mapuche in rebellion. a close. and the politics of the director were most certainly leftist. and Lautaro (not the killer) mourns him (as a loved one. it was a risky but nonetheless possible venture by the mid-1980s. In April 1982. without interference from state authorities. Aguirre and the independent theater company PROTECHI premiered ¡Lautaro! Epopeya del pueblo mapuche in Los Andes Arts Center in Santiago. he is determined to reclaim Santiago despite the fact that his forces have been decimated by war and disease. and eventually he returns to his people. content. In all. idealized story of the noble Araucanian warrior of old: the Mapuche are an independent. but Lautaro can never forget where he comes from. when she was visiting their home. not as a conqueror). The play had a successful run in Santiago and in the provinces. In 1978. closer inspection of the published script reveals obvious contemporary political resonations: . In the words of Colicoy.59 To this end. Isidora Aguirre was a close friend of Me llilán Painemal.62 However. and national television wanted to commission an abridged version. the theater group sought both to “defend and reconstruct” Mapuche culture.61 At first glance.60 By July approximately thirty-one thousand people had been to see the play.164 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile by enacting captivating scenes such as those related to traditional marriage customs. Spanish forces arrive. Painemal and his family asked her to write something about the Mapuche people. but rather worked together with the communities on the productions. and prosperous people working their lands. The approach was all about collective artistic production. father-son–type relationship develops between the two. Lautaro is taken to serve Pedro de Valdivia. This direct involvement was crucial to the process of political consciousness raising. members did not simply take plays and perform them to the communities. Chilean playwrights also showed an interest in Mapuche culture and history during the dictatorship. the work seems to conform to the well-trodden. but many Chileans were not.. the Mapuche were well aware of the continuing relevance of Lautaro’s anticolonial struggle. It constituted a public show of support for the contemporary Mapuche struggle.... To make the point even clearer. Many people.The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. Lautaro was their inspiration: shortly after these lines. their culture.. their language.. Her play was aimed at them. . the final scene evoked present-day Chile. As told by Aguirre. Actor 3: To defend your land. their songs... although the focus of the drama was the sixteenth century. The initial stimulus for the project was contemporary as well.. There was another unmistakable subtext to ¡Lautaro! The capitalized exclamation reminds us of the revolutionary slogans of the Allende years: the warrior hero incorporated into the imaginary of the new cooperative farms and re-projected through the graffiti of working-class neighborhoods on the outskirts of Santiago. we learn that the Mapuche were bellicose and valiant and that they successfully resisted the Spanish in a war that lasted for three centuries.. 1973–1990 · 165 Actor 1: Lautaro! Choir: You are here! Actor 2: Brother Choir: Here we are.63 The colonial warrior had died but his spirit could not be crushed. the choir exclaims... are unaware that they continue fighting to this day. . In late twentieth-century Chile the Mapuche still had the will to fight and continued to claim collective ownership of their ancestral lands. ...64 Thus.. “IN DEATH YOU LIVE ON BECAUSE YOUR PEOPLE HAVE NOT FORGOTTEN YOU” (capitals in the original)... beloved brother Indian of these lands I learned from you how to resist cruel oppression.. This narrative becomes even more explicit when the choir sings “Indio Hermano” (Brother Indian): I learned from you.. Actor 4: Your land..... and their traditions. however. their way of life. Aguirre explained in the prologue: In history textbooks. that they struggle to defend their community lands. . specifically those people protesting the land division law.. . One piece quoted the director. who lived in exile from 1973 until 1982. as was the contemporary Mapuche’s continuing “love for his land” (a direct quote from Aguirre). More likely.67 Within this framework. and publicly spoke out against the Pinochet regime.166 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile I am not bothered by hunger. then. This interpretation is supported by the press reviews of ¡Lautaro! The historical conflict between the Spanish and Mapuche was discussed. the censors accepted it but tried to tone down its politics. they highlighted the innovative choreography. Knowing this. you have helped to revive the flame of liberation in my heart.65 But it was not simply a case of letting the play slip through. or pain. Perhaps the bureaucrats charged with reviewing the play did not wait for the end or did not perceive the political content of the ending. one begins to wonder how ¡Lautaro! made it past the dictatorship’s tight censorship controls.66 but only briefly. journalists emphasized that the Mapuche were an important part of Chile’s present as well as its past. Some progressive cultural productions had to be allowed. which the dictatorship promoted through schools and museums. the dictatorship publicly approved it. As noted earlier. To be sure. I am a man. There are several possible and interrelated explanations. theater—which playwright Ramón Griffero once described as “the most feasible art form to do in Chile as an act of dissidence”—had more space than other means of social communication. it was a time of relative respite for Chilean society. This song—along with the rest of the play’s music—was written by Los Jaivas. Furthermore. The government could no longer suppress everything. you. in order to contain growing public unrest and to assure the international community of the regime’s supposed democratic intentions. it conformed to the founding narrative of Chilean nationhood (the bellicose encounter of two heroic military forces). Possibly. Newspapers seemed more interested in the staging of the play than the narrative content. particularly the mixture of traditional and modern dance. let alone how it was sanctioned by the Ministry of Education. the play could be interpreted as suitably patriotic. were closely associated with the Chilean New Song movement. prison. Abel Carrizo. For instance. for the main part. not just a thing to be pushed around Brother Indian. who explained . they noticed it but did not deem it to be as overtly rebellious as other works. The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories, 1973–1990 · 167 that the “staging [was] done with the present day in mind; [the actors] fight for their ideals, [and] sing and dance like young people of today would.”68 In addition, we find out that Aguirre publicly dedicated several of the previews to Mapuche people living in Santiago and that one of the singers in the choir was Mapuche: Sofía Painequeo, who usually opened the shows with songs in Mapuzungun.69 However, we also discover that some of those involved in the venture could be rather denigrating toward the Mapuche. Carrizo, for instance, explained that the modern-day costumes of the Spanish soldiers were supposed to highlight the “enormous cultural difference between the Spanish and the Mapuche.” This in itself was not problematic, but he was then quoted as saying that the Mapuche were “centuries behind the Spanish.”70 And Paula Lacannelier (acting the part of Guacolda, Lautaro’s lifelong love) told a reporter that she had spent the summer before the launch of the play visiting Mapuche reducciones near Temuco, in order to watch how they “walked and laughed,” almost as if they were specimens on display in a circus or zoo.71 We cannot attribute these attitudes directly to the newspapers, but it indicates the slant that some of them were taking: a continuing emphasis on the exotic, backward Indian, rather than the modern political subjects who had suggested Aguirre write the play in the first place. More significantly, there was little reference to the problems and struggles of contemporary Mapuche. People who saw the play could not miss its rebellious undertones, whereas those who merely read about it in the press probably could. The Press: Transmission, Manipulation, or Repression of Mapuche Voices? Like other dictatorships across Latin America during the 1970s and 1980s, the Pinochet regime severely curtailed the flow of information in Chile. Editors, reporters, and photographers were kept under close scrutiny. Harassment and intimidation were common occurrences, and many suffered much worse: more than sixty media workers were killed or disappeared.72 The focus of my analysis here is El Diario Austral of Temuco which, like twenty-two other regional newspapers in Chile, is part of El Mercurio S.A., the largest, most influential press syndicate in Chile. El Mercurio received funds from the CIA during the elections of 1964 and 1970, was relentless in its attacks against Allende’s UP government, and remained pro-Pinochet long after the dictator left power in 1990. It is 168 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile therefore reasonable to describe the local Temuco newspaper as an official mouthpiece of the regime. Even if it hadn’t been, press censorship made it difficult for any major news outlet to veer too far away from the government-authorized storyline. Building on my argument about reviews of Aguirre’s play, and the positive publicity that events such as Villarrica’s Mapuche festivals received, this section delves further into the question of how press control worked with regard to discussions about Chile’s indigenous question. Much of the coverage in El Diario Austral was as we would expect. On several occasions, it explained and justified the state’s use of violence against Mapuche campesinos who were involved in illegal political gatherings. In January 1982, for example, it reported on a meeting held in the community of Antonio Millalén in Pillanlelbún, which resulted in sixty-one arrests. According to one of the community members involved, they were meeting with students from a local school who had volunteered to work in the community over the summer (a normal occurrence in Araucanía in January).73 According to the newspaper, they were meeting to “plan terrorist actions,” encouraged by university students in Santiago (the logic being, perhaps, that Mapuche campesinos could not lead a rebellion themselves).74 Eventually, all of the sixty-one supposed subversives were released due to lack of evidence, but this received far less attention in the press than the initial arrests. El Diario Austral also portrayed a government that was greatly troubled by the poverty afflicting Mapuche communities and doing its best to resolve the problem, always in consultation with the Mapuche. On the subject of land division the newspaper informed readers of numerous meetings held between government authorities and Mapuche organizations, the concerns that Mapuche people had about the new legislation, and the assurances that they received from the government in response.75 It also reported that there was much support for the reform among the rural Mapuche population. Mario Rayman of the Regional Indigenous Council (set up by the military regime to help implement the land division law) and Juan Huichalaf of the Confederation of Araucanian Societies were repeatedly quoted proclaiming their gratitude for such enlightened legislation.76 And, as Mallon has observed, a great deal of publicity was given to the rural subsidies, new health posts, and scholarships being provided by Pinochet.77 In sum, El Diario Austral presented his regime as one that sought to give contemporary Mapuche people the best chances The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories, 1973–1990 · 169 of modernizing and succeeding in twentieth-century Chile, but also one that would not tolerate “extremist elements.” One Mapuche who frequently appeared in the newspaper in the early 1980s was Emilio Antilef. He was born in Santiago in 1972 and by 1982 had published two books of poetry.78 The Municipality of Temuco invited the “Araucanian child prodigy” to join in the city’s centenary festivities in March 1981, and El Diario Austral published the poem he had written in honor of the occasion: A new day was born. After fierce battles and struggles those men, such proud souls proclaimed peace, calm reigns. ............... The cry of revenge and war quiets down and a torrent of peace and harmony gives way to the birth of [new] towns in the beautiful Region of Araucanía. ................... Araucanian race, show your joy by giving thanks to Our Father the Creator for your beauty which is glory and poetry for Temuco, its people and its Ñielol.79 As represented in “Homenaje a Temuco” (Homage to Temuco) the heroic military conflict of the past had given way to peaceful relations in the present. The towns in Araucanía had emerged within this context and thus Mapuche, like Chileans, could and should participate gratefully in Temuco’s centennial celebrations, thanking God all the while for their good fortune. Antilef returned to Temuco to stay with family friends in January 1982. In an interview with El Diario Austral, he spoke of how proud he was to be Mapuche because his ancestors had “never been defeated by another people.”80 To reiterate the point, the newspaper printed his poem “Una canción por mi Arauco” (A Song for my Arauco): Today in these verses I want to show the courage of my Arauco the glory of invincible warriors 170 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile whose deeds were recorded for posterity .................... Immortal, glorious, heroic race with defiant brow and a warrior’s heart I am proud to be a son of my brave and just Arauco. Such celebratory verses coincided with the regime’s militaristic version of nationalism. Antilef was a perfect mascot for the regime in other ways too. An article written toward the end of 1982 included photographs of him “dressed up in typical Mapuche garments” and “participating in the ceremonies of his ancestors, whenever his busy schedule allowed him to.” In other words, he had embraced the opportunities offered to him in the capital city, not least a good education, but he also kept in touch with his indigenous roots. When asked how he would react if someone shouted “¡indio!” at him, he replied “I wouldn’t feel particularly good or bad.” It might be said in a derogatory manner, but he insisted it was a compliment to be called an Indian. Most important, Antilef was certain that he would never get into a fight about it. Finally, he talked about wanting to become a priest when he grew up. It is no surprise that a Mapuche child-genius, who embraced Chilean-ness and Catholicism and avoided conflict, was given a voice in El Diario Austral. So far, no surprises: we see the dictatorship imagined as sympathetic toward and concerned about the problems of Mapuche people, and prominence being accorded to those Mapuche voices (Rayman, Huichalaf, and Antilef) who symbolized successful racial integration and celebrated the achievements of the dictatorship. However, a detailed review of El Diario Austral, particularly for the years 1978–81, also reveals occasional broadcasting of Mapuche organizations’ criticisms of government policy. On January 29, 1979, for example, it reported on a meeting held in Victoria and attended by several leaders of the CCM.81 It printed the main points agreed on at the meeting, as summarized by Manuel Cheuque Huenchulaf: to reject the division of indigenous lands; to push for a “truly representational” national organization that was “born out of the Mapuche community”; to insist on recognition of the Mapuche people and respect for their “cultural and ethnic” characteristics; to struggle for the return of usurped lands and an increase in existing lands; and to demand the dissemination of Mapuche culture and language through primary schools, The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories, 1973–1990 · 171 and the provision of more educational grants and student residences. The next day, El Diario Austral ran an interview with Mellilán Painemal and Isolde Reuque, who complained about the lack of resources and educational opportunities available to the Mapuche. Moreover, in response to the clause in the land division law (Decree-Law 2568) which stipulated that there would be no indigenous people if there were no indigenous communal lands, Mellilán asserted, “The Mapuche people exist, as you yourselves can see with their majority presence here in the provinces of Malleco and Cautín. . . . We are talking about a distinct people, with their own customs and traditions that they want to maintain.”82 According to El Diario Austral, the Pinochet regime responded to some of these criticisms. Despite his previous declarations to the contrary, it quoted the minister of agriculture asserting that the Mapuche would not “lose” their indigenous identity as result of land division; the minister also promised to deal with the problem and modify the law. In June 1979 the regime did just that: it passed another decree (no. 2570), which removed the controversial sentence.83 Ultimately, the story the newspaper told was of a successful corporatist state that engaged directly with the (nonideological) demands of the CCM; read in this light, the dissemination of its leaders’ views via an “official” outlet becomes less perplexing. Interestingly, Isolde Reuque’s testimony When a Flower Is Reborn makes several positive references to the regional press. In 1980, the CCM issued a statement protesting against the national plebiscite that the dictatorship had organized for September of that year.84 As Reuque tells it, “El Diario Austral printed the entire document just as we presented it, with the ten reasons why we disagreed with the whole exercise. And they didn’t just print it in normal type; they emphasized the letters by setting them off in bold type on a gray background. It was a way of calling attention to the article.”85 She also recalls the publicity given to an event that the CCM organized around the visit of an international human rights delegation. Well-known public figures came from Argentina, Peru, and Canada. There were also many (indigenous and nonindigenous) Chilean participants.86 It caused quite a stir and, as a result, the organization’s leaders were persecuted by the military authorities.87 Their pronouncement against the plebiscite was dangerous too: in Reuque’s words, “some of us were scared, wondering if [we] might not return from one of the many activities we were participating in.”88 So, why did El Diario Austral print all this? Why did it report in a 172 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile seemingly neutral manner on events that were clearly deemed threatening enough to warrant persecution afterward? In her testimony, Reuque talks of the dictatorship’s efforts to discredit the CCM and Ad-Mapu, which was seen as oppositional despite its legal status. It could use the newspaper to do this. Because El Diario Austral told readers about the complaints and protests against the land division law, and about the CCM’s (and Ad-Mapu’s) meetings, the government could claim that the movement had freedom of expression. More importantly, the regime could also marginalize and question the CCM’s agenda by giving more coverage to pro-Pinochet organizations, such as the Regional Indigenous Council, and their enthusiastic response to the new legislation. This coincides with Mallon’s argument that the newspaper’s praise for the regime’s provision of rural subsidies, health posts, schools, and so forth constituted “part of a government campaign against” the CCM.89 Moreover, readers already knew what the CCM and Ad-Mapu were doing, for these organizations had an impressive presence throughout the communities of the Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth regions. A newspaper that pledged to “inform people about the aspirations of the Mapuche” could not fail to report on their activism,90 especially when other (more alternative) news outlets might. Consequently, El Diario Austral gave the CCM and Ad-Mapu a voice. But arguably it did so in order to enable the government to control their activities and put its own spin on what they were saying. In some ways the strategy worked, but in the long term, press coverage made these organizations more visible, which was crucial to their efforts to gain the attention and support of national and international nongovernmental organizations. It also helped to make them major players in the “No” campaign against Pinochet in 1988. Education under the Military Regime: An Unexpected (and Unrealized?) Space for Mapuche Culture and Language The dictatorship considered public schooling a crucial weapon in its campaign against the “Marxist enemy.” School principals, who had to pass a test of political suitability, were enlisted to root out any potentially subversive students, and Pinochet personally intervened in the curricular reform process that began in 1980, concerned as he was that teachers should not be imparting any information with which he did not agree.91 As most studies on education during this period have highlighted, the main aim She .” Through it.96 The stated aim of the scheme was to bring an end to the marginalization of the Mapuche by promoting the value of their culture. meant that the new scheme neglected important aspects of the informal education children received from their families and communities. and incentives for rural teachers. has described how his schooling made him feel alienated from national society precisely because it tried to suppress his cultural heritage. it recognized the right of Mapuche children to be educated in their native language. in Temuco on September 26. she submitted a review outlining a number of flaws. but—taking a more skeptical stance—asserted that there were a number of important problems that needed to be resolved if the Mapuche Education Plan was to have any chance of success: the lack of proper training programs. claimed that the education system was “hostile” to the Mapuche student’s “roots and history. In July 1976. 1973–1990 · 173 was to instill obedience in students and fiercely discourage critical thinking and debate. arguing that the education system under Pinochet promoted a destructively assimilationist form of nationalism that allowed no room for heterogeneous ethnicities or conflicting political opinions. several government documents that paint a more complex picture of the education system during the 1970s and 1980s. Moreover.”95 There are. Mariano Huichalaf.” which led to many “psychological traumas and complexes. The government also asked anthropologist Consuelo Valdés Chadwick for her opinions on the project. Acclaimed poet Lionel Lienlaf. The Regional Archive of Araucanía has a copy of a report entitled “Mapuche Education Plan. suitable teaching materials.97 (Political meetings were outlawed but this kind of occupation-based organizing was encouraged. The plan was debated at the First Regional Meeting of Mapuche Teachers.” which was signed by the Regional Coordinator of Education.The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. 1975.98 The emphasis on formal teaching. he learned that he was “inferior to the rest of his non-Mapuche classmates.94 And Imelcan Marhiqueu. she said. everyone had to pledge their allegiance to the nation on a daily basis. More importantly.93 Education under the military regime has also been widely and passionately criticized by contemporary Mapuche intellectuals who experienced it firsthand. however.) Delegates were in agreement with the objectives laid out by Huichalaf. which took place in Temuco in November 1975. during obligatory ceremonies such as the raising of the flag.92 Existing scholarship on indigenous rights in Chile tends to follow this thread. who went into exile in Europe. for example. Notably. Valdés asked why the project only referred to the Ninth Region. determined to survive in contemporary Chile. Additionally. “We are talking about a group that is culturally different from the rest of the population.” which largely referred to the Mapuche in the past tense (hence the term Araucanians). She recommended researchers speak to the Mapuche themselves in order to understand that different people wanted different things from the education system. but concluded by saying. the word conflict—taboo in official circles—had worked its way into the magazine. In 1977. the government published a manual for teachers . the scheme was reviewed in the Revista de Educación in 1978. when there were many Mapuche in other regions.”99 In this version emphasis shifted to economic development projects as the most effective way of integrating the Mapuche into national society. and several of these articles represented the Mapuche as an autonomous people. there were more articles about Mapuche culture and history in the Revista de Educación during the military dictatorship than there were during the previous thirty years. As well as promoting bilingual literacy. it stated that the teaching should be made relevant to Mapuche children’s local surroundings and life in their community. By this time. for example.”100 Somehow. This piece both reinforces the dominant scholarly narrative (in that it quotes students who felt the education was trying to suppress their culture) and undermines it. The same year the Revista de Educación published an item discussing Mapuche students’ perceptions of the Chilean education system. but the piece also underlined their cultural difference as a people. for why would the government be interested in probing Mapuche views on education if it denied the existence of this cultural collective? Why focus on. it had become an official teaching program entitled “Programa de Educación Rural Mapuche. Mapuche views from those of other people? Six years after the Revista de Educación first talked about the new teaching programs.174 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile criticized attempts to impose literacy training as futile when many rural Mapuche were in no condition to recognize its benefits. Finally. which causes a cultural conflict.101 Most of the interviewees explicitly rejected the ideology of assimilation that they felt schools were trying to impose. when survival was based on agricultural production. they could not see the point of learning to read and write. it ran a piece by Eliana Duran entitled “The Araucanians. and thereby distinguish. and rejected commonly held assumptions that Mapuche culture functioned as a homogenous whole. 105 It is difficult to know for sure what happened in the classroom without extensive and systematic interviewing of students and teachers who lived the school experience of the 1970s and 1980s in the southern regions (work that scholars have yet to do). There were.102 The introduction argued that Mapuche education needed to be studied from a number of different perspectives. assuming a culturally relativistic approach and acknowledging the limits of the stereotypes traditionally assigned to Mapuche people. Third. Second. The government talked about special education schemes for Mapuche students. however. . emphasize the homogenizing and racist nature of education under Pinochet. They were told not to treat a child as less intelligent than others just because he or she did not understand a given text. They were also instructed to show an interest in Mapuzungun. it addressed only Mapuche who lived in rural communities at a time when at least 25 percent of the Mapuche population lived in Chile’s urban centers. However. Teachers were to encourage Mapuche children to express themselves freely in class and to talk about their own culture. The greatest problem. 1973–1990 · 175 working in rural areas with high proportions of indigenous inhabitants. as well as the testimonies of Mapuche people themselves. Mapuzungun was to be accepted in the classroom only as a means to better understand the Spanish language and the way mainstream Chilean society worked. if we follow historians such as Sergio Caniuqueo. but according to Caniuqueo these were never put into practice.103 Linguistic and cultural abilities were to be developed via objects and methods that the children felt comfortable with. the manual stressed that Mapuche children’s first day at school was not their first day of learning. in order to develop the confidence and self-esteem needed to progress within the existing system.104 It would seem the government had responded to some of Valdés’s criticisms. Mapuche pupils were to be taught to value their own cultural traditions. for they had already been learning for five to six years in their community. emphasis was placed on socioeconomic improvement and Mapuche people’s integration into the nation-state. it seems fair to assume that Caniuqueo’s assessment is accurate. was the lack of implementation. however. it was limited to primary education.The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. and that no one apart from Caniuqueo even mentions these intercultural projects. and teachers were supposed to talk to the parents about their aims for their own children and try to incorporate these into the teaching. First. Finally. still notable limitations to the new teaching program. given that most existing scholarship on indigenous rights in Chile. with their family. but in other spheres and on other occasions it made statements such as “our Fatherland constitutes one homogenous whole. wanted to promote. .”108 and the history and geography syllabus for secondary-level students referred to Mapuche “reservations” (reducciones) as mere “vestiges of our indigenous past. as a result of Decree-Law 2568. It was taken over by a military officer. soon after the coup. and taken over by the Institute for Agrarian and Livestock Development (INDAP). and economic support. corporatist nature of indigenousstate relations during this period. technical.112 When it was eventually shut down in 1979.111 and the government even made pledges to increase its budget. “There are no indigenous people in Chile. Indeed. only Chileans” (the minister of agriculture in 1978). via competent ministerial bodies.176 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Even on a discursive level the government contradicted itself. whatever it was doing in practice. ethnically. They merely stated that it was not doing its job very well: “the aim of this reform is to grant those beneficiaries of the Mapuche race the best cultural. Still. My interest lies in the fact that. official discourse on the indigenous question was inconsistent.107 Furthermore. asserted that “divisions that separate groups within the nation damage the country as a whole. for example. and most Mapuche representatives who had been elected to manage it in 1972 were purged (due to their involvement in Allende’s agrarian reform program) but it continued to function as an institute dedicated to indigenous affairs for several years. A brief look at what happened to the Institute of Indigenous Development (IDI) helps to develop this point.”109 Evidently. Héctor Vera. Vera maintained correspondence with Mapuche community leaders. more famously.”113 I do not propose that we take such declarations at face value. that it was talking about Mapuche education schemes at all is worthy of analysis. it is critical to understanding the complex. or at least some people within the regime.110 regional newspapers reported on its involvement in numerous cultural development projects. historically. and culturally” (from the Military Junta in 1974)106 and. its recognition that the Mapuche were a separate people with separate needs). this is the self-image that the military regime. The primary school syllabus. educational. even incoherent under the dictatorship. It allowed for references to Mapuche cultural difference in the Revista de Educación. state authorities claimed that this had nothing to do with its remit or symbolism (specifically. the basic premise behind the Mapuche Education Program ran counter to the general teaching curriculum and state-authorized textbooks. ”118 Pinochet . 1973–1990 · 177 Crucially. and University Teachers who identify with their ancestors. and that the project was discussed at the First Regional Meeting of Mapuche Teachers a couple of months later. . . creation of a Mapuche school of dance and music. It also means that this Government has begun to dignify the Mapuche race with concrete measures. when they did not have to fear police repression for saying something the government did not want to hear. access to more lands. Araucanía recorded the highest vote in favor of Pinochet in the plebiscite and. Doctors. Conclusion Mapuche organizations such as Ad-Mapu played an important role in the “No” campaign against Pinochet in 1988. Nevertheless.”116 Communications between Mapuche people or organizations and the dictatorship were much more constrained than they had been under Allende. and funds for the Araucanian Ballet Company. strengthening of community organization. during the campaigning before the election. a number of community leaders proclaimed Pinochet “Jefe Principal y Gran Conductor del Pueblo Mapuche. “What does this mean?” Pelom asked. A summary of this feedback was also reproduced by the Mapuche magazine Pelom in March 1977. and Mapuche people sought to make the most of this space. The feedback from this meeting was sent directly to central state authorities.The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories.114 The same magazine reported on the conclusions of the National Mapuche Congress that took place in Temuco in 1975: delegates agreed that Mapuche people had “an obligation to act as pioneers in the development and defense of national integrity and unity” but they also demanded an increase in rural credits. . of all the regions.117 Yet. They also provided crucial support for Patricio Aylwin and the Concertación during the presidential election of 1989. the dictator invited a delegation of seventeen Mapuche professionals to Santiago to participate in the swearing in of the new constitution. particularly in regard to education.115 This list of demands was sent directly to Pinochet. in its issue of April–June 1981. In March 1981. We have already seen that when the Mapuche Education Plan first came to light in 1975 the regional director of education in Temuco was himself Mapuche. this posture provided a concrete basis on which many Mapuche individuals and organizations tried to establish a dialogue with the regime. “It means that there are Lawyers. there was a small space for dialogue. he warned Mapuche lonkos: “it is especially important that you. this “trasvestismo araucanofílico” is rightly derided as populist.”121 . for example. In February 1989. proudly brandished the bastón de mando (baton. He wore the traditional poncho decorated with symbols of Mapuche power. even during a military dictatorship. Pinochet was publicly recognizing the “distinct historical and political consciousness” of Chile’s Mapuche population. kissing a young Mapuche girl who had sung at a public event held in Lautaro. At the same time. El Diario Austral showed the dictator being given some silver ornaments in Vilcún. As André Menard has observed. receiving symbolic gifts after being named “Principal Great Leader” in Loncoche. Pinochet spent a week touring Araucanía. and thereby acknowledged their authoritative (though subordinated) status as well as the distinct social organization of Mapuche communities. he firmly opposed any ideas of autonomy. dignified representatives of the Mapuche race. do not allow your people to be separated from the rest of the national community. and the inconsistency and multiplicity of official discourses on identity. symbol of authority) and the piedra de toqui (stone of the war leader) he had been given. Pinochet thus disguised himself as—or momentarily transformed himself into—a traditional Mapuche leader. however. Such developments reinforce the two key points elaborated in this chapter: the variety of strategies adopted by Mapuche society in order to survive the economic and political restructuring of the Pinochet years. it is clear that (in its bid to reorganize Chilean society along corporatist lines) the dictatorship allowed some room for cultural diversity in Chile. according to local newspapers. at the behest of “real” Mapuche leaders. and he sometimes even spoke a few words in Mapuzungun. You are Chileans since before the Republic even existed!”120 We thus come back to the story of openings and constraints. but “forbade the idea of culture as a site of conflict. In Cholchol. But he had also passed legislation to try to dissolve these communities. and artificial. and accepting the aforementioned title of Jefe Principal y Gran Conductor del Pueblo Mapuche from a group of Mapuche leaders in Cholchol.119 He was accepting the gifts and titles bestowed upon him by traditional community chiefs. paternalist. was last bestowed upon José Santos Quilapán.178 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile proudly accepted this honorary title which. Ultimately. dancing with a Mapuche woman in Pucón. and even when performing and endorsing Chile’s indigenous identity. the infamous Mapuche leader who fought against Chilean troops in the 1860s. As the renowned poet Elicura Chihuailaf once put it.122 Mapuche and Chilean people suffered this time around. “the non-party perspective lost ground” and the Left. In 1983. but this is not to say they did not experience some of the same problems or share some of the same goals as other sectors of Chilean society. Aniñir. The CCM (and later Ad-Mapu) talked about resistance. 1973–1990 · 179 Such prohibitions were not always successful. several other Mapuche poets have looked back to the dictatorship as a tragedy confronted by Mapuche and Chilean people together. 1973 marked the “pacification” of Chile as a whole. Among Chihuailaf. At the same time as they made demands of the military regime.The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. they actively opposed its land division law of 1979. They all write of a class-based as well as ethnic-based struggle for indigenous rights in modern Chile. Moreover. and—as noted—AdMapu played a crucial role in the campaign for democratization in the late 1980s. Both poets have used the written word to broadcast their Mapuche-ness. When it was first created in 1978 the CCM sought to transcend ideological divides.”123 Since re-democratization. David Aniñir remembers the sounds of violence and the silencing of literary voices: “Ta-ta-ta-ta-tá rattled the machine guns on that 11th of / September ’73 when I was two years old / and they murdered a mountain of poets. These organizations affirmed the cultural and historical difference of the Mapuche people. if 1883 marked the “pacification” of Mapuche territory. Many Mapuche activists envisioned culture as a potential site of contestation. particularly .”124 And in Profecía en blanco y negro. they focused on the revival of cultural ceremonies as a way of asserting the continuing autonomy of Mapuche society. but this particular story was one that they shared with nonindigenous people. one of the purposes of which was to show that civil society was “still alive. he and Guido Eytel cofounded a magazine called Poesía Diaria. and Millahueique there also was (and still is) a shared rejection of the neoliberal economic program introduced by the Pinochet regime. trying to come to terms with the arbitrariness of having survived the brutal violence of the Pinochet years when so many others did not. however. César Millahueique crafts a dreamlike(or nightmare-like) journey through different scenes of Santiago. but after 1982 and the revival of leftist parties in the context of anti-regime protests. They worked in close association with the Catholic Church and Chilean human rights organizations. Chihuailaf started writing poetry during the Pinochet years and he was keen to collaborate with Chilean poets. 180 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile the Communist Party. took the association “toward a role as supporting players in a political and class struggle whose terms would be set elsewhere. and three Mapuche were killed in confrontations with the police. Aided by violent repression. many Mapuche intellectuals have drawn attention to the similarities rather than the differences between Pinochet and his democratic successors. and the continuing tensions between Mapuche class-based and ethnicbased organizing. this could only last so long. however. Chapter 6 explores the achievements and limitations of multicultural policies in post-dictatorship Chile.”125 The new corporatist laws about social organization established under Pinochet sought to depoliticize national society. they achieved their objective for a number of years. . As shown through the mass mobilizations and Ad-Mapu’s swing to the Left.” and numerous institutions and projects were set up to defend and promote the nation’s indigenous cultural heritage. The Concertación governments of 1990–2010 were keen to use the issue of indigenous rights to distinguish themselves from the dictatorship. As a result. Chile officially became “multicultural. during the 2000s scores of Mapuche activists were arrested and charged as terrorists. And yet. 4 On the other. General Augusto Pinochet handed over the presidential sash to Patricio Aylwin. Ayl win created the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation (also known as the Rettig Commission after its chairman.”2 In the words of one of its members.”3 Undoubtedly. This commission’s mandate was to document and thereby publicly acknowledge the details of all “those persons who were disappeared after arrest. indeed. 1990. leader of the Christian Democratic Party and head of the Coalition of Parties for Democracy (Concertación). tried to cover up its systematic violation of human rights.1 This step constituted an important break with a dark past when the state denied and. but it failed to achieve a “shared understanding” because no single truth could incorporate everybody’s experience. The commission also aimed to repair the bitter political divides that had transformed Chile into a “nation of enemies. were executed. “the purpose of truth [was] to lay the groundwork for a shared understanding of the recent crisis and how to overcome it. On the one hand. One of the most critical questions facing Aylwin’s center-left government was how to deal with the legacy of state repression. The report could never be more than a selective remembering of the atrocities committed by the Pinochet regime.5 The decision . many survivors condemned the fact that it only investigated cases of torture resulting in death. the commission’s multivolume report was an important accomplishment.6 Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. 1990–2010 On March 11. Raúl Rettig). leaders of the Right protested that no official recognition had been given to the conditions leading to the coup. The following month. or were tortured to death” during the military dictatorship. 10 They consulted directly and widely with rural communities. Its leaders. promising to pursue legal recognition and protection of indigenous rights if elected.182 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile not to name or judge the perpetrators of the human rights abuses also sparked great conflict: a large number of people perceived the responsible state agents as murderers who should be punished. the Rettig Commission did not so much bring closure to as intensify the memory struggles over this painful episode of the national past. After explaining the context and ramifications of such developments.”9 The transition toward democratic rule also saw a new Mapuche organization step on to the national political stage: Aukiñ WallMapu Ngulam (Consejo de Todas las Tierras. but in their case the claim went back much further than the recent repressive past. Ad-Mapu and other Mapuche organizations started to talk about the state’s “historical debt” to indigenous peoples. was a “new concept in twentieth-century Chilean political thought. whereas others saw them as heroic soldiers struggling to eliminate the “Marxist cancer” and would only go so far as to admit that some “excesses” might have been committed. he said. he proposed a new indigenous law to Congress.8 And soon after becoming president. Issues of memory and human rights closely interconnected with debates about indigenous rights in late twentieth-century Chile. The state. or All-Lands Council). had an obligation to ensure the ethnic and cultural reproduction of Chile’s indigenous populations. an increasing number of Mapuche organizations demanded political and territorial autonomy. As Víctor Toledo Llancaqueo has observed. and began to formulate a more autonomous and militant meaning of pueblo. This. Mapuche people asserted their right to memory and historical justice. as Florencia Mallon asserts. who emerged out of the more radical sectors of Ad-Mapu. this chapter jumps . Aylwin acknowledged this debt when he signed the Nueva Imperial Agreement with indigenous leaders in 1989. memory. refused to sign the Nueva Imperial Agreement.6 Thus. “the plurality of memories” that came to the forefront during the transition to democracy opened up the discursive possibility for a “plurality of peoples. with its own history. and territory.”7 Like all Chileans.11 They called for the reconstitution of the Mapuche nation (pueblo-nación). As the 1990s progressed. as part of a bid to bypass the traditional political parties and establish ideological independence. The indigenous law also set in motion some important intercultural education and health initiatives. First. and explores the processes by which competing historical truths of internal colonialism have been constructed and disseminated. as well as the final reports that it produced. poetry. Finally. Aylwin set up the Special Commission on Indigenous Peoples (CEPI) to discuss and propose new legislation on indigenous rights. The material presented in these three sections provides fresh insights into the intricacies of indigenous-state relations during the twenty years of Concertación rule.15 One of the most oft-repeated words in official documen- . post-dictatorship Chile was officially reimagined as a multicultural nation. which Lagos established in 2001. and established the National Corporation for Indigenous Development (CONADI) which was to be run. Challenges and Contradictions of Neoliberal Multiculturalism Like other Latin American countries that had undergone (or were undergoing) a process of re-democratization after years of authoritarian rule and that faced the prospect or reality of widespread indigenous demonstrations in the buildup to the quincentennial of Christopher Columbus’s arrival in the Americas.12 It emphasizes and illuminates the continuing oscillation between negotiation and confrontation (on both sides). Mapuche nationhood does not necessarily mean complete separation from the Chilean state or refusal to participate in Chilean society.Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. for buying and transferring lands back to indigenous communities. in order to reflect on both the achievements and limitations of state-sponsored multiculturalism in Chile. by indigenous people. It also underscores the diversity of the contemporary Mapuche movement and shows that. I scrutinize the procedures and protagonists involved. I examine three Mapuche counternarratives that were circulated through journalism. 1990–2010 · 183 forward to the presidency of Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006). at least in part. Second.13 A month after he created the National Commission of Truth and Reconciliation. and academia in the wake of the CVHNT.14 This created the Land and Water Fund. and in September 1993 his government passed a new indigenous law. even among its more radical sectors. I focus on the Commission for Historical Truth and New Treatment of Indigenous Peoples (CVHNT). I investigate the endeavors of two Mapuche poets to rework dominant ideas about history and memory from within state institutions. These developments coincided with a boom in Mapuche cultural production. bilingual and monolingual.17 Lienlaf was also the first Mapuche writer to win a national literary award. at least twenty Mapuche writers are carving a place for themselves in national (and sometimes international) literary circles. they all proclaim their Mapuche origins and often support the Mapuche political movement. and so on).16 In 1989 Leonel Lienlaf ’s Se ha despertado el ave de mi corazón became the first book by a Mapuche author to be taken on by a major publishing house in Chile. with different territorial roots (Mapuche-Huilliche. “In the energy of memory the land lives on / and through her so too does the blood of our ancestors. and their work is extracted in school textbooks and reproduced in state museums. their verses have been translated into numerous foreign languages. and rural and urban based. but during the 1990s and 2000s they have all been critical of the incongruence between government discourse and practice with regard to indigenous rights. First. Neoliberalism provides . Mapuche-Pehuenche. when he was joint recipient of the Santiago Municipal Literature Prize of 1990. they all denounce historic and contemporary state policy toward the Mapuche. both in terms of the poetry they produce and in themselves—male and female. In the words of Chihuailaf. Currently. is neoliberal multiculturalism. this is invariably perceived as an underlying historical truth. It is inseparable from and severely constrained by the export-driven. indigenous peoples were represented as key players in the new democratic Chile of the 1990s. and in many cases such denunciations emerge in their public statements rather than their poetry per se.”20 Third. of different generations. State-sponsored multiculturalism in Chile. But they are by no means the only ones to have achieved academic and popular recognition. But several issues link them and their work together.18 Elicura Chihuailaf was honored with the same award in 1997 for Sueños azules y contrasueños (1995). as in most other Latin American countries.184 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile tation relating to the law was “participation”. Some are more vehement than others.19 They are a diverse group. They attend conferences abroad. Lienlaf and Chihuailaf are the best known of Chile’s Mapuche poets. free-market economic strategy that was initiated under Pinochet but also endorsed by the four Concertación governments that came afterward. Although expressed in many different ways. The second unifying theme is the memory of Mapuche territorial independence. especially poetry. 24 By the end of the 1990s many regional and national newspapers were bombarding readers with images of burned-out forestry vehicles and stick-wielding.Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. tried by military courts. of course. As Julia Paley outlines in Marketing Democracy. it also entails numerous “mega-development” projects. but it also sought to criminalize Mapuche political activism. opportunities for political participation in post-dictatorship Chile were restricted to those social actors who were well behaved. for example. and acts of arson and sabotage. such projects threaten the livelihood of people living in the rural communities. which clash with Mapuche demands for land and resource rights. 1990–2010 · 185 space for the decentralization and citizen participation that are central to new indigenous rights legislation. especially intercultural education and health schemes.21 In many cases. The resistance strategies of the expanding and increasingly radicalized Mapuche movement ranged from peaceful protest to roadblocks.26 We see this most clearly with Lagos’s decision to invoke (Pinochet-era) antiterrorist legislation in 2002. supposed to be protected by the Indigenous Law of 1993. land seizures.25 In the eyes of the governing elites and the right-wing press. some sectors of the Mapuche movement had gone too far in their dissent. such as building freeways and hydroelectric dams. and punished with extreme prison sentences. the situation soon became explosive. However. From then on. masked Mapuche in the “conflict zone” of Araucanía. Such shifts in government policy only served to . and expanding the forestry industry. Indeed. Mapuche activists engaged in violent acts of protest could be charged as terrorists.”23 Set against the state’s official recognition of the importance of indigenous rights (and thus its obvious hypocrisy) and the proliferation of Mapuche territorial organizations (protesting against such hypocrisy). This contradiction is perhaps best embodied in the conflict over the hydroelectric projects on the Bío-Bío River (Pangue and Ralco) that reached a crescendo in 1997 during Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle’s administration. they sometimes threaten the very existence of these communities—which are. were forced to resign when they protested against government development plans).22 Announced plans for several other major industrial and infrastructure projects in Mapuche territories during 1997 “made clear government priorities with respect to development. Not only did the Concertación remove supposed troublemakers from government (CONADI directors Mauricio Huen chulaf and Domingo Namuncura. three Mapuche activists had been killed by police.” Confrontations between military police and Mapuche protesters escalated. then. we are not talking about less governance but rather a new form of governance. Neoliberalism entails a “rolling back” of the central state: we see cutbacks in welfare provision. and restrictions on unions) are unpopular and lead to protests. and is consequently castigated by the state. is the other fundamental contradiction of neoliberal multiculturalism: the power of the state.28 Building on Hale’s last point and on recent work by Yun-Joo Park and Patricia Richards. continues to struggle (sometimes violently) for political-economic empowerment.” for example. which shows how Mapuche workers in the Chilean state can simultaneously participate in and challenge neoliberal multiculturalism. they can be unruly even while functioning within the parameters set out by the state. As Charles Hale insightfully put it. the division between the permitted and the prohibited Indian is not always clear-cut: the “indigenous activist-intellectuals who occupy the space of the indio permitido. which the government must suppress in order to secure stability and order. not least the fact that so many Mapuche activists have been imprisoned on charges of terrorism.27 Hale distinguishes between two principal indigenous actors in this new political scenario. however. And yet it simultaneously requires a strong state because some of the policies (said welfare cutbacks. The “indio permitido” (permitted or sanctioned Indian)—in line with recently granted cultural rights—is given a voice within the state. This conceptual dichotomy helps to elucidate recent developments in Chile. In contrast. Focusing on the contentious process of memory construction. This. its role as guarantor of law and order). I show that the Mapuche activists who are invited to participate in government-led dialogues often articulate quite radical proposals. I also demonstrate that the “authorized” Mapuche can open up important . by 2010. In other words.186 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile exacerbate the “Mapuche conflict. his “undeserving.29 I draw attention to a number of instances where the boundaries between the two ways of being Indian become blurred. but only as long as he does not call basic state prerogatives into question (that is. dysfunctional. As Hale himself says. privatization of natural resources. Other” refuses to comply with the limited rights granted by the state. and increased autonomy for local and regional political institutions. “rarely submit fully to [the] constraints” imposed upon them. “You are here to help us get to know each other better. the final reports of each working group. they engage in dialogue as well as protest. ex-ministers of state. 2001. The first volume was a summary report. In sum.Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. indigenous representatives. based on 126 documents submitted between January 2001 and October 2003. “[you are here] to look for the means to express . focusing on the history of Chile’s indigenous peoples and the commission’s policy recommendations. the fact that Chile is made up of different cultures and that all of them are entitled to a space [here]. intellectuals. contained 3. and the significance of the multivoiced reports that were published as a result. and the actas of each plenary session.31 According to the summary report. Instead of isolating them. And finally. but also highlights the importance of the changes that were implemented in response to some of these criticisms. Overall. Atacameño. and businessmen. I show that the Mapuche who occupy the position of the “dysfunctional” Indian also elaborate proposals. La Comisión de Verdad Histórica y Nuevo Trato con los Pueblos Indígenas: A Forum for Debate or a Single Official Truth Telling? President Ricardo Lagos inaugurated the Commission for Historical Truth and New Treatment of Indigenous Peoples (CVHNT) on January 18. . and economic and social development) and seven “territorial working groups” (on the Aymara. . In October 2003 the CVHNT presented its final report to Lagos in a public ceremony held in La Moneda Palace. legislation and institutions. church envoys.” he said to the invited participants. many Mapuche intellectuals-activists shift between the two different ways of “being Indian” or play both roles at the same time.161 pages. congressmen. leading on from this. Colla. and Rapa Nui peoples.”32 These core members set up three “thematic working groups” (historical revision. Quechua.”30 This section investigates some of the twists and turns that the CVHNT took over the next couple of years. It details Mapuche criticisms of the proceedings. 1990–2010 · 187 spaces for the more “conflict-prone” activists. The other three volumes were appendixes: a detailed study of 413 Mapuche community land titles (and what had happened to them since they were first granted). . there were twenty-five core members of the CVHNT: “an ex-president [Aylwin]. the four volumes. the “authorized” Mapuche build bridges that allow the “Other” to speak out. on the day of the CVHNT’s inauguration. one problem with the list as published: at least three of the people named therein—Aucán Huilcamán of the All Lands Council. and views on the indigenous question were. When the working group was small (in the case of the Atacameño people) or nonexistent (in the case of the Kawésquar and Yagán peoples) relevant organizational representatives were invited to take part in discussions. a Supreme Court justice and owner of a large estate who was involved in a dispute with a local Mapuche community and pushed the government to charge Mapuche activists with crimes of terrorism. printed on the first page of its summary report. was people’s ability “to live together. for example. In addition. the total number of people involved directly in the CVHNT exceeded 250. right-wing historian Gonzalo Vial. the president made it clear that those Mapuche who . suggests that Mapuche political activists and academics (ten of the twenty-five names) were in a strong position to voice their own historical truths and thereby influence decisions regarding indigenous policy reforms. Lagos explicitly acknowledged that there was “not [just one] official history. shows just how wide-ranging participants’ origins.” “Part of [Chile’s] strength and value.35 According to Millabur. Moreover. In theory. Lagos nominated some of those he wanted to participate just days before the formal inauguration of the commission. Galvarino Raimán of Identidad Nagche (Nagche Identity). however. such a mammoth operation provided ample space for a healthy debate about indigenous peoples in Chile. they included Mapuche poet Elicura Chihuailaf.” he said. with most having about ten to fifteen. Even a brief glance at the list of external experts. UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights and Indigenous Peoples Rodolfo Stavenhagen.188 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile urban indigenous people.”33 The list of core members of the CVHNT. party politics.36 Furthermore. and Adolfo Millabur of Identidad Territorial Lafkenche (Lafkenche Territorial Identity)—claimed they did not participate in the commission. and the Mapuche in an autonomous commission called COTAM). If we also include the technical and secretarial personnel who helped to manage the process. and this is based on the acknowledgment that there are diverse readings of our history. There is. The groups consisted of anywhere between four and thirty-eight delegates.34 They were invited to take part by Lagos. many external experts were called in to speak with the working groups. but refused because they disagreed with the top-down way in which the commission was constituted. and Juan Agustín Figueroa. who authored COTAM’s “historical truth. 2001. most of whom were not part of the original commission. This group of Mapuche. As indicated by the extensive bibliographies and references. the overwhelming majority of indigenous communities . and even those who had agreed to take part argued that without widespread consultation at a grassroots level the project lacked legitimacy. provided a wealth of historical and contemporary data. who was dismissed when he protested against the Ralco project). and agreed on the creation of the Autonomous Mapuche Working Group (COTAM). and Rosamel Millamán (a member of the Mapuche Cultural Centers and Ad-Mapu during the 1970s and 1980s. as a result of their experience. . Víctor Caniullán (a machi and a local councilman in Curahue). Several of the Mapuche representatives who were invited to participate refused. 1990–2010 · 189 had engaged in violent protest (Hale’s “dysfunctional” Indian) were categorically excluded from the proceedings. .41 It was only the beginning of the “construction of a Mapuche truth” but.38 In an attempt to remedy the situation. have isolated those people who have turned to violence. and at the time of writing a teacher at the Catholic University in Temuco).”40 This is reflected in the large number of direct quotations from Mapuche lonkos. Aylwin entered into negotiations with Mapuche academics and political leaders. members of COTAM asserted that it was “still possible to deal with profound issues .”37 Lagos’s domineering style was a major challenge for the commission.39 Prominent participants included Mauricio Huenchulaf (the first director of CONADI. “Violence achieves nothing. José Quidel (a teacher at the Catholic University in Temuco and a leader of the organization Ajarewe de Xuf Xuf). the dynamics of the CVHNT’s work changed quite substantially. in a decolonized manner.” The group organized numerous discussion sessions and workshops across Argentina and Chile to “gather together Mapuche knowledge from the grassroots. machis. Thus. COTAM drew on the oral and written source material to stress the internal diversity of .”42 COTAM’s report.” the president proclaimed in his speech of January 18. “for that reason.Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. as well as a detailed and theoretically engaged analysis of national and international legal developments in indigenous rights. were to produce their own report that would be considered by the commission and published as part of its final report. however. . . it involved a great deal of work. and other communitylevel figures of authority that fill COTAM’s report. It was not just the commission members. which was more than a thousand pages long. the “real” cultural and historical community versus the legal community reconstituted by CONADI (after the dissolution of communities under the military dictatorship). but also of indigenous survival. but it ran throughout. was highly critical of the Concertación. of the double discrimination suffered by urban Mapuche from Chileans and from rural Mapuche. given that the same state was responsible for the shooting of Alex Lemún (a seventeen-yearold member of Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco). above all for its criminalization of Mapuche political activism. its members were skeptical about participating in a state-sponsored initiative. overall.47 The report emphasized just how difficult and painful the process of migration to urban centers was. as the authors incorporated numerous different viewpoints on the events of the past and the significance of recent government reforms. the report underscored the coherence and strength of Mapuche territorial organization before Chilean occupation. and the decision to let the Ralco hydroelectric dam proceed. principally in regard to the Mapuche experience.”45 Based on interviews with more than six hundred people. they decided to take part because they saw it as an “important opportunity to begin to write [their] own history. the disastrous impact of Chilean occupation on the Mapuche economy and on Mapuche religious and sociocultural spaces.190 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Mapuche society. This underlying narrative was particularly pronounced in the first chapter on religion. It noted the advances made by new intercultural programs but. the long-term presence of the Mapuche in Argentina. Nonetheless. and the validity of Mapuche customary law. COTAM presented the CVHNT with an exhaustive account of colonial oppression. the continuing memories of independence among Mapuche people. for instance. the rural communities remained a “source of inspiration and spiritual strength” for urban Mapuche.44 the use of antiterrorism legislation against Mapuche activists.43 In addition. this group was not part of the CVHNT’s original plan. It told readers. It compared traditional Mapuche philosophies of education and health with the policies introduced by the Chilean state. Ultimately. the group’s report highlighted the complex nature of rural-urban relations. Another important contribution to the truth-telling process was that of the Working Group of Urban Indigenous People.48 but also made a point of distinguishing between . but José Llancapán Calfucura (urban indigenous councilman and core member of the commission) pressed for its inclusion. Like COTAM. Initially.”46 Despite this. who disowned them or questioned their “Mapuche-ness. . and Mapuche people approximately six hectares. The Working Group of Urban Indigenous People made reference to the Chilean colonization of Mapuche ancestral lands and the subsequent pauperization of Mapuche society. The Mapuche were now reclaiming these spaces by inhabiting them and asserting their presence through cultural and political activities.” the summary report said.” This summary stated that the “Chilean state expropriated a territory that did not belong to it” and. . and the Chilean state’s occupation campaigns during the nineteenth century. a tiny percentage of historic Mapuche territory . “saw great swathes of their ancestral territory taken away from them. in the commission’s main summary report. “Those who were radicados.”52 Like Manuel Manquilef had done almost ninety years earlier.” “they were not accustomed” to living in such a restricted space and this “greatly affected their lifestyle and all but destroyed their economic self-sufficiency.”50 Spaces that had been theirs were transformed into cities. compared with only a dozen or so twenty years before.Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism.000 hectares. by “opting for [a] forced and violent integration. as well as between migrants and firstand second-generation indigenous people born in the city. entitled “The Long History of Chile’s Indigenous Peoples. a total of ninety-four indigenous urban organizations were in existence in 2003. have condemned the CVHNT for ignoring the pivotal role of the state in this process. The narrative took the reader back to the Inca intrusions of the fifteenth century. to show that the mass urbanization which occurred in the mid-twentieth century marked not so much an abandonment of their communities as a “return of the Mapuche to their ancestral territories. that some particulares were given as much as five hundred hectares. it underlined the unfairness of the state’s distribution of its newly occupied lands—that is. one could argue that the group’s report encouraged the reader to rethink entirely their assumptions about Mapuche rural-urban migration. with the consequent resettlement of Mapuche families onto thousands of small reserves—reservations which comprised 500.51 and yet this historical truth was in fact outlined in great detail in COTAM’s report and. . more importantly. . According to the report. the Spanish invasion of the sixteenth century. colonos approximately forty hectares. instigated a large part of the present-day Mapuche territorial conflict.”53 The attribution of blame could not be more patent.49 Indeed. Several Mapuche political leaders. including Aucán Huilcamán. but it did not go into much detail on the subject. 1990–2010 · 191 forced and voluntary migration. And it does so directly. recognition of indigenous territories. COTAM drew on many works of the scholars cited and involved in the CHVNT’s summary report. . The key difference was that the main CVHNT report stopped at the moment of the transition to democracy. stated: This is not just any document. [It is a] recognition of a history that . pillage. . who refused to participate in the commission. . the autonomous Mapuche working group was an integral part of the commission’s proceedings. the creation of a general indigenous fund. editor-in-chief of the Mapuche newspaper Azkintuwe. The fundamental problem for him was that everything continued to function .57 Millabur denounced the “merely decorative” nature of many of the proposals. and the establishment of a council of indigenous peoples. which was surely the most widely publicized document to come from the exercise. These included constitutional recognition. On the other hand. increased parliamentary representation of indigenous people. referring to the occupation as “occupation” and to the dispossession as “dispossession. Nonetheless. recognition of indigenous political authorities.”56 Most Mapuche criticisms were instead directed at the commission’s recommendations regarding the “new treatment” of (or the “new deal” with) indigenous peoples.54 It was also of great symbolic importance. Indeed.”55 Even Millabur. especially in relation to land rights. several of its passages repeated COTAM’s conclusions word-forword. whereas COTAM brought its narrative right up to the present. As Pedro Cayuqueo. acknowledged that it had some useful outcomes: “the fact that it is an official document means that one cannot deny the historical abuse of indigenous people. . which had been put to congress in the early 1990s and rejected. In this sense. ratification of Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples.192 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile It is also interesting to note that “The Long History of Chile’s Indigenous Peoples” reinforced some of the major points raised by COTAM. In reality. . and discrimination. Criticism of Concertación policy was thus omitted from the former. it did gather vital historical documentation that indigenous communities and organizations could use in their present-day struggles. it is a truly surprising mea culpa. is more like a long nightmare of murder. the report documents the majority of such tragic episodes. and continue to . complained that the political elites got “bogged down in questions about how to make the system more efficient. Cayuqueo. when they denounced the exercise as colonialist because of these limitations. Members of the Working Group of Urban Indigenous People. They persecuted us. On receiving the final report on October 28. was that many other Mapuche were not seeking self-government. originating from our diverse roots which came together hundreds of years ago to forge the fatherland we have today. however. for instance. but it did not propose self-government for indigenous peoples.Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. he proclaimed. had a clear political agenda: to try to weave the CVHNT into an official imaginary of a harmoniously multicultural Chile. stated that they were “part of the Chilean nation” and called for a new legal entity “that [worked] for and [was] made up of indigenous people” but that functioned “within the existing legislation.”59 And Wladimir Painemal. sub-director of Azkintuwe. and Painemal are part of the more militant sector of the Mapuche movement and have consistently defended their people’s right to political and territorial autonomy. 1990–2010 · 193 “within the logic of the existing structures. Instead. 2003. he said. for example.” And yet the details in the four volumes make it quite clear that there was no common starting point from which to look back at history. before asking themselves who actually benefits from this system.”62 President Lagos. the CVHNT merely illustrated “the new rules of Chilean domination. the policy recommendations were “no more than additional painkillers for the same old remedy called integration. “We all dream of a shared goal. like the commission’s detractors.”58 Cayuqueo claimed that “the mea culpa of the state did not translate into any practical changes. What Millabur and others sidelined. quotes Mapuche political prisoner Pascual Pichún Collonao: “They did not imprison us because of the fire in the house of Agustín Figueroa.61 Their criticisms of the CVHNT have to be understood in this light. as the prosecutor said.”60 Millabur. rather than an overhaul of that system. predominantly in education and health care. Millabur was right when he complained that the CVHNT only endorsed changes within the existing system. The COTAM report. and some forms of cultural and judicial autonomy.” He described the report as a “common starting point from which to look back at history” and talked of “consolidating our common destiny.” To his mind.” There had been no major shift in government policy. Its recommendations incorporated some forms of indigenous self-management. and certainly no common destiny. however.194 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile persecute us. the CVHNT did make some important recommendations about indigenous policy. the history of conflict when he presented the CVHNT report to the public in October 2003. which was created in 2005. at the other extreme. in part. was that most of these recommendations were ignored by the same government that had requested them. nor did he have any say in the written reports that they produced (which repeatedly underscored the state’s historical debt to indigenous peoples). The next twist. warned they could lead to the “destruction of a national and unitary vision. for being luchadores sociales (social activists) and for being a living reminder of the extermination campaign that has not yet finished. He could not control the discussion sessions of the working groups.66 yet the CVHNT did not fully engage with those demands. both of whom write for Azkintuwe and are members of the Mapuche Nationalist Party Wallmapuwen. Here I analyze the historical truths disseminated by this Mapuche newspaper. He could not impose his will entirely. by the Mapuche poet David Aniñir. Finally. as a response to the demands of Millabur’s Lafkenche Territorial Identity (in 1999. The Past in the Present and a Radical Proposal for the Future As noted. this organization had insisted on the need for an independent commission of “truth and historical debt” to stimulate a rethinking of indigenous policy in Chile).”68 Like the Rettig Commission more than a decade earlier. for being Mapuche lonkos.”63 Lagos sought to minimize. some of the strongest criticisms of the CVHNT’s recommendations came from Pedro Cayuqueo and Wladimir Painemal. though. And in the end. there was quite simply “no new deal. The initiative emerged.64 As Alfredo Se guel commented. he took almost six months to respond to its policy recommendations and even then addressed very few of them. there was no consensus about the implications of the proposals: Aucán Huilcamán denounced them as “overtly colonialist and assimilationist. the CVHNT did not so much bring closure to a historical conflict as trigger further conflict about how to deal with that history in the present.”65 The processes involved in and the final outcomes of the CVHNT were full of paradoxes. or at least to move on from. but he sought to restrict the terms of that dialogue from the beginning. for being leaders of a movement. and by the four Mapuche academics who authored . Furthermore.”67 Juan Agustín Figueroa. Lagos talked of open dialogue. All three sources openly challenged the indigenous rights policies elaborated by the Chilean state under the Concertación and. However. which historically incorporated large swathes of land on both sides of the Andes . sought to undermine the legitimacy of the basic premises on which that state functioned. (Courtesy of Azkintuwe editorial team. 1990–2010 · 195 Figure 16.) the controversial book ¡Escucha. coinciding with the final deliberations of the CVHNT. winka! (2006). the state enabled them to increase the circulation and readership of their narratives) and they all sought to encourage communication and interaction between Chilean and Mapuche societies. Azkintuwe had its own truth to tell: that of a Mapuche nation (Wallmapu). more generally. in some ways.Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. This was no accident. they did not always operate completely separately of the state (indeed. Front cover of the November–December 2003 issue of Mapuche newspaper Azkintuwe. The first issue of Azkintuwe came out in October 2003. to trial for the killing (it was Treuler who fired the shot) but the military court in Santiago overruled this decision and granted him immunity. the military prosecutor in Angol remanded Marco Aurelio Treuler. not forgetting our brother Alex Lemún. the conflict . Lemún’s family were protesting this outcome and appealing to the national and international community to make sure that the young man’s death was not forgotten. Lagos aimed to use the CVHNT to bring the history of indigenous-state conflict to a close. entitled “Comisión de Verdad Histórica: Nuevo Maltrato” (Historical Truth Commission: More Abuse). hundreds have been shot and tortured. rather than abating.71 and gave details about the occupation of the offices of the Municipality of Puerto Saavedra by the Lake Budi Council of Elders.” Lemún was also the subject of the newspaper’s final article. was determined to show that. was a photograph of Lagos magnanimously accepting the CVHNT’s report alongside another of several heavily armed police jostling a Mapuche man—an apt illustration of the perceived hypocrisy of government policy (figure 16).69 After discussing the hunger strikes by Patricia Troncoso and José Cariqueo Saravia.”73 Azkintuwe sought to keep readers’ attention focused on the (truth of the) present at a time when the political elite was trying to relegate the so-called indigenous problem to the past. in contrast.196 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile and which. who was serving a five-year sentence in the prison of Angol: “The only truth [I know] is that more than 250 Mapuche have been charged by the government of Mr.72 In the words of one of these elders. continued to fight to defend its autonomy against the Chilean and Argentine states. The newspaper told of the continuing struggles of the Mapuche political activists who were being held in prison on charges of illicit association and terrorism. the local chief of police. Lagos offered “dialogue to the submissive [Indians] and prison sentences to communities that are fighting for their rights. Azkintuwe. On the front page of the second issue. The latter act was in protest of Lagos’s refusal to meet with them to discuss their criticisms of the local Orígenes program. The newspaper also reported on Mapuche university students’ protests about the deplorable state of their residences in Temuco and Padre Las Casas. in the early twenty-first century. The news items in this issue sought to show that the history of abuse and discrimination against indigenous peoples documented by the commission’s report was still a reality in twenty-first century Chile.70 As narrated by Azkintuwe. who gave his life fighting for our cause. it quoted José Naín Curamil. Lagos. the miserable living conditions of Mapuche university students. As presented in this paper. As Huenún described it.76 Such a development is not as incongruous as it first seems. and a president who refused to enter into a real dialogue (despite all his proclamations to the contrary).75 By that time. Before then his . Jaime Huenún published a bilingual anthology of Mapuche poetry entitled Epu mari ülkatufe ta fachantü/20 poetas mapuche contemporáneos (20 Contemporary Mapuche Poets). a violent police force. “Like it or not.000 visits each month. an inadequate education system. we Mapuche are not the only people living in the Wallmapu. The publication marked an important although not entirely unproblematic turning point in Aniñir’s literary career. 1990–2010 · 197 was actually worsening and it laid the blame for this squarely at the feet of the state: a crooked justice and penal system. the four articles discussed earlier provided a distinctly human angle on the conflict.”74 Between 2003 and 2008. the pain and frustration of Lemún’s family. as a human right.000 print copies.Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. who worked as a construction laborer and attended night school in order to complete an education that he had been denied as an adolescent. and they did so to an ever-increasing readership.” Subsequent issues reinforced the point. Azkintuwe offered substantial proof that Lagos’s government was not paying off the state’s “historical debt” to indigenous peoples. Azkintuwe sold more than 100. “Those funds allow [us] to exercise our right to culture. Moreover. the newspaper was receiving some state funding. They told of the suffering of Mapuche prisoners. this was “a collective book that [made] visible both the diversity of the individual poetic ventures . a selfeducated poet from Cerro Navia (a poor neighborhood on the outskirts of Santiago). and the bitter disillusionment of a group of Mapuche elders. . and it certainly did not prevent Azkintuwe from denouncing the state’s treatment of the Mapuche. which included Chileans and Argentines as well as Mapuche. and in 2009 its website recorded approximately 30. In all. there was no “nuevo trato” just more “mal trato.”78 One of the poets published in the anthology was David Aniñir. which helped to keep the print version afloat and also supported two new cultural supplements. . historical. and we can use them to [advance] our objectives as a people. and ritual core. As Cayuqueo recently stated.”77 The same year that Cayuqueo launched Azkintuwe. and the correlation between a group of writers who have undertaken an intensive investigation of their people’s linguistic. As Painemal explained. your dreams lead to dissident steps.. A warm wind from the cemetery refreshes you while the silver cloud sparks with electric explosions. crazy girl of La Pintana. you are blood-red Mapuche like that of the stabbed man.. had been disseminated only in photocopied leaflets and on the Internet. Lolindia. .. it is sad to have no land.... Rise up Mapuche punk girl.... You are okay........ M....... the empire has taken control of your bed.... color of revenge.. little Mapuche girl you vomit up the joint of the Cop and the system which crucified your life in a prison cell.. (or rather. Indians with spears rain down. it was now being reviewed in the mainstream press.79 Huenún chose to include three of Aniñir’s poems.. . Dark blackness of Mapulandia Street yes..198 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile poetry. . the Mapuche Punk Girl of La Pintana): You are earth and mud...... the most paradigmatic of which was “María Juana la mapunky de La Pintana” (Mary Jane. black rain. which had been hugely successful among the Mapuche youth of Santiago and was gaining critical acclaim in the more alternative media circuits. Lies ripped the papers to shreds and infected the wounds of history... As a result of being published by Ediciones LOM. you are okay POLITICAL AWARENESS IS FREE. you are Mapuche in F.. Out of this World) you are the Mapuche ‘girl’ of an unregistered brand of the cold solitary corner addicted to ‘that’ bad habit your dark skin is the network of SuperHyperArchi veins that boil over with a revenge that condemns......... a racist Cop of the Holy Order chains up your feet forever however. 80 The capital city encapsulates the ugliest of consumer society. she is probably the daughter or granddaughter of Mapuche migrants. it is sad to have no land”). and there is a sense that the time for revenge is nigh—revenge for the invasion and theft of Mapuche lands (“yes. Mapuzungun. and for the physical abuse of Mapuche people (la mapunky’s bed and body have been penetrated and violated by the “empire” just as Mapuche territory was more than a hundred years ago). the narrator encourages her to awaken and rise up against the system. Death lurks in the air (“a warm wind” comes from the cemetery). many of whom were collaborating with CONADI.Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. At the end of the poem. As María José Barros Cruz comments. the transcultural tensions of urban indigenous life. Santiago becomes a battleground and la mapunky is one of the warriors. 1990–2010 · 199 The protagonist is a Mapuche punk girl who lives on the periphery of Santiago.” She is “Out of this World. and urban street slang. she is an “unregistered brand. but whereas the working group celebrated this. Biologically. telling of the proliferation of urban cultural and political associations. La mapunky consumes the worst of the products on offer (drugs) and is herself consumed as a prostitute (both could be “‘that’ bad habit” of the “solitary corner”) and is then condemned by the police in the name of law and order. and the organization and mobilization of Mapuche people in Santiago.” an alien species in the city but also too far distanced from her ancestors’ rural world to return there. Aniñir’s poetic evocation of Mapuche life in the city voices some of the historical truths narrated by the CVHNT’s Working Group of Urban Indigenous People: the history of colonization that led to rural-urban migration.” “of earth and mud”). But the poem’s language is more resentful and confrontational. Aniñir depicts people out on the street fighting for their rights. Aniñir’s historical truth is the poverty of the urban poblaciones . His poem talks not of dialogue but of violent revenge. in a mixture of Spanish. the troubled but nonetheless persistent connection between the Mapuche in Santiago and those fighting to defend the rural communities in the south (many of Aniñir’s cultural projects have been geared to supporting Mapuche political activists imprisoned on charges of terrorism). Her life story is one of exclusion and repression. but culturally and geographically speaking. but she also symbolizes Mapuche resistance. This desire for revenge emerges from a history of social as well as ethnic exclusion. Both reinforce Mapuche presence and survival in Chile’s urban centers. she is a “real” Mapuche (“blood-red Mapuche. both infuse his verses. winka! Cuatro ensayos de Historia Nacional Mapuche y un epílogo sobre el futuro together with José Millalén and Rodrigo Levil. the centrality of class politics in Aniñir’s verses that renders him a “dysfunctional.81 This was the experience of Aniñir’s family. Mapuche activists who had qualified as teachers of history and geography at the Universidad de la Frontera in Temuco. which were born as a result of land seizures by desperate.200 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile (poor neighborhoods) and callampas (shantytowns). Two of the participants were Pablo Marimán and Sergio Caniuqueo. this project was supported by CONADI’s Indigenous Education and Development Section. it was the capitalist system—the free-market economic model (introduced with Chilean occupation)—that made life very difficult. It is. renowned ethno-historian. author of the pathbreaking Historia del pueblo mapuche (1985).84 Four years later they published a book called ¡Escucha. but he and the protagonist of his poem are directly engaged in a struggle that is as much about class as ethnicity. the church (the “Holy Order”). homeless migrants recently arrived in Santiago. in part. if not impossible. for thousands of small peasant farmers and forced people to migrate to cities. for asserting that most contemporary Mapuche land claims revolved around the state-granted titles rather than (pre-occupation) ancestral territory. and yet this is what appeals to many readers and is one of the reasons Huenún chose to include him as part of the poetic diversity represented in 20 poetas mapuche contemporáneos. As Aniñir commented in a recent interview.85 The authors then directed their criticism at everyone else involved in the CVHNT: “They should know how to practice and believe in [their role as part of] civil society. The opening pages were certainly provocative: the introduction began by attacking José Bengoa. as Cayuqueo was planning the launch of Azkintuwe and Huenún was compiling his poetic anthology. and member of the CVHNT. conflict-prone” Indian. Germany. He does not prioritize one over the other. the First International Conference on Mapuche History was held in Siegen. Interestingly. and—more generally—for writing a history that was motivated by political interest. the multinational companies (the “SuperHyperArchi”–type chains).83 In February 2002. He supports his peñis (brothers) who are fighting for Mapuche national liberation. [they should not] jump at the .82 The violent revenge that he envisages in “María Juana la mapunky de La Pintana” is directed against the representatives of this system: the police. who struggled along with many other non-Mapuche migrants to carve a place for themselves in the hostile metropolis. but it reframed them so as to support a narrative of a people who were once independent and .Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism.” Escucha.90 Caniuqueo (chapter 3) moved on to the twentieth century. they said.”86 To counter what they saw as the “distorted history” promulgated by the CVHNT. as well as the existence of a sociopolitical structure that helped to “control the immense territorial stretches” of the Wallmapu. 1990–2010 · 201 first invitation to be commissioned by.”91 Levil’s chapter began where Caniuqueo left off—1978—claiming that the Mapuche have always articulated a political discourse of “national unity in a territory that currently finds itself subjected to the jurisdiction of two [foreign states]. these were invariably geared toward “achieving favorable conditions for their development as a People. winka! was a significant achievement. and simultaneously to the colonizer.89 It emphasized the economic prosperity of the Mapuche during this period. “it represent[ed] an important effort on the part of Mapuche intellectuality to make themselves heard by the dominant society” and to “move away from winka epistemology.”93 It drew on many sources commonly used by existing scholarship. He noted that the Mapuche were left with only 5 percent of their original territory after the occupation campaigns. an oligarchic state. when Mapuche history and sovereignty found itself “suspended. winka!. As Carlos Ruiz Rodríguez has commented. by Marimán.” He also sought to prove “its continuity and validity right up to today. by Millalén.”88 Chapter 2.” He described “contact between winka and Mapuche people from the viewpoint of colonial relations” and stressed that although Mapuche organizations developed various partypolitical alliances during the twentieth century. drew on Spanish chronicles from the early conquest era to reaffirm the existence of “a well-established Mapuche society in the mid-sixteenth century. they embarked on the construction of “a Mapuche History that was more autonomous and independent from Chilean nationalist historiography.”87 The first essay. nor feel committed to the interests of. and argued that this loss of land resources led to the impoverishment of Mapuche society. ¡Escucha. with the aim of rewriting History and situating one of the least listened-to voices within it. dealt with “the last decades of independent life for the Mapuche nation” in the nineteenth century.”92 The point of all four contributions is clear: to underscore Mapuche unity as a nation since precolonial times and the interruption of Mapuche national development by Chilean (and Argentine) colonial rule. was an appeal by “the colonized” to “other colonized [people]. The authors attempted to move away from winka epistemology and traditional historiography. Here the authors outlined their proposal for Mapuche national autonomy. which in turn would consist of traditional Mapuche community authorities. although they certainly reframed the overriding slant of previous historical studies. and indeed repeated several of the same concepts. for this would exclude all winka who lived in Mapuche territory. winka! versus the story of integration (albeit forced and not entirely successful) in the CVHNT summary report—but much of the content was very similar. It also stated that the Mapuche were reduced to approximately 5 percent of their ancestral lands as a result of Chilean occupation. they sought an interethnic autonomy based on a dialogue among citizens at the grassroots level.202 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile wealthy.95 The third point is crucial. The innovation is found in the epilogue. Among other things. which required a territory. This is by no means a critique in itself. The authors’ proposal was not ethno-nationalist. ¡Escucha.” The legal instruments and state apparatus would be based on a winka-Mapuche co-government. a population. and who still have memories of this former condition today.97 The project—to be “hegemonized” by the Mapuche. “Our oral history teaches us that many families were not from the places where they were radicados by Chilean governments. but it was not as innovative in rethinking history as it proclaimed itself to be.”94 The CVHNT’s summary report said the same thing. the content of their chapters had often been written before. The population would include people with lands or family relations there. At one point. The territory was Mapuche historic territory—from the Bío-Bío River to the Chiloé Archipelago (in Chile) and the Pampas and Patagonia from the Cuarto River to the Negro River (in Argentina). modern political leaders. or those who sought to be “nationalized. according to Mallon’s reading98—was also a social one: a rejection of neoliberal capitalism as well as Chilean state control.96 Instead. legal instruments. herein lies one of its problems as well. not least by the CVHNT. followed the same chronological narration and disciplinary standards. Marimán stated. and a state apparatus. for example. but they used much of the same source material. and professionals. but it is problematic that the authors did not fully acknowledge the decolonizing endeavors of others. this would involve the nationalization of companies working in Mapuche territory . However. The emphasis differed—a never-ending struggle for national liberation in ¡Escucha. Moreover. winka! was important. incorporating a Mapuche parliament. 100 It was promoted by Julio Pinto. allusions to the internal machinations of the media industry. what is significant in the context of my analysis is the radical challenge it presented to the Chilean state. They could be confident of some success in this area. after all. . this aim necessitated dialogue (with Chilean people) rather than violent protest. 1998). 1990–2010 · 203 and the expulsion of corporations that caused environmental damage. but overall he has received less press coverage than Lienlaf. and most of his individual publications have been self-financed. It sought to delegitimize the state’s role as arbiter of social relations and guarantor of law and order but. delve into the gritty realities of city life in a captivating. To some extent.99 Though this discussion highlights no more than the key aspects of the proposal. grew up in Osorno and has spent much of his adult life in Santiago.Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. Millahueique’s work has caught the attention of several literary critics and was recently included in Huenún’s 20 poetas mapuche contemporáneos. chair of the History Department at the state-funded University of Santiago of Chile. near San José de Mariquina. Its authors appealed to winka society to listen to what they were saying. who is bilingual in Mapuzungun and Spanish.102 His books are perhaps better described as poetic prose than as poetry per se and. grew up in a rural community in Alepue. The book was.101 And it was launched in the National Library. The Disruptive Potential of National Monuments and Regional Museums The poets Leonel Lienlaf and César Millahueique come from different backgrounds and have distinct writing styles. given that (as stated in the acknowledgments) it was at the invitation of winka society that they wrote the book in the first place. multifaceted way. the book not only sought dialogue but was also born from dialogue. a state institution and the very center of the Chilean academic world. in the case of Profecía en blanco y negro (Prophecy in White and Black. with scenes of torture. and depictions of the transcultural nature of social communication through modern information technology. Lienlaf. produced by a well-known publishing house. Millahueique. then. who writes in Spanish. despite the belligerent tone of the introduction. and it is this natural landscape which infuses many of his verses—verses that he first started to write when he was confronted with the Chilean secondary school system in Temuco and that have since earned him much national and international acclaim. In Lienlaf ’s poem “El espíritu de Lautaro” (The Spirit of Lautaro) the legendary warrior lives on in the memory of his people: “Lautaro comes looking for me / looking for his people / to struggle with spirit / with song. but I think that for such an encounter [to . and both make connections between the history of colonial oppression and contemporary indigenous-state relations in Chile.” And in Oratorio al señor de Pucatrihue (Oratorio to the Gentleman from Pucatrihue) (2004) Millahueique shifts between the expropriation of his family’s lands in Nolgyegue and the police shooting of Alex Lemún in 2002. As Eduardo Robledo has noted. Millahueique’s poetry is solemn. This comes across especially clearly in the documentary films he helped to make.”104 According to Jaime Huenún. I have always related my creative work to politics.”106 The poetry of Lienlaf is less direct in its attacks. such as Punalka. spiritual protector of the Mapuche-Huilliche people. As Lienlaf proclaims in Se ha despertado el ave de mi corazón (1989). he has rejected the consensual.105 It is this religious figure that allows for the reconstruction of memory and the continuation of abuses against indigenous peoples in Chile. . I believe in the coming together of people. but he too has been an outspoken critic of the Concertación’s indigenous policy. . . often denunciatory.107 Like Millahueique. sometimes violent. however: they share an understanding of poetry as an exercise of memory and a testimony to the vitality of their people. “I will return to say that I am alive / to say that I am singing near the waterfall / a waterfall of blood!”103 Both poets have sought to recapture the pain and anguish of the Mapuche people as they lost their territory and their political independence during the late nineteenth century. he has categorically stated.204 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile There are also important similarities between Lienlaf and Millahueique. He is in a sense the “conflict-prone” Indian. Indeed. which denounced the development projects that were (and still are) destroying the natural environment and uprooting communities in the southern regions. harmonious multiculturalism celebrated by the Concertación governments. one of the overriding themes of this book is the “continuity of ancestral suffering. “I don’t believe in integration. I don’t believe in art for art’s sake. Oratorio al señor de Pucatrihue was both a denunciation of historical crimes and an assertion of the power of Wenteyao. unwilling to let go of the centuries of repression that his people have suffered and intimately bound up with protests against neoliberal rule in the present: “my poetry is political. El Alto Bíobío (1994) and Wirarün-Grito (1998). 109 Lienlaf played an important role in revising the permanent exhibitions of the Regional Museum of Araucanía in Temuco (completed in 2008) and the Mapuche Museum of Cañete (completed in 2010). Millahueique has been employed by the National Monuments Council (CMN. This premise is rooted in the fact that both see their workplaces as catalysts of living memory as opposed to repositories of dead memory. both of which are state institutions. I argue that the poets’ works aim to produce not so much an alternative narrative of the past. In a 2004 article. because it helped one to know oneself. . Millahueique spoke about the link between a people’s awareness of “belonging to a shared history” and the strength of their collective identity. by understanding the culture of death we can comprehend life. They are symbolic expressions of the values of the communities. he has been responsible for the Cultural Heritage of the Indigenous Peoples of Chile section.Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. 1990–2010 · 205 work] there has to be a just punishment—according to the law of reciprocity—for those who have done what they have done. In this regard. For the most part. They constitute a veritable archive of local history. Their particularities allow communities to express their identities and their ways of understanding life. founded in 1970). In what follows. he has more in common with the “indio permitido” of proposal than the “dysfunctional” Indian of protest.110 Millahueique is particularly interested in indigenous cemeteries. they “are [much] more than a depository of lifeless human bodies. which have been constructed through time and inherited as the foundations of memory. Since the early 2000s. he said. but rather a new way of imagining and envisioning that past. in other words. Appreciation of one’s cultural heritage was crucial to such consciousness-raising. a state entity dependent on the Ministry of Education. the nature of Millahueique’s paid work means that he concentrates on defending the future of existing indigenous ceremonial and sacred spaces as opposed to lamenting all those that have already been destroyed. both Millahueique and Lienlaf have worked in or for the Chilean state apparatus. I explore the contributions that Lienlaf and Millahueique have made to debates about memory and history in twenty-first-century Chile. For him.”108 Despite their strong antistate discourses. Just as the lyrical speaker of Oratorio al señor de Pucatrihue concludes his narrative by focusing on the hope he has for tomorrow rather than the sorrow and pain of the past.”111 Part of Millahueique’s role at the CMN has been to try to protect and thereby ensure the survival of indigenous cemeteries and other indigenous cultural and religious sites. but “the best protection” came “as a result of the awareness and knowledge of the communities themselves.116 The certificate that declared a certain part of a given community to be a national monument served as an important political tool when those inhabitants were confronted with development projects that threatened their way of life and natural environs.112 If the committee supported the community’s petition. And if it was successful in establishing national monument status. became the first Mapuche space to be formally recognized as a national monument. and the communities of which they are a part. Mi llahueique’s department sought to increase political awareness among Mapuche people and communities. It was up to individual communities to request this designation of the state. In February 2002. with indigenous citizens taking responsibility for their own cultural development. which symbolized an act of respect toward indigenous culture by the state and an acknowledgment of its duty to defend that culture. Lonquimay.115 This is how neoliberal multiculturalism is supposed to function. who would then send a group of specialists to investigate and report back to a committee. They had to apply to the CMN and CONADI.206 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile During the 2000s. by declaring them to be national monuments. the same status was granted to the cemetery and guillatuwe (place where guillatunes are held) of Mapuche-Pewenche communities in Icalma.113 The CMN leaflet publicizing these developments repeatedly stressed the importance of community participation. the Mapuche-Pewenche Religious and Ceremonial Complex of Mitrauquén. That is the grassroots organization and mobilization stimulated by the CMN’s work. the Religious and Ceremonial Complex in Makewe. Securing the help of the state was a significant step for the communities. Padre Las Casas. the community had the responsibility to maintain these sites. the CMN sought to protect indigenous ceremonial and sacred spaces. In December 2001. and the Mapuche-Williche Religious and Ceremonial Complex of Nolgyegue in Río Bueno. in terms of the way they care for the material or immaterial values inherited from their ancestors. however. the latter was given a legal certificate proclaiming its status as a national monument. It encouraged them to stand up for their rights and to make themselves heard in official government circles.”114 As noted. while consistently adhering to the guidelines set out by the state. The fact that the truth of the community’s . There is another other side to the story. the community itself had to initiate the process and request official recognition of its cultural and religious spaces. in 2005. near Putue.118 Thus. The petition was successful. these intrusions were often promoted by the same state that pledged to protect the community. sought to protect the community from what it considered to be damaging external interventions by COREMA.119 According to Millahueique’s report. Similarly. The rewe and ceremonial space of the Mapuche community of Pedro Ancalef.) past (“the conservation of historical memory” and the “transmission of immemorial Mapuche knowledge” through cultural and religious spaces).Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. Villarrica. 1990–2010 · 207 Figure 17. (Courtesy of César Millahueique. the baths were part of “traditional health practices that . the CMN recognized the thermal baths of Hueinahue as a national monument at the same time (2009) as state authorities embraced plans for the Maqueo hydroelectric project in the area. near Putue. Paradoxically. Villarrica. the Mapuche community of Pedro Ancalef. but the Regional Environmental Commission (COREMA) approved the project regardless and proceeded with the construction of the plant. one state entity was working in direct opposition to another: the CMN.117 was enshrined in an official government document helped to protect it against present and future intrusions. or at least one figure within the CMN. requested that its Cultural and Religious Complex be designated a national monument as part of its campaign to prevent the installation of a water treatment plant there (figure 17). For example. [and] opens rather than closes. Miguel Chapanoff. proposes rather than confirms. the Maqueo project is on standby.” The ancient. and Carmen Gloria Ayllañir) were invited to comment on the new script. not a thriving culture. that they’re wrong [or] don’t understand. the widely published poet has recently shown that his (Mapuche) opinion on history is valued and that museums can be about living indigenous people as well as their ancestors. Even if the official documentation does not help Hueinahue in this instance. Several of these sources were authored by Mapuche people. In 2007. The director. However. mainly because of the state’s repressive policy toward Mapuche political activism. Juan Painemal. At least it testifies to and forces the state to confront the contradictions between indigenous rights and neoliberal economic policy. Paillalef had many doubts about taking on such a role in a state institution. Guillermo Rodríguez Paillape. “the intention was to present them with a narrative that provokes rather than tells.121 However. It does not tell one historical truth. Between 2004 and 2008 the permanent historical exhibition at the Regional Museum of Araucanía underwent a major overhaul. Lienlaf once stated that “when a Mapuche person gives an opinion on history. she was very aware that the new millennium was an exciting time to work in museums because they were trying to move away from . At the time of writing. and thereby added his own version of events to the fragmented history presented by the museum. This was largely due to the efforts to Juana Paillalef. who was invited to be the museum’s new director in 2001. they are always told that they don’t know anything. it may well do so in the future. described the new exhibition as “daring”: future visitors “would not confront (the typical) chronological. the Mapuche Museum of Cañete embarked on a similar transformative process. Natalia Bart Antipan.208 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile [had] been used since ancient times. was pitted against the modern.”120 He has also been quoted as saying that museums are only for the dead and buried. supposedly respected and protected by the state. on the contrary. and Mapuche advisers (Lorenzo Ayllapán [Aillapán].123 Lienlaf was contracted to help with the translation and the coherence of the texts in Mapuzungun. but rather incorporates numerous different sources to elucidate certain moments or episodes of regional history.”122 This was certainly the feeling I got when I visited the museum in January 2010. unidirectional. and objectifying history narrated by an anonymous voice”. as defined by the same state’s neoliberal economic agenda. many of her early initiatives focused on bringing local Mapuche communities into the museum. Mapuche Museum of Cañete. and uses of the individual pieces on display.125 From the beginning Paillalef also pressured for a radical renovation of the permanent exhibition. She was also keen to open up spaces for Mapuche people within regional and national society. 1990–2010 · 209 Figure 18. histories. (Photo by author. inviting them to participate in public events. The new exhibition incorporates much of the museum’s existing collection of artifacts. a Santiago design company. Archives. and Museums (DIBAM) finally agreed in 2007 and sent out a call for proposals. The winning entry was authored by Lienlaf in collaboration with Diseña Inventa. and offering them use of the museum for their own social activities. but they are presented in a very different way. 2010. and in consequence to force the dominant society to become more intercultural.Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. printed with permission of museum director Juana Paillalef. The aim is to outline the origins.124 To this end.) their original colonizing logic. The Department of Libraries. Paillalef arranged numerous discussion sessions with Mapuche elders “collecting together their tales” in order to “assemble histories from . Photograph collage. they narrate how a ruka is constructed. sing their verses. But what stands out most is the vast number of past and present Mapuche and non-Mapuche people who are incorporated into and speak through the exhibition. There is certainly an underlying narrative at work in the revamped museum: a story of a trans-Andean Mapuche nation that was invaded by foreign armies.130 By including multiple histories and voices. There are poster boards naming and outlining the key demands of the most prominent Mapuche political organizations of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries (including those decried as “terrorist” organizations by the state and the mainstream media today). and explain Mapuche views on death. the Mapuche Museum of Cañete and its displays are conceived of as living spaces. Among other things. Chilean and foreign scholars. letters. in keeping with his belief that he belongs to and is an expression of Mapuche society but does not speak for it.131 Apart from two Mapuche community leaders. Visitors find poems. note the importance of a Mapuche sport such as palin. Through interactive technology.127 Lienlaf himself visited many local communities to ask for their opinions on the script. such as Adriana Paredes Pinda. the exhibit reinforces the fact that the (re)construction and (re)interpretation of the past is a flexible. historical Mapuche figures such as Manuel Manquilef and Pascual Coña. Like the cultural and religious sites in Mapuche communities designated as national monuments by the CMN.128 His objective was to construct a collective. open process. The walls and display cases are covered with quotations from contemporary lonkos and Mapuche academics.129 The collage of photographs that greets visitors as they enter the museum is a pertinent illustration of that objective (figure 18).132 There is a recently sculpted rewe on display. and—despite this invasion—a story of the survival and renovation of traditional Mapuche culture in the rural communities. all the people portrayed in the collage in figure 18 are still alive in twenty-first-century Chile. and testimonies reconstructing the Spanish and Chilean invasions of Mapuche territory.”126 The museum team also talked with a large number of machis about how best to exhibit their ritual practices and sacred objects. visitors can hear contemporary poets. and even Spanish chroniclers of the colonial period. describe the historical significance of the Mapuche ceramics on display. They can hear Mapuche musical instruments being played and see film footage of weavers .210 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile across [Mapuche] territory. participative history in its most pluralistic form. There is a room full of tree saplings. What we see emerge here are palimpsests of multiple historical truths. The controversial book Escucha. As I have contended elsewhere.133 This is best encapsulated in the words with which Lienlaf opens the museum narrative: “When we speak of our ancestors. we invite them to be present with us. originally . founded on social consensus and the reconstruction of historical trust. winka! condemned the “distorted history” contained in the CVHNT report.”134 thus reinforcing the dominant narrative in Chilean historiography. When Michelle Bachelet received the first mass-produced print copy of the CVHNT’s report in 2009. .Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. Moreover. The Mapuche Museum of Cañete. through the testimonies gathered by the CVHNT or through funding for the cultural supplements of Azkintuwe—has also provided these Indians with a space from which to speak. Interestingly. the state itself—even if only inadvertently. but he promotes dialogue between Chileans and Mapuche through his newspaper Azkintuwe and he is also part of the Mapuche Nationalist Party Wallmapuwen. she proudly declared Chile to be a “democratic system. The other main argument of the chapter focuses on history and memory. . which has been trying to get itself legalized so as to participate in the municipal elections of 2012.” Conclusion This chapter brings right up to the present an argument that began in chapter 1: that it is difficult to classify any indigenous experience as either cooptation by the state or resistance against the state. here and now. In this way our stories unfold once more. Finally. they have often given support to and helped to voice the demands of more “dysfunctional” Indians. such as Millahueique and Lienlaf. . despite the fact that the two sources told much of the same story. the new exhibition not only offers an alternative historical truth. have contested some of the basic prerogatives of that state. Some “permitted” Indians employed by the state. And yet the report was full of stories of violent conflict. such as those Mapuche activists imprisoned on charges of terrorism. the “radical” or “extremist” Indians often offer proposals as well as protest: Cayuqueo has been arrested for alleged crimes of terrorism. but it also connects the past to the present and encourages a continued dialogue between the two. 1990–2010 · 211 preparing wool in their homes. Under her watch Araucanía remained militarized and police officers shot and killed Mapuche political activists with apparent impunity. the history of one man is quite literally written on top of another. and even among the more radical groups there is little consensus as to what form independence should take. That messy reality includes an ever-increasing diversity of Mapuche political organizations. which has interacted with Mapuche individuals and organizations in many different ways and in so doing created another level of competing historical truth claims. and so forth) that we find the messy reality of indigenous-state relations in Chile. It is in these processes of truth making (how a new truth comes about. multilayered state. With the new sign on the wall outside the museum. Many but not all demand political and territorial autonomy for the Mapuche nation. . for the history of Ríos Morales and the foundation of the museum remains in the official correspondence held in the museum library. which people are included and excluded. the circulation and reception of different truths. But the new name does not erase the past. The messy reality also includes a complex. just as the local communities’ voices are being impressed into the fabric of a museum that initially ignored them and mainly told a history of a static culture doomed to extinction.212 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile named after former president Juan Antonio Ríos Morales. the way these dialogue with one another. has recently been renamed (in Mapuzungun) after a local Mapuche lonko Juan Cayupi Huechicura. but not entirely reducible to.” Florencia Mallon noted a tendency within new Chilean historiography on subaltern struggles to “see interactions between popular groups and the state as repression only. and of the Chilean state’s cultural policies. elucidates the reality of a highly complex. the material presented in this book. narrates a defiant history of difference. Mapuche political activism).”1 She also. Each of the chapters in this study adds another layer to an underlying narrative of the internal diversity of Mapuche society. Conclusion A Defiant History of Difference In her 2002 article “Decoding the Parchments of the Latin American Nation-State. My long-term analysis of Mapuche cultural and intellectual production (which is intimately connected with. alongside a history of racial discrimination that has been well documented in previous studies on the Mapuche. shifting relationship in which Mapuche actors and the state each “end up embedded in the other.”2 The book has also probed nonindigenous Chilean cultural and intellectual production in order to show that. But what it means for the Mapuche to be “different” changes according to the historical and political context in which difference is being enunciated. which takes us from 1862 through to 2010. This is exactly what I have sought to do in the preceding chapters. however. there exist multiple attempts (albeit fraught with contradictions) to dialogue with and understand indigenous cultures. Ultimately. pointed to important efforts to move away from such a tendency. of the larger Chilean society with which it interacts. and who is doing the enunciating. rather than as an articulation in which each participates in the construction of the other. and of . hostility. Indeed. Nor can we fail to notice Mapuche involvement in multiple public education initiatives: new agricultural schools built in Araucanía during the 1930s and 1940s. Mapuche difference has been envisaged as an intrinsic part of the imagined community that is modern Chile. Mapuche people have participated in an array of political forums: parlamentos during the nineteenth century. This book has highlighted many instances of violent confrontation: military warfare. They have worked in innumerable state institutions: schools. petitions to regional intendants and government figures in Santiago. . We read of Mapuche leaders’ participation in a wide variety of rural and urban industries.214 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile the Chilean state apparatus of which both are parts. town raids. universities. such as DASIN. It has also revealed numerous written agreements and communications: correspondence between Mapuche lonkos and Chilean military authorities in the late nineteenth century (penned either by the lonkos themselves or by scribes). the National Monuments Council.3 and plebiscites and truth commissions in recent decades. discussion of new rural teaching programs during the Pinochet dictatorship. from the farming co-operatives set up under Aguirre Cerda and the asentamientos created in conjunction with agrarian reform in the 1960s and early 1970s to Ford Motors in Temuco and the bakery industry in Santiago. and political pacts signed with candidates competing in the national elections. illegal land seizures during the 1960s and 1970s. or violence against the state or Chilean society. including the president. Mapuche Activism in Modern Chile: Creative Negotiations Since the 1860s. and municipal elections in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries (as both voters and candidates). teaching material on indigenous cultures under the Christian Democrats. adult literacy campaigns under Allende. presidential. on many occasions. and government departments dedicated to indigenous issues. congressional. regional museums. and recent acts of sabotage protesting the increasing number of mega-development projects in Mapuche territories. and attacks against traveling convoys during the occupation campaigns. Mapuche leaders have engaged with different parts of Chilean society and of the Chilean political system in myriad different ways. the chapters show that Mapuche assertions of difference do not necessarily entail antagonism. and intercultural restructuring of museum exhibitions under the Concertación. More pertinently. In the late 1800s many lonkos. The historical documentation also underscores longstanding Mapuche contributions to the Chilean artistic. I show . and essays in print and online newspapers. to call for more indigenous-friendly modernization projects in Araucanía. literary.” Second. verses in and editorship of poetry journals and anthologies. and labor policies. which demonstrates how popular mobilization could shape elite projects. particularly at the moment of application.4 For example. and Mellilán Painemal associated with or became members of the Communist Party. such as Venancio Coñuepán (II). whereas others firmly supported Pinochet. translations. and intellectual scene: scholarly collaborations.5 Whereas her focus was health. Even under the military dictatorship. whereas others. First. Martín Painemal. My focus on cultural and intellectual production has sought to bring to the fore the perceptions and voices of Mapuche organizers. and CONADI. family) circumstances and in relation to their views on what it meant or means “to be Mapuche. the source material shows how Mapuche people have continually adopted and adapted official government discourses to serve their own purposes. In spotlighting the intricacies of discourse. In the 1940s and 1950s. opera performances. allied themselves with more mainstream or even conservative political parties. for the Mapuche people. theatrical productions. leaders such as Manuel Aburto Panguilef.Conclusion: A Defiant History of Difference · 215 IDI. it reinforces the internal political diversity of Mapuche society emphasized in previous scholarship. I concentrate on indigenous rights legislation and cultural policies. the younger Venancio Coñuepán made use of dominant discourses of development. such as Manuel Manquilef and Venancio Coñuepán. Manquilef and Aburto appropriated momentary discourses of expanding citizenship during the 1920s and 1930s to demand rights. the Mapuche Cultural Centers were able to use state corporatist discourse to create a small space for themselves in occupational associations (gremios). welfare. drew on the legalistic discourse of the liberal modernizing state to try to protect their lands from criollo estate owners and newly arrived colonists. as opposed to charitable benefits. The detail of this ongoing story of engagement points to two other fundamental continuities in Mapuche organizing. which coincided with the continental prominence of indigenismo. Some were persecuted under the military dictatorship for their involvement in the UP’s radicalized agrarian reform program. and to explain their ideological allegiances through individual personal (community. I build on Karin Rosem blatt’s study of the Popular Front years. especially in the production and dissemination of poetry. Running parallel to these continuities in Mapuche cultural and political organizing. a greater diversity of Mapuche authors. appeared in Santiago—an initiative financed by the Christian Democratic government of Eduardo Frei Montalva—and in 1971. reviewed in the national press. But. however. who came from rural communities but moved back and forth between them and Chile’s urban centers. In the late 1800s and early 1900s. partly because of rural-urban migration and partly because of popular literacy acquired as a result of increased access to education. This is reflected in literary developments. the first Mapuche-authored book of bilingual poetry. In the 2000s. the late 1980s and early 1990s witnessed a boom in Mapuche poetry: writers like Lionel Lienlaf and Elicura Chihuailaf. such as Augusta and Guevara. the most well-known and widely critiqued form of Mapuche cultural expression. and César Millahueique leveraged new laws on national monuments to try to safeguard Mapuche communities from mega-development projects. clearly. interested readers had access to Mapuche poetry mainly through Chilean and foreign ethno-linguists. including monolingual (Spanish-speaking) urban migrants or descendants of migrants. these have become more visible and audible over time. In conjunction with re-democratization and indigenous mobilization across Latin America. for example. the University of Chile published a second edition of the life story of the Mapuche poet Lorenzo Aillapán. (This time Aillapán was named as the protagonist. By the 1930s. Mapuche organizations used the regional museum in Temuco to commemorate their people’s resistance against Chilean invasion.216 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile how. and awarded prestigious literary prizes. Poemas mapuches en castellano by Sebastián Queupul. who transcribed and translated oral narratives and songs as part of their scholarly studies of Mapuzungun. This book has shown that the Mapuche have been making complaints about and demands of the Chilean state ever since their incorporation into that state. are also some important shifts. saw their bilingual verses contracted by mainstream publishing houses. Coñuepán managed to reformulate official emphases on equality of opportunity in a way that allowed special rights for indigenous communities (such as exemption from taxes). are disseminating a wider variety . In the mid-1960s. several Mapuche poets (such as Guillermo Igaymán) were publishing their verses in newspapers in Spanish. whereas the first edition referred to him anonymously as LA). they are publishing collective anthologies of poetry as well as individual works. In 1931. as well as renowned publishing houses. In 1938. though. the Mapuche Cultural Centers (which later became Ad-Mapu) reasserted the importance of ethnic-based . but even this was supposed to function within a Chilean federalist state. such as Manuel Manquilef ’s father. Aburto called for the establishment of an autonomous Indigenous Republic in Araucanía.” By the 1950s. and Mapuche print newspapers. Coñuepán was the last national-level Mapuche leader to emerge from within the traditional lines of authority in the rural communities. the Caupolicán Society and the Araucanian Federation (the latter set up in 1921 by Manuel Aburto. Coñuepán. Manquilef ended up collaborating in scholarly studies of Mapuche oral poetry. through online journals. far more denunciatory of the Chilean state than previous poets. Their work is being analyzed by Mapuche and Chilean literary specialists. During the 1960s. in many cases. Coñuepán was coordinating this ethnic-based organization from within the state (as director of the Department of Indigenous Affairs. sent their children to Chilean schools. is that close connections with the state continued. the foremost political leaders tended to come from urban areas (more specifically. As a result of his education in Temuco. worked closely with the Christian Democratic government). the Caupolicán Society. emerged as the most prominent spokesperson of the “Araucanian race. these developments in Mapuche poetic production parallel and thereby help to illuminate the trajectory of Mapuche political organizing. During the first decades of the twentieth century. Mapuche Web sites. but continued to exist nonetheless. Many lonkos. During the military dictatorship. He also cofounded the first modern ethnic-based Mapuche political organization. Not all Mapuche supported the Left (the poet Queupul. or DASIN). from the urban working classes) and they often prioritized class struggle over racialized discourses of mobilization. To a great extent. After military defeat in the 1880s. the Caupolicán Society and Araucanian Federation joined together to become the Araucanian Corporation. The important point here. and they are. and its leader. but a leftist tendency predominated. Mapuche lines of authority became fragmented and atomized.Conclusion: A Defiant History of Difference · 217 of poetry to an ever-expanding readership. also descended from a prestigious line of lonkos) affirmed the place of the Indian within the nation—just as the poets publishing verses in local newspapers did—and consequently promoted alternative visions of that nation. for example. in 1910. David Aniñir. The proliferation of Mapuche organizations during the transition to democracy. disseminated. the leftist opposition to Pinochet. but by 1983 had realigned itself with. Mapuche cultural production and political activism thus work in tandem with one another. but a new group that emerged from Ad-Mapu at this time. Leonel Lienlaf.218 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile organizing. It maintained ideological independence during the late 1970s and early 1980s. This organization opposed the land division law of 1979 but also made requests (for cultural funding. and to some extent been subsumed within. the All Lands Council. coincided with the growing recognition of Mapuche poetry. developed a more militant autonomist position and rejected the policies of “participation” promoted by the Concertación government. As shown in chapter 6. in the late 1990s. The six chapters that comprise this book have thus led the reader through key moments of change in Chilean state policy during the nineteenth. the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco’s declaration of war on the Chilean state in 2009). but they did so in state-funded publications. the diversification of literary styles. for example). educational scholarships. the escalating number of political organizations committed to political and territorial autonomy overlapped with the collective poetic pronunciation of a Mapuche nation. and poets’ increasingly denunciatory stance vis-à-vis state policies. or while working for central state institutions. Ad-Mapu supported Patricio Aylwin during the 1989 elections. and other poets may have openly denounced the free-market economic policies and the antiterrorism legislation of the Concertación governments. twentieth. and the increasing involvement of indigenous actors in state institutions. Although the subtleties of the issues sometimes get lost in the midst of protest activism (for example. Evolving State The shifting strategies of Mapuche activists cannot be understood separately from the social fabric out of which they emerge. through projects with regional state museums. and received. A Multifaceted. In sum. and . and the like) of the state. they emerge loud and clear in the intricacies of the processes via which Mapuche poetry is produced. becomes all the more apparent through an examination of Mapuche cultural environments. Similarly. César Millahueique. the tension between protest and negotiation that we detect in Mapuche political activism (with Aucán Huilcamán attempting to stand in the presidential elections of 2005. when Chile was ruled by an oligarchic establishment that refused to engage with debates about the “social question” and the associated spread of working-class radicalism. and practices of governance.6 Chapter 3 traced the impact of continental indigenismo on debates about the “Mapuche question” in Chile during the 1940s and 1950s. Chapter 5 turned to the contradictory ways in which the restructuring of the economic and political system undertaken by the Pinochet dictatorship affected Mapuche cultural politics. contesting discourses. My analysis of the historical relationship between the Chilean state and Mapuche intellectual-activists underscores the fact that the former has never functioned as one uniform whole. military officials. either purposefully or accidentally. local government bodies. And the last chapter drew readers’ attention to the openings and constraints of neoliberal multiculturalism under the Concertación administrations of 1990–2010. as Lessie Jo Frazier asserts. it must be seen. Instead. This was followed by an analysis of the spaces created. as “an arena of struggle” in itself “involving multiple actors. First. as part of the Chilean Road to Socialism. IDI. and the populist administration of Carlos Ibáñez. and departments dedicated to indigenous affairs (DASIN. We then move on to the centennial celebrations of independence in 1910. cultural agencies. and Gabriel González Videla. I discuss the identity discourses elaborated by Manquilef and Aburto over the next three decades. as Chile shifted from a parliamentary to a presidential system. institutions. During the late nineteenth century. and certain sectors of the political and military elite made (albeit limited or short-lived) attempts to implement some labor and educational reforms.”7 I investigate documents pertaining to the National Congress. agrarian cooperatives. and demonstrate not only how state discourse has changed but also how at any one time the state has produced multiple. regional and national museums. for Mapuche cultural expression during the decade of agrarian reform (1964–73) led by Frei Montalva. which were directed by a liberal state determined to impose law and order on and profit from the rich natural resources of Araucanía. and Salvador Allende. ministries.Conclusion: A Defiant History of Difference · 219 twenty-first centuries. Juan Antonio Ríos Morales. expanded state services and to differing degrees promoted discourses of participation and social justice. state-run schools. when the Popular Front governments of Pedro Aguirre Cerda. military and political elites proposed . for example. and CONADI). under the banner of Revolution in Liberty. the military occupation campaigns of the late nineteenth century. project managers for the CNM. emerged following increasing Mapuche demands for a rethinking of state policy on indigenous rights. First. inaugurated by Lagos in 2001. the new policies often conformed to the broader economic parameters laid out by the state: the land division law of 1927 adhered to . museum curators. It was Manquilef who proposed and defended the land division law of 1927. Aguirre Cerda’s Commission on Indigenous Issues was set up to address Mapuche anxieties about land rights. Mapuche demands. Several decades later. only Chileans. Moreover. it comes as little surprise to find that these have sometimes responded to. school directors. cultural ambassadors. Finally. Ibáñez created DASIN in 1953 because Coñuepán. literacy program monitors. who had supported the former’s candidacy in Araucanía. Mapuche people themselves have always been part of the state apparatus. They are some of the “multiple actors” that Frazier refers to in Salt in the Sand: teachers. The indigenous law that Allende presented to Congress in 1971 was drafted by delegates at the 1970 Mapuche National Congress in Temuco. or indeed been created as a response to. pushed him to do so. museum directors. and the indigenous law submitted to Congress by Aylwin resulted from widespread consultations with Mapuche communities and organizations. directors of IDI or CONADI. then. To interpret such developments as the result of a transparent dialogue would however be to miss the reality of power relations in modern Chile. the Revista de Educación published Mapuche students’ criticisms of public schooling and outlined details of a new teaching program for Mapuche rural communities during the same year that the minister of agriculture declared there to be “no Indians in Chile. And under Pinochet. military officers. is it possible to talk of one unified state discourse on the indigenous question. army officers spoke about the aims of conquest and the people they were conquering in highly divergent ways.” Rarely.220 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile a number of different plans for the occupation of Araucanía and. while military invasion was underway. the Commission for Historical Truth and New Treatment of Indigenous Peoples. and so on. INDAP commissioners. Given the multiplicity and diversity of Mapuche involvement in state institutions and agencies. during the presidency of Aguirre Cerda. we see one set of government officials tell Pablo Neruda that Chile was “not a country of Indians!” at the same time as another department was in the process of sending Mapuche leader Coñuepán to the Inter-American Indigenista Congress as an official representative of Chile. established as a consequence of Indigenous Law 17. we are also confronted by many instances where political elites not only failed to engage fully with Mapuche complaints and demands but were actually tone-deaf to them: the Mapuche prisoner’s tale of the murder of his wives and children in chapter 1. one of the purposes of DASIN was to increase indigenous communities’ agricultural productivity for the benefit of the national economy.Conclusion: A Defiant History of Difference · 221 modern capitalist norms regarding individual property ownership. Furthermore. although the initiatives themselves were responses to Mapuche demands or were brought about by indigenous people. the community elders of Lago Budi who traveled to Santiago to talk with Lagos about the Orígenes project and were turned away. their end results often fell way short of their original goals.729 in 1972. in 1931. are still appointed by the president .”9 Regional governments. As Mapuche poet and literary critic Jaime Huenún remarked in a recent interview. DASIN could not implement many of its proposed projects due to a lack of funds. Aburto’s denunciation. Aylwin’s administration made tentative moves toward decentralization when it devolved government agencies such as CONADI to the regions. more often than not we are witnessing a Mapuche monologue. the threats received by members of the CCM who protested against Pinochet’s land division law. Aguirre Cerda ignored the proposals of the Commission on Indigenous Issues regarding agrarian reform. but—as Alan Angell. was expected to promote communal farming in conjunction with the agrarian reform program.8 That the Concertación governments of the 1990s and 2000s progressed so slowly on indigenous rights is at least partly attributable to the fact that Chile has historically been and remains a highly centralized state. and Lagos failed to act on the policy recommendations of the CVHNT. and Rosemary Thorp note—great caution remained “about transferring real power or decision-making authority. of state authorities’ failure to build any of the rural schools that his organization had been asking for. as opposed to a Mapuche–Chilean state dialogue. for example. The indigenous laws of 1972 and 1993 were substantially modified as they passed through congress. More significantly. Manquilef ’s stipulation that a community needed to be in possession of the whole extent of its original title before lands could be subdivided was rarely respected. Coñuepán’s congressional speeches of the late 1940s attacking the government’s “ice-cold” attitude toward indigenous peoples. Pamela Lowden. and the IDI. official discourses of nationhood shifted (to democracy and multiculturalism) but power relations did not. Thus. For example. Following this line of analysis. or challenge their intended implications. refuse to participate in the official celebrations of the bicentenary of Chilean independence. According to her recent study on social movements in Chile. were designed in Santiago and then filtered out to the regions. state control is only ever partial. the Concertación’s focus on participation specifically sought to limit “the oppositional activity” of grassroots organizations. not only is the state unable to fully control Mapuche dissent. Moreover.222 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile and even the education reforms of the mid-1990s.10 However. Thus. by 2010 the director of the Mapuche Museum of Cañete. and openly condemn the state’s antiterrorism legislation. The intricacies of the process of change. and chapter 5 points to the same disruptive potential of the CCM’s interventions in the public commemorations of the centenary of the fortification of Temuco in 1981. Juana Paillalef could fly the flag of the Mapuche nation (allowed by reforms in municipal law). . even a strong and centralized state does not necessarily achieve all its aims. The state may set the rules of engagement. chapter 2 notes how the Caupolicán Society expressly undermined homogenizing discourses of nationhood by asserting the presence of the Mapuche as a distinct people in the centennial celebrations of Chilean independence.11 and Paley herself shows how health activists in the shantytowns of Santiago have constantly challenged official meanings of participation. in that those employed in government or in receipt of funding channeled through the state were expected to maintain a climate of consensus. which boasted many decentralizing measures. show just how embedded in each other Mapuche actors and the Chilean state are. today Mapuche activists use the spaces opened up through official multiculturalism and its focus on participation precisely to attack the limits of this discourse. but Mapuche activists often break these rules. As Rosemblatt asserts. the discourse itself posed problems. as encapsulated in this cultural institution. For Julia Paley. but in many cases it has also actually helped to disseminate their dissenting views. a sense of belonging to a specific territory remained strong among the Mapuche. for them such choices did not entail losing or shedding their indigenous identity. and drawn out the complex intersections between race and class. described his people as “Araucanian Chileans.Conclusion: A Defiant History of Difference · 223 Indigenousness in Modern Chile: Dismantling and Reconstructing Boundaries This book has testified to the countless spaces through which Mapuche and (non-Mapuche) Chileans have disputed what it means to be Mapuche and to be Chilean. Mapuche leaders veered between presenting themselves as an obstacle to the Chilean nation-building project and as a crucial part of the same project. Especially intriguing is the shifting dynamic between essentialist and flexible notions of indigenousness. Aburto. After military defeat. such as tradition. particularly mestizaje and multiculturalism. Manquilef. Another leader. in order to show how the broader relationship between Mapuche identity and Chilean nationhood has been continually renegotiated since the late 1800s. who inhabited both the rural and urban spheres. there was also a large gray area in between. dressed in European-style clothes and learned to speak Spanish. Mapuche leaders had long since been appropriating Chilean cultural practices as theirs. and civilization. In sum.” Manquilef asserted that his ethnographic studies should .” They were Chileans but different from other (criollo) Chileans. Juan Colipí. Millanaw. loyalty did not necessarily mean subservience. progress. and Coñuepán were bilingual.” but he also pledged loyalty to the Chilean government. and used both the oral and written word. suit-wearing Mapuche. In 1889. During the occupation campaigns. modernity. Importantly. for example. Domingo Coñuepán referred to Arauco as “my nation. Overall. And yet they simultaneously played to essentialized notions of what it meant “to be Mapuche. my discussion of identity debates suggests the need for further research into the ways in which Chile both fits into and differs from broader racial paradigms in Latin America. Prominent political organizers during the first half of the twentieth century continued to cross racial boundaries. and identification with the Chilean nation did not have to mean disappearance within it. and Fermín Trekaman Manquilef (the father of Manuel Manquilef) took a Chilean wife. It has examined the connections between Mapuche indigenous identity and other contested concepts. Furthermore. an identity category that is. None of them. which involved Spanish men seducing or raping Indian women). For that reason I do not call them mestizos in the book. “a simultaneous affinity with multiple cultural traditions not completely compatible with one another. and had firsthand knowledge of traditional ritual practices. spoke Mapuzungun. to quote from Jeffrey Gould’s work on Nicaragua. in that collaboration was supposed to help to build a successful capitalist society. playing indigenous musical instruments) who would give them a unique insight into the “ancient” customs of the Araucanian race. spoke and wrote Spanish.224 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile be read as “authentically and legitimately Araucanian” because he grew up in a rural community. All . but this was more a political than a racial project. as unstable as Indian or indigenous. he was a biological mestizo (although his family history reversed the dominant narrative of mestizaje. he was educated.12 Manquilef seems to fit most definitions. Nonetheless. As the offspring of a Mapuche father and Chilean criolla mother.” meaning of Chileans and Mapuche. Coñuepán asserted that the colonial encounter between the Spanish conquistadors and noble Araucanian warriors led to a “biological and spiritual mixture from which a new fatherland emerged. Peru. Aburto advocated the possibility of spiritual fusion when he presented himself as the “machi of all Mapuche” and “the spiritual priest for all of Chile.”14 In Congress. All three of them could be described as mestizos. and he showed. explicitly self-identified as mestizo. but they appear to fit the social and cultural definitions. however. Manquilef promoted “a fusion of the two races.”13 Aburto and Coñuepán were not biological mestizos. and lived much of his life in the city (so mestizo by social condition). And Coñuepán presented himself to congress as a “genuine representative of the Indians” on the basis that he shared a collective historical memory of territorial independence followed by dispossession and exploitation. and he was its most authentic representative—the “body and soul of Chile.”15 That new fatherland was Chile. as Marisol de la Cadena has shown in her study of Cuzco. Aburto promised Chilean audiences that his Araucanian Theater Company was made up of real indigenous performers (dressed in indigenous clothes.” as one of his campaign posters proclaimed. their cases help to reinforce the diversity of ways in which indigenous peoples across the continent have engaged with and sought to reformulate dominant narratives of mestizaje so as to reassert the enduring presence of (flexible and essentialist notions of) Indianness. Manquilef and Coñuepán were both wealthy landowners. and Coñuepán proclaimed the possibility of being both at the same time. did not wear shoes. In contrast to Aburto. as we saw with the National History Museum in the 1910s and the history teaching curriculum under Frei Montalva. and especially by the 1960s. often sought to erase the Mapuche through a national project of progress and modernity. as we saw with Aillapán. Mapuche cultural difference was sidelined within this struggle but never entirely subsumed. During the 1950s. Coñuepán rarely made such distinctions among the Mapuche. and romanticized images of Indianness (principally the heroic Araucanian warrior of colonial times and the long-suffering communal farmer of the present) became bound up in discourses of revolutionary class struggle. Communist Party member Martín Painemal continued to talk of a “we.17 And. when class-based mobilization was brutally repressed.” referring to the Mapuche race. lived in squalor. however. Manquilef was keen to distinguish between what he saw as “civilized” and “semi-civilized” Indians (himself versus the Indians who could not read. which might help to explain why they associated with parties on the Right of the political spectrum. Both leaders undermined equations between indigenousness and poverty. Mapuche activists had a clear understanding of the ways in which the class reductionism of classical Marxist theory clashed with their cultural and religious traditions. Aburto. but he did speak in a derogatory manner of the “lower classes” more generally.Conclusion: A Defiant History of Difference · 225 three subverted official discourses of mestizaje. and so forth). the newly established Mapuche Cultural Centers (and later Ad-Mapu) made strategic claims to cultural authenticity but their focus was on transformative action. rather than relegating themselves to some no-man’s-land between Mapuche and Chilean identities. which. an increasing number of Mapuche activists—building on the legacy of Aburto and in line with indigenous organizing elsewhere in Latin America—associated themselves with the Left. During the military dictatorship. This is perhaps best exemplified by . He could see no room for these degenerate Indians in modern Chile. reviving force. They transformed mestizaje into a mobilizing. or assumptions about the connection between indigenous political mobilization and working-class organizing. Manquilef. even as that “we” was prepared to make alliances with other rural and urban workers.16 These three cultural producers and political leaders also provide a useful window onto the complex intersections between class and indigenous identity. in this context. some of the essentialized images of the past (of the rural. In short. in most cases. the idea of a collective. Coñuepán. a Mapuche nation is imagined as part of a pluri-national Chilean state. and Colicoy evoked. which coincided with mass indigenous protests across the continent as governments prepared to celebrate the five hundredth anniversary of Spanish conquest. As Marisol de la Cadena and Orin Starn recently stated. but other boundaries are broken down.18 Thus. They moved beyond the “people” or “race” that Manquilef. community elders who pass on their narratives according to oral tradition and young activists who defend their stories in university dissertations and Internet Web sites. Aburto. Aillapán. This comes across remarkably powerfully in the poetry of David Aniñir. many Mapuche organizations maintain ideological independence from the mainstream political parties. to proclaim a Mapuche national identity that was separate from Chilean nationality and. several Mapuche political leaders began to elaborate a more militant. . Painemal. . The growing recognition of Aniñir’s poetic talent is a poignant illustration of the fact that alongside indigenous militants’ claims of essentialism there exists a rich imaginary of a diverse Mapuche nation. Queupul. autonomist sense of Mapuche-ness. “indigeneity has always involved enunciation . these multiple. but neither their practical struggle nor their identity discourses can be separated from the class politics and the neoliberal system within which and in opposition to which they are articulated.”19 This book has investigated both. distinct Mapuche “pueblo”) was a process. which incorporates the rural and urban spheres.226 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile participation in “folkloric” festivals and by Domingo Colicoy’s theater group. Mapuzungun and Spanish speakers. changing articulations of Mapuche identity do not emerge in isolation from Chilean society and. During the late 1990s. Indigenousness (in this case. Clearly. During the transition to democracy. from indigenous and non-indigenous subject positions. Mapuzungun-speaking Mapuche. It has shown that . and even more so in the 2000s. which saw a groundswell of protests against mega-development projects in Araucanía. a set of building blocks that had to be put together and thus continually re-created at a grassroots level. at one with nature) reemerged. when the government invoked antiterrorism legislation to suppress Mapuche activists. indigenous Mapuche identity became emblematic of valiant resistance against the powerful landowning elites and transnational corporations. a boundary of (Mapuche) nationhood is reasserted. Conclusion: A Defiant History of Difference · 227 many non-indigenous Chileans have refused to value or even accept the validity of Mapuche difference (be it cultural, ethnic, racial, national, political, or territorial). Remember the ethno-linguist Augusta’s vilification of Aburto as “anti-Chilean and anti-Christian,” Senator Ignacio Palma’s argument that the Mapuche were “lacking in culture” and “so peculiar” as to speak a different language from the rest of Chile (when confronted with DASIN’s interventions in the 1950s), and Queupul’s poetic evocations of the “indescribable contempt” shown toward his people. I have highlighted Chileans’ attempts to expunge the Mapuche from modern history: Nicanor Plaza’s statue of Caupolicán, which was not based on Caupolicán nor even a Mapuche model; the relegation of indigenous cultures to the prehistoric section of the National History Museum; the Mapuche Museum of Cañete’s early portrayals of Mapuche culture in the past tense only; and the gradual silencing of Rayén Quitral’s soprano voice. We also come across numerous denials of the capacity for Mapuche culture to change and adapt. Examples are the newspaper report from 1880, which claimed that Domingo Melin was not a “real” Indian because he could read and write in Spanish, and literary critic Iván Carrasco’s assertions (in 1971 and again in the early 2000s) that Queupul was a poet in the process of losing his Mapuche identity. In other words, this study reaffirms a history of what Mallon has described as “racist othering, pretended disappearance, and dismissal.”20 However, it has also pinpointed innumerable stories of engagement with and attempts to understand indigenous cultures: military officers’ recognition of Mapuche customary law in the late nineteenth century; the awarding of a prize to, and front-page newspaper publication of, Manquilef ’s essay on the occupation campaigns during the centennial celebrations of 1910; congressmen’s and journalists’ attendance at the Araucanian Congresses organized by Aburto; Chilean musicians’ collaborations with and encouragement of Rayén Quitral; Violeta Parra’s recording of Mapuche songs, use of Mapuche instruments, and reproduction of Mapuche musical rhythms; Víctor Jara’s conversations with Angelita Huenumán; Carlos Munizaga’s discussions with Lorenzo Aillapán; Lipschutz’s meetings with Mapuche organizations and assertions of a malleable indigenousness that allowed for miniskirts and ponchos; Isidora Aguirre’s friendship with Mellilán Painemal and the launching of her play !Lautaro!; and Julio Pinto’s efforts to publish the controversial book !Escucha, winka! In many cases, we also see Chilean intellectuals adopt 228 · The Mapuche in Modern Chile Mapuche culture as part of their own heritage. This comes across most obviously in the works of Gabriela Mistral, Pablo Neruda, Violeta Parra, and Víctor Jara. Undoubtedly, there were limitations to the evocations of a collective “we” that included the Mapuche—a focus on the struggles of the past rather than the present, an emphasis on marginalization and suffering—but these musicians’ and writers’ creative explorations of Chile’s history of internal colonialism were nevertheless indicative of an attempt at dialogue that went well beyond self-serving appropriation. They all challenged official discourses of Chilean exceptionalism, narrated as lack of conflict or unproblematic absorption of indigenous groups into a homogeneous mestizo nation, and sought to reproduce Mapuche voices so as to give them more clout on the national stage. We thus return to discourses of mestizaje, but from the perspective of Chileans. Mistral and Neruda publicly declared themselves to be mestizo. Parra laid claim to a Mapuche great-grandmother and Jara celebrated his morenidad. The development of the concept of mestizaje in these cases, and particularly of cultural mestizaje, suggests not a purging of indigenousness, but instead an active regeneration of indigenousness as part of a broader rethinking of Chilean identity. It is no coincidence that Elicura Chihuailaf has recently translated the verses of Pablo Neruda and the songs of Víctor Jara into Mapuzungun, nor that he and Jaime Huenún (who publicly identifies as both mestizo and Mapuche) have incorporated the voice of Gabriela Mistral into their verses, nor that the Violeta Parra Association is linked to the Support Network for the Mapuche People. Historical interaction and cultural appropriation have, in sum, always been two-way processes. The complexities of the relationship between the Mapuche and the state, and between Mapuche and Chilean societies more broadly, emerge through the stories that are told about it. This book has tried to bring these stories to the forefront of its analysis. Taken together, they convey a perpetual oscillation between conflict and negotiation; they also show that it is possible to engage in both courses of action at the same time. Some of the specifics of official state discourse have changed since rightwing businessman Sebastián Piñera was elected president of Chile, but the broader picture has not. In the first few months after Piñera’s inauguration in March 2010, a hunger strike led by Mapuche prisoners forced congress to reform the controversial antiterrorist law, although little seems to have changed in practice and Araucanía remains highly militarized. Conclusion: A Defiant History of Difference · 229 Mega-development projects continue to threaten Mapuche rural communities in the southern provinces, but one group of protesters was recently able to use ILO Convention 169, ratified by Congress during the last year of Michelle Bachelet’s government, to prevent the construction of a new (government-sponsored) airport near Temuco. The postcard discussed at the beginning of this book came from the Cultural Center of La Moneda Palace. It portrays a rural idyll inhabited by clichéd Mapuche figures of old. An art gallery in the same space is dedicated to the work of Violeta Parra and showcases the poem “Arauco tiene una pena” of the mid-1960s, which shatters any romanticized images of indigenous life in the countryside. Next door is a craft shop that hosts temporary exhibitions. In 2010, the exhibition focused on Mapuche silverware. Depending on which poster board you read, it was possible to come away with a view of Chile as a peaceful, multicultural nation that celebrates its indigenous heritage, or as a state deeply divided over conflicts about economic structures, natural resources, and the notion of indigenous territories. Thus, competing histories of the Mapuche in modern Chile coexist right beneath the very nerve center of national government. In some senses, the juxtaposition of the postcard, poem, and exhibition in the Cultural Center of La Moneda Palace could only have happened in Chile, where the visibility of the Araucanian warrior of the past contrasts with the constitutional invisibility of the Mapuche in the present; on the other hand, the competing narratives resemble debates taking place in “multicultural” nations throughout Latin America. Glossary asentamiento (Spanish). Agrarian unit or cooperative created as a result of the agrarian reform law of 1967 colono (Spanish). Colonist, settler criollo (Spanish). Person of European descent born in the Americas diputado (Spanish). Congressman elected to the Chilean Chamber of Deputies guillatún (Mapuzungun). Collective ritual ceremony intended to unite a community and communicate with the spiritual world hacendado (Spanish). Large landowner kultrun (Mapuzungun). Painted ceremonial drum kupulhue (Mapuzungun). Infant carrier lonko (Mapuzungun). Community leader machi (Mapuzungun). Mapuche shaman, spiritual healer machitún (Mapuzungun). Shamanic healing ritual mapu (Mapuzungun). Earth palin (Mapuzungun). Sports game, similar to hockey or hurling radicación (Spanish). Process of settling Mapuche people onto reduc ciones (land-grant communities) after the Chilean military occupation campaigns rewe (Mapuzungun). Shaman’s altar, a step-notched pole carved from wood that acts as a ladder or stairway between the earth and the spiritual world ruka (Mapuzungun). Traditional thatch-roofed rural dwelling of the Mapuche título de merced (Spanish). Land title granted by the Chile state after the occupation campaigns in Mapuche territory toqui (Mapuzungun). War leader 232 · Glossary trapelacucha (Mapuzungun). Silver pendant worn around the neck trarilonko (Mapuzungun). Silver jewelry fastened around the head Wallmapu (Mapuzungun). Mapuche nation winka (or huinca) (Mapuzungun). Foreigner, non-Mapuche Chilean mainly in urban centers.e. any analysis of such dramatic shifts has to take into account the change in how the ethnicity question was phrased. most people who self-identify as Mapuche have rejected Araucanian as a racist appellation that was imposed on them by others and seeks to relegate them to the past. the number decreased to 604. It is important to note that prior to the Spanish conquest.4 percent in Araucanía. Aymara.. see Boccara. “Do you belong to some of the following original or indigenous peoples: Alacalufe (Kawashkar). so too have many Mapuche. Many Chileans still use it today and. The 2002 census omitted the reference to Chilean identity and asked. “If you are Chilean. In recent years. and Mapuche Demands. These are reproduced and discussed in Alvarado. Mege. 3. however.349. according to the census of 2002) but they also live in many other areas of the country. As Diane Haughney notes. historically. Mapuche people still represent a large percentage of the population of these regions today (for example. 4–5. Colla. Quechua. although many Mapuche claim it extended much farther. encompassed the lands between the Bío-Bío and Toltén rivers (see maps 1 and 2). For a fascinating analysis of how the term Mapuche came into being. Rapa Nui. We also have to acknowledge the different political contexts: the mass celebrations of indigenous Latin America in 1992 (during the quincentenary of Columbus’s “discovery” of the Americas) versus the press onslaught against so-called Mapuche terrorists in 2002. Guerre et ethnogenèse mapuche dans le Chili colonial. The census of 1992 asked people fourteen years and older. That territory.Notes Introduction: Mythical Objects and Political Subjects 1. Democratic Transition. Mapuche territory (in what is now Chile) extended farther north than . Mapuche. Aymara. Rapa Nui. Mapuche: Fotografías de los siglos XIX y XX. 23. do you consider yourself as belonging to one of the following cultures: Mapuche. 4. as recognized by Spanish authorities during the colonial era. or none of the preceding?” (i.060 people who self-identified as Mapuche. people could identify as Chilean and indigenous). Araucanian was a term invented by the Spanish. In 2002. Atacameño. Yámana (Yagán) or none of the preceding?” See Haughney. and Báez. The Chilean state’s effective colonization of Mapuche territory began in 1862 and concluded in 1883. The 1992 census recorded a total of 928. Neoliberal Economics. 2. “El retorno del indio”. 15. and Salt in the Sand by Frazier explores the relationship between memory. For a persuasive analysis of images as instruments of power. 5. Particularly insightful are those by Jorge Pinto.234 · Notes to Pages 3–9 the Bío-Bío River and farther south than the Toltén River. Coronil. 18. See Hale. see Andermann and Rowe. multiculturalism divides the authorized (moderate) Indian from his dysfunctional (radical) Other. My decision to take this approach was also influenced by Patrick Barr-Melej’s excellent work of the early 2000s on Chilean cultural nationalism. all translations in this book are my own. and because the postcard explicitly endorses the homogenizing ideal of mestizaje. 7. but they share a dual quality of being simultaneously inclusionary and exclusionary. as I show in the quotation that follows. and state-building in Chile. Multiculturalism has replaced mestizaje as the official ideology of nation-building in Chile.” in Alvarado. and on the potential that words have to transform reality see Hunt. Park and Richards. The postcard was produced by Postales de Chile (www. led by Julio Roca between 1878 and 1880. “Negotiating Neoliberal Multiculturalism. 239. Mapuche: Fotografías de los siglos XIX y XX.postalesdechile. 11. 8. but my book focuses solely on the Mapuche in Chile. as it has in other countries in Latin America.cl). five of them by Milet. and welfare reforms during the Popular Front years. Ibid. 13. “Los derechos de los indígenas”. The discourses of mestizaje and multiculturalism are not equivalent. 21. 9. André Menard. and Class in the French Revolution. useful works of and on the early 1990s include Albó. “El cristal enterrado bajo los pies. the Mapuche also controlled vast tracts of land in Argentina. as seen from the perspective of the northern frontier region. and Van Cott. violence. “Seeing History. and Báez. Menard and Pavez have also made important efforts to compile and disseminate primary documents relating to Mapuche political organizations and leaders. 12. 6. he opens our eyes to the role of middle-class reformers (perhaps Chile’s “least studied social constituency”) during the so-called Parliamentary Republic . Images of Power. Mallon. Prior to the Conquest of the Desert. Hunt..” 19. Politics. 12. and Jorge Pavez (see bibliography). Culture.. 42. Ancán.. Chilean analyses of Mapuche history have proliferated in recent years. 8. Multiculturalism is more accepting of plurality and difference than dominant scripts of mestizaje (which sought to erase indigenous peoples from the national body politic). labor. Unless otherwise noted. Courage Tastes of Blood. By way of literary culture and public education. For Latin America.” in ibid.” 10. 235. Gendered Compromises by Rosemblatt is a fascinating analysis of health. “La mirada de los testigos. “Rethinking Indigenous Politics. Whereas mestizaje pitted the modern mestizo against the backward Indian. Indigenous Peoples and Democracy. It contained seven photographs in total. 16. Ibid. See Toledo. Mege. 17. I focus on poetry because this is the best known and most widely commented on form of Mapuche cultural expression in Chile.” I use both terms here because of the overlaps between them. New Cultural History. 14. Stavenhagen. 31. this is not exclusively a Latin American phenomenon. 27. I understand intellectual in the wider sense of the term. which had hitherto been studied mainly in relation to economic and immigration policy. 25. Wilde. Trials of Nation Making.” 22. A large number of countries across the world have had to deal with conflicting memories of recent civil war. October 11. as a producer of knowledge and cultural discourse.Notes to Pages 9–13 · 235 (1891–1925). 171. Grandin. Blood of Guatemala.” 28. racial difference can also be articulated and understood in cultural terms. 1–26. “Shamans’ Pragmatic Gendered Negotiations. . “Myth and the History of Chile’s Araucanians. Macpherson. 26. official discourses of mestizaje have been replaced by multiculturalism. See de la Cadena’s discussion of mestizo identity as a social condition in Indigenous Mestizos. Bacigalupo. de la Cadena. as Marisol de la Cadena and others have recently demonstrated. “Cultural Politics of Identity in Latin America. Reforming Chile. As stated in note 5 above. Peru. See de la Cadena. cited in Bengoa. Neither does the scholarship limit its remit to the recent past.” 473. In the Shadow of the State (esp. G. 33–34. They all feature in the burgeoning field of memory studies. “Irruptions of Memory. political violence.” in the same issue. I do not make a distinction between indigenous and nonindigenous intellectuals here. 21. a large number of the protagonists of the book also fit narrower definitions. I refer to ethnic and racial identities here because intellectuals and political leaders in Chile have used (and often still use) both terms in their public discourses.” and Return of the Native. Negotiating Identities. the introduction and chapter 1). Indigenous Mestizos. 35. 33. 10. and for an incisive overview of how different understandings of intellectual relate to indigenous cultural activists. Negotiating Identities. The quotation is taken from Mallon. 24. Appelbaum. and encourages us to rethink Chilean nationalism. Kraay. See Earle. 30. To Die in This Way. 36. Larson. 1 (1996). Miller. Ethnicity is often associated with culture. the most well known is probably that related to the Jewish Holocaust in Germany. Race and Nation. see Rappaport. 32. See the special issue of the Journal of Latin American Anthropology 2. To be sure. “Creole Patriotism and the Myth of the Loyal Indian. esp. 34. de la Cadena. Indigenous Mestizos. Miller. However. 1827. see M. as highly acclaimed and widely published writers or university academics. Historia del pueblo mapuche. Intercultural Utopias. Peasant and Nation. 2. Muddied Waters.” 513. Hale. On scholarly debates about usage of the term intellectual. no. Lewis. “Constructing Mestizaje in Latin America. but the integrationist slant remains. see N. Gould. and state terrorism. and race with phenotype but. Indigenous Mestizos. because this book discusses both. In La Clave. 20. Studies I have found particularly helpful include Appelbaum. Kraay. Her study focuses on Cuzco. See Barr-Melej. and Mallon. that is. On Latin American myths of mestizaje. and Rosemblatt. 23. 29. indeed. Rise and Fall of the Cosmic Race. 39. “Decoding the Parchments. . Salt in the Sand. Rappaport. Domingo Santa María (1881–86). . It told this story until the early 2000s when the museum exhibition underwent a major overhaul. 16. El primer avance a la Araucanía.” 45–46. Mallon. “La ocupación de la Araucanía.. Chapter 1. Natzmer. 4. See Collier. for example. Encina. 12.” 43–44. Domeyko. The Liberals’ “civilizing” and “modernizing” project overlapped with (and was surely influenced by) developments elsewhere in Latin America. Remembering Pinochet’s Chile. Galdames. “Remembering and Forgetting. Frazier. 20. Mallon provides a useful summary of Chilean historiography’s responses to the military regime in “Decoding the Parchments. For example. 17. Pinto. The occupation campaigns therefore occurred during the Liberal Republic (1861– 91).” 43.236 · Notes to Pages 13–26 37. esp. 1862–1910 1. see Moraña. “Narrating the Nation. Leiva. Mallon. xx. “La ocupación de la Araucanía . this interpretation of national history was generally shared by conservative and liberal historians. Sarmiento. 14. 22. Pinto. and Jáuregui. particularly Julio Roca’s Conquest of the Desert in Argentina and Porfirio Díaz’s frontier wars against the Apache and Yaqui peoples in northern Mexico. See Pinto. several new editions of Moesbach’s Vida y costumbres de los indígenas . 258. See also Grez and Salazar.” 175. . Coloniality at Large. on the controversies surrounding the incorporation of this period of history into the official teaching curriculum. El primer avance a la Araucanía. chapter 7. Earle. 8.” cited in Leiva. esp. Dussel. Politics of Memory. For an excellent overview of developments in Latin American postcolonial theory since the early 1990s. Marxists and non-Marxists. “Decoding the Parchments.” 247. Lewis. See. 41. Manifiesto de historiadores. 6. Chile: The Making of a Republic. See. Histories of Conquest: The Occupation of Araucanía and Its Consequences. 5. Aníbal Pinto (1876–81). This approach to the colonization of Araucanía coincided with political elites’ representations of Chile as the most orderly and stable country in Latin America. Pérez was the first Liberal Party president. Jelin. Federico Errázuriz Zañartu (1871–76). 9. “Myth and the History of Chile’s Araucanians”. 438–40. Return of the Native. Ministerio de Educación. educación media” (March 1982): 138. 3. 11. Gobierno de Chile. 15. “Programa de historia y geografía. “Crisis económica y expansión territorial . 38. . . Historia de Chile. As Mallon notes. 2. “Los salvajes de la Araucanía y la dignidad nacional. Historia del pueblo mapuche. State Repression and the Labors of Memory. 18. 40. 10.” 227. and José Manuel Balmaceda (1886–91) followed. Estudio de la historia de Chile. and Bengoa. 50. Araucanía y sus habitantes. See Crow. Stern.” 7. 3.” 13. Ibid. 705. Méndez Montero et al.” in Marimán et al. geografía y ciencias sociales. Las últimas familias. which appears in Spanish and Mapuzungun. 297. or lonko. Santa María’s speech was published in El Diario Oficial on June 1. 178. Quoted in Bengoa. Navarro. Villalobos. 99. ¡Escucha. 275. winka!. 296.. 74. It is also frequently included in school textbooks. respectively. but actually he was not a community leader.. Ibid. 22. The informant. 170. According to Navarro. Ibid. Las últimas familias. and are available in bookshops across the country. 35.. 361. 255. Ibid. 180. 44. 27.Notes to Pages 26–32 · 237 araucanos were published by Pehuén in the 1990s and 2000s. 322).. Historia. Vida y costumbres de los indígenas araucanos. “El siglo XX en Gulumapu. 36. 28. 23. 337. 104. 248. 1883.” 62. Crónica militar. It is the second edition of Coña’s memoirs (1936. Pavez. 42. is now recognized as the author of the text and the title. 29. . Historia del pueblo mapuche.. 698–99. 25. Sergio Caniuqueo. Cited in Navarro. 45. including women and children (see Crónica militar.. 49. 287. 479–80. Moesbach. and several requests to increase the salary or to add other family members to the government payroll. 40. 47. 246. 265.. 1861. 760. 32. 155. Breve historia de Chile. 19. 1880. Ibid. Ibid. 48. Navarro. Crónica militar. renamed Carrahue in 1882. 39. Ibid.. 20. See. the Mapuche who attacked Collipulli and Curaco left at least eighty people dead. Historia del pueblo mapuche. Ibid. The letter was reproduced in Guevara. and 251. Las últimas familias. 43. 30. is about twenty miles from the contemporary Chilean town of Nueva Imperial. is Testimonio de un cacique mapuche.. Ibid. Cited in Guevara. 163. 24. Pascual Coña. 151.... reproduced in Pavez. 446. 46. with Moesbach identified as author) that I cite throughout the book. Letter dated January 9. 21. 92. 26. 33. The correspondence reproduced by Pavez contains many complaints from caciques about delays in payment. Testimony cited in Guevara. Villalobos.. 296. Imperial. Cartas mapuches. “Tres siglos y medio de vida fronteriza. Letter dated ca... in ibid. 38. Cartas mapuches. 64. Cited in Bengoa. for example. Ibid. 152. Ibid. 34. 31. Coña is often referred to as a Mapuche cacique. Ibid. 37. Crónica militar. 41. 76. Navarro. . 73. 85. See Navarro. Moesbach. Historia y Ciencias Sociales. See José Manuel Pinto’s 1869 report to congress. 339. 231–32. 251. 51. Leonetti. 54. Historia del pueblo mapuche. Informe de la Comisión de la Verdad Histórica. Las últimas familias. 71. In a letter to central authorities dated August 12. “Espedición a Ñielol. 186. Ibid. 69. Cartas mapuches. 69. 53.” Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. Historia del pueblo mapuche. Cartas mapuches. 70.238 · Notes to Pages 32–40 50. 270–71. 653. 129. 223. 68. See Morales. 1869. 74. In Moesbach. prologue to Donoso Romo. Cited in Guevara. 52. 67. 284. 80. 60. Guevara. Quilapán to the prefect of religious missions. Gobierno de Chile. 271. 346. 78.” 63. 323. Crónica militar. Historia del pueblo mapuche. 41. 1877. Bengoa. 56. Guevara. 58. dated July 16.” El Araucano. Ibid. 75. “Mapuche Poetry in Post-Dictatorship Chile. September 15. 273. Vida y costumbres de los indígenas araucanos. Venancio Coñuepán to Gregorio Urrutia. 83. Historia del pueblo mapuche. Educación y nación. Bengoa. “Poder mapuche y relaciones con el estado. 65. 77.” 79. 72. Ibid. 89. Moesbach. Chihuailaf. Vida y costumbres de los indígenas araucanos. 39. 287. Crónica militar. Ancán. In Moesbach. 66. 1881. Las últimas familias. July 23. and urged that this be “rectified immediately” given “the important role being played [by Neculmán] in the pacification of Araucanía. 213. 64. Vida y costumbres de los indígenas araucanos. Vida y costumbres de los indígenas araucanos. referenced in Bengoa. 81.” 225. 62. Historia del pueblo mapuche.. 57. Lebu. 55. Libro registro de comunicaciones enviados por el Gobernador de la zona entre el Imperial y el Toltén (1882). “Narrating the Nation. 460. Las últimas familias.” 61. Bengoa.. Crónica militar. 82. Cited in Navarro. Friar Estanislao M. cited in Pavez. Las últimas familias. 1882. 129. Cited in Guevara. Pavez. 1:319. For a broader analysis of this museum’s shifting representations of the Mapuche see Crow. 206. Cited in Lara. Crónica militar. “Mongely mapa ñi pullu. 17. 59. 84. Cited in Navarro. in Pavez. Navarro. Cited in Bengoa. the governor of ImperialToltén complained that this leader’s payment had been delayed. Crow. Crónica de la Araucanía. Cartas mapuches. Bengoa. 118. Crónica militar. 484. 194–95. Historia del pueblo mapuche. “Ciudad-Temuco” in Se ha despertado el ave de mi corazón. winka! 152. the colonel in charge told the caciques that his troops were there to defend them from the troublesome. Courage Tastes of Blood.Notes to Pages 40–46 · 239 86. such as Mangin and Coña. Italians. 238.” El Mercurio. “Comunidades y redes de participación mapuche. and Swiss who most enthusiastically embraced such an opportunity.” This particular family was given a plot of land 7 km from Gorbea. 87. 102. which were expressed with such tenderness and integrity. Mapuche: Fotografías de los siglos XIX y XX. Return of the Native. A number of the people whom I have cited in this chapter. . 113. Crónica militar. Caniuqueo. 144. The first had lenguaraces who both translated and wrote down what he said. It was the Dutch. Significantly. 95. March 23. 88.” El Araucano. did not. not all lonkos of the nineteenth century knew how to write. 106. Moesbach. 363. 286. May 3. 44. an ax. 96. 1881. this leader cried “No! No! Go. When the colonel insisted. León Solis. the second told his life story through the Capuchin missionary Moesbach. 101. 156. but that they were sufficiently strong and valiant to defend their lands themselves. Las últimas familias. 1881. 94. “Myth and the History of Chile’s Araucanians. 325. “Los indios. “Los indios. One cacique replied that they were grateful for such considerate offers of help. This quotation from Navarro relates to an incident that took place in 1867. 1881.. “El cacique Colipí. Crónica militar. 91. “El siglo XX en Gulumapu. Boccara and Seguel-Boccara. Guevara. 89. 97. See Martínez. Historia del pueblo mapuche. 93. 107. Soldiers had just arrived in Toltén. Cited in Navarro.” According to Navarro. Ibid. 103. the Agency of Colonization was set up in Europe in 1882 to encourage people to migrate to southern Chile. the soldiers.” See Navarro. 99. 1879. who were witnesses to everything that was going on “could not help but be moved by these laments. Báez and Mason. where there was a meeting between Chilean military leaders and local caciques. Araucanía.. Zoológicos humanos. and a rifle to defend themselves from the indigenous people. According to the new exhibition at the Regional Museum of Araucanía in Temuco. “Indios. 138. See Bengoa. 100. 1881.” El Araucano. April 24. As narrated by the military historian. Lewis. rebellious Indians. and Báez. Andean Tragedy. ¡Escucha. “¿Quién ganó las batallas?” El Mercurio.. 18. Navarro. Alvarado. Mallon. 90. Colonel. Sater. Mege. do not humiliate us any longer by intruding on to our land.” 105. 104. Crónica militar. “Each family received a pair of oxen and a cart. 132. Ibid. February 19. “Políticas indígenas en Chile. Vida y costumbres de los indígenas araucanos.” El Mercurio. 41.” 92. April 24. it took them a year (cutting through the vegetation) to reach it. leave with your men. 98. As related by one Dutch settler.” in Marimán et al.” Earle. the Mapuche lived on land-grant communities known as reducciones. The official process of radicación lasted from 1883 until 1929. “Cien años después. 112.” September 17. Francisco Antonio Encina. See Serrano. Sucesos 419. Letter dated June 9. Enrique MacIver. 1892–1975. Ibid. 1901. 117. Educación y nación. The authors of the “literature of national decline” included Emilio Rodríguez. 165. xiv. Renewed Struggles for Survival: National Festivities and Mapuche Political Activism. Rosemblatt. Gonzales. 9. “Comunidades y redes de participación mapuche. Cited in Pavez.” 496. 5. 4. September 2. 1:313. 120. and El Ferrocarril of September 18. Gazmuri.” 196. Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. 15. vol. The latter ran an advertisement on its second page that depicted a woman pleading with her husband to “give up this habit. 113. 115. 21. 12. “Sesiones estraordinarias.” in each case reproducing one of (or an excerpt from) their key works. Alejandro Venegas.” El Mercurio. 123. 116. Skuban. 28–32. Cited in Guevara. Lives of Images. Manquilef. 110. “Sur les Araucaniens du Jardin d’Acclimatation de Paris. September 18. 109. 1. 1896. and Agustín Ross Edwards. 114. 6. 1910. 3. 119. 12. Oficios Despachados. October 28. fondo Intendencia de Cautín.” El Mercurio.” 669. 792. 1910. for a fascinating discussion about the physical presence and materiality of photographs. Zoológicos humanos. 2. 13. 801–2.. “De las escuelas indígenas. Cartas mapuches. See Edwards and Hart. Menard and Pavez. “El problema de las habitaciones obreras. 40. Luis Orrego Luco. October 1910. El Chile del centenario. Photographs. 118. 74. . León Solis. 1910. “Imagining Mexico in 1910. Donoso Romo. Informe de la Comisión de la Verdad Histórica. Luis Emilio Recabarren. because it brings us nothing but ruin. Alberto Edwards Vives. October 2. ¡Las tierras de Arauco!. Mason. Chapter 2. Deniker.” 11. Báez and Mason. Martínez. Cited in Báez and Mason. 8. 3. 1910. Araucanía. 3. September 18. 250.” 224. 1910–1938 1. 61. 40. Las últimas familias. xiii. 10. 111. 122. Histories. reproduced in ibid. Gendered Compromises. From this point. Objects. 19. “El Congreso Araucano. Nicolás Palacios. 7. Zoológicos humanos. See “El Centenario de los niños pobres. Boletín del Congreso Nacional. “Hechos y notas.” 121. Guillermo Subercaseaux. 14. Tancredo Pinochet le Brun. 1910. 1910. Lines in the Sand.” Selecta.240 · Notes to Pages 47–53 108.” El Peneca. Gazmuri’s book provides a helpful introduction to the politics of those intellectuals he describes as “ensayistas de la crisis. “Sociedad Caupolicán Defensora de la Araucanía. letter dated March 18.” The jury found fault with many aspects of it.Notes to Pages 53–59 · 241 15. 1914. vii. 1910.” La Prensa. e. front page of El Mercurio. but decided nonetheless to award it a prize. September 14. which returned Tacna to Peru and kept Arica as part of Chile.g. e. Augusta. “Fiestas del centenario. “Oficios despachados. “Patrimonio y modernización en Chile. 1910. The idea was long-standing. 2–3. 26.. 34. 28. “Homenaje de la Colonia Francesa. Return of the Native. Letter dated July 16. “El centenario en Temuco. See. September 18. In 1929 the two governments signed the Treaty of Lima (without holding the plebiscite). Manquilef ’s was the only submission for the category “Episodes in Araucanian History related to Independence. Alegría and Núñez. See. 37. Correspondence dated September 13. 17. 1910. e.g.” El Mercurio. September 16. 23. 42.” La Época. Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. October 1910. “Arte en Chile.” La Época.” El Mercurio. Lecturas araucanas. 30. There was supposed to be a plebiscite in 1893. 29. 250. but it received the “imprimatur of science” only during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.. “Población indígena según el censo de 1907. 80. 1–4.” Selecta. Comisión Central del Censo. 143. “El Museo Histórico.” 74. v. 2. See. 38.” vol. 1910. September 18. 22. “Hechos y notas. Un pueblo sin estado. 32. 4. See “La sublevación de 1881. 1910.” Zig-Zag. The writing competition was also part of Temuco’s centennial celebrations. 1910. 35. Las últimas familias. 5. September 18. n. 1910. 1914. 31. 21. By nontraditional I mean the first organizational body that did not revolve around the traditional power structures of the rural community. Oficios Despachados. 1910. 33. See Graham. September 11. Sierra. “Las fiestas patrias en Temuco. September 17. 155. Earle.. Fondo de la Intendencia de Cautín.” El Mercurio. June 27. cited in Donoso Romo. September 22. Ibid. September 2. September 16 issue. 1. Lecturas araucanas. 1910. Guevara. 41. 20. Mor.” La Época. Sucesos. 17. printed on the front page of La Prensa. “La Sociedad Caupolicán. but it was constantly postponed.p. 16. 18. La Época.” 36. 39.. 1910. 19. Dorfman. 24. Educación y nación. Augusta. introduction to Idea of Race. 3.g. “Who Are the Real Barbarians?” 21. 1910. 46. Fondo Intendencia de Cautín. Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. 40.” La Época. to decide whether Arica and Tacna (territories taken by Chile from Peru during the War of the Pacific) were to be part of Chile or Peru. 1910. Orrego Luco. September 18. September 11. 27. 25. vi. . ” 513. “Mapuche ñi nutram chilkatun. La Época. 1:4. Comentarios. Transculturation was coined by the Cuban scholar Fernando Ortiz (Contrapunteo cubano. Ibid. The Law of Compulsory Primary Education was finally passed in 1920. 2:176. 1:12. it would seem this was the school of the (Anglican) Araucanian Mission of Quepe. 1910. Historia de la enseñanza en Chile. April 26. 50. cited in ibid. Oficios Despachados. Doctrina y praxis de los educadores representativos chilenos. Fondo Intendencia Cautín. 1910.” 788.. 126. “Monumento raza araucana. preface to Manquilef. 1910. 68. 58. This information is available on the Web site of the Chilean National Congress (http://biografias. 48. 2. 64. See Diccionario etimológico de las voces chilenas. Guevara and Manquilef. 47. Bacigalupo. Zig-Zag. “El arte de traducción. Educación y nación. 59. Mallon. 51. 23. 1911. January 22. cited in Donoso Romo. 66. 55. 60. 69. Lenz. 1:5–6. Manquilef. July 26. Ibid.cl). 126–27. Ibid. 53. 52. Manquilef. and Jobet. Comentarios. xxiii. 72.. Manquilef. Historias de familias. eds. 54. 61.. ¡Las tierras de Arauco!. cited in Donoso Romo. “Andean People in the Twentieth Century. “La ‘doble columna. Zig-Zag. Educación y nación. Ibid. 70. 139. Mallon. Introduction to José María Arguedas. Comentarios. Comentarios. 57.bcn. 1910. 14. 63. 15. 77.” 35. Comentarios. 1947) to replace the more reductive concepts of acculturation and deculturation. 65. Ibid. Lenz.. 49. Las últimas familias. 1892–1975. vol. 143. Manquilef. Manquilef.’” 72. 73. Comentarios.” La Época. Manquilef ’s testimony in Guevara. 193. October 26. 67. Two useful outlines of education reform in Chile are Labarca. Albó. 1:40. 78. Ramón Barros Luco (1910–15) and Juan Luis Sanfuentes (1915–20). cited in Sandoval and Boschetto-Sandoval. 62. From the available historical documents. Arguedas. Páginas escogidas.. 46. 74. 1:6–7. Lenz. Manquilef. 62. “Shamans’ Pragmatic Gendered Negotiations.” 241. published in 1910. Educación y nación. 1910. 1910. 76. La Época. 45. . January 1. 44. September 18.242 · Notes to Pages 59–67 43. 56. 109. 75. Donoso Romo. Pavez. “La ‘doble columna. 192. 71. iv–v.” Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. September 5. La Época.’” 64. Estudios araucanos. “Construcción de la Escuela Industrial y Asilo Fiscal de Indígenas de Temuco. and 1942. surcar. 86. 96. 118. La Voz de Loncoche. Menard. 100. “La función de costumbres indígenas. 81. As Mallon notes in “Descolonizando la historia mapuche. 1912.. but after a brief tenure there he attended a state school in Temuco. 5. Menard and Pavez have reproduced the minutes of some of the congresses in “Documentos de la Federación Araucana. On Aburto’s strategic appropriation of La Araucana see Crow. 1916. January 5.” On the Araucanian mission of Quepe.” La Época of Loncoche. “Escribir. 1. 4. Miller.” 227. September 6. 8.” La Voz de Loncoche. 1952. Temuco. I am extremely grateful to Pedro Marimán at the (recently relaunched) Liwen Center for Mapuche Studies and Documentation in Temuco for giving me the opportunity to read Aburto’s manuscripts. 98. see Fusco. Manquilef.” See “Una entrevista con don Manuel Aburto Panguilef. “De las escuelas indígenas. 31. Corpus Delecti. 83. “Velada teatral indígena. 99. 85. Carriacou String Band Serenade.Notes to Pages 68–71 · 243 79. Mapuche y Anglicanos.” 2. Aburto proudly recounted the “important role” that these two relatives had been given in the “pacification of Araucanía. 84. 1916. 1919. cited in Donoso Romo. 88. Menard. “La matanza de Forrahue. Ibid.” El Diario Austral. 90.” 13. In his manuscripts of 1938. “A avanzada edad dejó de existir cacique indígena. and R. in August 1927.” 95 percent of Mapuche people did not know about the law. “Horroroso asesinato en Liumalla. “Negotiating Inclusion in the Nation. 2. August 28. 1940. 1923. “Destinos del archivo mapuche. Educación y nación.” La Voz de Loncoche. May 24. “El Congreso Araucano. January 20. Law 4169 was eventually approved. Cited in Menard and Pavez. December 6. 1917. see Menard and Pavez. 93. ¡Las tierras de Arauco!.” La Voz de Loncoche. 97. for example. 11. Quoted in El Diario Austral. 1916. On the state’s indigenous education policy in Araucanía during the nineteenth century. Creating Our Own. Manquilef ’s first school was the Araucanian Mission of Quepe. June 1913. 2. January 19.” insisting that they “never permitted indigenous people to act disrespectfully toward the government. 1926. Manquilef. For a broader perspective on the role of performance in the negotiation of identities.” El Mercurio.” La Voz de Loncoche. December 23. September 11.” El Diario Austral.” 92.” 95.) 91. Aburto made repeated references to not being able to eat due to a lack of money. 80. (Aburto’s papers are located in the Liwen Center for Mapuche Studies and Documentation. “Sociedad Mapuche Protección Mutua. ¡Las tierras de Arauco!. Quoted in “Compañía Araucana de Loncoche. delirar. see Serrano. . 94. 82. Mendoza. 89. 87. El Diario Austral. In Menard and Pavez. In Menard and Pavez. líderes y organizaciones mapuches. 77. At the congress of 1926 Aburto reiterated that these were the rules. líderes y organizaciones mapuches.” 129. Ibid. Foerster and Montecino. p. 1926. 131. 56 (March 1961). December 1. “Documentos de la Federación Araucana. 124. Bengoa.” 126. cited in Foerster and Montecino. the government only really looked to expand schooling in urban areas.. “Manuel Aburto Panguilef. 84. 121. 1917. 320.” op.” 102. Historia del pueblo mapuche. “Latin American Materials in the Comintern Archive. See. In Menard and Pavez. “Documentos de la Federación Araucana. Ibid. 87. as recorded in the statutes of the Araucanian Federation. 1921.” and Becker. 104. 116. See Menard. “Documentos de la Federación Araucana. cited in Foerster and Montecino. “Sociedad Mapuche Protección Mutua. This did not change until Eduardo Frei Montalva’s Christian Democrat government came to power in 1964. 127. no. 112. 128. 1924. 125. diary entry for August 9. See Menard and Pavez. Despite the Law of Compulsory Primary Education. pp. Teatro en Chile. “Documentos de la Federación Araucana. “Documentos de la Federación Araucana. 117. Crow. 114.” 72. Contiendas.” 93.. Ibid. and the Indigenous Question in Latin America. see Ching and Pakkasvirta. cited in ibid. Pradenas. 115.” El Diario Austral. January 5. 1938. 50. 77. 341. Cited in Foerster and Montecino. “Mariátegui.. in Liwen Center for Mapuche Studies.” 102.” Noticiario Mensual. 120.” 216... . “Negotiating Inclusion in the Nation. July 8. Ibid. 5. “Sociedad Mapuche Protección Mutua. “Gran reunión de indígenas. 248. Bengoa. On Communist International’s policy in Latin America. Contiendas. 118. 113. cit. Menard and Pavez. Ibid. We know of at least three such occurrences: in 1929 (Santiago). 123. Contiendas. 119. 395–96. líderes y organizaciones mapuch es.. 1938. 105. El Diario Austral. December 16.” 89. 102. Aburto.” La Voz de Loncoche. 108.. and 1935 (Quellón). diary entry for December 25. “Las ciencias antropológicas en el Museo Nacional de Historia Natural.” 130. 26–27. 40–41. 1919. “El Congreso Araucano. 204. líderes y organizaciones mapuches. 1930 (Caldera). Contiendas. Ibid. 1938. Aburto. 122. 106. the Comintern. 103. 110. 97. 94. April 14. Historia de un conflicto. 107. 103. diary entry for December 20. Aburto. 111. El Diario Austral.g. 3. 109.244 · Notes to Pages 72–77 101. Menard and Pavez. 39. e. “Indigenous Politics and the State. 5. “Estatua de Caupolicán.. see Jaime Valdivieso.org/espanol/html/nacion_m/cultura/art-02. 3. 3. 141. 140. “Racism. 254). Progress. Chihuailaf. 8. I say reemergence because this was the kind of national imaginary that the Chilean state promoted in the early independence years. and Indigenismo. but the intellectual presence of this ideology has been felt culturally” (Clark and Becker. Contiendas. Mistral returned to Mexico in the late 1940s. Quilaqueo’s work is cited in a Web page on Mapuche poetry: https://sites. diary entry for August 30. Knight. 46.google. Painemal. see Foerster and Montecino. November 23.info and www.” 2. Caudillos. 23. and Nation. indigenismo has not been as strong a force in Ecuador as in Mexico and Peru.org.mapuche. Ibid. 7. Highland Indians and the Modern State in Ecuador. 35–36. 145. Ibid. pp. For the quoted poems from Igaymán and Painemal. . November 26. 77. “Documentos de la Federación Araucana.Notes to Pages 77–84 · 245 132. diary entry of August 10. 67–68.operasiempre.” 36–40. Menard and Pavez.mapuche-nation. 142. pp. 1939. 2003. For a helpful overview of state-led industrialization policies in Latin America see Thorp.” El Diario Austral. Vida de un dirigente mapuche. Revolution.” available at the Ópera. For a useful overview. Siempre Web site. htm. Aburto. 136. Larraín.” November 14. 137. 1938–1964 1. Class.” 91.” El Diario Austral. Marc Becker makes a similar point for Ecuador: “Politically. “Recreating National Icons. 138. www. 1939. “Rayén Quitral. 133. The difference between indigenismo in Chile and in Ecuador is that the latter context has been given more attention in existing scholarship on the subject. 232–33.” 82. available at www.mapuche-nation. and Exclusion. com/site/mapuchegentedelatierra/poesia-mapuche. La flor de fuego. For the entire array of organizations and their leaders. 143. 135. 144. Cited in ibid. 1938. “Estatua de Caupolicán. 4.es/2010/04/rayen-quitral-la-flor-de-fuego/ (accessed April 2010). but much less is known about that time. 30–31. and Quilaqueo can be found on Web sites such as www. líderes y organizaciones mapuches.” and “Debates about Ethnicity. and Sopranos: Articulating Mapuche Identities on the National and International Stage.” El Diario Austral. 139. see Baud. Chapter 3. 1938.” 6. Painemal. Crow. “Historia y poesía mapuche. “Solemne será inauguración de monumento a Caupolicán. Identidad chilena. “Poesía mapuche actual. 134. Juan Dzazópolus Elgueta.. The poetry of Igaymán.. Poets. Poverty. Aburto. .. Conciencia y proyecto nacional.” El Diario Austral. who cites the U. Ibid. 1941. the Popular Front was really the first government that was able to present itself as being nationally representative. 168. . which were then supposed to organize the local cooperatives. Rosemblatt. 1940. “Para una raza mejor y más fuerte se ha creado nueva organización. . 9. August 3. the Serpent. Coñuepán once said to the Chilean National Congress: “The Red Skins found a Franklin Delano Roosevelt . 13.” New York Times. “Cowboys and Constructions. my fatherland will also bring to power superior men who can ensure the Indians live and prosper happily in the future” (Cámara de Diputados. March 16. Betty Kirk. 25. 121. “Memorias de la labor de la Dirección de Asuntos Indígenas de Chile. March 16. to incorporate and . cited in Foerster and Montecino. 14. October 14.” 31. 20. Sosa. Rochfort. “Nosotros los indios. “A la mujer mexicana” and “El tipo de indio americano” (1932). Stavenhagen. According to Hugo Méndez. 174–75. 209). 18.” in Vaughan and Lewis. This term refers to the state’s efforts.246 · Notes to Pages 84–88 9. See “Populism and the Political System in Chile. 21. See “Realiza jira dando a conocer Ley de Cooperativas Agrícolas. “A Meeting on Indians. Díaz du Pond. 40–41. 23. .cl/prosa/indio. and Vergara. 6. and the Soil. esp.” 57. Cincuenta años de ópera en México.” 174. “Cowboys and Constructions. beginning in 1938. See. “En Huichahue se abrirá escuela para Indígenas. In March 1940. toured the southern regions. See Pablo Neruda’s Mexican Experience. 26. April 14. See also Bengoa. 17. 1940. Eagle and the Virgin. Ibid. Pablo Neruda. Schneider. Historia de un conflicto. 8. 7. Barr-Melej. 1940. .html.” in El Diario Austral. This museum was created by state decree on March 12. and the Indians of Mexico found a Lázaro Cárdenas. 21. 12. 22. 11. 11. 33. See also Drake. 24. Contiendas. informing people about the new law and setting up Farmers’ Committees. “The Sickle. The actas of the commission were published in El Diario Austral. 1949. Mistral. 1940.” 5. 10. eds. 15. Cited in Barr-Melej.” El Diario Austral. 19. The second is available at www.” 273. líderes y organizaciones mapuches.uchile. 1940.” El Diario Austral. November 1.S. representative of the State Department of Cooperatives. Neruda. Department of State view that the Popular Front was a government “of the provinces against the capital” (Socialism and Populism in Chile. 231). 27. 16. Clavería. 142. 1939. See Foerster. February 12. Alfredo Catrileo. Cited in Feinstein. El Museo Araucano. 30. 28.” 54. God willing. Gendered Compromises. 54.. 29. 32. According to Jean Grugel. the title of the magazine was eventually changed to Noticias de Chile.gabrielamistral. “Indigenous Peoples and the State. “Lo que deberá ser el Museo Araucano. “Recasting the Role of the Intellectual. “Lautaro. N.” 178. 48. Fiol-Matta. El Diario Austral. e. the Araucanian Corporation had approximately three hundred regional groups. Andes: A Cultural History. “Poetics and Translation in Todos los Cantos. líderes y organizaciones mapuches. 1949.Notes to Pages 90–95 · 247 simultaneously neutralize popular organizations and leftist parties. Grugel notes that. See Horan. Revolution. Queer Mother for the Nation. 56. 51.” See “Populism and the Political System in Chile. “Toqui Caupolicán” (War Chief Caupolicán). the muralists “provided pictorial affirmation of Indian valor. Knight. 47. was published after Canto general. Contiendas. Gabriela Mistral. Neruda. In the words of Desmond Rochfort. .” 77. Concha. Literature. 37. 40.” 173. suffering. 42. my main interest here. See Foerster and Montecino. 38. 252.g. Collier and Sater. Foerster.” 50. and achievement. “Populism and the Political System in Chile.” 175. Pratt.” 44. 207–9. and the Soil. in voting for Ibáñez. “The Sickle. Neruda total.” 73. líderes y organizaciones mapuches. 53. Mallon. 52. 39. textual narrative complements the muralists’ “pictorial affirmation. The Serpent. included the Communist and Socialist parties). see Ruiz Valenzuela. “Women. and in December 1948 organized a mass rally of more than fifteen thousand Mapuche people in Temuco. 201. 12. 46. History of Chile.” 57. Chihuailaf.” in Canto general. 197.” 82). 35. Historia de un conflicto. Canto general.” 50–51. “Surgen los hombres” (The Men Rise Up). Suárez. For a more detailed analysis of Chihuailaf ’s translation of Neruda. Contiendas. See. Vergara. “Neruda en su centenario. “Racism. 68. March 1. Miller. Siqueiros’s own words. and Indigenismo. 49. peasants “voted for the first time against the wishes of the landlords. cited in Foerster and Montecino. 45. “Apuntes para revisar una biografía. Neruda. Even the briefest glance at El Diario Austral of Temuco during this period indicates a widespread concern about the lack of roads and consequent isolation of rural communities. and Gundermann. I consider Mistral after Neruda because Poema de Chile. By this point. nobility. 36. “El corazón de Pedro de Valdivia” (Pedro de Valdivia’s Heart). 58. Neruda. “El siglo XX mapuche. “Santa maestra muerta”. 81. Neruda’s poetic. Bengoa. for example. which they set against a revived black legend of Spanish oppression” (see “The Sickle.” 43. in Canto general. On Neruda as national icon. Wilson. Grugel.” 66. 177. 54.” and Olea. “Instituciones mediadoras. the Serpent. cited and translated in Rochfort. and Valdivieso. and National Brotherhood.. Neruda. 34. Señores y ovejas negras. see James Park. These were given a platform from which to speak within the state on the basis that they not push too far (Aguirre Cerda’s government. Canto general 55. and the Soil. 41. Todos los cantos/Ti kom vl. ” 178. November 25. Democratic Transition. 63. 861 83. 62. 84. “Coñuepán en el Parlamento de 1947. but new editions were printed throughout the twentieth century. Sesiones extraordinarias. Antillanca and Loncón. 184. Sesiones extraordinarias. the Chilean nation was grounded in the racial mixing between Spanish of Gothic (northern European) origin and brave. “Música araucana. citizenship and recent death. Entre el mito y la realidad. “Recasting the Role of the Intellectual. Chihuailaf. Ibid. 149. Miller. 861–62. Ibid. December 17. 66. Cámara de Diputados. 69. “‘Race Woman.S. Venancio Coñuepán. and we know from Manquilef ’s Comentarios that Mapuche leaders were familiar with it. noble Araucanian warriors. 65. Miller. 75. but she led a very private life and rarely spoke about herself. 88. Sesiones extraordinarias. Coñuepán’s family owned four hundred hectares of land. 1945. shifting nature of their representations of the Mapuche see Crow. have spoken to her about Coñuepán. Some historians.248 · Notes to Pages 95–104 59. 64. See Ancán. Palacios published his famous book Raza chilena in 1904. “‘Race Woman. and National Brotherhood. Mistral.” 71. April 17. 82. 70. 40. strong. 60.’” 516. 68. Dawson. including Pablo Marimán and José Bengoa. 74.” 143–44. “El siglo XX mapuche. 1947.. “Women.” 284. Fiol-Matta. 862. 61. Neoliberal Economics. 862.” 171–72. Ibid. El Diario Austral. 79. Ibid. Cámara de Diputados. Pratt. “Recasting the Role of the Intellectual. Ibid. Marimán. N. 1947. Ibid. “‘Atópicos. Cámara de Diputados. Haughney. Historia de un conflicto. Bengoa. Ibid. Literature. Manquilef quotes from Palacios on several occasions in order to reassert the glorious history of his warrior ancestors.’” 516.” 140. 77. N. Again. 78.” 67. the terminology is similar to that of Palacios. 194–95. 67. According to José Ancán.” La Nación (Buenos Aires). Todos los cantos/Ti kom vl.. 87. 1189. 209. . 86. For further detail on the contradictory. 1947.. 86–89.. See ibid. November 25. and Mapuche Demands. “From Models of the Nation to Model Citizens. Apart from her U. Fiol-Matta. we know very little about Ruth Kindley. 1932. See Marchant. March 4. Marchant discusses mestizaje as a problematic construction in Latin America because of its reliance on rape. 80.’ ‘etc. As narrated by Palacios. 85. 73. Mallon. it is likely that Coñuepán had read Comentarios. 12. 76. 72. 498. “Recreating National Icons. 81.’ e ‘indios espirituales’” (quotation on 34). 218. “Rayén Quitral. 105. Coñuepán. “Rayén Quitral. 107. 1937. “Instituciones mediadoras. 38. Foerster. Peña Muñoz. and Gundermann. 3. 95. Ibid. 125. 120. Peña Muñoz.g. New Statesman 97.. Dame Nellie Melba (born Helen Porter Mitchell) was an internationally renowned opera singer from Australia. From the song “El copihue chileno. December 17. Dzazópolus.” 159. 6 (report for 1954). “Populism and the Political System in Chile. Ibid. 105. Ibid. 108. Cámara de Diputados. 19.” but he made it the government’s problem too and. 115. 861. Peña Muñoz. 121. Ibid. 1953. 116. no.desclasificacion. no. Vergara. and Gundermann. 38. 98. 96. 43 (1950). Two Centuries of Opera at Covent Garden. 1192. Franck. Ibid. 94. “Coñuepán en el parlamento de 1947. Los cafés literarios en Chile. www. 117.. Marimán. “Inter-American Reviews: Chilean Travels. 2494 (1951). 102. 112. ibid. like state authorities in Chile. Rediscovering South America. Foerster. 123. 106. no. indeed. 118.” . Los cafés literarios en Chile. e. Revista Musical Chilena. no. 1189. 271.Notes to Pages 104–111 · 249 89. 97. Cited in Dzazópolus. cited in Vergara. Sesiones extraordinarias.. See Foerster. 271. and the United States. 122.” 74.” New York Times. Ibid..” 114. Ibid. 1193. Grugel. 93. The decree creating DASIN was signed on April 25. 90. 1195. “Coñuepán en el parlamento de 1947. referred to the “indigenous problem. 116. See.org. Ibid. Modern Music 20.” 119. 100. 1189. 11 (report for 1956). 280 (1937). 91. Ignacio Palma. 99. Ibid. 104. no. See Hoy 6. Ibid. 1953. December 17. 124. and Vergara..” 157.. 101. 1940.” 181. 109.. speech in the Cámara de Diputados. Thanks to the efforts of Alejandro Clavería. March 2. “Indian Singer Acclaimed. August 1. Jorge Vergara. and Rolf Foerster these are now available online at the Laboratorio de Desclasificación Comparada Web site. 110. an issue of national as opposed to simply regional or local consequence. Clavería. Cámara de Diputados. ” 73. Marimán. 1947. 111. 92. August 25. Rosenthal. 107. Ibid. “Memorias de la labor de la Dirección de Asuntos Indígenas de Chile.” El Diario Austral.” Modern Music 20. 103. 113. 4 (1943). 4 (1943). Mexico. Sesiones extraordinarias. “El concierto popular de Rayén Quitral.” 2 (report for 1953). 1947. 5 (report for 1954). 1190. Los cafés literarios en Chile.. “Instituciones Mediadoras.. 105. Molina.” 8. 62. Chile received more aid per capita from the United States during the 1960s than other country in South America (Kirkendall. such as José Bengoa.. Munizaga. 6. See Historia de un conflicto. See Correa. 28. Molina. Estrellas espectrales. See Mallon. Courage Tastes of Blood (esp. There were. 107. 182. cited in Horan and Meyer. Contiendas. nonetheless. as well as a number of smaller farms. “El Gobierno de Eduardo Frei Montalva. 128.. and Benavente. 11. “El siglo XX mapuche. 108.. and Austin.250 · Notes to Pages 112–120 126. This was not to say that women always benefited from the Popular Front reforms. Peña Muñoz. By 1973. By 1970. Ruiz and Samaniego. 7. Letter written in 1954. El gobierno de Salvador Allende.” Azkintuwe. Salvador Allende Reader.” and “Descolonizando la historia mapuche. 108. The full speech of December 21. Foerster and Montecino. Cayuqueo. Ibid. La Reforma Agraria. 130. See Steenland. La Reforma Agraria.” 4. 15. 15. State. Rosemblatt shows that men were continually prioritized over women.420 hectares were expropriated by the Agrarian Reform Corporation (CORA) and 68. Struggle in the Countryside. 13. 16. 5. approximately 20–25 percent of the eligible lands had been redistributed to peasants via asentamientos. and Yáñez. 4. 240. Cited in Corvalán. It is no coincidence that Painemal’s organization hailed Aburto as one of the most important “Mapuche heroes” of the past . and Rotos. Allende’s UP government had expropriated almost 100 percent of estates of more than 80 BIH. 251.341 hectares were recuperated as títulos de merced by the Commission for Restitution of Usurped Lands. 2008. just as urban sectors were prioritized over rural. 129. and Correa. 208. Literacy. This America of Ours. La vida de un araucano. 2.” “Barbudos. Eduardo Frei. 250. Literacy Training. 1964–1973 1. Ibid. According to these authors. July 28. Molina. See Loveman. 9. chapter 4). líderes y organizaciones mapuches. and Yáñez. Available at www. Other prominent historians of Mapuche society. Rosemblatt. Indianists and Leftists.htm. 12. Ibid. 12. Becker. 129. “Paulo Freire. some important openings for women at this time. To the contrary. 127. Gendered Compromises. Los cafés literarios en Chile. Los cafés literarios en Chile. and Yáñez.” 690). Peña Muñoz. Chapter 4. is available in English in Cockcroft. support Mallon’s argument. Agrarian Reform under Allende. Correa.org/reportaje_64. 3. and Public Education. Revolutionary Transformations and New Representational Challenges. “Tiempo de esperanzas. 14. 10. La Reforma Agraria. azkintuwe. 1970. Warriors. The Agrarian Reform Law of 1967 allowed for the expropriation of estates of more than eighty basic irrigated hectares (BIH). 131. 173–75. Ibid. Ibid.” 115. “Programa de ciencias históricas y sociales. 1955. 251. 88. 75. Ibid. Gobierno de Chile. Bello. told a similar story: “People would raise money to go to the courts and talk to the judges [responsible for indigenous affairs] . A desalambrar. E.” See “Comunidades y redes de participación mapuche. 22. 55. and when you miristas arrived we still hadn’t got our lands back” (quoted in ibid. 28. Reforma Educacional. One of the leaders of the Peasant Revolutionary Movement (MCR). See. 118. Enseñanza media” (1968). Enseñanza media” (1969). The suggested text was “El mestizaje y su importancia social. and Public Education. History of Chile. the judge was receptive [to our demands] and they will probably give us our lands back in half a year or so. 35. 27. Vida de un dirigente mapuche. “Discurso de S. See Foerster. 110. el Presidente de la República. . and “El siglo XX mapuche. . 24). 31. 20. 54.. 78–80. Contiendas.” in Gobierno de Chile..Notes to Pages 121–125 · 251 17. vol.. 8. 41. 251. 26. Felix Huentelaf. 140. 30. “between 1883 and the early 1960s the leadership [of the Mapuche movement] was constituted fundamentally by the lonkos of the land-grant communities. 34. 80–81. Foerster. Ibid. 24. “Programa de ciencias históricas y sociales. “Programa de ciencias sociales. 49. 34).. the tomas de fundo usually involved Mapuche and non-Mapuche peasants (see Carvajal. Diálogos sobre estado y educación popular. See also Austin. The corridas del cerco were exclusively Mapuche. 32. Gobierno de Chile. . “El programa de ciencias históricas y sociales: Comentarios y sugerencias.” published in Acta Americana in 1944. Rosenblatt. Gobierno de Chile. 36. 18.” 23.g. In Carvajal. Ibid. 43. 29.” 180. A desalambrar. cited in ibid. 71. Literacy.’ I grew up listening to this. Gobierno de Chile.. See Mallon. Ibid. Declaration of Principles (1953). 38.” 118. Lipiante quoted in Austin. “Intelectuales. Vida de un dirigente mapuche. Painemal to the governor of Cautín. 42.. líderes y organizaciones mapuches. Subsecretaria de Educación. 37. 67. 25. 76. Collier and Sater.. 20. 19.. As Christian Martínez has noted. Painemal recalled Neruda attending one of the association’s meetings in his memoirs. 21. State. Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. 312. 1964. Ibid. fondo Comunicaciones Recibidas. they’d return and say ‘it went well.” 6. 40. Ibid. March 15. 83. Huichan of Temuco.” 69. Enseñanza básica. Foerster and Montecino. “Descolonizando la historia mapuche. 39... La población indígena y el mestizaje en América. 33. indígenas y universidad en Chile. e. 252 · Notes to Pages 125–136 44. 73. Cánepa.” 67. J.” in ibid.” 51. 77. 15. Maillard. 79. Sesiones extraordinarias. Archivo del Museo Mapuche de Cañete. 53. 78. 57. 30–32. Antillanca. See Gong.” The Guardian (London). February 13. Antillanca. and Loncón. Cited in Parra.” in V. “Cantar la diferencia. 69. Canto libre/Lliz ulkantun. and Loncón. Mallon. “Sobre un poema mapuche. Cárdenas and González. “Recuerdos de infancia de un Mapuche de la provincia de Arauco. Escritos mapuches. Jara. 89. Coronado.” 58. Cámara de Diputados. Ibid. Chihuailaf. 7. 9–12. 68. El libro mayor. 49. J. “La Nueva Canción Latinoamericana. Mege. Ibid. 59. Víctor Jara Foundation. 45. El libro mayor. 72. February 3. Violeta often talked of having a “bisabuela india. 194. Escritos mapuches. Ibid. “La Nueva Canción Latinoamericana. Cuminao. 63. 10. Museos y comunidad. Jara. 60. Victor. “Sobre un poema mapuche de Sebastián Queupul. 166–67). Cantores que reflexionan. 1971. “Estilo y función social. 1971. According to her daughter Carmen Luisa Parra (who is quoted in Rodríguez. 2003. Cuminao. “Violeta Parra and Los Jaivas. 30–32 (quotation on p. Taffet. I met and spoke with Queupul in the National Library. see González Rodríguez. 52. 48. 193. Brousse to Antonio Millape. V. 56. 1970. Jara. July 11. 54. Santiago. 57. 91. “‘My guitar is not for the rich. on September 8.” El Diario Austral. 75. Victor. Fairley. 71. 119. May 30. 46. Fairley. Canto libre/Lliz ulkantun.” Boletín del Museo Mapuche de Cañete 3 (1987). Carrasco. 74. 1971. Parra. June 28.” 109. Andes Imagined.. 30). Jara. 62. Marileo. “Canto que ha sido valiente. For more on the indigenous influences apparent in the two songs analyzed in this chapter. For more detail on past exhibitions in this museum see Crow.” 168. and Palacios.. 1975. “‘Canto porque es necesario cantar. 1966. . well-informed analysis of Parra’s musical innovations. “El siglo XX mapuche. Morris. 76. “Conozcamos a nuestros museos. 55.” 102–5. “Show bloat. Carrasco. Carrasco. 1317–46. 66. “Presentación.” 109–10. 47.’” 93.” 118. 65.” 61. Ibid. “Mapuche Museum of Cañete..” for a detailed. 64. See Torres. Oficios Despachados.” 24. “Poetas mapuches en la literatura chilena. 126. Queupul’s biography was provided on the back of Poemas mapuches.” 50. 70. Letter dated December 16. Pitrufquén. posted on July 30. Ibid. “Debates about Ethnicity. Marx y Lenin en América Latina. 91. 135–36. 97. Warriors. 85.. 1969. 138. who was accused of witchcraft.” based on Lipschutz’s report about the murder of Antonia Millalef. 94. more than 150 Mapuche caciques participated in the meeting. 1968–1970. and the Araucanian Corporation in June 1959. Agrarian Reform under Allende. A copy of the letter is stored in the same file cited in n. 1969).” www. and Nepomuceno Paillalef was the regional director (for Cautín) of the Institute of Agrarian and Livestock Development (INDAP).net/?act=publications&id=2547. See “La muerte de una bruja. 204. Berdichewsky. . Lipschutz coauthored an article with Gregorio Rodríguez and Luis Sandoval in El Mercurio entitled “Cambios culturales en la vida social de los mapuches. cited in Berdichewsky. vol. 1970–1976. Oficios Recibidos. 133. Mallon. 329. For example. 149. Alejandro Lipschutz.” 325–27. Class. 86.” November 5. Berdichewsky. as it comes between other letters dated 1971. and Rotos. vol. fondo Intendencia de Cautín. 83. For example. Ibid. Samuel Quilaqueo Paillamil was president of the parents’ association for the state school in Molonhue. On February 13.mapuexpress. 84. 190. the Instituto Indigenista de Chile. in ibid. 98. Lipschutz.Notes to Pages 137–140 · 253 79. 87.. Oficios Recibidos. Mapuche campesinos constituted more than 90 percent of the delegates in Lautaro. but it is undated. Letter dated December 30. We can assume it is from 1971. 170. and Mallon. Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. Courage Tastes of Blood. and presented a paper entitled “La ‘comunidad’ y el problema indígena en Chile. “Barbudos. Alejandro Lipschutz. “Aproximación a una definición de Arte Mapuche Contemporáneo. in ibid. 124. 96. 81. 1970.” This was a direct response to an earlier piece in the same newspaper: “Cultura indígena desaparecerá antes de 10 años en Chile” (February 5. Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. 93. “Convocatoria al Segundo Congreso Nacional Mapuche. 100. 99. 125. 1970. See ibid. 92. 111.. and Nation. Letter dated January 7. in ibid. 80. Lipschutz. Letter dated March 10. Lipschutz. 90. in ibid. 188. 1971. 1970.” These radical groups supported but were not part of the UP government. Pedro Miliman Antilef was director of the state secondary school in Pumalal. 95. of 1972. 2009. in El perfil de indoamérica. unpublished ms. 83. Alejandro Lipschutz. Crow. 89. 288–96. See Steenland.” According to Lipschutz himself. Lipschutz attended the Foro Indigenista organized by the Universidad de Chile. fondo Intendencia de Cautín. 1971. Marx y Lenin en América Latina. Francisco Tureupil Huentelec was one of the leading figures of Temuco’s Círculo de las Fuerzas Armadas. 82. 272. 88. 112. e. “La ‘comunidad’ y el problema indígena en Chile. promulgated on September 15.g. Ibid.” 104. Class. 124. 1. See Berdichewsky. ..” 7–8. 117.254 · Notes to Pages 140–146 101. 118. 121. Berglund. Ibid. 122. 170.3 of Indigenous Law 17. Aylwin (2001). Reproduced in Cockcroft. and because his leftist sympathies were already well known due to a previous documentary film FIDEL. See Lipschutz. “Cambios culturales. Vida y costumbres de los indígenas araucanos. 113. 2783. Soto. “Descolonizando la historia mapuche. 111. 116. 128. 1971. 128. 136. and Nation. “Debates about Ethnicity. and Sandoval. A desalambrar. economic decisions.” 106. 109. cited in Richards. of 1972. 114. 70 of Indigenous Law 17. “Cambios culturales”. Rodríguez. quoted in Carvajal. Allende was invited to the scholar’s home to celebrate his ninetieth birthday in 1973.” Cámara de Diputados. and Sandoval. 125. Literacy. State. Neruda. unpublished ms. Allende was seemingly responding to a report by anthropologist Bernardo Berdichewsky. 110. El perfil de Indoamérica. Moesbach. Mallon. “I think he figured I would not screw him” (Landau to Crow. See. and Rotos. Lipschutz. “Neruda y Lipschutz. and Marx y Lenin en América Latina. 38. 126. 66–72. .” 11. and the State. rather. 1972. 128–29. reproduced in Berdichewsky. Ibid.” 105. “Mapuche communities do not constitute a communal economic venture. 120. Crow.. As summarized by Landau. which stated that it was “necessary to fight against the pettybourgeois.” 88. accessible at http://blip. and the use of the produce revolve around the family. Salvador Allende Reader. Pobladoras. Austin. Warriors. 102.” See Berdichewsky. “Antropología aplicada e indigenismo. Alejandro Lipschutz. 127. Landau managed to get the interview because he knew people on Allende’s staff. ” 2786–88.” in Lipschutz. Literacy and Popular Education. . which was screened in Viña del Mar in 1969.. This ties in with what Mallon says of the MIR’s civilizing project in “Barbudos. 123. “Nosotros los indios. State.tv/clarin-digital/ conversation-with-allende-1027651. 107. Austin.729. A desalambrar. and Popular Education. Quoted in Carvajal. the cultivation and ownership of the land is individual and family based. Art. 103. 119. This reality is of the utmost importance—the production itself. Art. 1971. Indígenas.” 329–30. 124. May 19. “Mensaje de su Excelencia. 65. Interview of January 31. National Integration of the Mapuche. el Presidente de la República. Alejandro Lipschutz. April 2011). . 2789.729. Sesiones extraordinarias.” See “Mensaje de su Excelencia. Rodríguez. 63. minifundista spirit of the Mapuche” in order to avoid the “atomization of landownership. Quinchavil. Ibid. 115. 108. Lipschutz. 243. Juan de Onis..” 287). “‘Canto porque es necesario cantar. This story appears in the detail of some previous scholarship. Indígenas. 358). Hale and Millamán speak of “a specific policy toward the Mapuche” and an “onslaught of cultural-political aggression” (“Cultural Agency and Political Struggle. 10. 131. “Cultural Agency and Political Struggle. 351. 216. Stern. 1972. 1:384. and Lewis Duguid. 2. 1971. 4 (April 1974). 5.. no. 128. Courage Tastes of Blood. August 23.Notes to Pages 147–153 · 255 128. 1973 marked “the return of the stamping boot” for the Mapuche after “the temporary improvements . January 18. 14. 6.” 287. Courage Tastes of Blood. and Richards. Informe de la Comisión Nacional de Verdad y Reconciliación. 58. Stern. 64. hunger. Chapter 5. See “Correspondence” in Anthropology News 15. This detail. September 11. The Informe de la Comisión Verdad Histórica y Nuevo Trato con los Pueblos Indígenas lists the names of all 136 victims in vol.” La Nación.html. “El siglo XX mapuche.” 130. Alejandro Lipschutz.com/Areastematicas/legal/bandos/ indexbandos1. 1973–1990 1. And Mallon’s Courage Tastes of Blood tells of the political rivalries in the community of Nicolás Ailío during the Pinochet years. eds. Bando No. 1973. “Mensaje de su Excelencia. 222. Bengoa. of Allende’s popular government” (Language of the Land. Richards. 128. Kunstman Torres and Torres Ávila. Dorfman. and terror” for the community of Nicolás Ailío. 12. September 15. Available at www.” 185. . Mallon describes 1973–90 as “years of repression. In chapter 4 (“When the Hearths Went Out”) of Courage Tastes of Blood. Looking North. 3. 129. . and the State. for example.. physical punishment. 1971. and Mapuche Demands. Junta de Gobierno de las Fuerzas Armadas y Carabineros de Chile. 11. Historia de un conflicto. 6. Neoliberal Economics.derechoschile.” New York Times.g. 7. refers to Oscar Manquilef.g. The Pinochet Dictatorship: Conflicting Histories and Memories. 1978. Hale and Millamán. Morris. Bacigalupo quotes from several machi who praised what they saw as Pinochet’s strong leadership qualities (see Shamans of the Foye Tree). 8. . is rarely brought to the forefront of the analysis. February 3. 385. Pobladoras. 6–7. Un pueblo sin estado. Mallon. 1. Indígenas. See also Sierra. 132. 9. however. Heading South. Ibid. an indigenous mayor of Nueva Imperial who was a firm supporter of Pinochet during the plebiscite of 1988 (see Battling for Hearts and Minds. Democratic Transition. Mallon. 13. 4. Berdichewsky. 3. 8. e. 5. “Indians Take Over Farms in Chile. Mallon. “New Chilean Political and Economic Policies Generate Conflict. “En marcha el Instituto de Desarrollo Indígena.. Ray asserts that September 11. See. and the State. Pobladoras. 3. Minister of agriculture. Haughney. 124).” The Guardian (London). e. 374. 174. quoted in El Diario Austral. p. Cien voces rompen el silencio.’” 123. Battling for Hearts and Minds. 145. See. 1974. 1973. Una experiencia privada de investigación. 163. One man of the Asentamiento Fundo San Pedro recalled being herded together with other workers. Corporatism and Comparative Politics. For more extensive analysis. Letter dated September 14. as Mallon herself comments. see Mallon. History of Chile. into a cellar of that estate. 19. 26. 16. and Yáñez. 129. 243–92. 18. Courage Tastes of Blood. 366–67. 1973.256 · Notes to Pages 153–157 Martin and Moroder. at least. On July 17. Courage Tastes of Blood. the director of the IDI. This was in response to a request received from members of the Dumulef Curivil community. chapter 3. Latin American Peasants. 190.” and Wiarda. 20. 23. but that it was still against the law (Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. 29. . e. which was transformed into a torture center. 176. and Arturo Antilaf of the community of Nolberto Lefipan. Letter dated September 24. this is not what actually happened with Manquilef ’s law. For brief but useful overviews of the military’s counter-agrarian reform see Brass. Ausentes presentes.” 183. 17. 190. Neoliberal Economics. As Collier and Sater noted. 123–24). 1974). 1973. fondo Oficios Recibidos. 1973. Londres 2000. 21.” 116. Soldiers in a Narrow Land. 15. Los trabajos de la memoria. See History of Chile. In many cases. and “La ‘doble columna. Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. “El siglo XX mapuche. 7. they were repeatedly submerged in the lake while their families were forced to watch (ibid. CODEPU. saying that he lamented having to deny them permission to divide their lands.” In the context of Latin American military regimes more generally. and Mapuche Demands. it did not involve the restitution of any significant amount of land. 359. fondo Oficios Recibidos. Cited in Spooner. and Comité Memoria MAPU. wrote to the intendant of Cautín. Jelin. On June 12. See. 125. Ramón Huichatuero.g. see Philip. see Haughney. 57–58. 32. ibid. 89. History of Chile. ibid. chapter 5. Pinochet broke the record for length of tenure among Chilean rulers. Reuque Paillalef. and Collier and Sater. 366–67. see also Courage Tastes of Blood. Mallon. “Corporatism and Functionalism in Modern Chilean Politics. Letter dated September 20. Molina. Another victim recalled being taken to Lake Lleu Lleu with seventy other people from his community. 25. and Correa. 30. Courage Tastes of Blood. Mallon. La Reforma Agraria.. particularly from the perspective of Mapuche communities. 126. as well as their families. 24. 28. explaining why it was too difficult to divide indigenous lands. Collier and Sater.. Intendencia de Cautín. For more on corporatism in Chile see Drake “Corporatism and Functionalism in Modern Chilean Politics. 22. When a Flower Is Reborn. Drake.. 33. “Military Institution Revisited.’” 74. 31. Ibid. On Decree-Law 701 of 1974. Democratic Transition. Héctor Vera Granizo. 27. he wrote to Antonio Lefipan. Mallon. Londres 38. 52. See “¡Lautaro! de Isidora Aguirre se presenta este fin de mes. 50. in ibid. Courage Tastes of Blood. 49. Stern. When a Flower Is Reborn. “Les dieron alcohol a los mapuches. whose bravery would be inherited by the future inhabitants of the country. 22. “Cultural Agency and Political Struggle. Santos Millao. conversation with Reuque. 61. Lincoñir. 46. January 15. 42. 1980. “El siglo XX en Gulumapu. Ibid.” 21. 109. When a Flower Is Reborn. September 19. and Urquillas.. 112–13. All these letters can be found in the Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. Battling for Hearts and Minds. 54. 41. 174. Courage Tastes of Blood. 29. 44. 110. 55. September 18. 59. 79. Una experiencia privada de investigación. 47.” 196. 43. “El siglo XX en Gulumapu. Cited in Pradenas. 134.” Las Últimas Noticias. 38. 60. April 7. Aguirre explained that this was how the play ¡Lautaro! came into being in her prologue to the published version. Teatro en Chile. 1979. 175. Ibid. 36. 1982. for example.. Doce experiencias de desarrollo. Reuque Paillalef.. March 23. . “Ochenta guerreros mapuches en el desfile de hoy. This spectacle never materialized. Ibid. cited in Caniuqueo. 35. CODEPU. 361–62).” 287. 7. 112.” El Diario Austral.” El Sur. Mallon. “La visita del Presidente a Villarrica y Loncoche. 57. Cited in Carrasco. school texts under the military regime portrayed the Mapuche as “the first inhabitants of the geographic region that would be called Chile” and presented them “as strong warriors.Notes to Pages 157–164 · 257 34. Letter sent September 14. 217. 440. Ibid. with society-wide surveillance.” 172. Mallon. According to Jorge Ochoa. The following day El Diario Austral reported the disappointing news that the group was not able to participate because they were not sufficiently prepared. was arrested and badly beaten several times. the only institution able to retain a more or less independent profile was the Catholic Church” (History of Chile. Director Regional de Orígenes. with the law courts shamefully acquiescent. 51. 37. 1979. “Domingo Colicoy. 48. 58. 5.” 287 39. Hale and Millamán.” El Diario Austral. 40. 1973. 126. Hale and Millamán. Mallon.” El Diario Austral. Caniuqueo. Iturralde. 1984. Mapuche resistance against Spanish colonial rule was central to official imaginings of a Chilean raza militar. 53. “Cultural Agency and Political Struggle. 6. 45. 115. As Collier and Sater have asserted “with political parties banned.” See La sociedad vista desde los textos escolares. Reuque Paillalef. 56. “Trasciende fronteras: III Festival Mapuche. Ibid. 1982.html. “Hubo diálogo directo del gobierno-mapuches. 1978. 64. May 23.” January 29.” 22. 1978. 1979. CODEPU. 1982.” September 9.” Las Últimas Noticias. 67. May 1982. Reuque Paillalef. vol. 81. Ibid. and “Mapuches de Pelehue no dividirán sus tierras. “A tablero vuelto se da ¡Lautaro! en Viña.258 · Notes to Pages 164–171 62. “¡Lautaro! de Isidora Aguirre se presenta este fin de mes. “Abierto diálogo con dirigentes mapuches. Josefina. 80. 1978. 1981. 77. 75. “Reunión con indígenas sostendrá el ministro en biblioteca municipal.” El Mercurio (Valparaíso). “Hoy se estrena en Santiago ¡Lautaro! de Isidora Aguirre. 79. 78.” January 30. 84. 75.” October 8. 4. 1982. 66. 85. 1979.” October 5. . “Indígenas desean conocer modificaciones de su ley. Aguirre.” 71. When a Flower Is Reborn. 1982.” March 24. Ibid.20085. Una experiencia privada de investigación. Aguirre. 7. 1978. 22. On December 11. B11. When a Flower Is Reborn. 73. “Las comunidades apoyan nueva ley indígena. 136. 83. Quoted in Pottlitzer. 74.” September 8. “Mapuches tienen un concepto claro respecto a nuevo ley. 76.” July 23. 82. May 20. “A tablero vuelto.” July 21. 5.” reproduced in ibid. 120–21. Recopilación de decretos leyes. 106. 2006 (the day after Pinochet died) the organization Reporters without Borders paid homage to sixty-eight media workers who were disappeared or murdered during the dictatorship. He published Pequeños poemas de amor in 1979 and Mi mundo niño in 1982. ¡Lautaro!. See Ana María Josefina. March 3. 68. 1981. Both in El Diario Austral. Junta del Gobierno Militar. 1978.. e. “En Pillanlelbún: 61 detenidos en reunión ilícita. 72. prologue to ¡Lautaro!. See also “Integrantes de 20 comunidades mapuches se reúnen el viernes. and “Amplio apoyo a nueva ley indígena. 63.org/chile-reporters-without-borders-condemns-13-12-2006. 86. 3. 1979. Revista de Educación 97 (1982). 70. 21. 120.” El Diario Austral. 88.rsf. April 7. all in El Diario Austral. 1979. C11. 87. 1982.g. See “Abel Carrizo: Lautaro no es lección de historia.” El Sur. 122.” La Nación. 120. 69. 137. 1981.. “Cantos mapuches despidieron a la autora de obra Lautaro. See. The plebiscite called for the approval of a new constitution.” September 2. “Emilio Antilef: Un poeta de 9 años. In Reuque Paillalef. 11. 65.” El Diario Austral. See http://en. June 13–October 26. 3.. “Orientación y recursos han faltado al mapuche. January 31. El Diario Austral also reported on the communities that refused to divide their lands: “Mapuches no quieren dividir sus tierras. Ibid. “Mapuches plantean sus problemas al presidente.” January 24. “Emilio Antilef: El prodigio araucano.” 8. 1979.” August 10.. “Game of Expression under Pinochet. 103. State. “¿Cómo percibe el mapuche al escuela?” 102. 11. Pilar Vergara. On one initiative involving Mapuche silversmiths in Temuco. 1980.g. “Primer Encuentro Regional de Profesores Mapuches. 118. 252–53.” El Diario Austral. vol. Junta del Gobierno. 1975. 91. fondo Intendencia Cautín. March 23.” 101. Caniuqueo. March 1977. March 1977. 35–41. 1974.” Pelom 4. Ochoa. September 2. National Integration of the Mapuche. Austin.. Rodríguez. 96. “Readecuan programas educativos para Aymaras y Mapuches. “Programa de historia y geografía. Consuelo Valdés Chadwick. 114.” 73. In El Diario Austral.” November 26–28.” 204–5. 106. “Los Araucanos. 1976). La sociedad vista desde los textos escolares. Oficios Recibidos. Educación básica. “Programa de historia y geografía. Sepúlveda Gastón. fondo Intendencia de Cautín. Mallon. in When a Flower Is Reborn. 122. fondo Intendencia de Cautín. D1.. ‘Las organizaciones mapuches. Berglund. “Entrevista a Pinochet. 108. Programa de Educación Rural Mapuche. 92.Notes to Pages 172–177 · 259 89.. Educación media. conversation with Reuque Paillalef. 84. 94. Reuque Paillalef. 1999. 100. 99. e. Democratic Transition. 107. “Repuesta a una solicitud.” El Mercurio. “Profesionales mapuches invitados por el presidente. Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. 90. Oficios Recibidos. “Outlawed Society. and Mapuche Demands. 1990. 1979. See correspondence in Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. “Conclusiones del Congreso Nacional Mapuche. González and López. and El Metropolitano. Kellner. June 1. 595. Ochoa. 93. See. July 8. August 23. 1979. Neoliberal Economics. Marhiqueu. Rupailaf. Oficios Recibidos. 105. La sociedad vista desde los textos escolares. 1978. When a Flower Is Reborn. The director of the magazine.” Revista de Educación 69 (1978): 66–67. Ibid. “Mapuche during the Pinochet Dictatorship. 1977. see El Diario Austral. 110. Gobierno de Chile.” 136. was Sergio Liempi Marin. 98. 79.” 100.” 188–94. 117. 104. Haughney.” Pelom 4. 116. March 21. 36. See interviews with Lienlaf in La Época. 115.” July 1976 (found in the archive of the Regional Museum of Araucanía in Temuco. The minister’s remarks were first quoted in El Diario Austral. 97. Duran Serrano. “Siglo XX en Gulumapu. Fondo Intendencia Cautín. Oficios Recibidos. Gobierno de Chile.” Pelom 10.” 30. 112. “50 mapuches acudieron a cita de Selva Oscura. 109. 95. 14. See Junta del Gobierno Militar. 113. Ibid. 16. 111. “Política Educacional Mapuche. 19. 2. Declaración de principios del Gobierno de Chile. 1981. El pueblo mapuche. . Literacy. Sotomayor and Pérez. Archivo Regional de la Araucanía. 1975. and Popular Education. June 28. which was published in Traiguén. and Varas. República de Chile 1974. 3. and Mapuche Demands. 125. 122. El pueblo mapuche. On the politicization of Ad-Mapu see also Reuque Paillalef. esp. When a Flower Is Reborn. Chapter 6. “El siglo XX mapuche. Poesía Diaria 11 (1990). 123. 5. 182–92. 121. Ibid. The Valech Report of 2003 (officially the report of the National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture) stated that at least 29. See also Mallon. Four governments comprised this period: Patricio Aylwin (Christian Democrat. “Overwriting Pinochet. José Zalaquett. 6. Ricardo Lagos (Socialist. 355. Courage Tastes of Blood.000 Chileans were tortured by agents of the military dictatorship. 7. Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle (Christian Democrat. can be found on the Web site of the Library of the National Congress (www.cl). Stern. Wilde. In August 2011 another 10. 1 of Supreme Decree No.politicaspublicas. 2006–10).000 victims were added to that list. ‘Al chancho. . González and López. Pratt. 3. The history of Indigenous Law 19. and the final document. 13. debates in Congress. Aniñir.253. Contesting Citizenship in Latin America. 12. The All-Lands Council condemned the Nueva Imperial Agreement as yet another attempt by political parties to co-opt the Mapuche (ibid. 10.” 186–87.” 154. The Programa de Educación Intercultural Bilingüe (EIB) was not officially launched until March 1996. Neoliberal Economics. but certain elements were incorporated into teaching practice from the early 1990s. and Michelle Bachelet (Socialist.. “Irruptions of Memory. The two-page document is available at www.html.” 69. For an analysis of the agreement from a Mapuche perspective. Indigenous Peoples and Democracy. and Haughney. 1990. 2. 901. 71–75. Ibid.000 victims. and Friendly Liquidation of the Past. including reports from CEPI.” 4–5. Claiming Historical Truth in the Era of Neoliberal Multiculturalism. 8. 217. 11. 41. Art. 124. 9. Editorial.’ in Mapurbe: Venganza a raíz. Democratic Transition. quoted in Grandin and Klubock. April 25. Chihuailaf. The Rettig Commission listed approximately 3. 15. Menard. and it was underlined as one of the priorities of the new indigenous law in 1993. Recado confidencial. Nation of Enemies. 1990–94). 1990–2010 1. From Tribal Village to Global Village. Van Cott.bcn.260 · Notes to Pages 178–183 119. “Destinos del archivo mapuche.net/panel/biblioteca/ doc_details/21-acuerdo-de-nueva-imperial-1989.” 3. Constable and Valenzuela. Mallon. 1994–2000). and Yashar. 186.” note on 482–83. see chapter 6 of Isolde Reuque Paillalef ’s testimony When a Flower Is Reborn. 120. 4. There is a rich scholarship on the link between democratization and the recognition of indigenous rights in Latin America. 143–49. “Truth Commissions. Toledo Llancaqueo. For contrasting approaches see Brysk. 180–81). 14. “La memoria de las tierras antiguas. 2000–2006). Battling for Hearts and Minds. 1 of Informe de la Comisión Verdad Histórica y Nuevo Trato con los Pueblos Indígenas (hereafter CVHNT). Ralco ¿represa o pobreza? and Mella Seguel. El gobierno de Lagos. who worked as a technical adviser to the commission.’” in Aylwin and Yáñez. See Haughney. 23. Ibid. “Visiones del acuerdo sobre pueblos indígenas. November 10.Notes to Pages 184–188 · 261 16.” 22. Sociedad y Mundo Indígena en Chile. Lagos. although always with a highly critical perspective. 40–43. 24.) 35. “Rethinking Indigenous Politics.” in Sueños azules y contrasueños. not just for indigenous activists but for social movements in general.” 28. introduction to Ül: Four Mapuche Poets. 99–155. 32. but on arriving in Santiago for the inaugural ceremony had second thoughts. See Eduardo Moraga. and approximately sixty more with unpublished works in progress. 17.” El Mercurio. Logging Companies. 122. See Góngora and Picón. they all initially agreed to contribute. Vicuña. The documents produced by the CVHNT show that Raimán ended up taking part in many of COTAM’s sessions. Huilcamán and Raimán signed the final report. 34. The 126 documents are listed in Informe de la CVHNT. “Discurso de su Excelencia. Millabur did not take any part in the proceedings. “Neoliberal Policies. July 7. “Testing Democracy’s Promise. Ibid.” 20. . He shared the prize with Armando Uribe. Los mapuche ante la justicia. 19. Huilcamán did not participate in the working-group sessions but did hold discussions with the executive. 31. “Discurso de su Excelencia. Hale.” 1:576. Neoliberal economics. Willem Assies. 18. and Mapuche Struggle for Autonomy. but Millabur never endorsed it. 2010. or organizers employed in government were expected to maintain a climate of consensus. 1:605–12. Democratic Transition. 21. 29. (Personal interview with Rupailaf. 21. Lagos.” This was included as an appendix to vol.) According to Raúl Rupailaf.. for example.” in ibid. Ibid. 36.” 30. Park and Richards. 1:575. “Poesía Mapuche. On forestry companies see Haughney. “Discurso de se Excelencia el Presidente de la República con motivo de la constitución de la Comisión Verdad y Política del Nuevo Trato entre el Estado. Organizations receiving state funding. 26. Rodríguez and Carruthers. 33. 17. According to Jaime Huenún there are at least twenty writers with individual publications.” 3. 2003. “Aún deseo soñar en este valle. It was published by Universitaria in Santiago. According to José Aylwin. Chihuailaf. El gobierno de Lagos. (See “La Política del ‘Nuevo Trato. Paley shows how the Concertación expressly sought to limit the possibilities for dissent in Chile. and Mapuche Demands. prologue to Aylwin and Yáñez. Lagos. despite not having participated in its elaboration.. 25. 27. “Negotiating Neoliberal Multiculturalism. See Namuncura. Temuco. Editorial in Azkintuwe. 60. “Informe final de la COTAM. 1:326. 45. and other cities. Valdivia.org. including activists who had been held in prison on charges of terrorism.” El Diario Austral. 3. 130. Ibid. 2002. “Visiones del acuerdo. 50. from all different parts of Chile and Argentina. 3:517. no. “Propuestas y recomendaciones. Osorno. 49. Ibid. B3. “Discurso de su Excelencia. 42. It provided detailed information on the títulos de merced granted by the state during the radicación process. 52. “Crónicas de desencuentros. the marking of skin. the expulsion of whole communities from their homes (see ibid. 53. 3:521.. no.” in Informe de la CVHNT.” Azkintuwe.” in Informe de la CVHNT. 2.” in Informe de la CVHNT.. Ibid. Lemún was shot in the head during a confrontation with police on November 7. Cited in Moraga.” but the COTAM report quoted extensively from the statements of hundreds of Mapuche people. but often usurped by private interests in the aftermath. 2 (2003). 3:569. 58.. Editorial in Azkintuwe. 38. 43. 41. vol. See Alfredo Seguel. 22.” 576. 2 (2003). 48. . “Visiones del acuerdo. 54. Lagos. “Informe final de la Comisión de Trabajo Autónoma Mapuche (COTAM). “Informe final del Grupo de Trabajo Indígenas Urbanos. 46. within and outside of the Mapuche political movement.” in Aylwin and Yáñez.” 59. 47.azkintuwe. 3:518. Millabur criticized the CVHNT’s “failure to represent the bases” and Toledo Llancaqueo claimed that it gave no “voice to the victims.” 570. Ibid. and Moraga.” 39. 2003. 2. “Comisión de Verdad Histórica. October 29. 1:354–55). 56. it outlines the different proposals for Mapuche autonomy that have emerged since the transition to democracy.” in Informe de la CVHNT. It also reveals the conflicting views on the sacrifice of José Painecur (a young child) following the earthquake in 1960. no. On the subject of customary law. It also corroborated the violent atrocities suffered by Mapuche people: the massacres. Ibid. 51. The newspaper is available at newsstands in Santiago. 1:321. “La larga historia de los pueblos indígenas de Chile. He died in hospital five days later. 3:517. Ibid. 2 (December 2003).. El gobierno de Lagos. Buenos Aires.. Painemal. 55. 1:477–523. the report talks about the variety of foreign churches that Mapuche people have joined since the arrival of Catholic and Protestant missions. 40.. 44. In Moraga.. “Los códigos del neoindigenismo del estado. 57.. For example. 3:517. Ibid. It is also accessible on line at www. 3:522.262 · Notes to Pages 189–193 37. “Visiones del acuerdo. W. the land was first invaded in 1967. 71. 68. “Informe final del Grupo de Trabajo Indígenas Urbanos. 2009 (last accessed August 4.” 10–11. 82. winka!. 3.” posted on www. Ancán.” in ibid. 78. Cited in Moraga. (2003). 83. 11. 16. ¡presente!” in ibid. 10. “Visiones del acuerdo. See “Algunas impresiones. “Presentación. winka!. In his biography. on Mapuche academic.000 monthly visitors. Ibid.. 14 (2003). “Presos políticos movilizados.” in Mapurbe. ¡Escucha. “Algunas impresiones. “Nota de Advertencia. In the case of Población Intendente Saavedra in Cerro Navia. 86. He also avoided circulating the report. and Zapilkan. 64.” 3:531. 66. Ibid..” in Marimán et al. 2.. The other three volumes were provided on a compact disk which came included. We Kintun. There were two more print runs in March and September 2009. “Coordinadora de Hogares Mapuches: Temuko Resiste.” op. and emphasized all his other (music.. “Comisión de Verdad Histórica. Huenún.” 131.org on September 26. “A un año de su asesinato por carabineros.. “La fuerza de Lafkenmapu. Millabur belongs to Lafkenche Territorial Identity. Toledo Llancaqueo. 62. Mapurbe. 24. no. 65.” Azkintuwe. literary. “La memoria de las tierras antiguas. and oral storytelling. 7. Alex Lemún.Notes to Pages 193–201 · 263 61. cit. “Crónicas de desencuentros. It was available on the Internet but there was no mass-produced print copy. Ibid. 63. and the Coordinación de Organizaciones e Identidades y Territoriales Mapuche. Caniuqueo has participated in the last two organizations also. 80. Aniñir expressly referred to himself as a “cultural activist” rather than a writer or poet. See “Los periodistas y colaboradores del periódico mapuche Azkintuwe evalúan sus seis años de trabajo. Marimán has been a member of Ad-Mapu. video) projects.cl on March 9. 18. Bachelet pushed for copies to be made available in mainstream bookstores and provided to all state schools in the country.rebelion. and Cayuqueo and Painemal to the Mapuche Nationalist Party Wallmapuwen. The elders had traveled to Santiago to meet with Lagos. 76. 87. on indigenous cinema and media from across Latin America. See the acknowledgments in 20 poetas mapuche contemporáneos. Cayuqueo. 75.” in ibid.” 69. 2011).” 75.. printed on the inside cover of his subsequent collection. “La(s) identidad(es) mapuche(s). 81.” 34. Barros Cruz. .. 13. ¡Escucha. 79. “Mapurbe. no. 70. José Ancán also alludes to the poet’s dilemmas in his prologue to Aniñir’s book.” in 20 poetas mapuche contemporáneos. Quoted in Ana Muga. 72. 84.” Azkintuwe. where Aniñir still lives today. 85. 5–7. 18.elclarin. 2010. 73. Interview with Painemal published on www. Today it claims 50. In 2008 Bachelet’s government remedied this by sponsoring Pehuén’s publication of the first volume. 3:1219. Introduction to Marimán et al. Seguel. 77. 67. 74. Yekintun. No longer highlighted as a distinct element of the CMN’s work. Epilogue to Marimán et al. I am investigating these recent changes and the motives and rationale behind them. 2007. 106. 255. 53.” 129 and 172.” El Siglo. This section was created in 2001 to bring the institution in line with the indigenous law of 1993. posted on www. 99. “Comentarios sobre patrimonio cultural.” 54. 17. 267. Consejo de Monumentos Nacionales. 98.. Levil. 109. 114. Ibid. 96.culturaenmovimiento. Ibid. 2004. 185 (June 2005): 52. Winka!. Ibid. 115. 100. “Los mapuche antes de la conquista militar... The poem is titled “Volveré” (I Will Return). 259. 104.264 · Notes to Pages 201–206 88. 112. Ibid. “Los mapuche antes de la conquista militar. 94. winka!. Eduardo Robledo. respectively. “Oratorio al señor de Pucatrihue. Ediciones LOM. it was Pinto who first commissioned the book for LOM. 108.. Ibid. Millalén. The area today named Osorno was part of Mapuche territory pre–Spanish conquest. Marimán. . 121.. it is his poetry that we hear as we watch the shocking images of destruction. 125.cl. March 4.. 107. 110. 6–10. 89. no.” by José Osorio. September 3.” 4.. 103. Un pueblo sin estado. The same can be said of Millahueique’s current role in the CMN. which is why I have written this section of the chapter mainly in the past tense. ¡Escucha.. 264. 102. 93. 221. Marimán. “Siglo XX en Gulumapu. Caniuqueo. Mallon.” Pluma y Pincel. 116. 116. “Sociedad mapuche contemporánea. 11. 113. Epilogue to Marimán et al. Ibid. Book review in Revista de Historia Social y de las Mentalidades 11. ¡Escucha. 2. winka!.. “El siglo XX mapuche. “Mi poesía es política: Entrevista a César Millahueique.. “La obra de César Millahueique.” in ibid. 2. the section’s place within the institution’s aims and objectives is precarious.” in Marimán et al. but they fall outside the time frame of this book.. 91. 95. “La sociedad mapuche prehispánica. 101.” 190. Information on Chile’s indigenous cultural heritage used to be available on the National Monuments Council’s (CNM) Web site. 111. As series editor. 1 (2007): 169. but not part of the territory recognized as autonomous by the Spanish colonial authorities or by Chilean authorities in the early independence years. Quoted in Sierra. ¡Escucha. 90. Ibid. 5.. no. 5.” in ibid. Millahueique. Ibid. 70. but at the time of writing (January 2012) Internet users can read nothing about it.. 105. 97. La Memoria de Chile. 92. Lienlaf is the voice of these films. 19. Huenún. and Mallon.pdf. 93–94. Un pueblo sin estado. available at www2. literacy requirements meant that uneducated rural and urban workers did not have the right to vote until 1970. 4. 13. Paillalef.ohchr. In the republished testimony of 1971. “El Museo Mapuche de Cañete avanza en su modernización. . 122. Conclusion: A Defiant History of Difference 1. 5. Gendered Compromises. 5.” 131. Organizaciones.cl/sdm_mm_canete/noticias. Ibid. For example. 120.” January 15. Protests against the Maqueo hydroelectric project. and Haughney. Ibid. Historia del pueblo mapuche. 129. and Stüdemann. which was to be financed by the Norwegian company SN Power.” 373. Salt in the Sand. his name was printed as Lorenzo Aillapán. “Cuando la poesía es mapuche. Frazier. Escritos mapuches. 130. “Decoding the Parchments. Informe de la CVHNT. 7.mapuexpress.cl/sdm_mm_canete for details of these activities. Mora. Barr-Melej provides an excellent overview of the cultural politics of the Parliamentary Republic (1891–1925) in Reforming Chile.” 134. Menares. Quoted in Sierra. on www. 127. See www. Bengoa. It was Bachelet and not Lagos who was responsible for mass-producing the report. Primera exploración etnográfica.” Insightful contributions on contemporary Mapuche politics include Bacigalupo. and Mapuche Demands.Notes to Pages 207–219 · 265 117.dibam. Full article available at www. See esp. Rosemblatt. Ibid.asp?id=12131. I have used a different spelling of his name here to conform to the museum documentation. and Loncón. Of course. Cuminao. 123.net. 119. 118. Neoliberal Economics Democratic Transition. 126. All the people were involved in some way in the renovation of the museum exhibition. 1990): 39. 121. this participation has been affected by changing regulations as to who is allowed to vote or stand for election. 3. 128. 118. Shamans of the Foye Tree and “Pragmatic Gendered Negotiations”. Quoted in Antillanca. Mora. 132. and Stüdemann. Primera exploración etnográfica. 124.org/english/bodies/cerd/docs/ngos/ comunidades_mapuche_chile_CERD75.” 48.mapuexpress. were reported on June 23. líderes y contiendas mapuches. produced in July 2009. I discuss the new exhibition in more depth in “Mapuche Museum of Cañete.” 31. 133. 6. 2.. Chapanoff. Menares. Crow. Margarita Cea.net/?act=news&id=4250. 2009. Foerster and Montecino. See the report of the Coordinación de Comunidades en Conflicto Socioambiental. 125. “Revisar la multiculturalidad. “Nueva museografía. available at www. 94. Lorenzo Ayllapán is the same literary and political figure referred to in the opening pages of chapter 4. “Mapuche Museum of Cañete. The photographs were taken by Felipe Durán between 2004 and 2010.dibam. 1:5.” Análisis (August 13–19. Courage Tastes of Blood and “El siglo XX mapuche. Mallon. 2010. 70. see Postero. 23. “Poesía mapuche. the Bolivian experience is very different from that of Chile: 62 percent of Bolivians self-identify as indigenous. To Die in This Way. Decentralising Development. and of course. in Cámara de Diputados. Marketing Democracy. Gendered Compromises. Paley. Góngora and Picón. 14. and its new constitution recognizes the country as a pluri-national state. 15. de la Cadena and Starn. 3. it has an indigenous president today. but my study has pointed to many other Mapuche of the twentieth century who challenged dominant racial dichotomies: Rayén Quitral through opera music. there are some important overlaps in the imagery. “Manuel Aburto Panguilef. Of course. 10. Gould. and in their mediations and translations created new visions of that identity. and Thorp. 18. de la Cadena. or Sebastián Queupul through poetry.266 · Notes to Pages 221–227 8. in the connections between indigenous rights and protests against neoliberal reforms. Rosemblatt.” 7. 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Sharpe. and the Araucanian Theater Company. 96. 144–45. 182. 117. interview with Saul Landau. Mistral on. 90. 1. 208. 51 Alessandri. 116. 71–72. 1. See also Aburto Panguilef. 218. 86–88. under the Popular Front. Salvador. 117. 72–76. 152. connections with the Left. 146. 22. See also Popular Unity (Unidad Popular) All Lands Council. 70. 90 Agrarian Reform. 70. 15. Arturo. 155–56. resistance to privatization of indigenous lands. David. relationship with Lipschutz. 26. 100. Michimalonco . network of. 254n106. 227 Aguirre Cerda. 199. 153. See also Araucanian Congresses. See also Caupolicán. 15. 52. 225–26. on the Ranquil massacre. 78–79. 124. support for Ibáñez. 250nn6. 254n122. death of. 218. 227 Alessandri. 12. 227. 138–39. 247n39. 145. Manuel. 96. 76. 76. 79. as machi. 217. 117. 124. and indigenous identity. See also Laws Agrarian Reform Corporation (CORA). signing of Cautín Pact. 145. 225. under Popular Unity. 169–70. Manuel. See also Aburto Panguilef. 120. 148. and transition to democracy. Lautaro (warrior). 120. 4 Angol. 144. 118. 77. 72–74. 250n2. 197–200. 141–42. Jorge. political decline of. 224. Araucanian Federation Ad-Mapu: creation and constitutional recognition of. 79–80. 119. 177. on Mapuche landownership. 28.Index Aburto Panguilef. 263n79 Antilef. 172. 136. 140. 108 Allende Gossens. 142. 93. 85. 219. 5. 118. 196 Aniñir. 75. See also Mapuche Cultural Centers (CCM) Agrarian Labor Party. 88. 182. and the “No” campaign. Araucanian Congresses Araucanians. 42. 169–70 Araucanian Congresses. changes under Pinochet. Manuel. 224. Lorenzo. 76–77. José. 145. 79. 113. 142. 70. 6. 10. on Mapuche activism. 164–66. 149. under the Christian Democratic government. 163. 226. Pedro (Popular Front government of). 16. 179. 217. 141. Araucanian Federation Araucanian Corporation. Venancio Araucanian Federation. See also Coñuepán Huenchual. 23. 260n10 Ancán. 215. 17. 12. 60. 233n1 Araucanian warriors. 218. proclamation of an Indigenous Republic. 220 Aillapán Cayuleo. 86. 102. 221. in El Diario Austral. Emilio. 254n111. 217. 188. 76. 158 Aguirre. Isidora. 51. 32. on education. foundation of. 234–35n19 Barros Arana. 15. reception of. See also Aylwin. 222. 114. 46. 175. See also Frei Montalva. 97. Multiculturalism Christian Democratic Party. outcomes of. statues of. 194. 221. 10. 194–97. 85. 200. 122 Cayupi. 192. 36. formation of. 6. 189. Lázaro. 94–95. 177. 199 Communist Party: and Aburto Panguilef. 31. 76. 37 Bolivia. 163–64. 101. 72. 120. Diego. 134. 266n18. 43–44. 59. 17. 221 Azkintuwe. Mapuche people’s identification with. in Mistral’s poetry. Pascual (testimony of). 101. and modernity. 46. 35. on the occupation campaigns. and Latin America. 24 Bengoa. 75. 114 Coña. Michelle. Juan. on Neruda. 25. See also War of the Pacific Caniuqueo. and Neruda. 237n18 Concertación: criticisms of. on Coñuepán and the Araucanian Corporation. 63. contesting visions of. 34. 7. 39. 179. 187. 93. Juan. Working Group of Urban Indigenous People. 67. 124 Commission for Historical Truth and New Treatment of Indigenous Peoples (CVHNT). 30 . 182. 187–88. 224. 211 Bachelet. 226 Colipí. 217. 263n64 Bacigalupo. 163. Frei Ruiz-Tagle. 181. 179– 80. Pedro. 140. on Mistral. Historia del pueblo mapuche. 142. 119. in celebrations of Chilean independence. Bachelet. 181. 215. 92–94. 76–77. Venancio. 218. 195. 23. 12. under González Videla. Patricio. Independence of Chile. and the CCM/Ad-Mapu. 67 Augusta. electoral victory of. on education. 49. 135–36 Chilenidad (Chilean nationhood): under Aguirre Cerda. on violence of the occupation campaigns. 80–82 Caupolicán Society: amalgamation with Araucanian Federation. 32. 211 Chihuailaf. on Jara. 95. 61. 210. 166. 211. 217. Autonomous Mapuche Working Group. 123. on reservation system. Domingo. 190–91. 216. José: on the Araucanian Federation. during elections of 1989. on the military coup. 34. 57. 214. inauguration of. 12 Barr-Melej. 189–90. 120. on Mapuche communal lands. 194. 217. and the New Song movement. 227 Aylwin. 193. 51. Patrick. 222. Indigenous Mapuche identity. and the CVHNT. 86. 32. 190. 86–88. 180. 65–66. 38. 216. Mapuche criticisms of. 79–80. 192. 114. 192. 193. 204. Mapuche criticisms of. Mapuche support for. 81 Cayuqueo. 52-53. 33. on the occupation campaigns. 54–56. in Neruda’s poetry. José. in Parra’s music. Ricardo Confederation of Araucanian Societies. Ana Mariella. Elicura. 57. José María. 108. 79. 184. 79. 99. 157. indigenous rights and governments of. See also Historiography. 197. 181.282 · Index Arguedas. 17. Sergio. Felix José de. Manuel Cautín Pact. 183. 168 Constitution (of Chile). 223 Comas. 229. 188. 177. Patricio. 158. on Mapuche cultural traditions. founding narrative of. 26. 192–93. See also Manquilef González. 99. 122. 48. and Chilean nationhood. 223. Eduardo. 182–85. Identity. 246n12 Caupolicán: Chilean nationalism’s appropriation of. Lagos. 183. and Mapuche autonomy. 221. 10. 90. 22. 177 Coñuepán (I). Eduardo (Christian Democratic government of) Colicoy Caniulén. 157. Michelle. 119. 200–201 Cárdenas. 36–37. 90. 154 Education. 64–66. Juan Agustín. 53. 174. 4 Decadentismo. 75. 90. 197. 14. 117. Mapuche Education Plan. 228. and Ibáñez. 100. 152. Tomás. 83. 218 Coronil. 87–88. of subaltern struggles. Archives and Museums (DIBAM). Guido. of occupation campaigns. Laws. 62 Guevara. Ramón. 234n17 Frei Montalva. 224. Education. Diane. as narrated by Manquilef. education and early career of. Ariel. 5. See also Agrarian Reform. 200–203. 224 Grove. bilingual literacy schemes. 109 Department of Indigenous Affairs (DASIN). 194 Fiol-Matta. Marmaduke. and indigenous identity. 173. 97. 219 Gorbea. 173–75. 55–56. at the First Inter-American Indigenista Congress. Luis. in Mexico. Ministry of Education. 179 Federation of Chilean Workers (FOCH). 38–39. organized by the Mapuche Cultural Centers. 215 Coñuepán Huenchual. Marxist. 69. 106. 155 Drake. 8. 24 González Videla. 117. 173. Mapuche demands for. under Frei Montalva. at the Araucanian Congresses. 5. 74. 101. Paul. 185 Galdames. 93. 213 Huenchulaf. 9. as director of DASIN. 216. Mapuche teachers. Gabriel. 200. 99–100. 66. 44. 95. 62. Ignacio. 122. and the Left. 221 Department of Libraries. 112. Licia. 79. 244n108. 106–8. 101–6 Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco. Eduardo (Christian Democratic government of). 226. 58. 186. 193. 38. 122–25. 190. 177.” 25. 131–32 Hale. Paulo. 209 Domeyko. 86. Eduardo. government permission for. Pinochet regime Ercilla. 54. 6. 183. 120 Figueroa. 105. 49. 189 . 5. (increasing) access to. 188. 123. of Pinochet dictatorship. 161. 25–26. Venancio. 210. 152. 125. Laws Freire. 87–88. 100. 100 Historiography: and Chilean “exceptionalism. 126. 217. Institute of Indigenous Development (IDI). 215. 145. 24. See also Department of Indigenous Affairs (DASIN). 16. 98 First Inter-American Indigenista Congress (PCII). 45. 51–52. 128. 19 Dorfman. 126. 16. 12. 123 Freire. Rolf. 143. 196. Charles. 23. Public Education Commission. 138. intercultural education. 219. 61. PCII on. 164. 86–87. 177. Mauricio. Fernando. 120 Frazier. 147. 56. 206. 104. Lessie Jo. 33. 12. protection of.Index · 283 Coñuepán (II). 240–41n13 De la Cadena. 216. 120–21. 98. 189 Haughney. 10. 38 Frei Ruiz-Tagle. 109. 64. 166. Mapuche nationalist. as caudillo-like figure. 48. Jeffrey. as sung by Parra. 239n100 Gould. 220. 113. 23–26. 236n16. 185. in the National Congress. Marisol. Mapuche experiences of. 91. 34. 159. 7. 6. 236nn13. 95. 171. Venancio. 214. 216 Guillatún. 216. 103–4. 123. 150. 118. Alonso de. 107 Foerster. 95 Eytel. 106–8. 84. 138. 72–73. 190. 185. 88. 119. 235n20 Department for the Defense of the Race and Enjoyment of Free Time. 59–60. 90. 205. 112. 284 · Index Huenún. 5. dialogue and identification with Mapuche. 16. 203. 119. Latin American. 173. Gen. 112–13. 176. 160. 204. 178. 223–34. 85. Mistral and Neruda as proponents of. 46 Laws: of Compulsory Education (1920). 229 Larraín. 16. in Neruda’s poetry. 200. 142–43. 145. 163–64. 218. 193–94. 84 Latcham. 82. 61. 86. 244n108. 220. 205. 147. and New Song. Alex. 102. 9–13. See also Chilenidad (Chilean nationhood). 227. 11. definitions of. 127–28. 3. Mapuche identification with. 140. on education. 35. antiterrorism legislation. 198. representing Mapuche culture. 203. 81. 113 Indigenous Mapuche identity. Jaime. on the occupation campaigns. 68. 118–19. Indigenous Mapuche identity Igaymán. 215. criticisms of the Concertación. 74–75. and modernity. 115. 147. Indigenous Law 17. 197. 100–101. Decree Law 2568 (1979) on indigenous lands. 235n32 Inter-American Indigenista Institute (III). 124. 145. 95 Liberal Democratic Party. 144–46. Education Lebu. in public commemorative events. centenary of. 157–59. as official ideology in Mexico. shifts in and diversity of. 222. rise to power of the “General of Hope. 219. 110. 222.729 (1972). 44–46. 83–84. 77. as collective. state appropriation of. 145. 228. 187. 68–69. 70 Lienlaf. 185. 74. See also Agrarian Reform. 99. 135. 261–62n34 Ibáñez. 216 Independence of Chile. 42 Lemún. and class struggle. 91. 196 La Moneda Palace. Rodolfo. 62. continental institutionalization of. 94. 219 Identity: scholarly debates about. 61. 185–86. 89. 108. 52–57 Indigenismo: in Chile. and the land. 128.253 (1993). 228. 99. 133. 51. Alan. 17. 171. 164–65. and Marxism. 92–94. 183. 176 Institute of Indigenous Development (IDI). 184. 155–56. 136–37. 114. 221 Huilcamán. 216. 134–35. 220. Iván Carrasco on. 190. 137. 95. performance of. 88. 93. 149. 15. 40. 62. Aucán. 108. 205. 221 Intellectual(s). 225–26. 16. 262n44 Lenz. Ricardo.” 90. 147. 141–44. 131. 242n65. 94 Lagos. Indigenous Law 19. 218. 171. second presidency. 204. 178. 130. 221. 122. 33. 101. 99. 63–64. narrating the Mapuche struggle. reception of. 84. work in museums. 87–88. 191. 99. Law 6362 (1940) on Small Farmers Co-operatives. 131. 260–61n14. 106–7. 185. 176. 106. 156. 140. 130. Víctor. 85. 77 Lautaro (town). 243n81. 71–72. 220. 226. 137. See also First Inter-American Indigenista Congress (PCII) Jara. 68. 204. 188. 208–11 . 90. 183. 152. 59–60. 84. and developmentalism. 84. 136. 147 Knight. Carlos: authoritarian regime (1927–1931). 221. 147. 224. creation of DASIN. 190. 223 Institute of Agrarian and Livestock Development (INDAP). 111–12. 149. 88. 92–93. death of. 78. 196. 5. 253n81 Lautaro (warrior): in Aguirre’s play. 139–41. Guillermo. Manquilef ’s Law 4169 (1927) on indigenous lands. 135. 221. 83. 83. 187–89. 197. 204. 220. in Parra’s music. in Lienlaf ’s poetry. Leonel. Ricardo. 17. Jorge. 32. shifting notions of. 225. 194. 65. 179–80. 208–11. 199. 170–72. 182. 222. Memory Mapuche Museum of Cañete. 7. 131. 68. 57. Elizabeth Jelin on. 217. 201. 168. 140. 75. 211 Mapuzungun language: at the Araucanian Congresses. 178. 228 Marchant. 179. at the Araucanian Congresses. 210. 31. on land reform. 146. 61. 182 Manquilef González. 63–64. and party politics. 61–69. 156. Comentarios.A. and mestizaje. 125. 168–69. land takeovers by Mapuche peasants. and “transculturation. 172. 186. 216. on the Araucanian Corporation. 234n13 Mercurio. memories of Mapuche territorial independence. 59. 185. 61–62. 72. 204 Menard. 59. 162–63. Manuel. 202.. See also Laws Mapuche Cultural Centers (CCM). 68. Domingo. 35. 74–75. 98. 175. on Mapuche political activism and the Left. on Juan Colipí. 15–16. 125. 227 Mapuche Nationalist Party Wallmapuwen. 67. 46. 29. and Mapuche identity. 107. illegal expropriation of by colonos and hacendados. 62. 132 Machitún (shamanic healing ritual). 63. 64. on re-democratization. on Manquilef. 128–30. and official discourses of progress and modernization. and corporatism. poetry in. 63. 184. El Mercurio S. 74. 117. 191. 221. 73. Florencia. poetry as exercise of. 52. 187. 151. 140. 147. 67–68. translation (of Chilean texts) into. 53. 48. 141. 224. 138. 156. El: anti-indigenous sentiment of. 143. 68. 162. 79. 8. 189. Patricio. 119. 45 Machi (shamans): Aburto Panguilef as. creation of. 206–7.” 67. 146. 71. involvement with legislation. 178. 9. 158. 213. 49–50. 225. 170. 220. during centennial celebrations of Chilean independence. 248n67 Mariátegui. 70. 200 Melin. 149. 54. 121. 224. intellectual collaborations. 151. dialogue with Mapuche. 61. 152. 148–49. 56. 144 Loncoche. 253n90. 75. and Mapuche cultural autonomy. 63. 45. 30. on Chilean historiography. in Parra’s music. José Carlos. 141. and Mapuche identity. transcription of and translation into Spanish. 178 Los Angeles. 218. memory struggles. 162. 140. 64. 155–56. 154. 100. 118. 217–18. 66. 222. 136. 52. 160. and forestry companies. 234n17. on occupation of Araucanía. 155. 122. 190. 59–60. 215. 144. 221. 117. 94. 100. 140–41. 93 Marimán. 139. post-occupation land-grant communities (or reservation system). André. 210. 205. 62. 161. 100. conservation of. 69. on land reform. 49–50. 167. on indigenous identity. 56. and Mapuche Museum of Cañete. 213. 171. 227 Memory. See also Ad-Mapu Mapuche lands: before occupation by Chilean state. 202. 224. 153. 212. 211–12. 172. 17. 45. 201–2. 140. loss of. in Lecturas araucanas. 226. 233–34n4. on El Diario Austral. living memory. in El Diario Austral. activities organized by. 69. protests against land reform. 203. Pablo. teaching in. Laws. 41. 67. on Mapuche autonomist claims. Manquilef on. 163. 211. public performance of. and Allende. . education and career of. 13–14. relationship with Caupolicán Society. 157. 171. 66. during Allende’s government. 153. 52. and (Chilean) New Song. 205. 135. 126–27. 121. 132 Mallon. 215. 141.Index · 285 Lipschutz. 17. 224–25. in museums. 43. 183. after the coup. 227. national. See also Agrarian Reform. títulos de merced. Alejandro. authorities’ understanding of. 63–64. at the CVHNT. 34. 102. 64. Cornelio. 183. 225. 5. 128. 29–30. 137 Natural History Museum. See also Mestizaje. 84. and Mapuche community lands. Villalobos on. Urrutia. 98. 86. 194. Neoliberalism National Association of Indigenous Peoples (ANI). 210. 138. 90–91. CVHNT on. and multiculturalism. on La Araucana. Neculmán. Gabriela. Nicola. 205–8. 32–36. 93. 1–3 Military occupation (of Mapuche territory). Mestizaje.286 · Index 22. Gustavo. 199 National History Museum. 144. 223–25. 214. 221. and the ANI. 78. 86. 234n5. See also First Inter-American Indigenista Congress (PCII). 16. 83. 24–25. 124. 82. 227 National Monuments Council (CMN). 40. elite debates about. 234n5. Mapuche support for. 179. Mapuche criticisms of. 185. 85. 91–94. 266n18. See also Multiculturalism. 204. 84. 222. See also Coña. 184–86. César. 193. 211. in museums and teaching curriculum. Gen. 206. party politics of. 3. 46–50. 216. 84–85. 34–35. Pascual (testimony of). 184–85. 67. Adolfo. 192. Mapuche leaders and. 146. 204. in teaching curriculum. 61 Neoliberalism. See also Chilenidad (Chilean nationhood). 110. violence of occupying forces. 93. 261–62n34 Millahueique. 45–46. Manuel Antonio. . contested narratives of. 34. Mapuche responses to. 206–8. 156–57. 202. 97 Mistral. 101. 152. 20. 117. Juan de Dios. See also Agrarian Reform. Canto general. and the Communist Party. 96. 114. 116. 95. Cárdenas. 92. 220. 84. 114–15. 228. 113. contradictions of (Chilean) official discourse. work with Mapuche organizations. 123–24. 17. 86 Migration. 200. 120 National Corporation for Indigenous Development (CONADI). 134. 159. 38–39. 98. experiences of migration to Santiago. 264n109 National Peasant Council. 39–40 Neculmán. Pablo. 215. 189. 151. 82. 154–55 Multiculturalism. 190. 200. mestizaje in. 91. 189 Miller. indigenismo in. 15. as national icon. 93. consequences of. 87. 223. 10–11. 122. 53. Mexico Movement of the Revolutionary Left (MIR). as consul-general in Mexico City. 219. 78. 95–99. Mexican muralists. Poema de Chile. 183. Basilio. 44. 26–27. 95. in teaching curriculum. Gregorio Millabur. Historiography. 216. 39–40. 6. 77. in Mexico. Juan de Dios. poetic representations of. 84. 14. 58. 35. 40. Chilean intellectuals in. 114–15. 134. 99. 223. Gen. 204. 103. Mapuche directors of. 16. 83. 121. Rosamel. 216. 37. Memory. creation of. and Mapuche communities. Indigenous Education and Development Section. 203–8. 87 Neculmán. 16. in Mistral’s literary discourse. 9. 26. 190–91. 228. 42 Mestizaje: Chilean intellectuals’ self-identification as mestizo. and decentralization. State (Chilean) Neruda. in Bolivia. 17. during González Videla’s government. 23. and democracy. 188. 97. Saavedra. Mexico Mexico: centennial celebrations of independence in. 124 Milet Ramírez. 24. 63. 30–32. 137. 220. 31–32. 22. 78–79. 201. regarding the War of the Pacific. 34. 218 Millamán. Mapuche resistance against. and shift in Mapuche political organizing. 199. official narratives of. Indigenismo. 121. Lázaro Michimalonco. 3. 122. Gen. Urrutia. See also New Song movement Pavez. 119. 54–56. 152. 164. Jorge. 32. education under. 141. 172–77. protests against. 34. 220 Revolutionary Peasant Movement (MCR). Juana. 14 Recabarren. 150. 40 Painemal. 87. 99. 216 Rettig Commision (or Truth and Reconciliation Commission). Rosa Isolde. 36–38. 125–28. 160. plebiscite of 1980. 31. 178. 208. Domingo. 7 Ríos Morales. 216. 118–19. 137. 13. 215. repression of. Nicolás. 248n79 Paley. 90 Ranquil Confederation. 26–28. 46–47 Piñera. 161. 181–82. Allende Gossens. 96. 137. Cornelio. 163. See also Indigenismo. 56 Paillalef. 153–54. José Santos. 181–82 Reuque Paillalef. 117. 29. . arrest of (in London). Martín. 159. 8. and Lipschutz. 136 Rappaport. 83. 225 Painemal. 199. 227. 215–16. 151–52. 24. Angel. 30. 156. 208–9. 118–19. 171. seizure of power. Laws Pratt. 149. 229. on violence of occupation campaigns. Violeta. 29–31. Antonio. 39. 17. 227 Popular Unity (Unidad Popular). 222 Painemal. 154. 215. 227 Palacios. 6. 174. 93 Petit. 197. 215. Nicanor. 116. Mexico New Song movement. Education. 185. 261n25 Parlamento of Hipinco. Mary Louise. bilingual literacy initiatives under. 129. Rayén. 102. Luis Emilio. 83. 91. Mapuche leaders’ letters to. and Conquest of the Desert. See also Pinochet regime Pinochet regime. Mestizaje. 16. 24.Index · 287 113. repression of Mapuche activism. 227 Quilapán. 13. last days of. 130–37. 138 Richards. 52. 162–63. 16. Karin. 228 Pinochet. 12. Pierre. 182 O’Higgins. 93 Regional Environmental Commission (COREMA). 124 Saavedra. Institute of Indigenous Development (IDI). Mapuche letters to. Violeta Nueva Imperial Agreement. Julia. 177. 171 Revista de Educación. Bernardo. 30 Peru. 16. as represented in El Diario Austral. Parra. 99 Puerto Saavedra. 147. 16. 222 Rosenblatt. 33 Santa María. 178 Quitral. 34–35. 171. “No” campaign against. 82. 222. Augusto: in Araucanía. Mapuche interactions with. 113–14. 16. 109–13. 154–55. 236n7 Rosemblatt. counter agrarian reform enacted by. 138. 29. 56. 83. 207 Regional Museum of Araucanía (previously Araucanian Museum of Temuco). 150. 240n13. 53. 120–21. Sebastian. 164. 176. Víctor. Juan Antonio. 143. 140. Gen. 130–34. Joanne. 133. 54. 125. 84–85. 205. 149. See also Agrarian Reform. 161 Queupul Quintremil. 88. 153. 150. Laws Plaza. 25. 24. corporatist policies of. 30. See also Agrarian Reform. 227 Radical Party. 147. 93. 178. 212 Roca. Mellilán. Patricia. See also Jara. Julio. dealing with human rights abuses of. Sebastián. 158–59. 39 Santiago: in Aniñir’s poetry. 79. 27–28 Parra. 172. Gen. 155. 217. painting of. 157. 117–18. Salvador. denials of ethnic diversity. 163. centennial celebrations in. See Popular Unity United States. 24. 44 Urrutia. Quitral. 46. 224. 241n15 Women. 201. Gen. 160. 169. 182. See Rettig Commission Unidad Popular. 154 Spanish Civil War. 56–57. Reuque Paillalef. Mistral. See also Cautín Pact Truth and Reconciliation Commission. 131. 43 Vasconcelos. David Alfaro. 120. 8. creation of the Province of Arauco. 23. Isidora. 36. 191. 23. Juana. 197. 161. Parra. José. Gen. Araucanian Theater Company in. 100. Benjamín. 15. presence in Araucanía. Liceo de Temuco.288 · Index early Mapuche organizations in. 24. memorial arch in. 207 War of the Pacific. “civilizing” mission led by. Sergio. 24. See Aguirre. Gabriela. 221–22. 77. 38. celebrations of Chilean independence. 79. Basilio. 24. 66. and neoliberalism. 12–13. 38. 206–8. Rosa Isolde . 46 Temuco. 45. 41 Villalobos. 250n3 Urrutia. 194. Gregorio. 160–61. 92. 19 Siqueiros. Domingo Faustino. 92. See also Migration Sarmiento. Violeta. 23. 35. Rayén. 26–28 Villarrica. 54. Paillalef. 101. 117. 151. new school for Mapuche students in. 110. 86. 93 Spanish conquest. 48. 183 State (Chilean): centralized nature of. 28. centennial celebrations of foundation of. 104–6. Araucanian Federation in. 164–65. in Leonel Lienlaf ’s poetry. 42. 26. and statue of Caupolicán. and civil society. 210. historical debt to indigenous peoples. 26–27. in Antilef ’s poetry. 257n43 Special Commission on Indigenous Peoples (CEPI). 93 Socialist Party (PS). 71. 226. 75. Mapuche resistance against. 80–81. 84 Vicuña Mackenna. 65. 94. 35. 14. 22. 19. 34. 29. Florida Atlantic University. * * * The University Press of Florida is the scholarly publishing agency for the State University System of Florida. . Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies. Florida International University. University of Central Florida. Florida State University. Florida Gulf Coast University.Joanna Crow is lecturer in Latin American studies at the University of Bristol. She has published in such journals as the Bulletin of Latin American Research. comprising Florida A&M University. University of Florida. University of South Florida. and University of West Florida. University of North Florida. and Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies. New College of Florida.