Singapore Soundscape: Musical Renaissance of a Global City is a comprehensive cultural historyof traditional and popular music in the cosmopolitan city-state. Musical activities in Singapore have been part of everyday life since the middle of the 19th century. Immigrant labour through the decades has brought along with it a potpourri of new cultures and customs, transforming the island’s musical arts into a vibrant soundscape. From high-browed Western classical symphony to the raucous street opera of Chinese wayang, Singapore gradually became filled with the exotic sounds from myriad lands. The nation’s musical cultures evolved alongside larger political and economic change and became more diverse after its independence in 1965. Written by a team of 19 writers, all experts in their fields, Singapore Soundscape tells the remarkable story of Singapore music and all its genres in broad brushstrokes. Interspersed with anecdotes and recollections, this book is a significant and welcome contribution to the history of music in Singapore. At long last, here is a compact but comprehensive history of the Singapore musical scene… From the British Colonial era, through years of independence and nation building to the present... These have been fastidiously covered by a distinguished local panel of scholars, academics and most vitally, artists and practitioners. Dr. Chang Tou Liang Music Reviewer, The Straits Times An evocative and inclusive musical history of Singapore’s cosmopolitan and diverse communites, Singapore Soundscape exposes readers to the main classical, folk, popular and institutionalised genres and brings to life discourses about musical change and interaction resulting from transformations in society and media technology… This book represents the most wide-ranging reference work on Singapore’s musical cultures written from local perspectives. Prof. Tan Sooi Beng Department of Music School of the Arts Universiti Sains Malaysia The personalities and topics in this book cover the classical, artistic, traditional, modern and popular. From the 1930s to the present, the essays illustrate the musical contributions of this generation, as well as their influence on society and national culture. This… book is worthy to be read and referenced. Lee Yuk Chuan President of Choral Association and Musicians Society of Singapore Honorary President of Composers Society Musical Renaissance of a Global City Edited by JUN ZUBILLAGA-POW & HO CHEE KONG SINGAPORE SOUNDSCAPE ISBN: 978-981-07-9268-8 9 789810 792688 S I N G A P O R E S O U N D S C A P E : M u s i c a l R e n a i s s a n c e o f a G l o b a l C i t y All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore SINGAPORE SOUNDSCAPE Musical Renaissance of a Global City All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore On the cover: Singapore’s musical landscape has been shaped and infuenced by many cultures and people. Here, an orchestra and combined schools choir take the stage during the 2007 National Day Parade at Marina Bay. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. Published by: National Library Board, Singapore Designed and printed by: Oxford Graphic Printers Pte Ltd. All rights reserved. ©National Library Board, Singapore, 2014. ISBN 978-981-07-9268-8 National Library Board, Singapore 100 Victoria Street #14-01 National Library Building Singapore 188064 Tel: +65 6332 3255 email:
[email protected] www.nlb.gov.sg The views of writers and contributors do not refect the views of the Publisher. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the Publisher and copyright owner(s). Whilst reasonable care is taken by the Publisher to ensure the accuracy of the information in this publication, the Publisher accepts no legal liabilities whatsoever for the contents of this publication. National Library Board, Singapore Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Zubillaga-Pow, Jun. Singapore soundscape : musical renaissance of a global city / Jun Zubillaga-Pow & Ho Chee Kong. – Singapore : National Library Board, [2014] 304 pages 17.6 cm ISBN : 978-981-07-9268-8 (paperback) 1. Music – Singapore – 20th century. I. Ho, Chee-Kong, 1963 - II. Singapore. National Library Board. III. Title. ML345 780.95957 -- dc23 OCN870254541 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore SINGAPORE SOUNDSCAPE Musical Renaissance of a Global City Edited by JUN ZUBILLAGA-POW & HO CHEE KONG All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore CONTENTS Foreword by Professor Bernard Tan 6 Preface by Jun Zubillaga-Pow 8 About the Contributors 10 Introduction: The Changing Soundscape of a Global City 14 Jun Zubillaga-Pow PART I: THE TRADITIONAL Chapter 1 From a ‘Pioneer Town’ to a ‘Cosmopolitan City’: 22 Music from 1866 to 1899 Phan Ming Yen Chapter 2 Western Classical Music: A Metahistory 35 Jun Zubillaga-Pow Chapter 3 The Story of Choirs: 1933 to 1993 54 Tan Shzr Ee Chapter 4 Chinese Choral Activities 64 Chia Wei Khuan Chapter 5 Hua Yue – The Chinese Orchestra 77 Samuel Wong Shengmiao Chapter 6 Sejarah Muzik Singapura: a Short Story on 99 Malay Nostalgia Jun Zubillaga-Pow Chapter 7 Classical Indian Music 115 Eugene Dairianathan PART II: THE POPULAR Chapter 8 A History of English-Language Popular Music 128 Joseph Tham Chapter 9 Chinese Songs of the Past 140 Jiu Jian All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore Chapter 10 Traditionalising Music: The Place of Mat Rock 147 Liew Kai Khiun and Kelly Fu Chapter 11 South Indian Pop Music and Musicians 155 Eugene Dairianathan Chapter 12 Musical Theatre 171 Kenneth Lyen Chapter 13 Jazz from the 1920s to the Present: the Musicians, 182 the Spaces and the Music Zheng Yuepeng PART III: THE INSTITUTIONAL Chapter 14 Government Policies on Music 200 Jun Zubillaga-Pow Chapter 15 Festivals and Youth 213 Duana Chan Chapter 16 The Development of the General Music 235 Programme in Primary and Secondary Schools Eric Peter Stead and Lum Chee Hoo Chapter 17 The Revolution of Wind Bands from pre-1965 to 1995 251 Penny Tan Chapter 18 The History of Music on Radio and Television 263 Mark Emmanuel and Joanna Tan Chapter 19 New Media Music-scapes 279 Tan Shzr Ee Chapter 20 Globalising the Renaissance City: 287 Music in the 21st Century Jun Zubillaga-Pow APPENDIX 岁月之歌 294 玖健 INDEX 298 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 6 FOREWORD T he documentation of the history of performing arts, and particularly of music, in Singapore is a task that remains largely unfulflled. In this respect, the visual arts have been much better served, with illustrious names like T. K. Sabapathy, Thomas Yeo and Kwok Kian Chow having made important contributions to the history of art and the assessment of key fgures in Singapore’s visual arts scene. Music in Singapore has unfortunately been much less well covered, both in terms of critical documentation as well as historical accounts. The vibrant history of popular music in Singapore has been sketched out in a small number of books (such as No Finer Time to be Alive? edited by Andy Chen and Mosman Ismahil) and articles and papers (in particular by Lily Kong), but the complex stories of, for example, traditional ethnic music and Western classical music in Singapore remain largely untold, except for one or two personal memoirs such as those of Paul Abisheganaden and of Vivien Goh (about her father, Goh Soon Tioe, a foundational fgure in string playing in Singapore). Several senior musicians have been interviewed by the National Archives of Singapore, and these recordings are accessible and available for future writers, historians and researchers to consult. Singapore Soundscape, edited by musicologist Jun Zubillaga-Pow and composer Ho Chee Kong, is thus a very welcome and important contribution to the history of music and its role in Singapore society. They have chosen to tell the story of Singapore music on a very broad canvas, covering virtually all the genres found in Singapore and the region. Starting with Phan Ming Yen’s valuable account of music during the 19th century, from the very beginning of modern colonial Singapore in 1819, the frst of the book’s three sections considers what it defnes as the Classical genres, with Jun Zubillaga- Pow chronologically following Phan Ming Yen’s account to bring the history of Western classical music in Singapore to the present day. Tan Shzr Ee skilfully retells the story of Singapore choral music, while Chia Wei Khuan and Samuel Wong Shengmiao cover the development of Singapore Chinese-language choirs and Chinese instrumental ensembles respectively. Zubillaga-Pow then recounts key events in the history of traditional Malay music in an entertaining narrative, and Eugene Dairianathan rounds up the section with an interesting look into the Indian classical music scene. The second section of the book breaks new ground by attempting to survey the entire history and corpus of all of what might be defned as popular music in Singapore, and not just English-language (as covered by Joseph Tham) or Chinese-language (as covered by Jiu Jian) popular music, but Malay and Indian popular music as well. The fascinating accounts of the development of genres specifc to Singapore, such as Xinyao and the Mat Rock scene, so crucial to the overall development of rock music and indie bands in Singapore (as recounted by Liew Kai Khiun and Kelly Fu), are important ingredients in a full history of Singapore popular music. Eugene Dairianathan’s article on popular music in the Indian community is equally fascinating, reminding me of the close nexus between the Hindi flm music world and Malay audiences. Two other Western genres that are experiencing a burgeoning in the Singapore musical scene, musical theatre and jazz, are well covered by Kenneth Lyen and Zheng Yuepeng respectively. (The jazz article includes a fascinating photograph of Louis Armstrong in Singapore surrounded by the aristocracy of the Singapore jazz world, including my dear friend, the late Gerry Soliano.) The third section of the book closely examines the inescapable hand of the Establishment. Zubillaga-Pow explores the whole range and history of Singapore government interventions, which have given rise to the broad features of the Singapore musical landscape, such as the Singapore Symphony Orchestra, the Esplanade – Theatres on the Bay, and the Yong Siew Toh Conservatory. Duana Chan focuses on music festivals All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 7 that have shaped the programming landscape, chief among them the Singapore Arts Festival. The development of music education in our schools, which has had a varied history, is well covered by Eric Peter Stead and Lum Chee Hoo, while the birth and rise of a Singapore musical phenomenon now well established in the musical scene – the wind band – is given a comprehensive account by Penny Tan. Finally, we acknowledge the key role that technology has played in the musical life of Singapore, with Mark Emmanuel and Joanna Tan considering the infuence of radio and television on music in Singapore, and Tan Shzr Ee’s up-to-the minute survey of music technology and the infuence of social media, bringing us right to the present time and into the future. In conclusion, Zubillaga- Pow takes a look at the 21st century, covering developments such as the National Day Parade theme songs, including probably the most memorable and genuinely popular: Dick Lee’s ‘Home’. While one might possibly fnd important gaps that are only lightly covered or even omitted by this impressive and all-encompassing survey of music and its history in Singapore, this volume is without doubt an extremely valuable and scholarly contribution to a better understanding of how all of our various musical cultures and genres have developed and become interwoven to form the complex fabric of our musical life and consciousness today. Most of us are aware of the richness and depth of our musical and cultural heritage, whose sources are so varied, complex and multifarious. This volume will serve very well to help us to appreciate this richness and its value, and undoubtedly be a valuable tool in aiding present and future musicians of Singapore to tap meaningfully into their rich musical heritage, to fashion and create new musical works that will continue and extend this heritage for generations to come. Professor Bernard Tan Tiong Gie Department of Physics National University of Singapore All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 8 PREFACE T he idea for this project came to me in early 2009 during a chance encounter with one of Singapore’s most revered poets, Professor Edwin Thumboo. Gazing at the cityscape from the top of the National Library, we were looking for a common ‘Singapore heartbeat’ and realised that there is no better way to bring the diverse cultures of the Singaporean populace together than through music — through the songs that we heard or sang, and the musical experiences that we share with family, friends and fellow Singaporeans. But unless we have experienced the music ourselves, we would not know what others are listening to or what has been happening in the local music scene, both past and present. So, while Professor Thumboo and I were connected through our creative work with the late Singaporean composers Leong Yoon Pin and Tsao Chieh, there were countless events and people that we wanted to learn about. This meeting became the impetus for me, a trained researcher in European music, to explore what music-making activities have taken place in Singapore. I was greatly encouraged by Professor Thumboo to go on this excursion through Singapore’s music history. Who knew that this would evolve into a fve-year project? For most of the contributors and I, we have been, or still are, the musicians who grew up with and even into these musical forms. My own aspiration to become a composer has led me along such a path of discovery that in the process of becoming acquainted with the various icons and agents of musical life in Singapore, I realised that music does not only exist outside of our minds and bodies, but is also created as our hearts beat and vocal folds vibrate. We cannot underestimate the power of music, because music lives even in the quietest of places, such as the library. I believe I am one of the youngest Singaporeans to have patronised the old National Library on Stamford Road. In the mid-1990s, I would spend several hours after school browsing through the endless rows of music scores shelved in the corner of the library. It was the yellow, grey or blue-covered full scores of symphonies and operas that fascinated me most. I would borrow as many of these as I could and sit by the CD-player to score-read through the entire music. I remember organising my free time so that I could listen to the Mahlerian symphonies on weekday evenings and Wagnerian operas at the weekend before I had to return them. Every August, other than the cacophony of the annual National Day Parade, my friends and I would travel around the island, catching the Chinese wayang and Hokkien getai staged during the Hungry Ghost Festival. We would come across stalls selling cassette tapes playing some English or Mandarin popular oldies. Now, we see these at the pasar malam (night market) where synthesised sounds from game machines and educational ditties are played. The radio has also been a medium of entertainment in both fnancial ofces and neighbourhood cofeeshops, at least until the introduction of the MP3 and other digital devices. Music is such an ephemeral entity that only traces of its vitality are registered in our memories. Sometimes, a tune may rekindle a certain memory, and at other times, we use music to ease ourselves into the work routine or enrich the banality of the everyday hustle and bustle. Some of us pipe music straight into our ears via earphones, and others blast it through the loudspeakers across the exhibition hall, dance club or funfair. Given the ubiquity of music in Singapore, the stories and histories of music in our nation deserve to be preserved in recordings and writings. As much as there has been a burgeoning of analog and digital recordings in Singapore since the 1950s, research and writing of music and musical lives has not been as prolifc as the sonic reproduction. Aware of the scope of this ambitious project, I drew up a list All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 9 of possible contributors from within the country and presented a proposal to the National Library Board, headed then by Dr. N. Varaprasad and Ms. Ngian Lek Choh. After the initial meeting, Professor Ho Chee Kong was roped in to oversee the direction of the anthology. It was also with the assistance of Professor Ho that we managed to obtain additional support from the National Arts Council for the publication of the book. We approached contributors — professional academics and up-and-coming writers — who have worked patiently and graciously with our editorial acumen and directions. Additional advice has been sought from Professor Ho Chee Kong, Dr. Chang Tou Liang, Ng Yi-Sheng, Shaan Sathy of Apsaras Arts and Adel Ahmad of Sri Warisan Som Said. We would like to thank Professor Bernard Tan for providing the Foreword to this anthology, as well as Professor Chia Wei Khuan, Dr. Penny Tan, and the National Archives of Singapore and Music Theatre Live! for granting us permission to reproduce their images. Credit is also due to the administrative and editorial assistance of Wong Siok Muoi, Veronica Chee, Jennifer Lew and Stephanie Pee, all from the National Library Board. For those of whom we have not managed to include, we would like to express our utmost gratitude for your support both in spirit and in kind. It is with earnest hope that this humble labour of ours will persuade Singaporeans to embark on their own musical discoveries across time and space, and may the Singapore heartbeat resonate in all of us. Jun Zubillaga-Pow All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 10 ABOUT THE CONTRIBUTORS Duana Chan is an arts writer, researcher and musician. She was a Humanities Scholar at Rafes Junior College, and was awarded the NAC-Shell Arts Scholarship for her BA (Hons) in English Literature and Language at the University of Cambridge, where she also received the Levy-Plumb academic prize. She was also a University of Cambridge Instrumental Awards chamber music scholar and musician. Duana is presently a graduate student in the Inter-disciplinary John W. Draper programme in the Humanities and Social Thought at New York University, where she is writing and researching on the intersections between literature, philosophy and music. Chia Wei Khuan is an Associate Professor, Visual and Performing Arts Academic Group at the National Institute of Education at Nanyang Technological University. He is a singer, voice teacher and singing voice specialist. His research interest covers vocal pedagogy, curriculum development and ethnomusicology. He has been a CD reviewer and writer for Sound and Sight, a Singapore hi-f journal. He is the co-author of Music from the South (2003). In 2011, he completed a project The Development of Fujian Nanyin in Singapore from 1819 to the Present with a research grant from the National Arts Council. Eugene Dairianathan is Head of the Visual and Performing Arts Academic Group at the National Institute of Education at Nanyang Technological University. His publications focus on the interdisciplinary perspectives on Music and Music Education. He co-authored First Steps to Music and the Joy of Music (Star Publishing) with Eric Peter Stead, and published articles and chapters in the International Journal of Music Education and the Oxford Handbook of Children’s Musical Cultures with Chee Hoo Lum. Mark Emmanuel was an Assistant Professor at the National University of Singapore’s History Department. His primary research interest is in Malay print culture, particularly Malay newspaper culture. Through his teaching at NUS, he developed an interest in Singapore’s popular culture as a way of writing about Singapore’s past. Kelly Fu conducted research on Singapore’s subculture scene for her honours thesis at the National University of Singapore. She has written several articles on this subject in the course of her academic work. She is also interested in the sociology of reproductive health, popular culture as well as heritage and conservation. She obtained her MA at the National University of Singapore and is currently pursuing her PhD at Goldsmiths College in London. Ho Chee Kong is an Associate Professor and Head of Composition at the Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music at the National University of Singapore. His international commissions and works for both Western and Chinese ensembles have been performed at festivals and concerts across Asia, Europe and North America. He is also interested in exploring pedagogical strategies in music composition and issues related to Asian music in modern society. He is an arts advisor to the National Arts Council and sits on the Board of Directors for the Singapore Chinese Orchestra and the Singapore School of the Arts. He is also the founding President of the Composers Society of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 11 Jiu Jian is a singer, songwriter and music producer. He was the male lead in Singapore’s frst Chinese musical December Rain; the producer and publisher of Singapore’s 2010 Cultural Medallion recipient Liang Wern Fook’s album, Please Tell Her. In addition, his composition Seventh Day in the Desert was awarded Best Single in 1999 by the Taiwan Song Writer Society, not to mention Best Single in the Xinyao Festival, 1990. He is also the producer and publisher of The Oriental Moon. Liew Kai Khiun received his BA (Hons) and MA from the National University of Singapore and his doctorate from the University College London. Prior to his current position as Assistant Professor at the Wee Kim Wee School of Communication and Information at Nanyang Technological University, Kai Khiun completed his postdoctoral fellowship at the Asia Research Institute at the National University of Singapore. With topics ranging from transnational Chinese-based music from Hong Kong and Taiwan to Southeast Asia, as well as Hip Hop and Heavy Metal subcultures and more recently on the Korean Wave, Kai Khiun has published journal articles and book chapters on popular music in East and Southeast Asia. Lum Chee Hoo is an Assistant Professor in Music Education with the Visual and Performing Arts Academic Group at the National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University. He teaches courses primarily related to research in music education and primary music education. He is the Head of the UNESCO-NIE Centre for Arts Research in Education (CARE), part of a region-wide network of observatories stemming from the UNESCO Asia- Pacifc Action Plan. Chee Hoo’s research interests include children’s musical cultures and their shifting musical identities; the use of media and technology by children, in families, and in pedagogy; creativity and improvisation in children’s music; elementary music methods and world music in education. Kenneth Lyen is a prolifc freelance music composer and prizewinning writer. He has written and staged over 20 musicals in Singapore. These include Big Bang!, Yum Sing!, Magic Paintbrush, Sayang, Red Hill, Monkey, and It’s Academic! He wrote the songs for MediaCorp Okto’s TV musical series School House Rockz (2008) and the musical series Witz (2011). He co-wrote the songs for the National Day Parade 1997, and the theme music for the opening of Fusionopolis by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong in 2008. He was awarded a Public Service Medal in 1997 and was one of Channel NewsAsia’s Asians of the Year in 2010. Phan Ming Yen was a research scholar at the National Institute of Education studying Western classical music practices in 19th and early 20th century Singapore. At present pursuing a PhD in creative writing and history at Macquarie University, Phan is the author of a collection of short fction That Night by the Beach and Other Stories for A Film Score (2012); researcher and writer of Touches: 10 Years of the Singapore Dance Theatre (1998); contributing writer of Narratives: Notes on a Cultural Journey: Cultural Medallion Winners 1979 – 2001 (2002); and co-compiler of Edwin Thumboo: Bibliography 1952 – 2008 (2009). Phan is a former journalist, magazine editor and arts manager. Eric Peter Stead completed a degree in Music at the University of Exeter and a PGCE at the University of Cambridge. He moved to Singapore in 1989 following the completion of a master’s degree in Music Education from Reading University. He was a lecturer in Music and All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 12 Music Education at the National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University. From 1996 to 1999, Peter was a senior lecturer in Primary Education at Westminster College, Oxford, before moving to Thailand. He returned to Singapore in 2001 and is now a senior lecturer in the Visual and Performing Arts Academic Group at the National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University. Joanna Tan is a manager in the Strategic Planning division at the National Library Board, Singapore. She has extensive experience in research and publishing, with a particular interest in Singapore history and heritage. She was the former managing editor of BiblioAsia and the researcher and editor for Singapore Infopedia. Prior to this, she ran the publishing consultancy Information By Design. Penny Tan graduated with a PhD in Music Education from the University of Western Australia. She also holds a Master of Arts in Ethnomusicology from Nanyang Technological University, Singapore; a Bachelor of Arts in Music with Honours from Kingston University, United Kingdom; as well as a Diploma in Music from LASALLE College of the Arts, Singapore. Penny has been involved in bands since 1986. Besides performing with bands, she has also assisted, instructed and conducted several school bands. Penny’s research focuses on contributions towards Singapore’s music scene and has presented papers at several local and international conferences. Tan Shzr Ee is a lecturer at Royal Holloway, University of London, and is currently researching musical activities on new media platforms in overseas Chinese communities. Her research explores phenomena ranging from viral videos to politico-musical activism on the Internet. Shzr Ee completed her PhD at the School of Oriental and African Studies and has published material on music, media and politics in Singapore and in the Chinese diaspora, as well as on aboriginal music in Taiwan. Shzr Ee also has experience as a print journalist in Asia, having worked for an extensive period of time as an arts correspondent for The Straits Times. Joseph Tham is a history educator in Singapore and has been involved in the local underground music scene at diferent junctures — as a fan, a record shop owner and freelance writer. He is actively researching both local and global musics, and his work on the history of noise music has been included in an anthology entitled Resonances: Noise and Contemporary Music (2013, Continuum Books, UK). He is a regular contributor of local semi-academic web journal www.s-pores.com that publishes articles on the history and culture of Singapore. Samuel Wong Shengmiao is the Artistic Director of The TENG Company; author of the books Impressions of a Pipa Player (2003) and QI: An Instrumental Guide to the Chinese Orchestra (2005); and the recipient of the Outstanding Young Persons of Singapore Award 2009, JCCI Singapore Foundation Culture Award 2009, Henry Worthington Scholarship, Hokkien Huay Kuan’s Arts and Cultural Bursary, and the Singapore Institute of Management Teaching Excellence Award 2011. He is currently a lecturer at LASALLE College of the Arts and the University of Bufalo-State University of New York programme in Singapore. Zheng Yuepeng was trained as a historian in Amherst College, where he was awarded the Asa J. Davis Prize for his work on the history of jazz in Singapore. He obtained a Master’s All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 13 degree in Southeast Asian Studies from the National University of Singapore, and has had experience playing jazz guitar professionally in Singapore and Massachusetts in the US. Jun Zubillaga-Pow is a fnal year PhD candidate in music research at King’s College, London. As an inter-discipline scholar, his interests lie in the intersections of music, religion and sexuality. His present research work includes the ethnography of Sundanese traditional music in Singapore and Germany as well as the history of contemporary European art music in Singapore and Argentina. In addition to being a music curator and festival director, Jun is co-editor of Queer Singapore: Illiberal Citizenship and Mediated Cultures (2012) and has been published in the Journal of History and Cultures, Journal of South East Asia Research and The Musicology Review. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 14 Singapore Soundscape Jun Zubillaga-Pow The Changing Soundscape of a Global City INTRODUCTION All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 15 Introduction S ingapore’s most prestigious performing arts centre, the Esplanade, celebrated its tenth anniversary in 2012 with new commissions and year-round festivities. It was, however, not as rosy a picture for the old National Theatre in 1973. A decade after its opening, the audiences started to complain about the din and discomfort both inside and outside the venue. A letter published in the local papers listed trafc and insect noises, the stifing heat and bird droppings that marred the concert-going experience. In just over a hundred words, the complaint also mentioned ‘visiting symphony orchestras’, ‘relevant authorities’ and ‘cultural development’, all of which giving us a glimpse into the events and settings of the Singapore soundscape of the 1970s. In fact, the everyday function of music in present-day Singapore has not changed that drastically, judging at least from recent archaeological investigations. Spanning the sacred– secular divide, sounds and music could conceivably be heard on this little island as far back as a thousand years ago. It is highly probable that human forms of expression and communication, such as simple vocal articulations and sonic exchanges, have been used amongst the more primitive communities. Their ancient sound-making apparatus could have been equally, if not more, versatile in comparison to our modern instruments and contemporary practices. Already from the earliest Borobudur stone reliefs dating from the Srivijaya Empire (c. 650–1288), of which Temasek and later Singapura was a part, there has been evidence of sound-making objects – drums, plates and pipes – being used as sensorial accompaniment to the dance dramatisations of Indian epics. These objects also served signifcant roles during sacred rituals, which were performed as acts of ancestral or divine worship. Similar to numerous other global civilisations, the sounds – whether perceived as noise or music by the inhabitants of Temasek and Singapura – would bear ubiquitous and multifarious qualities across the ever-changing demographics. These have been most pronounced at each turn of recent centuries from the arrivals of the Europeans and Americans to the settlement of the Arabs and Chinese. In addition to the native Indo-Malayan suara and bunyi (Malay for voice and sound), the once homogeneous soundscape of Singapore has welcomed the rojak, or potpourri, of sounds from these faraway cultures. It is within the boundary of the geopolitical space known today as the Republic of Singapore that these disparate sounds and songs have co-existed and continue to be produced and consumed by the people of the island. Therefore, to compile a comprehensive musical history of such a global city is no facile mission, and it is neither easy to intervene at the primordial nor the coeval. Instead, we have framed the subject matter as multiple genealogies across a time of hustle and bustle. As descendants and current residents of such an eclectic sonic landscape, the 21st century is thus no better an epoch to sound ourselves out. The 20 chapters collected in this volume are an attempt to forge a memory and devise a musical ecology of those who had at one time or another absorbed the sounds and noises of the globalising city during the 19th and 20th centuries. To stretch the discourse wider, readers will eventually discover an idiosyncratic brand of the nation’s music, with which all Singaporeans should be able to identify. Be it a distinct ditty or certain Singlish slang that whisks us along, our perceptual acumen of hearing a national culture will help us recognise the signifcance of this very Singapore soundscape. Beyond our auricular meditations, this anthology will serve as a frst-hand introduction to the unfamiliar soundings that local and foreign readers might have missed within their lifetime of subsistence and corporate toil. A soundscape (itself a word less than 50 years old) is defned by the Oxford English Dictionary as the sounds forming an auditory environment. The American ethnomusicologist K. K. Shelemay pinpoints it as ‘the distinctive settings, sounds, and signifcances of a musical culture’. Juxtaposing one meaning with the other, what we get is a transcultural All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 16 Singapore Soundscape economy of people, places and products. That is, a musical ecology is made up of the musician, the composer, the songwriter, the lyricist, the technician, the manager, the sound and recording engineers, the music businessperson, the impresario, the media personnel, the instrument, the instrument-maker, the surround and surrounding sounds, the performing locale, the manuscript, the songs, the noise, the music, the budget, the expenditure, the funding and, with utmost modesty, the musicologist. Imminently, the dialectical metonymy between music and survival will be realised as we come to witness how the Chinese, Japanese and Malay-speaking music labourers migrated in and out of Singapore in the frst half of the 20th century. Coupled with the subsequent industrial and technological evolution, the interactions between personal beliefs and state policies have throughout the latter half of the 20th century evoked a cascade of ‘afective divides’ among the populace. Even as it traverses the turbulence of socio-political development, the Singapore soundscape has urbanised and come to take on numerous character traits similar to those of auditory environments in other cities and communities. Hence, the congruence of these critical discourses – immigration, religion, politics, afect and technology, pitted against those from other musical geographies and societies – serves as a form of signposting that Singapore has come of age as a global city for the musical arts. Supporting this thesis in tandem, the shared histories in this book are divided into three correlated domains – the traditional, the popular and the institutional – as a showcase of the heterogeneity of the nation’s creative and systematic soundscape. The frst group consists of the traditional musical practices, such as those of American and European classical art music, Chinese choral and orchestral music, and Malay and Indian instrumental ensembles and oldies. The second section covers the popular arena of songs with lyrics written in Singapore’s four ofcial languages and their infuences within and without jazz, cinema and musical theatre. Finally, the direct and indirect efects of government policies on culture, education and media are explicated in the segment dealing with the administration of the musical arts. These three parts are sandwiched tightly between two chapters on selected musical activities in the 19th century and frst decade of the 21st century, so that readers are provided with an integral exposition that demonstrates where we are coming from and where we will be heading towards. That is, the aim of this collection of essays is not only to bridge the lacunae that local and global historians have overlooked, but also to encase the plurality of Singapore’s music histories from the past to the future. In fact, immigration is the frst thematic strand that encompasses the bulk of these writings: Malay music already forming a part of the Malay archipelago, as well as the Arabic, Chinese, European, Indian and American musics coming from their respective regions. Whether as derivatives of the traditional or popular genres, the Singapore soundscape is made up of music by a diaspora that includes the settlers and colonisers. Since the late 19th century, the music-making communities of Singapore have been a part of the heterogeneous fabric of the island. Not only did the Chinese and Indian families overcome the challenges of bringing their musical culture to the maritime entrepôt, but we as a new nation have also acquired the musical know-how through disparate infuences from the Asian and European musicians, who become historicised either as temporary visitors or permanent residents. The Singapore soundscape is, then, one of acculturation and entraining. This is where we accustom ourselves with the musical arts of our friends and fellow citizens, both in terms of advancing one’s craftsmanship and standard of appreciation as well as an interchange of transcultural aesthetics and multilateral societal harmony. However, religious connotations are always already inherent in certain forms of music. With regard to religious chanting and praise songs, social confict and coagulation All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 17 Introduction are very much predicated on the function of music within and outside of the places of worship. How ceremonial chants and spiritual enunciations have trodden on the OB (‘out of bounds’) markers between the sacred and secular, as well as those of the private and public, have in Singapore’s history become artefacts of continual discussion. On the one hand, there are instances of funeral rituals or annual getais being perceived as noise pollutants that operators and authorities reacted to with spatial and temporal restrictions. On the other hand, faith and community gatekeepers are in constant negotiations with the use of pop, rock and electronic music for weekly devotions or popular expressions – so much so that certain acts of policing have been implemented over the latter half of the 20th century, one example being the ban on jukeboxes in the country. The soundscape also diferentiates itself distinctly between the public and private realms, and this is most apparent from the segregated phenomena between the Western and Chinese classical music scenes in the 20th century. The two chapters on these topics present a contrasting façade between the lifelong perseverance of musicians undertaking private lessons and long hours of practising versus the public music-making of Chinese orchestras portrayed constantly in the public eye as forces of collectivity. Even as examinations and competitions do occur on an individual basis, the Singapore soundscape has stringently refused the viability of a solo career path, for which only an exceptional talent may pursue. One of the reasons for such parochial circumstances is due, no less, to the economic endeavours of the state, which have pressed towards a progressive developmental structure upon an ideology of pragmatism. Throughout the history of music in Singapore, political collaborations as well as tensions have prevailed. From the nobat drumroll and imperial fanfare for the Malay and Victorian sovereigns to the mass singing of Japanese and Singaporean patriotic songs, it is the political afnities or disdain towards these musical objects borne by the past and present inhabitants of Singapore that have contributed to the burgeoning of a Singapore soundscape. While the post-independence government in its earlier days has impeded the development of Chinese and rock music on charges of communist allegiances and psychedelia respectively, it has in recent decades supported the start-ups and installations of numerous musical ensembles and festivals, both within and without the educational institutions. Singaporeans have gradually witnessed the seepage of the multicultural doctrine into a hybridised soundscape of cacophonous diversities. This deafening current stemming from neoliberalism has both advantages and disadvantages for the creative ecology, especially where musical forms compete against each other in a limited national A dancer performing at a charity ball in aid of the British Red Cross Society in 1954. The ball was organised by Liberty and Dramatic Association at the Singapore Victoria Memorial Hall. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 18 Singapore Soundscape threshold. While the efects of an open laissez-faire policy – as evident from the selling out of local and Broadway musicals to the proliferation of gay discotheques and lip- synching drag artistes – have expanded the fandom and increased amateur ‘musicking’, Singaporean musicians of various genres, from Western classical to Chinese popular, have instead gained international fame and popularity in foreign territories that have a more homogeneous soundscape. This phenomenon has resulted in certain musical species becoming endangered within the Singapore soundscape. Mutatis mutandis, the depletion of some professional musicians, Chinese lyricists and arts administrators is but one of the issues that needs to be urgently addressed. Such sentimentality is not unfounded, for the theme of nostalgia has also been etched frmly in the Singaporean imagination, musical or otherwise. A couple of reasons for the recent increase in community bands and choirs can be attributed to the desire to relive the musical memories of bygone times or to be acquainted with something that some of us could not do during the decades of nation-building. The Singapore soundscape in this sense has created diferent ‘musical worlds’ through which Singaporeans enter and exit over varying periods of time. As if conditioned by the habitual membership of the musical worlds, Singapore’s position as a haven for the arts has gradually taken shape. However, as much as this book tries to enumerate the prominent personalities in each ‘musical world’ who have contributed to the Singapore soundscape, our combined memories can be limiting and it is technology that we must use for our purpose here. Touched upon throughout the book and featured as the centrepiece of the last three chapters, the supplementary function of technological apparatuses can be felt acutely by the proponents of the Singapore soundscape. From the manuscript to the cassette, from the radio to the Internet, these are musical tools that have at one time or another both stored and evoked our subjective memories. We learn of the diferent places where Singaporeans locate music scores and records, as well as where Singaporeans watch musical-flms made by our local pioneers or entertain each other at the karaoke joints. The familial and personal consumption of the radio, television and the assortment of digital media of today – mobile phones, MP3 players and information sharing websites – has superseded the similar roles played by the three ‘World’ amusement parks (Great, Happy/Gay, New) and the weekend tea dances at the high-end pubs and hotels (for example, Cellar, Golden Venus and Prince’s Hotel Garni) from an earlier period of the Singapore soundscape. The ascendancy of technology and the electronic arts signals the new afuence of the whole Singapore soundscape, though this appraisal does not necessarily apply to everyone. From the lavishly decorated The winner of the instrumental section of the talent-time in 1964 at Raffes Institution. Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 19 Introduction spaces that classical and jazz musicians perform in to the warm and humid underground tunnels where buskers belt out regional favourites and seasonal classics, the Singapore soundscape is resonant enough to contain all of these sounds and music within our aural unconscious. Whether by chance or by choice, it can be directed that our intimate musical efects are also due to the confuence of our personal and social experiences on such terms as ancestry, religious and political orientations, as well as one’s access to high technology, all of which mediate the soundscape from a Singaporean context. Given the interconnectivity of Singapore with the global sound vaults, it would be futile to dismiss the universality of music in such a metropolis. That said, the fact remains that we may have to venture elsewhere out of this little red dot if the erstwhile ‘cultural desert’ was any quieter than it is. On balance, the Singapore soundscape has been, and will continue to be, a creative Mecca where all can play, sing and listen. References Baker, Geofrey and Tess Knighton. Music and Urban Society in Colonial Latin America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Bennett, Andy, Barry Shank and Jason Toynbee. The Popular Music Studies Reader. London: Routledge, 2006. Fauser, Annegret. Musical Encounters at the 1889 Paris World’s Fair. Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2005. Hirschkind, Charles. The Ethical Soundscape: Cassette Sermons and Islamic Counterpublics. New York: Columbia University Press, 2006. Kartomi, Margaret J. Musical Instruments of Indonesia. Melbourne: Indonesian Arts Society, 1985. Koen, Benjamin D. Beyond the Roof of the World: Music, Prayer, and Healing in the Pamir Mountains. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. Kwa, Chong Guan, Derek Heng and Tan Tai Yong. Singapore: a 700-year History – From Early Emporium to World City. Singapore: The National Archives of Singapore, 2009. Madrid, Alejandro L. Transnational Encounters: Music and Performance at the U.S.- Mexico Border. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Morgan, David. Key Words in Religion, Media and Culture. New York and London: Routledge, 2008. Shelemay, Kay Kaufman. Soundscapes: Exploring Music in a Changing World. 2nd ed. New York and London: W.W. Norton, 2006. Straits Times, The. ‘Letters to the Editor’, November 6, 1973, 11. Zheng, Su. Claiming Diaspora: Music, Transnationalism, and Cultural Politics in Asian/ Chinese America. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore PART 1 THE TRADITIONAL All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore PART 1 THE TRADITIONAL All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 22 Singapore Soundscape From a ‘Pioneer Town’ to a ‘Cosmopolitan City’: Music From 1866 to 1899 1 CHAPTER 1 Phan Ming Yen All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 23 From a ‘Pioneer Town’ to a ‘Cosmopolitan City’ O ne of the challenges of any attempt to recount Western music practices in 19th- and early 20th-century Singapore lies in the scarcity of primary sources (such as personal correspondences or memoirs), excepting newspapers made available in public libraries, and a paucity of histories of musical activities of this period. Perhaps the two most extensive accounts (and often quoted and relied upon at least until the early 2000s) are those by Charles Burton Buckley in his An Anecdotal History of Old Times in Singapore and Edwin Arthur Brown’s article entitled ‘Music’ in One Hundred Years of Singapore. First published in 1902, Buckley’s book is essentially a revision, with add-ons of a series of articles, on the history of Singapore that frst appeared in the Singapore Free Press. One Hundred Years of Singapore is a two-volume book sponsored by the Centenary Committee appointed by the Straits Settlements government of Singapore in 1918 to prepare for the celebration of the hundredth anniversary founding of the colony. Other accounts can be found in the memoirs of Brown’s Indiscreet Memories and Lilian Newton’s unpublished More Exquisite When Past. Between its founding by Stamford Rafes as a trading port in 1819 and the end of the 19th century, Singapore underwent considerable transformation. By the middle of the century, the once ‘old, free and easy, uniquely Singapore way of life’, when the small European society of Singapore was a ‘friendly, hospitable community’ that mixed freely with Asian immigrants and delighted to welcome visitors and news from Europe, had changed with the advent of steamship travel and the opening of the Suez Canal. Now, with members of the British community able to visit England periodically and able to keep up-to-date with their homeland through newspapers, regular letters and new books, the way of life changed to ‘a more formal middle-class society, staid, honest, respectable, unadventurous, narrow-minded, refecting the values of mid-Victorian Britain’ (Turnbull 1999: 64). It was no coincidence that Singapore witnessed the formation of the Cricket Club in 1852, the German Teutonia Club in 1856 and the Tanglin Club in 1865. Social life had become ‘sophisticated, snobbish and exclusively Western’ (Turnbull 1999: 65). The European community also distanced itself from the ‘Asiatic’ communities. A lady posing with her piano in a living room in the 1930s. Ong Teng Cheong collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 24 Singapore Soundscape According to John Cameron, the former editor of The Straits Times, business hours were up to around half-past four or fve o’clock, after which most of the community would resort to the fves-court or the cricket ground on the esplanade. Most days, the commercial and ofcial sectors would be home at ‘a little before six o’clock’ for dinner. Music performances, however, proved an occasion for the gathering of the community, for Cameron states that the only two evenings that the whole of the European community would be seen at the esplanade was on Tuesday and Friday during the band evenings. The band would be that of the regiment on the station at that time and it would play for an hour, from half-past fve till half-past six, on a raised mound at the centre of the esplanade feld. This was an occasion where gender-based restrictions were allowed to lapse within the European community, as Cameron notes: ‘Gathered round the band in a tolerably broad circle are the beauty and fashion of the place. The ladies, to whom almost all the other outdoor amusements are denied, partake at least in this and though the ruddy glow of the colder latitudes has fed from most cheeks, still there supervenes a languid softness which is more interesting… The pretty pale-faced European children too may on these occasions be seen tripping about in playfulness a little less boisterous, but quite as cheerful as is witnessed at home…’ (Cameron 1965: 298–99) 2 Nevertheless, Singapore retained the air of a ‘pioneer town, with a predominantly young adult male population, still primarily of shifting transients who did not regard Singapore as home’ (Turnbull 1999: 65). By the turn of the century, however, Singapore was a ‘cosmopolitan city but largely an Anglo-Chinese preserve’, with the monopoly of ofcial political power in the hands of the British, who provided protection, justice and administration (Turnbull 1999: 112). Prosperity had also transformed the physical appearance of the town during this last quarter of the 19th century; for Florence Caddy, who had arrived in Singapore in 1889 from Bangkok, the ‘large town of Singapore appears so fourishing and enlightened, so advanced and well-governed that, after seeing the quaint and crowded city of Bangkok, we feel as if we had come out of the theatre into the plain light of day...’ (Caddy 1992: 227) For Henry Norman, this society existed in ‘order and sanitation, living and thriving and trading simply because of the presence of English law and under the protection of the British Flag…’ (Norman 1895: 41). From 1871 to 1901, the European and Eurasian communities accounted for no more than four percent of the total population of Singapore: the majority of the population was Chinese, followed by Malays and then Indians (Saw 1969: 41). Throughout this time, the main performing space for both theatricals and music was the Town Hall (present day Victoria Theatre), which was completed in 1861 and handed over to the Municipal Commissioners in 1864 (Straits Calendar and Straits Directory of the Year 1870: 19). The Town Hall had been built with funds raised by public subscription supplemented by the government, as well as funds raised through amateur theatricals. The venue comprised two halls: the Lower Hall (or Lower Room), which served as a theatre and the Upper Hall (or Upper Room), which was used for concerts. The Upper Hall must have been a space with good acoustics, for even in the 1930s, Edwin Arthur Brown still had fond memories of it, calling it ‘one of the most perfect rooms, acoustically, that it has ever been of my lot to sing in. It was perfect and I am certain that there were no halls in the East like it’ (Brown 1935: 236). Rental of the Town Hall for performances was a source of revenue for the municipality, although receipts did not always indicate the frequency of use, as ‘for most of the engagements no charge was made’ (Administration Report of the Singapore All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 25 From a ‘Pioneer Town’ to a ‘Cosmopolitan City’ Municipality 1891: 3). The municipality had used the Town Hall for its ofces until 1892, after which it moved to a new building near Finlayson Green, vacating the Town Hall solely for public use (Administration Report of the Singapore Municipality 1892: 4). The Town Hall (before it was converted to Victoria Theatre) was the main performing space for theatricals and music (circa 1880). It hosted many concerts and prominent professional musicians. National Museum of Singapore collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. History According to Charles Burton Buckley What, then, did Buckley choose to remember about musical activities? What was forgotten and what has emerged? From a glance and further examination of the entries in the index – ‘concert’, ‘musical society’ and ‘orchestra’ – referring to musical activities, one can infer that for Buckley, musical eforts essentially constituted public performances by either an individual or a group of people. These public performances were either occasions that were described as concerts or which implied some form of a monetary transaction between audience and performer or which were reviewed in the press. The programme of the performances included both instrumental and vocal music. To be more specifc, it appears that organised music-making represented that which Buckley felt musical activity ought to aspire towards. The frst of the events or ‘concert’ is that by Vincenti Tito Masoni, who was identifed by Buckley as a violinist providing ‘public entertainment’ (Buckley 1984: 216). 3 The second is another concert by the English soprano Catherine Hayes, who in 1855 ‘came to Singapore and gave a Concert in the Public Rooms’, for which the ticket priced at $3 was ‘thought a high price, and the Concert commenced at 8 [p.m.]’ (Buckley 1984: 613). The third entry indexed under ‘concert’ comes within the entry of ‘musical society’, this being a lengthy All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 26 Singapore Soundscape account of the Amateur Musical Society formed in 1865 and its two concerts, the frst of which was held in December of the same year. The Society had 30 to 40 members, all of whom were male. The other ensemble that Buckley mentions is the Liedertafel of the Teutonia Club of the German community that comprised 12 or 15 members (Buckley 1984: 724). Within this entry, too, the frst of the two references to ‘orchestra’ can be found. This refers to a small orchestra that was originally formed for the purposes of playing at the performances of an amateur dramatic society known as The Savage Club. This orchestra comprised violins, viola and cello. According to Buckley, this ‘frst amateur orchestra did not consist of more than about six players’ (Buckley 1984: 725). 4 This orchestra, or ‘little enthusiastic band’ as Buckley called it, performed at the frst concert of the Amateur Musical Society that also included vocal items and featured singers from the Teutonia Club’s Liedertafel. The programme, in Buckley’s words, included ‘the well-worn overture to the Caliph of Bagdad’, ‘Haydn’s frst quintett’, ‘our glees or part songs’, ‘a vocal quartett’, a duet The Larboard Watch, The Village Blacksmith, a ‘negro melody’ and ‘Locke’s old music to Macbeth’. The next concert mentioned by Buckley was held in September 1866, together with the Liedertafel of the Teutonia Club. It had a programme of ‘sacred and secular music’, including extracts from Handel’s Messiah (Buckley 1984: 726). This second entry on ‘orchestra’ refers to an amateur orchestra that performed at a theatrical production of She Stoops to Conquer in 1834. Although no mention is made of the instrumentation of the orchestra in the review that appeared in The Singapore Chronicle cited by Buckley, the orchestra played ‘several Italian overtures and some of Rossini’s best airs’ to which ‘the community must feel much indebted’. The signifcance of this review also lies in the mention of another ensemble that was not employed for the production because the amateurs had volunteered their services. Moreover, this ensemble, which was known as the Malacca Fiddlers, was described by the Singapore Chronicle as ‘indefatigable scrapers of cat-gut … whose exertions, we know well, would have destroyed the harmony felt on so agreeable an occasion.’ Although no further details are given on the Malacca Fiddlers and no other references have been found, the phrases ‘cat-gut’ and ‘fddlers’ indicate that the Malacca Fiddlers was a string ensemble comprising violins (Buckley 1984: 742). 5 There is yet another reference to the use of an orchestra in a theatrical production that was not indexed by Buckley. This orchestra was that which performed in an 1844 production of The Medley of Lovers and Fortune’s Frolic. According to a review in The Singapore Free Press that Buckley cites, this orchestra ‘played some beautiful overtures with great skill and efect. It is seldom indeed that a small place like Singapore can boast of such a large number of really scientifc and accomplished musicians as the gentlemen who so kindly lent their aid on Thursday’ (Buckley 1984: 744–46). 6 George Fentum and the Singapore Amateur Musical Society There is some mystery, however, as to the origins of the Singapore Amateur Musical Society (S.A.M.S.), especially given the scarcity of sources, as well as the silencing of George B. Fentum by both Charles Burton Buckley and Edwin Arthur Brown. Buckley in An Anecdotal History had only identifed the conductor of the S.A.M.S. as the organist of St Andrew’s Cathedral but named the ‘main spring’ of the society as Mr. Neil Macvicar, a bookkeeper with Martin, Dryce and Co. The orchestra that played with the S.A.M.S. arose from amateurs who had initially gathered to play at performances of The Savage Club. This ensemble did not number more than six players initially. The Singapore Free Press article that announced the founding of the S.A.M.S. noted it comprised between 30 and 40 members and emphasised the importance of Fentum. In fact, in 1865 it seemed that Fentum was the answer to Singapore’s musical problems of the 1860s, that is, the need for a good leader. If anything, it was Fentum who made All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 27 From a ‘Pioneer Town’ to a ‘Cosmopolitan City’ the S.A.M.S. possible, as the Singapore Free Press report states: ‘Such musical associations have been established in Singapore from time to time but have always failed for want of a good leader; a desideratum which is now amply supplied. Mr. Fentum has had some practice in conducting such bodies and we understand proves an excellent leader’ (28 September 1865). Fentum was organist and choirmaster of St Andrew’s from 1865 to 1872, before leaving for Shanghai in 1872. 7 He also sold music in a shop at Rafes Place and gave lessons (Straits Calendar and Straits Directory of the Year 1870: 74; and 1871: 74). A search through the Singapore Free Press and The Straits Times of the period, however, did not yield much on Fentum’s background. Although in One Hundred Years of Singapore Brown states that in 1867 the committee of the S.A.M.S. comprised C. B. Buckley, Dr. J. H. Robertson, J. R. Macarthur, Mr. W. Hole and Edward D’Almeida of the famous Portuguese D’Almeida family as conductor, there was no doubt that Fentum was involved in its concerts (Brown 1991: 407). For after 1866, The Straits Times reviews of concerts that featured the S.A.M.S. imply they were organised by Fentum. Thus, a review of a concert on 1 May 1868 was titled ‘Mr. Fentum’s Concert’: this review in fact opens with the fact that ‘Last night Mr. Fentum gave his Concert of Classical and Secular Music at the Town Hall…’ (Straits Times Overland Journal, 1868). A review of a concert on 17 June 1870 again begins with ‘Mr. Fentum’s concert at the Town Hall last evening, under the patronage of H. E. the Governor…’ (The Singapore Daily Times, 18 June 1870). From these accounts, Fentum emerges as a pianist and composer of considerable standing and ability. His solo performances must have been spectacular. At a concert on 17 June 1870, he featured ‘a pianoforte fantasia’ that was played in a masterly style, and elicited ‘hearty applause’, while at his farewell concert in 1872 he chose ‘the very difcult piece Les Huguenots, which he executed in his usual masterly style’ (The Singapore Daily Times, 18 June 1870 and 20 June 1872). Although it is not indicated in the review, if Fentum had indeed played Thalberg’s Fantasy on Meyerbeer’s Les Huguenots, he must have possessed considerable technical ability. A performance of his composition The Song of the Old Bell for solo baritone with fute obligato at the 17 June 1870 concert ‘drew forth loud and prolonged applause’ while the following year, audiences heard him in his variations on a march from L’elisir d’Amore for piano duet (The Singapore Daily Times, 18 June 1870 and 13 September 1871). However, perhaps his greatest single achievement was his performance of Mendelssohn’s Piano Concerto No. 2 in its entirety, possibly the frst time a piano concerto was performed in Singapore (Straits Times Overland Journal, 1868). Depending on how one looks at it, Fentum was either a showman who would choose pieces that could display his virtuosity regardless of his audience’s needs, or he strove to broaden the audience’s musical tastes regardless of criticism. Up until the Mendelssohn performance, programmes by the S.A.M.S. had mainly featured chorus movements, solo vocal works, overtures and selections from operas. The longest work that was presented to the public at that time was Haydn’s Quintet Hob XIV: 1, which was performed at the S.A.M.S.’ inaugural concert. Already at that performance, the Singapore Free Press had noted both audience and musician’s inability to meet the demands of the work: ‘…although the Quintet was well executed, it grew tedious and it was clear that both musicians and audience were very glad when the last chord was struck. A set of lively waltzes, or a polka would have given greater satisfaction. Such severe music as Haydn’s quintets, played even by the most skilful musicians, is never popular’. (4 January 1866) All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 28 Singapore Soundscape This statement is telling of audience taste. The programme had comprised mainly short pieces, including the overture of Caliph of Bagdad, a selection of glees, the gypsy chorus from Der Freischutz and a selection from Locke’s Macbeth. No work comprising several movements was performed in its entirety except for the Haydn. Audiences then were certainly not yet prepared for the performance of a complete work comprising several movements. Fentum had also programmed yet another solo piano work of length at the concert of 13 September 1866 for the Singapore Institution and was criticised by the Singapore Free Press: ‘…though played with that gentleman’s usual skill and taste, was a little too long, and seemed to tire the audience…’ (13 September 1866). Programming strategies aside, there is also another reason to argue that Fentum held strong convictions in improving the standards of musical education and enhancing music appreciation in Singapore. More signifcantly, not unlike Edward Salzmann and St Clair, who later worked together from the 1890s, Fentum was also open to collaboration with other musicians of the same ability if such a union could beneft the community. This is evident in his attempts to set up a music school with I. C. H. Iburg. Iburg, who arrived in Singapore in 1871, had studied at the Brussels Conservatory of Music before becoming director of music at the Kampen in the Netherlands. He lived in Semarang, a town in the Dutch colony of Java, before taking up residence in Singapore with the intention of giving music lessons in singing, piano or any other instruments (Singapore Daily Times, 16 November 1871). Iburg’s skills as a violinist quickly caught the attention of the community and he and Fentum must have got on well together from the frst instance. At an amateur concert given on 12 December 1871 in aid of the victims of the Great Chicago Fire, Iburg performed a six-hand work for the piano with Fentum and another amateur and two violin solos. The Singapore Daily Times called Iburg’s frst solo ‘one of the most attractive pieces of the evening, the performer showing himself a perfect master of the instrument’ (Singapore Daily Times, 13 December 1871). Four months later, both Fentum and Iburg had come together and proposed the formation of a music school with lessons held at the Town Hall. These classes were held ‘on moderate terms’ and aimed to ‘enable any one desirous of obtaining a practical knowledge of any branch of the musical art to attain the object with ease and facility, and at a small cost’ (Singapore Daily Times, 4 May 1872). Given these intentions, especially by ensuring that the classes were afordable to all, it is obvious that both Fentum and Iburg were making attempts to make music more accessible to a wider public. The scheme, however, never took of. For whatever reason, Fentum left Singapore for Shanghai shortly after. Both Fentum and Iburg had placed an advertisement for the school on 4 May 1872, but by 8 June Fentum had placed an advertisement for his farewell concert on 19 June. The decision to leave must have been a sudden one, for Fentum did not place an advertisement for sale of his belongings until 11 June (Singapore Daily Times, 11 June 1872). By the time of Fentum’s farewell concert on 19 June 1872, the Singapore Amateur Musical Society was already in decline and limited to being a vocal group that was apparently still led by Fentum. On this occasion, a ‘band’ comprising violins, bass viol, piano and harmonium was present but the band was led and organised by Iburg: ‘The opening piece was the overture to Zampa, which was most skilfully executed by an instrumental band … under the leadership of I. C. H. Iburg, to whom is due, we believe, the credit of having got together this efective combination of instruments…’ (Singapore Daily Times, 20 June 1872). The concert also featured the Liedertafel that was formed by the Teutonia Club. As for the S.A.M.S., the Singapore Daily Times talks about Fentum’s composition Soldier Rest being sung by the ‘remnant of our Singapore Amateur Musical Society’, which was ‘still All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 29 From a ‘Pioneer Town’ to a ‘Cosmopolitan City’ able to make a creditable public appearance’ (20 June 1872). The S.A.M.S. also sang a part song, ‘Softly Fall the Shades of Evening’, and the chorus, ‘Harvest Home’. For the Singapore Daily Times, the concert was a ‘musical success’ to which Fentum had contributed his ‘able leadership of the English choir, the completeness of the programme and arrangements, and his excellent piano accompaniment of all the pieces’ (20 June 1872). Brown dates the end of the S.A.M.S’ activities to 1872 coinciding with Fentum’s departure: surely more than just a coincidence? Edwin Arthur Brown and the Call for a Concert Hall To appreciate the legacy of Buckley, one has to turn to Edwin Arthur Brown who, as mentioned, depended entirely on Buckley for musical activities pre-1865 when he wrote ‘Music’ in One Hundred Years of Singapore. If anything, either Brown was simply not interested or lazy, or Buckley’s account had efectively silenced all musical eforts pre-1865, for Brown takes of from where Buckley fnished in 1865. In doing so, it was as if Brown had regarded that the violinist Vincenti Tito Masoni, the orchestras that played at theatricals or the musical evenings at the D’Almeidas were not deemed signifcant enough to recognise as musical eforts of note: ‘The characteristic of organised musical efort in Singapore has been that it was ephemeral, and that it sufered from want of tenor soloists and a proper Performance by the International Opera Company of Singapore at the open-air Empire Theatre in 1920. Alwee Alkaff collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 30 Singapore Soundscape concert hall, as Mr. Buckley says under the date 1865: “From time to time in Singapore, small parties for practising music has been formed …”. He goes on the mention that in 1865 the Amateur Musical Society was formed among the English community.’ (Brown, 1991: 406) With Brown, as with Buckley, the Amateur Musical Society comes to fore, for Brown recounts the two concerts mentioned by Buckley and then further lists the members of the committee of the Society. However, of greater signifcance here is that with Brown, another form of silence has emerged: silence as a prerequisite for the total appreciation and enjoyment of music. For by stating what music eforts lacked, Brown had also defned what was important for him in musical activity: his notice of the absence of ‘tenor soloists’ and ‘a proper concert hall’ implies that their presence was crucial – if not central – for the activity. That organised musical efort was ‘ephemeral’ describes the nature of the activity without saying anything else. The two important characteristics here then, at least for the purposes of argument, are the ‘want of tenor soloists’ and ‘a proper concert hall’. Essentially, a tenor soloist and a concert hall were important to Brown for music making. Together, the musician and the space imply a certain type of musical activity and the practice of a certain type/genre of music. While the signifcance of this lack of tenor soloists will be further elaborated later, it sufces to suggest now that at one level, ‘music’ for Brown meant the performance (since a space for performance is stated) of a specifc type of vocal music. It is noteworthy that Brown mentions the lack of a concert hall. The signifcance of the need for a ‘concert hall’ suggests that, for Brown, musical activity should take place in a specifc space meant for its performance and listening only. Musical activity, then, should aspire to be performed in public. The space (i.e. concert hall) itself was symbolic of the activity. The demarcation of, and the need for, the space itself meant that music was an act that needed to be realised in a space that removed other distractions. It was a space for a select few, who would have access to this limited space, given limitations also in size. It was a space where, as the contemporary music educator Christopher Small once observed of concert halls, there was wealth ‘and the power that wealth brings.’ But more signifcantly, the concert hall was a place where the audience is allowed ‘no communication with the outside world. Performers and listeners alike are isolated here from the world of their everyday lives… Nor does any sound enter from that world, and none of the sounds that are made here will be allowed to escape out into it’ (Small 1998: 25–6). For Brown, the importance of a concert hall for the practice of music (and thus the performing aspect of musical activity) cannot be too emphasised. When the Town Hall was converted into the present-day Victoria Theatre in 1907 and the then newly erected Victoria Memorial Hall deemed not suitable acoustically for musical performances, Brown noted that as a result, ‘Music had no home, no place where it could be cultivated and listened to, and it died’ (Brown 1935: 237). 8 It is signifcant to note that Brown only mentions two visiting professional musicians between 1865 and 1901: the English pianist Arabella Goddard and the Tasmanian soprano Amy Sherwin. Yet, over that period of time, the Hungarian violinist Ede Remenyi, a German pianist called Heinrich Kohler and the Polish pianist Antoine de Kontski had given recitals that had generated much excitement among the community. Edward Salzmann himself was involved in the concerts by Remenyi and Kohler and moreover, de Kontski’s concert had taken place in 1896, far more recently than those of either Sherwin or Goddard. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 31 From a ‘Pioneer Town’ to a ‘Cosmopolitan City’ Edward Salzmann and the Singapore Philharmonic Society Of equal importance to the prominence that Salzmann gained and was given in Brown’s article ‘Music’ was the repertoire performed which Brown recounted. 9 The only works highlighted by Brown in his account are that of oratorios and cantatas, all performed by Salzmann’s choir of the Singapore Philharmonic Society from 1889 to 1896. In fact, when Brown recounts in his article the ‘outstanding eforts’ over the past 20 years, these refer to a performance of Messiah, selections of Michael Costa’s Eli, the formation of a choir to sing at the ofcial reception of the then Duke and Duchess of York (later King George V) and a choir formed on the occasion of the coronation of King Edward VII during which the song Land of Hope and Glory was sung (Brown 1991: 412). In terms of number of concerts, within the six years from the frst announcement of its formation, the Singapore Philharmonic Society averaged between six and eight concerts in a season, which coincided with the fnancial year starting from 1 April of any given year. At its annual general meeting in 1892 the Society reported one public concert – its frst on 7 December 1891, with Cowen’s The Rose Maiden in the frst part and a selection of vocal and instrumental pieces in the second and four musical evenings for its frst year of activities 1891 (Singapore Free Press, 11 October 1892). In 1892, the Society had held three public concerts and three musical evenings (Singapore Free Press, 27 April 1893). The year 1893 included selections from Mendelssohn’s Elijah (as discussed above), a complimentary concert for Salzmann before his home leave, a farewell concert for the governor and the Society’s patron Sir Cecil Clementi Smith and its frst popular orchestral concert (Singapore Free Press, 31 July 1896). Activities in 1894 had been hampered owing to the Town Hall having been closed for renovation work, while 1895 saw the performance of Alfred Gaul’s Ruth, Nils Gade’s The Crusaders and Mendelssohn’s Lauda Sion (Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser Weekly Mail Edition, 22 January 1895). At the annual general meeting in 1897, the Society reported six concerts for the 1896/97 season, including Rossini’s Stabat Mater, three orchestral concerts and two other choral and orchestral concerts (Singapore Free Press, 1 June 1897). On the one hand, these concerts seemed to have been borne out of necessity and the desire of the society’s members. With Salzmann away, it was deemed difcult to perform choral and orchestral works. As such, according to The Straits Times ‘it was decided not to attempt any intricate vocal pieces during the absence of these members, but to give several light orchestral concerts, the excellent company of instrumentalists attached to the society favouring such a combination’ (31 July 1893). Turning to the Singapore Free Press that cited as its source the committee of the Philharmonic Society, these series of concerts appeared to have been a result of musical and artistic pursuit rather than flling a gap that had arisen from Salzmann’s temporary absence. The concerts aimed to reach out to a wider public, while at the same time ensuring that the music performed ‘will be good’: ‘The object of the Committee in promoting this series of concerts is to interest the largest possible number of people in music, and that will best be done by presenting programmes in which a considerable proportion of the music is of a popular character, although care will be taken that the individual pieces will be good of their kind.’ (Singapore Free Press, 31 July 1893) These concerts aimed to reach a wider public not only through its programming but through its pricing: these concerts were free to members of the Society while it was $1 for the public, half the price of the Grand Concerts that were priced at $2. It would seem, then, that these concerts served an outreach and educational function: both to develop musical taste and to draw audiences to the Grand Concerts. The free admission for the ‘Ordinary’ All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 32 Singapore Soundscape members, however, was also for reasons of fnancial expediency, as it allowed the Society to better estimate income and expenditure (Singapore Free Press, 1 October 1896). Notes 1 This chapter is abridged from the author’s thesis (Phan 2004), which is available for perusal at the National Institute of Education Library. 2 Brown (1991: 414–15) gives an idea of the importance of the regimental bands in Singapore in providing public entertainment. 3 The 16 June 1830 issue of the Singapore Chronicle reports a concert that Masoni gave on 9 June 1830, which appeared to be his second, for the report stated that ‘On the evening of the 9th inst. Signor Masoni again delighted the lovers of Music in this Settlement’. 4 According to Buckley, the other players were Jose D’Almeida who played the viola, Dr. Robertson, Edward D’Almeida and G. H. Brown who played the violins and Knight on the violin cello. Buckley added that ‘there were one or two more; their names are not remembered.’ Neither the Singapore Free Press (4 January 1866) nor The Straits Times (29 December 1865) mention these names or details in their reviews. 5 See The Singapore Chronicle, 31 July 1834 and 7 August 1834. This research has found no further mention of the Malacca Fiddlers referred to by The Singapore Chronicle. 6 The Singapore Free Press (27 November 1845) refers to another amateur orchestra which performed at the amateur theatrical of The Conquering Game and The Mummy on 25 November 1845: ‘The Amateur Gentlemen who attended the Orchestra deserve the highest praise, the Music was exquisite, and perhaps no part of India, of the same limited extent as Singapore, can boast of an equal number of efcient performers.’ It would seem little evidence has survived of these ensembles. More importantly, it would appear that these ensembles were formed more to accompany or perform at a theatrical than for musical concerts, as this research has found no evidence of any instrumental or orchestral concerts by the amateurs during this time. In any event, this would be proof that already in the early years of the colony there was evidence of taste and a demand for a minimum standard of performance. 7 See the advertisement for Fentum’s Farewell Concert in The Singapore Daily Times (8 June 1872). 8 How one describes the conversion of the Town Hall into present day Victoria Theatre is of interest. Brown, who evidently lived through the period, calls it ‘the demolition of the Town Hall’ in Brown, 1991: 409. In Indiscreet Memories, he describes it as the ‘pulling down of the old Town Hall’ (1935: 236). Writers in 20th century Singapore, however, refer to the process as a ‘conversion’. Hence Gretchen Liu calls it ‘The upgrading of the Town Hall to create Victoria Theatre…’ (1996: 48), while G. Uma Devi describes it as ‘Moves to convert the Town Hall into Victoria Theatre…’ (2002). Edwin Lee writes of it as ‘…the Town Hall, which already contained a theatrical stage, was converted into a theatre.’ (1990: 43). In any event, the Town Hall was refaced and a central building built to link All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 33 From a ‘Pioneer Town’ to a ‘Cosmopolitan City’ both the Victoria Theatre and Victoria Memorial. More signifcantly, the Upper and Lower Rooms in the Town Hall had to make way for the theatre, hence Brown’s disappointment (1935: 236). 9 Edward Salzmann was organist at St Andrew’s Cathedral for 50 years and, by the time of his death in 1930 at the age of 87, was the oldest European resident in Singapore and regarded as the ‘doyen of the European community’. References Brown, Edwin Arthur. Indiscreet Memories. London: Kelly & Walsh, 1935. Brown, Edwin Arthur. ‘Music’ in Walter Makepeace, Gilbert E. Brooke and Roland St. John Braddell (eds.), One Hundred Years of Singapore, Volume Two. Singapore and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991 [1921]. Buckley, Charles Burton. An Anecdotal History of Old Times in Singapore: From the Foundation of the Settlement under the Honourable the East India Company on February 6th, 1819 to the Transfer to the Colonial Offce as Part of the Colonial Possessions of the Crown on April 1st. Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1984 [1902]. Caddy, Florence. To Siam and Malaya in the Duke of Sutherland’s Yacht ‘Sans Peur’. Singapore and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992 [1889]. Cameron, John. Our Tropical Possessions in Malayan India. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1965 [1865]. Lee, Edwin. Historic Buildings of Singapore. Singapore: Preservation of Monuments Board, 1990. Liu, Gretchen. In Granite and Chunam: The National Monuments of Singapore. Singapore: Landmark Books and Preservation of Monuments Board, 1996. Norman, Henry. The Peoples and Politics of the Far East: Travels and Studies in the British, French, Spanish and Portuguese Colonies, Siberia, China, Japan, Korea, Siam and Malaya. London: T. F. Unwin, 1895. Phan, Mingyen. ‘Music in Empire: Western Music in 19th-Century Singapore through a Study of Selected Texts’, Master’s Thesis, National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University, 2004. Saw, See-Hock. ‘Population Trends in Singapore, 1819–1976’, Journal of Southeast Asian History: Singapore Commemorative Issue 1819–1969, Vol 10(1), March 1969. Singapore Municipality. Administration Report of the Singapore Municipality for the Year 1891. Singapore: Fraser & Neave, 1891. Singapore Municipality. Administration Report of the Singapore Municipality for the Year 1892. Singapore: Fraser & Neave, 1892. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 34 Singapore Soundscape Small, Christopher. Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listening. Hanover: Wesleyan University Press, 1998. Turnbull, C. M. A History of Singapore 1819–1988 (Second Edition). Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1999. Uma Devi, G. Singapore’s 100 Historic Places. Singapore: Archipelago Press and National Heritage Board, 2002. Newspapers Singapore Chronicle, The: 16 June 1830; 31 July 1834; 7 August 1834 Singapore Daily Times, The: 18 June 1870; 16 November 1871; 13 December 1871; 4 May 1872; 8 June 1872; 11 June 1872; 20 June 1872 Singapore Free Press: 27 November 1845; 28 September 1865; 4 January 1866; 13 September 1866; 1 October 1896 Singapore Free Press (‘The Singapore Philharmonic Society’): 11 October 1892; 27 April 1893; 31 July 1893; 31 July 1896; 1 June 1897 Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser Weekly Mail Edition (‘The Philharmonic Society’s Concert’): 22 January 1895; 2 April 1895; 31 December 1895 Straits Calendar and Directory, 1870. Singapore: Mission Press, 1870 Straits Calendar and Directory, 1871. Singapore: Mission Press, 1871 Straits Times, The: 29 December 1865 Straits Times, The (‘The Philharmonic Society’s Orchestral Concert’): 31 July 1893 Straits Times Overland Journal 10 (136): 9 May 1868 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 35 Western Classical Music Western Classical Music: A Metahistory CHAPTER 2 Jun Zubillaga-Pow All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 36 Singapore Soundscape The frst boy orchestra at Telok Kurau East School in 1930. Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. T he history of Western classical music in 20th-century Singapore can be divided into four segments, corresponding to the founding of the Singapore Philharmonic Society in 1891 to the onset of the Japanese Occupation in 1942; the Syonan-to years between 1942 and 1945; the return to British colonial rule; and Singapore’s independence from 1959 to the present. Vivaldi’s The Four Seasons From April 1891, the Singapore Philharmonic Society began issuing public calls for musicians and choristers to perform at their frst concert on 8 December 1891 at the Town Hall (present day Victoria Theatre). With the attendance of His Excellency Governor and Lady Cecil Clementi Smith, the programme featured The Rose Maiden, a cantata by F. H. Cowen, as well as solo songs and pieces. The Society soon came within the capable hands of the Chairman of Chamber of Commerce John Finlayson and co-proprietor of the Singapore Free Press Major William Graeme Saint Clair (whose death in 1930 brought the Society to an end). In 1891 and again from 1894 to 1896, the British Willard Opera Company visited the Straits Settlements, of which Singapore was a part. Their performances guaranteed ravishing entertainment with complete staging of Franz von Suppé’s Boccaccio, Charles Lecocq’s La Fille de Madame Angot and Carl Millöcker’s The Beggar Student, as well as the standard operettas by Gilbert and Sullivan. Due to the onset of the First World War, the number of concert-goers declined as expatriates were recalled home. The Philharmonic Society presented a fnal concert at the Rafes Hotel on 30 March 1912 to a meagre crowd. Following the death of its honorary secretary, John F. Craig, in 1921, the society failed to revive the prosperity it once enjoyed at the fn-de-siècle. Alongside the advent of bigger and more powerful commercial steamships, All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 37 Western Classical Music jazz had arrived at the port of Singapore by then. Subjects from the British Commonwealth would settle themselves in the crown colony, as happened with the Russian-British pianist and conductor Monia Liter (1906–1988), who stationed himself at the Rafes Hotel and Sea View Hotel from 1927 to 1932, as did the Mozambican singer Al Bowlly (1898–1941), whose ukulele-playing and light-spirited singing at the Rafes Hotel in 1926 had enthralled travellers from near and far. Handel’s Messiah Sir Cecil Clementi, the Governor of the Straits Settlement, inaugurated the ‘St. Clair’ Organ installed by Hill, Norman and Beard at the Victoria Memorial Hall on 17 September 1931. As part of the ceremony, Edwin Arthur Brown, the choral conductor of the future Singapore Musical Society, had programmed Sullivan’s Overture In Memoriam (1866), Parry’s Blest Pair of Sirens (1887) and Elgar’s Banner of St. George op. 33 (1897), the last of which is a ballad in two scenes for a large chorus of 150 and an orchestra of 40, including trumpets and horns. The availability of a new organ at the Victoria Memorial Hall provided good relief to its counterpart at the St. Andrew’s Cathedral, which had been so busy as to host more than three performances of Handel’s Messiah in February 1928 alone. Other church organs at that time were housed at the Cathedral of the Good Shepherd, Church of Saints Peter and Paul, and the St. Joseph Portuguese Mission. From the 1960s to 1980s, at least eight other organs were built in various churches, the most famous being the one at the Orchard Road Presbyterian Church. After Singapore’s independence, numerous forms of church music, from traditional to gospel and rock versions, remained vibrant in these churches, including the Singapore Bible and Trinity Theological colleges, the Anglican and Lutheran churches, the New Creation and City Harvest churches, the Wesley, Chinese and Tamil Methodist churches and several others. Handel’s Messiah was again performed at the inauguration of the Singapore Musical Society (SMS), which replaced the Singapore Philharmonic Society (SPS). The event on 7 March 1932 saw a turnout of 993. Despite the Great Depression in the 1930s, the SMS managed to sustain their operations, playing to full houses with Elijah in 1934, Judas Maccabaeus in 1937, and Messiah again in 1938. From 1936 to 1952, the Singapore Gramophone Society (SGS) also presented up to 30 concerts a year. Music played on vinyl included Puccini’s Tosca, German Lieder and the symphonies of Beethoven and Tchaikovsky. It was noted that Asians had made up only a minority of the SGS. Otherwise, the intervention of the Japanese in 1942 would be the only other cause of cultural disruption. Bach’s Brandenburg Concerti During the Japanese Occupation from 1942 to 1945, the Victoria Memorial Hall was renamed the Syonan Kokaido and the Syonan Tokubetu-Si Orchestra came under the direction of Watanabe Makoto and Walter Rayman. The musicians, mostly of Hungarian descent, played music of the Axis powers – German, Italian and Japanese – every Sunday afternoon. With the end of the Second World War, the Singapore Musical Society restarted their operations, but now with additional competition from the Singapore Chamber Ensemble and the Metro Philharmonic Society. While the former was formed in 1951 and played string music by English and German composers, the latter was formed in 1959 and promoted their brand of multilingual choral showcases. In 1956, the Singapore Musical Society initiated a new series entitled ‘Musica Viva’, but it lasted barely a year. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 38 Singapore Soundscape Notable personalities during the 1950s and 1960s included Benjamin Khoo, Aisha Akbar, Choo Hwee Lim, Leong Yoon Pin, Noreen Stokes, Gerry Soliano, Louise Cheng, Tan Peng Tuan, Goh Sin Ee, Douglas Tan, Victor Doggett, Feri Krempl, Goh Soon Tioe, Susheela Devi, Dirk Kalf, Louis Moyser, Gordon van Hien and Paul and Alex Abisheganaden. International artists were brought into the country en route either to Australia or the Americas by the impresario Donald Moore and others: Walter Gesieking, Alfred Cortot, Sylvia Marlowe, Walter Susskind, Eugene Istomin, Benjamin Britten, Peter Pears, the Westminster Choir and the Los Angeles Philharmonic Orchestra. With the rise in popularity of the Radio Singapore Orchestra and the Singapore Symphony Orchestra in 1979, the Singapore Musical Society and Singapore Chamber Ensemble soon lost their foothold in the classical music market and terminated in 1985 and 1989 respectively. Albeit on a semi-professional level, The Chamber Players and the Re:mix ensemble, directed by Mervin Beng and Foo Say Meng respectively, are currently the younger groups appearing in the 1980s and 2000s. While the former group focused on canonical classical pieces as a mainstay, the latter are considered to be more eclectic in programming by coupling Vivaldi with Piazzolla and Bach with the Beatles. Haydn’s String Quartet Op. 76 No. 3 ‘Emperor’ The history of the string quartet in Singapore is rather straightforward. Since the colo- nisation by the British, string ensembles have been commonplace at private gatherings and ofcial functions, and continue to be so in the 21st century. For one, the Singapore Musical Society String Quartet existed only in 1931, which was also the founding year of the society. For their tentative presentation, they performed movements from quartets by Mozart (‘Hunt’), Glazunov (‘Novelette’), Dvorak (‘American’) and Tchaikovsky (‘Andante The Batvia Symphony Orchestra performing in 1949. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 39 Western Classical Music Cantabile’). Since then, countless quartets from across the globe have performed in Sin- gapore, which led to the eventual establishment of Singapore’s very own T’ang Quartet, making their public debut in 1992. After making international appearances, they joined the faculty of Boston University Tanglewood Institute from 2001 to 2005, and thereafter the faculty of the Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music in Singapore. Other similar group- ings over the past couple of decades include the Fritz, Jade, Artsylum, Oxley, Camerata and Merlion quartets, as well as the Take 5 piano quintet. The Mozart Effect What do classical music lovers do when there are no concerts locally or visiting performers? Whether for the rich or poor, some form of recorded music has served as everyday entertainment. As the world progressed from vinyl to cassette to compact disc and eventually to digital media, musical performances become transmitted from the concert hall or recording studio into one’s private home via the radio and television broadcast or one’s personal audio player or computer. The number of record shops in Singapore grew in proportion alongside the industrialisation and neo-liberalisation of the economy, pitting local companies against international conglomerates: Sembawang Music, Gramophone, That CD Shop and CD-RAMA against Tower Records, Borders, HMV and Amazon.com. Back in the 1930s and 1950s, only a handful of record shops devoted themselves to quality recordings, like the sole agent for Decca, E. S. Isaac Co., on Malacca Street and Cecil Street, T.M.A. Ltd on High Street, and another at Change Alley. Hahn Lee, who runs the latter, had been a trained cellist with the Singapore Musical Society Orchestra before the war and was also a pedagogue at his own Singapore Music Institute. A photograph taken in 1954 of music being recorded at the studio at Radio Malaya. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 40 Singapore Soundscape The octagonal gazebo bandstand at the Singapore Botanic Gardens was built in 1930. Many military band performances were staged here. Lim Kheng Chye collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. In the 1980s and 1990s, there were also more than 20 independent record, cassette and compact disc shops, which eventually closed in the face of stif competition and online downloading: Royal Music Centre at the Gay World Amusement Park, Parkway Music Centre at Parkway Parade, Sing Music Palace at Lucky Plaza, Disc Place at Rafes City, Roxy Disc House at Roxy Square, Disc Dynamics at Thompson Plaza, Supreme Record Centre at Far East Plaza, to name a few of the more prominent ones. For instance, Kong Chang Chen (b. 1936) the proprietor of Beethoven Music House at Centrepoint, fnally sold of his shop in 1990 after seven years of business promoting classical music, ranging from Western to Chinese and Indian, as well as audio equipment. With the discovery of the ‘Mozart Efect’ in the early 1990s, people not only wanted to be passive listeners, but also wished to partake in the production of music. Coupled with the shops selling music instruments were the sheet music shops, both of which sometimes existed under the same ownership. These include Yamaha Music, Gramercy Music, Swee Lee Music, Synwin Enterprises, Barock Music (now known as Music Essentials) and Sweet Classics, with the latter retailing only sheet music. Otherwise, music scores could be acquired on loan from the former Rafes Library on Stamford Road or currently at these institutions: the Library@Esplanade, the Music Library at the Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music, the National Institute of Education Library, the Ngee Ann Kongsi Library at LASALLE College of the Arts and the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts Library. Beethoven’s Symphony No. 9 ‘Choral’ In addition to the aforementioned churches, small and large spaces have been allocated for classical music performances. These would range from family homes and public parks to hotel ballrooms and custom-built halls installed with the appropriate acoustic settings. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 41 Western Classical Music The New York Philharmonic Orchestra playing to a large crowd at the National Stadium in 1984. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. To date, there are about 10 such larger halls. While the Victoria Memorial, Town or Concert Hall (opened in 1862) had been the residence of the Singapore Philharmonic Orchestra (1897–1927 and 1977–1978), the Syonan Tokubetu-Si Orchestra (1942–1945) and the Singapore Symphony Orchestra (1980–2002), the National Theatre (1963–1986) played host to the Singapore National Orchestra from 1968 to 1970. In addition, the Singapore Conference Hall (opened in 1965) was used for the Singapore Symphony Orchestra’s debut year from 1979 to 1980. In the new millennium, the Esplanade Concert Hall was inaugurated on 11 October 2002 when the Singapore Symphony Orchestra became the ofcial resident of the performance venue. The programme that evening comprised Singaporean composer Er Yenn Chwen’s Fete, Bach’s Concerto for Two Violins in D Minor and Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony, supported by the Singapore Symphony Chorus. Other places where classical music could be heard include the Cultural Centre at Canning Rise (opened in 1957), the Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music, the NAFA Lee Foundation Theatre, the LASALLE Singapore Airlines Theatre, the University Cultural Centre, the School of the Arts Concert Hall, the Esplanade Recital Studio, the Living Room and Chamber at the Arts House, the Young Musicians’ Society Arts Centre (where the Singapore Youth Choir and Magnetic Band were based), the Jubilee Hall at the Rafes Hotel, the DBS Auditorium and the Substation, which supported a contemporary classical series known as Music Space from 1991 to 2011. Furthermore, there have been sporadic outdoor performances on the weekends, mostly in the gardens and parks dotted around the island. These include the Shaw Foundation Symphony Stage at the Botanic Gardens and the many bandstands in the Botanic Gardens, Katong Park, Waterloo Street and Fort Canning Park. With the gradual All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 42 Singapore Soundscape urbanisation of the city, classical music also seeped into neighbourhood shopping centres and ofce buildings. Schools can also be considered places of music-making, especially after the post-colonial institutionalisation of musical ensembles, such as the guitar, harmonica, harp and string ensembles. Schumann’s Album for the Young Private music education played a major role in the cultivation of a vibrant classical music scene in 20th-century Singapore. In addition to their performance schedules, all musicians would at some point in their career embark on a teaching stint for the sake of artistic propagation and self-survival. Two personalities, Marcello Anciano (1905–2002) and Victor Doggett (1919–2005), are worth mentioning here. While the former founded the Far Eastern Music School in 1928 and nurtured a nest of talented musicians with the likes of Mabel Lee Soo Bee and Tan Joo Lai (or Julai Tan), the latter established not only the Victor Doggett Music Studios in 1958, but also the Singapore Music Teachers Association (SMTA) in 1966, which was headed consecutively by Victor Doggett himself, Teo Chin Huat, Dorothy Ng, Maria Chong and Julie Tan, the current incumbent. In a bid to raise performance standards, the private music teachers presented their students for examinations and local competitions, such as biennial ones organised by the SMTA and the National Arts Council. According to historical records, the Trinity College of Music examinations were available from as early as 1926, awarding an Associate Diploma to one Iris Ess, and granting accreditations to the students of the Far Eastern Music School. While the Victor Doggett Music Studios adhered to the Cambridge curriculum, Melvyn Tan was a student at Yehudi Menuhin’s School of Music in London and was considered a prodigy. This photograph was taken in 1971. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 43 Western Classical Music most of the other private teachers, like those at the Foorman’s Music Studios (founded in 1947), preferred the certifcation awarded by the Associated Board of Royal Schools of Music, which was introduced to Singapore in 1948. Other commercial music schools that followed in the footsteps of these enterprising pioneers include Yamaha, Cristofori and Kawai. Those which ofer higher diplomas and degrees in performance include the Department of Music (since 1984) and the Junior Music Department (since 1999) at the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts, the School of Music at the LASALLE College of the Arts (since 1984), the Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music at the National University of Singapore (since 2004), and the Singapore Rafes Music College (since 2010). The teachers associated with these institutions have groomed countless local musical talents, some of whom are named below. Local Music Talents Pianists Abigail Sin Eleanor Tan Lim Tshui Fang Ong Lip Tat Albert Lin George Khoo Lim Tshui Fei Rena Phua Archie Bauld Davies Helen Foo Lim Tshui Ling Seow Aik Keong Azariah Tan Ho Wen Yang Lim Tshui Yin Seow Yit Kin Lee Pan Hon was a violinist at the Goh Soon Tioe Conservatoire, a school which conducts training in music or acting (1974). The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 44 Singapore Soundscape Beatrice Lin Ian Chee Lim Yan Shane Thio Benjamin Khoo Joel Nah Louise Cheng Shaun Choo Benjamin Loh John Chua Low Shao Suan Sim Keng Boon Bertrand Lee Kerong Chok Low Shao Ying Song Ziliang Cheung Mun Chit Koh Joo Ann Lucien Wang Su Heng Christina Tan Koh Poh Lin Margaret Leng-Tan Timothy Ku Claire Martia Lau Biau Chin Mary Fan Toh Chee Hung Claire Yeo Lee Kum Sing May Phang Victor Khor Clarence Lee Lena Ching Melvyn Tan Vivienne Wee Darius Lim Lilian Ang Nabillah Jalal Wong Yun Qi Douglas Tan Lim Jia Nicholas Loh Yang Tien Elaine Chew Lim Jing Jing Noreen Stokes Yu Chun Yee Singers Adrian Poon Huang Phay Ching Nancy Yuen Tan Ngian Kaw Anna Koor Jeong Ae-Ree Ng Tian Hui Tan Peng Tuan Cherylene Liew Kane Teo Paul Abisheganaden Tay Cheng Jim Choo Hwee Lim Khor Ai Ming Phua Ee Kia Timothy Huang Cyril Wong Leok Siak Fah Rebecca Chellapah William Lim Daniel Fong Lilian Choo Robert Iau Wilson Goh David Lim Kim San Lim Shieh Yih Stella Zhou Wong Su San Reuben Lai Mabel Lee Soo Bee Tan Ngian Ann Yee Ee Ping Elena Ng Martin Ng Tan Ngian Hong Yeoh Siew Lian Evelyn Ang Melvin Tan Tan Ngian Hua Yvette Anwar String Players Alan Choo Ernie Tan Wee Hsin Leslie Tan Seah Huan Yuh Alphonso Anthony Foo Say Ming Lim Chun See Ian Ike Ang Chek Meng Gabriel Lee Lim Hui Seow Jin Chong B. A. Bacsafra Goh Sin Ee Lim Juan Siow Hee Shun All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 45 Western Classical Music Brahms’s Symphony No. 3 Singapore has an illustrious history of orchestras and large ensembles. Over the next fve sections this essay will chart the evolution of the genre over the 20th century and beyond. Some groups were conceived as small gatherings of musicians or music students, while others were the bureaucratic creation of corporate and governmental initiatives. With the buttress of the then governor of the Straits Settlements, Sir Cecil Clementi Smith, the founding of the Singapore Philharmonic Society in 1891 became the starting point for the organisation of the Singapore Philharmonic Orchestra. The ensemble was perceived as emblematic of British pride by not only the European expatriates, but also by their Eurasian, Goan and Filipino counterparts. The orchestra survived from 1897 to 1927 before the Great Depression of the 1930s took its toll on the classical music market and caused the Society to cease operations. For one reason or another, the local Chinese musicians were encouraged to form their own ensemble as a leisurely pastime. Around the early 1920s, the violinists Chee Kong Tet and Tay Lian Teck gathered a group of musicians to form the Chia Keng Tai Orchestra – so named because the ensemble rehearsed at the home of its namesake in Killiney Road. While Chia was known as a veteran tennis player and student from Rafes Institution, there was no record of his musical participation. Instead, the chamber orchestra of barely 20 players came under the leadership of Chee and Tay, the latter of whom was a municipal commissioner and represented the Chinese in the failed attempts to revive the Singapore Philharmonic Society in 1922 and again in 1929. This institutional gap was soon flled by the Singapore Musical Society Orchestra from 1932 to 1939 under John Tryner and, during the Second World War, by the Syonan Tokubetu-Si Orchestra from 1942 to 1945. The Singapore Musical Society Orchestra reconvened from 1950 to 1965 under Gordon van Hien and had its name changed to the Singapore Symphony Orchestra in 1954. At the same time, the Singapore Chamber Ensemble was founded by Paul Abisheganaden in 1950. After The student orchestra at Raffes’ Institution in 1950. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. Chan Tze Law Goh Soon Tioe Lim Shue Churn Siow Lee Chin Chan Wei Shing Grace Lee Lim Soon Lee Soon Woon Teng Chan Yoong Han Jeremy Chiew Lionel Tan Susheela Devi Chin Chee Mee Julai Tan Loh Jun Hong Tan Peng Chin Choo Hoey Kam Kee Yong Loke Hoe Kit Tan Peng Tow Chua Lik Wuk Kam Ning Lynette Seah Tang Tee Khoon Cindy Lee Karen Yeo Marietta Ku Vivien Goh Dirk Kalf Lee Huei Min Ng Wei Ping Yan Yin Wing Eric Lee Lee Pan Hon Ng Yu Ying Yew Shan All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 46 Singapore Soundscape An orchestra playing during a ministerial community visit in Aljunied in 2000. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. The Fifth Primary School Instrumental Ensemble competition was held in 1975. It was organised by the Young Musicians’ Society. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 47 Western Classical Music The Singapore Philharmonic Orchestra (SPO) presenting a Christmas concert to a full house at the Singapore Conference Hall in 1977. Conducting the SPO was Mr Yoshinao Osawa. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. Singapore achieved full independence in 1965, it was the National Theatre Trust that supported the idea of having the Singapore National Orchestra under the baton of Leong Yoon Pin. Despite expert assistance from the Israeli Shalom Ronly-Riklis and the Briton Norman Del Mar, the group lasted for barely two years, from 1968 to 1970. Tchaikovsky’s Serenade for Strings Among orchestral novices, the Singapore Children’s Orchestra began in 1933, was renamed the Young People’s Orchestra in 1938 and renamed again as the Singapore Junior Symphony Orchestra in 1948 until its curtailment in 1956. The next ensemble to be established was the University of Singapore Symphony Orchestra. Calls for a varsity orchestra had been made when the university started enrolment in 1962. However, it was only after the founding of the Music Department in 1972 that the orchestra could be administered the following year. The student group under the direction of Dr. Edward Ho also contributed to public entertainment via radio and television broadcasts in 1974 and 1976. After the Music Department was converted into the Centre for Musical Activities in 1978, the ensemble was renamed the Singapore Youth Orchestra in 1979 and came under the charge of the Ministry of Education in 1980. The directorship of the Singapore Youth Orchestra includes, in chronological order, Vivien Goh, Lim Soon Lee, Lim Yau and Darrell Ang, the incumbent. While these ofcial arrangements were ongoing, private music teachers also amassed their own students to form string ensembles. Most notable of these are the Goh Soon Tioe String Orchestra, the Lee Yuk Chuan String Orchestra and the Chan Yong Shing All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 48 Singapore Soundscape Chamber Orchestra. There was also Yu Chun Chao, who conducted the Catholic High School Orchestra, Pro-Arte Chamber Orchestra and MOE Teachers’ Orchestra in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Rachmaninov’s Piano Concerto No. 3 Back in the professional arena, the founding of the Singapore Philharmonic Orchestra in 1977 was the combined efort of the Japanese government and the United Overseas Bank. Under the baton of Yoshinao Osawa (b. 1950), its professional debut at the Singapore Conference Hall included Sibelius’s Finlandia, Mozart’s Piano Concerto No. 23 in A (K.488) and Tchaikovsky’s Fifth Symphony in the programme. There were also more than a handful of Singaporean musicians among its ranks: the concert-mistress Tan Peng Tow, Pamela Tan, Seah Kar Heng, Harry Khoo, Yip Yuan Kit, Stephen Ang and Martin Lim. Unfortunately, this private initiative was short-lived as the funding dried up and the orchestra disbanded within nine months of its debut. In contrast, the founding of the Singapore Symphony Orchestra in January 1979 was the success story of the state’s technocratic administration. Under the direction of Choo Hoey, the orchestra debuted at the Singapore Conference Hall with 41 musicians performing Rossini’s Overture to the Barber of Seville, Beethoven’s Fifth Piano Concerto, Ives’ The Unanswered Question, Schubert’s Eighth Symphony and Liu Tien Shan’s and Mao Yuen’s Dance of the Yiau People. The list of resident conductors to date includes Choo Hoey, Lim Yau, Okko Kamu, Lan Shui and Darrell Ang. The Singapore Symphony Orchestra (SSO) under the bow of Choo Hoey kicked off the frst of its three inaugural concerts with a spirited version of the Singapore National Anthem in 1979.The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 49 Western Classical Music From Dvorak’s Ninth to Shostakovich’s Tenth With the increase in population size and heightened acculturation, music- making activities gradually spread into the suburbs. The Braddell Heights Symphony Orchestra was such an initiative by the executive committee of the Braddell Heights Community Club. Formed in 1986, the orchestra has been under the frm leadership of Yan Yin Wing since 1989. It has also implemented the Gifted Young Musicians’ Bursary and Concert series. Following a gap of more than a decade, Lim Yau founded the Philharmonic Chamber Orchestra in 1998, and renamed it The Philharmonic Orchestra in 2002. Between 2005 and 2009, a new orchestra was formed every year: the Yong Siew Toh Conservatory Orchestra under Chan Tze Law, Wang Ya-Hui and Jason Lai; the Millennial Orchestra under Chan Wei Shing; the Singapore Festival Orchestra under the Singapore Arts Festival; the Orchestra of Music Makers under former SSO scholar Chan Tze Law; and the Singapore Lyric Opera Orchestra under Darrell Ang and Joshua Tan Kang Ming. Schoenberg’s Pierrot Lunaire The idea of a mixed chamber ensemble made up of diferent instruments from each family of the orchestra infltrated into the Singaporean consciousness, albeit almost a century after the Europeans had invented it. Under the charge of the Young Musicians Society, the Magnetic Band was formed in August 2003 and devoted itself to a repertoire of music composed in the 20th and 21st centuries. The Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music’s New Music Ensemble, and Chamber Sounds, a group made up of alumni from the Department of Music at the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts, followed suit in 2007 and 2011 respectively. From Purcell to Puccini and Beyond In the 1880s and 1890s, there were operas of various nationalities produced in Singapore. While the Hawley’s Italian Opera Company would put on Rossini’s The Barber of Seville, James Joseph Pollard (1856–1883) had his Lilliputian Opera Company perform French operas and vaudevilles, ranging from Ofenbach’s The Princess of Terbizonde to Robert Planquette’s Les Cloches de Corneville. The English were not to be outdone, bringing in the Willard Opera Company and Stanley’s Opera Company, which staged the popular operettas of Gilbert and Sullivan. After the death of their founder, the Lilliputian Opera Company began to import American musicals into Singaporean halls, with the likes of The Geisha, Lady Slavey and The Belle of New York. The frst ever 71-member strong University of Singapore Symphony Orchestra formed by the National University of Singapore’s Music Department made its debut in 1974. It was conducted by the acting head of the department, Dr Li Chau-Vuan. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 50 Singapore Soundscape After the First World War, three Russian companies gained prominence. On 11 and 12 June 1920, the Russian Opera Company staged Verdi’s Il Travatore and Bizet’s The Pearl Fishes. Within a year, the Russian Grand Opera delivered another of Bizet’s operas, Carmen, at the Goodwood Hall on Scotts Road in March 1921. The Russians were just as adept at performing musicals, such as The Dollar Princess by Leo Fall, Jerome Kern and the Russian Imperial Light Orchestra Company on 23 February 1926. The Great Depression and the Second World War caused a lacuna in operatic productions. In the 1950s and 1960s, it would be The Teachers’ Training College and the Metro Philharmonic Society under the entrepreneurial impetus of Louise Cheng and Leong Yoon Pin that operas by Gilbert and Sullivan and John Gay’s The Beggar’s Opera were revived. The tenor Leow Saik Fah co-founded the Singapore Lyric Theatre/Opera in 1991, and later Viva Opera in 2004. The latter is a brainchild conceived together with playwright Robert Yeo and composer John Sharpley. With these arts corporations, the artistic direction had enabled an expanding repertory – ranging from Mozart to Verdi, from Puccini to Strauss, but perhaps just short of a Wagnerian magnum opus – to be introduced to the wider public, who are not necessarily connoisseurs. Ravel’s Introduction and Allegro for Flute, Clarinet, Harp and String Quartet Other than the pianists, violinists and singers, there are several Singaporean instrumen- talists who deserve mention for their keen contribution to the greater classical music scene. From the 1960s onwards, the harmonica was a popular instrument, especially among The Catholic High School Orchestra conducted by Yu Chun Chao opening the Instrumental Night of the Arts Festival with the ‘Triumphant March’ from Aida by Verdi and El Relicarlo by J Padill in 1978. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 51 Western Classical Music the Chinese-speaking community. Famous exponents of the instrument include Yew Hong Jen, Lim Tze Sian and Ho Chong Wing, who started his own harmonica ensemble in 1970. The Harmonic Afcionados Society, with Boh Teck Keong as its president, was later registered in 1996. By contrast, the Singapore Classical Guitar Society was co-founded much earlier in 1967 by Agnes Hoisington, the wife of Singaporean artist Vincent Hoisington. Its revival in 1985 by Han Vo Ta also became a disjunction from the Singapore Guitar Festival, which was an annual event organised by the Young Musicians Society and Yamaha Music School since 1974. Famous local personalities who played at the Festival held at the Singapore Conference Hall included Robert Liew, Omar bin Abu Bakar, Alex Abisheganaden and Robert Luse, who had also formed his own Singapore Guitar Quartet. The Brass and Woodwind Festival was held in Singapore in 1975 for the frst time. The competition for the ‘Best Award’ saw players of the fute, clarinet, saxophone, trumpet, cornet and euphonium displaying high standards of musical performance. It was to last for four years. In 1980, the Singapore Chapter of the International Clarinet Society was formed with nine founding members, two of whom were Loke Siew Khuen and Vincent Goh (who subsequently won a scholarship in the same year from the Singapore Symphonia Co Ltd to pursue a four-year performance studies at Ohio University and an eight-year bond with the orchestra). Two other scholars in the same league were the French horn player Adeleine Teo and the violinist Chua Lik Wuk, who also founded a chamber music outft, Prisms, in 1996. Compared to the more senior SSO fute scholar Lee Kee Hoi, Goh Tiong Eng pursued his performance studies at the Conservatoire National de Region de Rueil-Malmaison, Paris in 1982 and at the Royal Academy of Music, London in 1993, and established the frst Flute Studio in 1992 and later the frst Flute Festival in 2009. Women musicians have been equally enterprising in organising since the turn of the millennium. On the one hand, the organist Dr. Evelyn Lim established the Singapore Chapter of the American Guild of Organists in 2003 with Dr. Margaret Chen as honorary advisor; on the other hand, harpist Katryna Tan founded the frst Singapore Harp Festival after being awarded the Young Artist Award in 2005. Other women wind players include Elaine Yeo on oboe, Dixie de Souza (née Wong) and Tan Soh Hwa on French horn, Chan Peck Suan on trumpet, and Samantha Chong Shoo Mei on trombone; the last three have also become symphonic band conductors in their own rights. John Cage’s 4’33” Few composers in Singapore grew up with the ambition to write music. Most had wanted to be pianists or violinists (and perhaps still harbour such thoughts). For example: both Tsao Chieh (1953–1996) and Chan Zhuomin (1982–2008) were licentiates in piano performance, but exchanged their instruments for the creative process. Real opportunities for study and showcase were rare until the formation of National Theatre Trust’s Singapore Composers’ Soprano Lee Soo Bee singing Schubert’s “Shepherd on the Rock” on the Instrumental Night of the Arts Festival at Victoria Theatre in 1978. Accompanying her was Grace Liok on the clarinet and Jocelyn Tan on the piano. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 52 Singapore Soundscape Circle in 1980 and reorganised as the Association of Composers (Singapore) in 1991. In its three decades, the Association has produced countless concerts, recordings and introductory talks, both live and on broadcast media. In addition, the initiation of the New Music Forum under the Singapore Symphony Orchestra that ran sporadically between 1987 and 2004 provided a momentous push towards more progressive music-making by professional players. Other than visits by the British composers Benjamin Britten in 1956 and Alexander Goehr in 1986 and 1990, a few foreign composers have relocated to Singapore since then, including John Howard, Eric James Watson, John Sharpley, Robert Casteels, and Lindsay Vickery. Otherwise, the list of Singaporean composers includes Leong Yoon Pin, Samuel Ting, Lucien Wang, Lee Tack Fah, Lim Tiap Guan, Lee Yuk Chuan, Quek Yong Siu, Liu Bin, Chiew Keng Hoon, Shen Bing Guang, Lin Ah Leck, Soh Kay Cheng, Li Lie Gang, Kam Kee Yong, Joseph Peters, Phoon Yew Tien, Ho Chee Kong, Zechariah Goh Toh Chai, Kelly Tang, Bernard Tan, Tsao Chieh, Tan Chan Boon, Joyce Beetuan Koh, Hoh Chung Shih, Er Yenn Chwen, Philip Tan, Chan Zhuomin, Diana Soh, Bernard Lee, Jeremiah Li, Jun Zubillaga-Pow, Emily Koh, Chen Zhangyi, Wong Kah Chun, Benjamin Lim Yi, Alicia de Silva, Wang Chen Wei, Benjamin Yeo, Liong Kit Yeng, Americ Goh, Tan Tuan Hao and Yuan Peiying. Wagner’s Gesamtkunstwerk The Western classical music soundscape would not have blossomed if not for the essential contribution of peripheral workers promoting the composers and performers. Three notable personalities worth emulating are Goh Soon Tioe (1911–1982), Victor The Goh Soon Tioe String Orchestra with guest soloist Maurice Clare in 1954. Vivien Goh collection, courtesy of National Archives Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 53 Western Classical Music Doggett (1919–2005) and Paul Abisheganaden (1914–2011), who juggled many hats as conductor, musician, teacher, administrator, activist and impresario. There are also the general managers and their teams, who oversee the everyday operation of human resources, fnances and public relations. They include Ng Siew Eng (Singapore Lyric Opera), Tan Kim Swee (Singapore Youth Orchestra), Chng Kai Jin (Singapore Symphonia Co Ltd), Phan Ming Yen (Esplanade and The Arts House) and Marcia Tan (T’ang Quartet). The press and media are also essential in creating a link between the musicians and their audiences. The music reporters and reviewers with The Straits Times through the 20th century included Victor Doggett, Lim Peng Ann (1944–1980), Terry Lim, Georgina Emmanuel, Phan Ming Yen (also for The Arts Magazine), Christine Khor, Lionel Choi, Tan Shzr Ee, Goh Yew Lin, Chang Tou Liang and Marc Rochester, as well as Woo Mun Ngan for Lianhe Zaobao, the Chinese newspaper. The radio presenters – Koh Chieng Mun, Foo Chen Loong, Andrew Lim, Shanthini Moorthy, Jean Tan and Loh Sin Yee – have also been instrumental in promoting classical music, with the transition from Radio Five to Symphony 92.4FM. Last but not least, the support from corporate and government sponsors, such as the National Arts Council, Poh Tiong Choon Logistics Ltd and the Lee Foundation, serves as the epitome of arts philanthropy for the 21st century. The Goh Soon Tioe String Orchestra with guest soloist Mildred Dilling in 1964. Vivien Goh collection, courtesy of National Archives Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 54 Singapore Soundscape The Story of Choirs: 1933 to 1993 CHAPTER 3 Tan Shzr Ee All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 55 The Story of Choirs A choir, as defned by the Oxford English Dictionary, is ‘an organised group of singers’. The word conjures up images of men and women singing in harmony as a self- contained body. Choirs are a common sight in Singapore today. In schools, at churches; within community centres, at concert halls and malls each Christmas – you will fnd groups that call themselves thus. There are some few hundred choral groups here today, many of whom meet regularly for weekly practices. East Meets West How did choral singing begin in Singapore? Backtrack a few centuries to the time when Singapore was still Temasek, and you will fnd the concept of a ‘choir’ very diferent. Three hundred years ago, apart from solo vocal music of the court, choral music (taken in its broad defnition) could be argued to have existed. It was found in the male chorus of the Javanese gamelan tradition and the religious chanting of forms like the dikir barat. Three hundred years ago, further afeld in India and China, choral music still had not taken of in a big way. In China, men and women sang their solo folksongs in the mountains. They put on the high drama with an opera show. The closest they came to making choral music was through singing in unison while working in the felds. Three hundred years ago, Singapore did not yet exist. But it was against this backdrop of choral activity inherited from elsewhere that the genre took of in centuries to come. In 1819, Sir Stamford Rafes founded the island, and invited these very peoples from China, India and the surrounding Malay archipelago to populate the port. With him came European residents who brought along their religion and choral traditions. The four-in-one mix began to spawn interesting musical results. Dikir barat – native to the region – still thrives today, somewhat marginally, and will be discussed separately later. But Western choral music – alien to non-Western settlers – began to enter the island with a force that would soon lead to an avalanche of Western musical expansion. This infux of choral music was to have ripple efects on Chinese and Indian vocal forms. Harmony versus Counterpoint? What makes Western choral music sound the way it does? There is the brief Oxford Dictionary defnition already mentioned. More signifcant is the aesthetic giving rise to choral music as a genre and Western art music in itself: the notion of harmony (or the sounding of two diferent pitches at the same time), said to have ‘evolved’ in Medieval Europe from chanting in unison. To be sure, the phenomenon of two voices sounding simultaneously is universal. But in most non-Western cultures these voices fowed independently of each other, almost always in ‘linear’ fashion. The term ‘counterpoint’ (more specifcally, stratifed polyphony in Southeast Asia) would apply here. In Western harmony, the conjunction of two or more voices was a ‘vertical’ phenomenon. Each voice was heard in relation to the other. Complex rules governing such relationships were established, eventually providing impetus to the development of Western musical culture itself. The arrival of choral music in Singapore thus marked the arrival of Western music here – not only physically, but also aesthetically and ideologically. Like within many other modernised non-Western cultures, choral music – through the evangelistic work of churches – was one of the frst Western music genres to enter and spread here. It had one advantage: the voice, being the instrument of song, was All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 56 Singapore Soundscape portable. And song – which is found in almost all world cultures, not least Chinese, Indian and Malay could be taught easily. In the Beginning was the Word: Early Churches Little documentation survives on choral activity prior to the 1900s. But if choral music again might be defned by a group of singers voicing parts together, then the hymn- singing congregation of any church in 19th-century Singapore would technically have been singing as a choir. First of all such institutions founded was the Armenian Church, which began holding services in 1835. It is not known whether formal choirs, or even the congregation, sang in split-part harmony. But records suggest that singers were singled out to provide music for the congregation during services, at least through the 1920s and 1930s. Outside the Armenian Church, other early churches that would have choirs of their own are the Cathedral of the Good Shepherd (founded 1843), the St Andrew’s Cathedral (1856), the Church of Saints Peter and St Paul (1869) and the Presbyterian Church at Orchard Road (1878). Apart from church activity, records also have it that in 1865, the Singapore Amateur Musical Society was formed among the English community. Together with another German group called the Liedertafel, the society performed an excerpt from Handel’s Messiah at the Singapore Institution School. Much of early Western musical activity fell under the preserve of the European or Eurasian communities. But choral music was not restricted to expatriates. Slowly, their zeal rubbed of on other Singapore immigrants through the campaigns of mission schools. Preachers from England, as well as Eurasian teachers from the Malay Peninsula, taught hymns; some even put on amateur musicals. The Methodist Church, for one, was responsible for the spread of singing in Singapore schools over the 1920s and 1930s. Occasionally, full-scale concerts were given, one example being a non-liturgical performance of religious works by the Paya Lebar Church Choir in 1937. First Strains of Singaporean Choral Music It was against this background that many early Singaporeans began honing their musical skills as an ‘art’, as opposed to an extension of religious practice or worship. Among them was one Anglo-Chinese schoolboy Benjamin Khoo, whose story is typical of early musical practitioners. A keen singer in school, he taught himself the piano and violin, ironically, through the support of the Japanese during the Second World War. After the war, he was sent on a scholarship to England to further his music studies. Returning in the late 1940s to work as a teacher, he came back to conduct a newly- formed amateur group known as the Singapore Musical Society (SMS). He shared the podium with Singapore conductor Aisha Akbar, baritone/conductor Choo Hwee Lim and European musician pioneers Gordon van Hien and Ken Palmer. While many members of the SMS were expatriates, a growing number of Asians and Eurasians (and eventually, Singaporeans), along with Khoo, also began to join the group. Its choir strength fuctuated from 60 to 100 through the 1950s and 1960s. By far the most high-profled English-educated choral group of its time, the SMS gave at least one choral concert each year, putting on works including Mendelssohn’s Elijah (1957), opera choruses (1960) and a choral version of Gershwin’s Rhapsody In Blue (1963), accompanied by its own orchestra. To be sure, the SMS was not the only choral outft then. The some-time choral arm of SMS’ musical rival, Paul Abisheganaden’s Singapore Chamber Ensemble Players, All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 57 The Story of Choirs provided competition through occasional vocal-music events slotted into an orchestral series. Other groups afliated with institutions, such as the Trinity Theological College, the Wesley Methodist Church, the Presbyterian Youth Fellowship, the Chinese Methodist Church, the Tamil Methodist Church, the Singapore Guard Regiment Society of Musical Friends, the Alliance Francaise Mixed Choir, the Serangoon District Boys’ Choir, the Singapore Vienna Choir, Aisha Akbar’s Suara Singapore Singers and Goh Say Meng’s Chorale Musicale, also put on full-scale choral concerts. Alongside the growth of serious choral music, barbershop quartets, such as Khoo’s Benny Singers and Harry Tan’s The Gospel Melody Makers, and musical groups, such as YMCA’s The Sceneshifters, also mushroomed, thriving amidst the semi-classical genres that were developing in Singapore. Socialism, Sociality and Music: Chinese Choral Groups The story of the 1930s to 1960s, however, would not be complete without mention of an important ‘movement’: the Chinese choirs. Even as churches were busy planning choral activities for English-speaking congregations, Chinese-speaking missionaries were spreading hymns, translated into Mandarin, among the non-English-educated populace. This arm persisted in promoting traditional four-part singing activities, from the 1930s through to the 1990s. But for now, a larger force – direct from China itself – was to impact the lives of many. Around the same time that Singapore was being developed as a shipping centre, China itself was reacting to contact with the West, sufering from its defeat in the Opium Wars of the mid-19th century. It was a time when ‘modernising reforms’ occurred in all aspects of China’s culture. ‘Modern’ Western music – classical, ‘pop’ and flm – began to thrive in Shanghai and Beijing, even as Christianity started taking root. Choral music was no exception. Following the May Fourth modernisation movement of 1919, group singing activity took on a new function: music, and especially the mass-oriented genre of choral music, was to refect the ‘advancing’ spirit of the times (this idea was later crystallised into the agenda of Socialist Realism at Mao Zedong’s Yan’an forums of 1938). Close links between Chinese communities in Singapore and the mainland meant that versions of Chinese musical activity here took the form of anti-Japanese sentiments already prevalent in a China, a country whose outer regions were beginning to be occupied by Japan. Singapore-Chinese Choirs In Singapore, as in China, choirs spread like wildfre. Each was identifed by its own conductor and corresponding ‘style’. Rehearsing weekly and putting on concerts every year, they sang Chinese folksongs re-arranged for four-part choruses, as well as Italian opera numbers. Usually accompanied by piano, these choirs were characterised by their spirited, heavy and high-vibrato styles. Singing was taken seriously: joining a choir was not done out of appreciation for the fner subtleties of living, but as a means of fnding a larger, noble purpose in life. This ‘purpose’ could range from making a political stand against the Japanese, to creating ‘good art’ in the face of ‘unsavoury’ Yellow Music generated by the Shanghai flm industry. Chinese choirs went underground during the Japanese Occupation (1942–45), but resumed activity later. They peaked in number during the 1950s and 1960s. Movers and shakers include Leong Yoon Pin and his Redifusion Youth Choir (later Metro Philharmonic All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 58 Singapore Soundscape Society), Madam Tay Lee Howe and the Lee Howe Choral Society, composer Samuel Ting (founder and frst president of the Composers’ Association) and his Herald’s Choral Society, and composer Lee Yuk Chuan, with his Melo Art Choir. In the 1960s, Lee Howe and 10 other groups started the tradition of organising joint annual concerts. Around the same time, the then Ministry of Culture also started its own festival for choral music (though this did not survive into the 1970s). Many choral groups that had sung their way through the 1960s – the Sing Sheng Philharmonic Chorus, the Melo Art Choir – are still active today, if on a smaller scale. In spite of the disruption of ties between Chinese immigrants here and relations in China during the Cultural Revolution, Chinese choirs rode through the 1960s and 1970s in a burst of activity. While the revolutionary songs of China could not pass through the censorship flters of Singapore, choirs here began looking for alternative sources and translation arrangements in Taiwan and Europe. Towards the late 1980s and mid-1990s, however, their activities began to decline in the face of ageing membership and a changing social environment. In recent years there have been attempts to hold annual joint concerts, but the exuberance of the 1960s appears to have been a thing of the past. The late 1960s marked a turning point, paving the way for the third wave of musical activity that was to revamp the image of choral music in Singapore. SYC, the Choral Excellence Programme and ‘Sing Singapore’ Enter the age of government campaigns. The story begins in schools. Groups such as the SMS may have been organising their own activities, but some of their leaders were also specialists within the Ministry of Education (MOE). In the 1950s, these teachers brought choral singing to schools. They sowed the seeds in establishing an elite group of a cappella singers culled from four to fve already-existing school choirs in Singapore, and which became the Singapore Youth Choir (SYC) in 1964. Benjamin Khoo led the ensemble in its formative years. In 1969, conductor-teacher David Lim took over, and saw the group through its split from the MOE to become part of the independent Young Musicians’ Society. This did not mean that the SYC stopped receiving institutional support, however. In the years that followed, the SYC performed at ofcial functions and pageants. It also became the musical face of Singapore and was taken overseas to festivals and competitions. To be sure, the SYC was not the only youth group active. Under the auspices of the MOE, other choirs were established through the 1970s and 1980s. Each had a A photograph of Madam Tay Lee Howe taken in 1972. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 59 The Story of Choirs distinctive portfolio of a cappella works and musicals held over annual concerts. These choirs met up and sang together at the annual Singapore Youth Festival (SYF), launched in 1966. The event, involving wind bands and dance troupes, was prepared over several months, leading to a climactic pageant, held in July, of multi-disciplinary performances. Alongside SYF activities, the late Education Minister Tay Eng Soon conceived a project known as the Choral Excellence Programme in 1987: a select group of school choirs were handpicked to be groomed musically. This project grew into a biennial singing competition a few years later, and was incorporated into a separate segment within the Singapore Youth Festival. The contest was held to promote the development of singing as well as composition: each year that it ran, a ‘set piece’ by a Singaporean writer was commissioned. Today, the Choral Excellence Programme and SYF competition still enjoy success, propelled by the Ministry of Education and a new breed of conductors: Jennifer Tham, Nelson Kwei, Rebecca Ng, Toh Ban Sheng and Lim Ai Hooi, among others. Together, this new group of conductors has given Singapore choirs a new ‘sound’, characterised by freshness and lightness of singing. Most of their choirs sing a cappella repertoires and non-operatic works. Some groups, such as the Anglo-Chinese Junior College Choir and the Victoria Junior College Choir, as well as the SYC, have ventured overseas and won prizes at international competitions. Non-school Choirs Successful school groups were not the only new ensembles of the 1970s to early 1990s, however. Other outfts associated with institution-based organisations also mushroomed, and these included the Civil Service Choir, the SAF Men’s Choir, the University Madrigal Singers, the United World College Choir and the Singapore Symphony Chorus (the choral arm of the Singapore Symphony Orchestra). Apart from groups afliated with institutions, A choir performing at the opening of the 4th ASEAN Youth Music Workshop in 1985. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 60 Singapore Soundscape choral activity was enriched by yet another high profle ensemble in 1993: The Philharmonic Chorus, an independent, semi-professional a cappella outft led by Lim Yau. The scene was growing to become a diaspora of diferent elements. But one underlying theme unifying the diferent groups was their fundamental approach towards making music: singing was a leisure activity, but it was also done in the name of ‘art’, as opposed to ‘religion’, or as the articulation of a social cause. Having said that, not all choral activity was ‘high art’. A fnal development to be mentioned is the biennial ‘Sing Singapore’ campaign, launched in 1988. The nationalist song competition was, and still is, a show of massive proportions, although the campaign’s initial bang has somewhat fzzled out in recent years. In its frst year, ‘Sing Singapore’ saw 10,000 singers in 194 choral groups from community setups battling each other in presentations of patriotic and community songs, screened over television in the run-up to National Day celebrations in August. Many choral practitioners have debated the event’s actual ‘artistic’ value as compared to its ‘propaganda’ intent. It is curious to note that the more ‘serious’ choirs almost never feature in ‘Sing Singapore’s’ road shows. Yet propaganda notwithstanding, there can be no denying that the campaign brought singing to a larger than ever critical mass in Singapore, if only once every two years. Fine-Tuning: Diaspora of the Present The question, now, is: what constitutes the choral music of today? This account has discussed specifc musical ‘movements’ in the past century. But these ‘movements’ The Army Children’s School choir performing The Festival of Christmas Music at Victoria Memorial Hall in 1958. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 61 The Story of Choirs can still fnd their evolutionary results in the changing landscape of present musical activity, itself a diaspora not of discrete sub-components, but overlapping styles. A slice of traditional hymn singing has survived today in a few English-speaking churches, notably Church of the Risen Christ, Wesley Methodist Church and Orchard Road Presbyterian Church. But they form only one dimension of greater church-music activity, much of which is oriented on solo, pop-style worship-leading. If anything, hymns appear to have been best preserved in the Chinese churches, deemed a more conservative group than English congregations. The Chinese choirs themselves are still active, and hold yearly concerts. But without the inspiration of an outright social ‘cause’, and faced with alternative distractions in an English-educated society, they sufer the problem of an ageing population. English-speaking school/youth choirs, on the other hand, have become the ‘phase’ of the moment. Schools continue to outdo each other annually at competitions. Yet, as members of Chinese choirs also rightly point out: without the framework of the school or competition mechanism, these groups cannot survive. Members leave the choir when they graduate. Some may form alumni choirs or return to sing ‘back-up’ but most simply stop singing. A possible way forward, as composer Leong Yoon Pin sees it, is to encourage greater dialogue between English-speaking and Chinese choirs. Leong has done this with his own Chinese-dominated Metro Philharmonic Society, through setting up a youth arm specialising in new repertoire. Another heartening development, if not technically ‘choral’ by defnition, is the spin-of phenomenon headlined by a cappella ensembles and semi-pop groups, such as Budak Pantai, Vocaluptuous and Octmented. Their members, who once trained under the framework of school choral singing, are pushing themselves into new areas of music-making. A choir competing at the fnals of the Music Festival at the Victoria Theatre in 1966. Yusof Ishak collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 62 Singapore Soundscape A Singapore ‘Sound’? It seems impossible for choral groups to survive without changing and adapting themselves to new environments. Perhaps most interesting is the issue facing choir groups today: the question of identity – i.e., ‘Asian’, ‘Singaporean’ and ‘Cosmopolitan’. How is this ‘identity’ established and defned? How does it change and adapt to the times? We began this essay with a discussion of choral and non-choral vocal traditions of the Malay Archipelago, China and India – lands from which Singaporeans have descended. Much has been made of Western choral traditions. But what has become of early non-Western vocal forms, and how do they ft in the bigger jigsaw of choral activity in Singapore today? The Malay dikir barat troupes, for one, have survived. Many exist within the context of school groups and appear in SYF presentations. Where once there was no such concept of Chinese choral singing, we now have the Chinese choirs already discussed, a new, ‘artifed’ genre modelled after the choral groups of the West. In the area of Indian musical activity, we fnd traditional solo singing occurring alongside a ‘made-in-Singapore’ phenomenon: the Singapore Indian Orchestra Choir, a choral extension of the Singapore Indian Orchestra, led by Lalitha Vaidyanathan and formed in 1985. For many Indian music lovers, the imposition of harmony on traditional fare is sacrilegious to the concept of individual improvisation in Indian music. But as far as this group is concerned its existence is justifed, if only for the sake of fnding a new form of vocal expression contemporary to traditions in the West. As for the so-called Western traditions that are the mainstay of choral music in Singapore, we fnd, ironically, the gradual return of an ‘Asian’ slant, if not a ‘Singaporean’ identity. A little has been said about the so-called ‘Singapore’ choral sound, characterised by the ‘tangy’ blend of youthful voices. No one has been so presumptuous as to call it the Asian equivalent of the Welsh Male Choir tradition, but conductors have come to hear it as a style distinct from other national groups. Perhaps the re-orientation of choirs here as ‘Asian’ or ‘Singapore’ groups, however, lies in a dimension other than ‘sound’ or ‘style’: the operative word might be ‘repertoire’. Groups such as The Philharmonic Chorus, for example, have put on all-Asian concerts and released albums featuring elements of ‘Asian’ writing, including folksong rearrangements and the works of Filipino, Japanese, Chinese and Singaporean composers. Chinese choirs have also looked within the country, requesting for, and performing works of Singaporean and Chinese composers. Every two years, at the SYF, as part of the Choral Excellence Programme, a new set piece is always commissioned from a Singapore composer. The SYC itself also premieres a new Singaporean work every year. Students and performers participating at the launch of Sing Singapore 2000 Music Street. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 63 The Story of Choirs To be sure, all Singapore composers are always quick to say that they do not consciously write in a ‘Singaporean’ manner. They prefer to let their individual styles speak for themselves, and ask that the listeners judge for themselves. But for the most part, composers still draw upon their own experiences – musical, aural, literary or otherwise – in their writing. Very often, the fact that many of them live here is refected in the sound-worlds they create. Leong Yoon Pin, for example, has integrated sounds of street calls, Indian labourers and Malay folksongs into his compositions, setting his music to ancient Chinese texts, even as he makes use of advanced writing techniques honed through studies with French composer and conductor Nadia Boulanger. Others, such as Joyce Koh, Kelly Tang, Ho Chee Kong and Phoon Yew Tien, draw upon the more ‘philosophical’ aspects of their ethnic identities, going beyond conventional pentatonic harmony into ‘calligraphic’ evocations in music. Still others – especially those of the Chinese choral school – continue to write in a ‘conservative’ style. The list runs on. One might ask now: how do the diferent pieces of the mosaic ft together? Is there a Singapore ‘brand’ of choral musical activity? The question is hard to answer. Composers, conductors and choristers alike hesitate to make generalisations. The broad opinion is that each and every choir is unique to itself. The characteristic sound (if any) of each group would depend largely on the individual conductor’s skill and tastes, as well as the learning abilities of the choristers. Yet perhaps, as in any culture, it is the exact combination and blend of the various musical activities making up the still-evolving choral scene that makes it unique to Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 64 Singapore Soundscape Chia Wei Khuan Chinese Choral Activities CHAPTER 4 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 65 Chinese Choral Activities C horal singing, a tradition beginning with Christianity in Western Europe, has evolved into an art form that is adored by people universally. According to the New Harvard Dictionary of Music choral singing means ‘a group of singers who perform together, either in unison or in parts’ (Randel 1986: 162). Today, choral activities are popular and fourishing in many parts of Singapore, including schools, churches and communities. There are at least a few hundred choral groups here, many of which rehearse and perform regularly. This chapter specifcally examines the Chinese community and their choral activities in Singapore. Thus far, Chinese choral activities in Singapore have not been extensively researched. Therefore, this chapter is based on this writer’s personal involvement in the choral scene since 1970, as well as newspaper reports, concert programmes, bulletins and unpublished notes from various choirs, and interviews of key members of Chinese choirs and the choral movement (Chae; Lee; Poh 2011). Choral Activities: The Early Years Choral singing found its way here through the arrival of the Europeans, who brought along their religious and musical traditions after Singapore was founded by the British in 1819. Though little documentation survives on choral singing prior to the 1900s, this activity might have started with the singing of hymns in the churches in the 19th century. Other than church activity, choral singing also took place in the European and Eurasian communities and gradually spread to other English-speaking, as well as the non-English- speaking, immigrants through the setting up of mission schools at the turn of 20th century. What we today call choral singing was popular among the Chinese immigrants and occupied a unique place among the Chinese communities in Singapore. The activity prevailed in two distinct settings in accordance with the social-cultural context, environment and audience. The frst was linked to the Chinese churches, while the second evolved in the general Chinese communities. The former had to do with the growing number of Chinese church attendees in Singapore. This led to the founding of Chinese churches and increasing demands for Chinese-missionaries to translate the hymns for non-English-speaking churchgoers. This form of music tradition is much alive today in Chinese churches. Many church choirs were formed and attained various levels of singing standards, but the role of choral singing was primarily to fulfl functions and events in the church. Nevertheless, some community choirs, such as the Herald’s Choral Society, were able to fulfl dual music needs – the sacred and the secular – rather well because the conductors were active in church work. Therefore, the line between a church and community choir could be a little vague sometimes. The latter choral setting closely resembled the genre developed in China, which included using choral activities to boost fnancial support to alleviate the political turmoil in their homeland. This trend, which persisted in promoting choral singing from the 1930s through into the 2010s, has been the most signifcant event in choral music history in Singapore. Generally, this span of slightly more than 70 years can be divided into four phases, that is, before and after the Second World War, since independence and the formation of the Choral Association. The First Phase: Before the Second World War The beginning of this phase has its origin in China. Choral singing is alien to China, even though many traditional vocal art forms have existed since the ancient period. It was frst introduced through Western culture in an attempt to transform China after a succession All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 66 Singapore Soundscape of military and political defeats in the 19th century, beginning with the Opium Wars during the late Qing Dynasty. After the Revolution of 1911 and the formation of the Republic of China, Western music continued to establish a frm place in the education curriculum, which provided the basis for introducing choral music. The modest singing curriculum was the School Song (学堂乐歌), beginning with simple unison singing and gradually adding a second and third vocal part. Following the May Fourth Movement in 1919, the mass-oriented choral activity further assumed a new role in national reconstruction and mass education. The popularity of choral music, written to strengthen morale and arouse social consciousness during the Sino-Japanese war in the 1930s, was a result of this efort and viewed as an efective medium to unite the Chinese against the Japanese invaders. Choral classics like Xian Xinghai’s Yellow River Cantata (冼星海：《黄河大合唱》), Huang Zi’s Fluttering Flag (黄 自：《旗正飘飘》) and Nie’er’s March of the Volunteers (聂耳：《义勇军进行曲》), were not only widely performed then, but can still be heard in concert today. Because of the close link between the Chinese communities in Singapore and mainland China, the anti-Japanese sentiment expressed through music activity was equally prevalent. This patriotism was further instigated by the visit of Wuhan Chorus (武汉合唱团) during its fund-raising concert tour in 1938, singing a full programme of patriotic repertoire. From 19 December 1938 to 5 April 1939, the Chorus gave a total of 16 performances in Singapore before embarking to perform in peninsula Malaya. As a result, music enthusiasts were inspired to form choirs to replicate the Wuhan Chorus (Ye 2006: 5). Despite lacking concrete evidence, several oral accounts indicate that the Tongluo A quartet comprising Pong Kar Chau, Reverend Oh Lock Chee, Yong Yuk Cheun and Paul Lenn – performing a song item at the Overseas-Chinese Baptist (Cantonese Congregation) at Tras Street in the1950s. Kay Poh Road Baptist Church collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 67 Chinese Choral Activities Music Society (铜锣音乐会) founded in 1939 was the most infuential, having written and performed a great amount of patriotic and military songs under the leadership of visiting Chinese musician, Ren Guang (任光). Its activities somehow did not last very long. Soon after the Second World War broke out in December 1941, Chinese choirs, together with many other anti-Japanese activities, quickly went underground or became inactive during the Japanese Occupation from 1942–1945. The Second Phase: After the Second World War Choral singing regained its popularity among Chinese youths in Singapore immediately after the war. The Tongluo Music Society was again active. Greatly infuenced by the change of political climate in China, in particular, the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, and adhering to the notion that a community music group must fulfl some form of social responsibility in addition to creating music, Tongluo redirected its anti-Japanese sentiment towards anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism. To suppress this, the British colonial government resorted to either clamping down on such arts groups or denying them the right to public performances. Tongluo disbanded and did not survive beyond 1956. The incident that led to its closure was a fund-raising concert for Nanyang University in 1955, co-organised with the Redifusion Youth Choir (丽的呼声青年歌咏 队), the Industrial and Commercial Old Boys Association (工商校友会) and the Lee Howe Choral Society (李豪合唱团). Because the authorities felt that the event contained strong anti-government sentiment, and in particular took issue with the logo that appeared in the concert programme, the performance was denied and some members were either detained or interrogated (Chae; Lee; Poh 2011). 1 Despite action from the government, the number of choirs and activities still fourished in the 1950s and 1960s. Apart from Tongluo, other leading choirs then included the Lee Howe Choral Society (李豪合唱团, founded 1952), the Redifusion Youth Choir (丽的呼声 青年歌咏队, founded 1953), the Metro Philharmonic Society (星市音乐会, founded 1959) and the Herald’s Choral Society (佳音合唱团, founded 1961). Other active but not so prominent choirs from that time include Industrial and Commercial Old Boys Association (工商校友会), Ai Tong Alumni (爱同校友会) and Kang Le Music Society (康乐音乐研究会). It is also worth noting that at that time opportunities for formal training were limited and musical resources were extremely scarce. Somehow, choral activities were able to thrive under the leadership of two locally-based, China-trained young musicians, Lee Howe (李豪, 1915–2009) and Samuel Ting Chu San (丁祝三, 1926–2007), and the homegrown, self-taught music talent Leong Yoon Pin (梁荣平, 1931–2011). The Lee Howe Choral Society was founded in 1952 by Lee Howe. She was one of the very few Chinese musicians to be born and receive her early music training in China, but ended up in Singapore. During the Sino-Japanese War she took up a teaching position in Malacca and then at Nanyang Girls’ High School (南洋女中) in Singapore in 1941. After the Second World War, she also taught in Chung Cheng High School (中正中学) and Chinese High School (华侨中学). Therefore, the members of the choir were mainly made up of students and alumni from the schools she had taught in. The Lee Howe Choral Society remained one of the most active and infuential choirs in Singapore, performing and organising numerous concerts for many years. Since the 1980s, after China re-opened its doors to foreign countries and investment, the Society has been most pro-active in choral exchanges, either in the form of visiting China or inviting choirs from China to perform here. In 2002, after witnessing the Society celebrate its 50th anniversary and partly also due to her declining health, Lee Howe proposed that the choir be renamed Song Lovers Choral Society (乐友合唱团) in 2003. Despite the name change, it remains Singapore’s oldest choir. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 68 Singapore Soundscape A year after the founding of Lee Howe Choral Society, another choir called Redifusion Youth Choir was formed in 1953. Redifusion Singapore is a company that originally pioneered cable radio in Singapore. It was founded in 1949 as a result of the success of radio broadcasting in the decade after the Second World War. In an attempt to generate listenership as Singapore’s only subscription radio service, the Head of the Chinese broadcasting section Lee Shiao Yin (李晓音) founded the Redifusion Youth Choir. At the onset, it was simply a mixed group of singers who rehearsed and put together a singing programme to meet the Redifusion Singapore’s weekly broadcasting need. The person leading the singing group was the 22-year-old, self-taught pianist-cum-conductor Leong Yoon Pin. The weekly programme became so popular that it began to attract other local music talents, such as Lee Yuk Chuan (李煜传) and Lui Chun Seng (吕政成). In 1955, Leong was awarded a scholarship to study at the Guildhall School of Music and Drama in London. Following his departure and under increasing British colonial government scrutiny, the fate of the choir was sealed and it was fnally disbanded after the aborted Nanyang University fund-raising concert. In 1959, Leong Yoon Pin returned from his studies in Britain. Almost instantly, he gathered together a group of instrumentalists and founded the Metro Philharmonic Society (星市音乐会) and later a choir of more than 70 members. The members, then, were mainly peers from the difused Redifusion Youth Choir, plus high school students (equivalent to current ‘A’ level students) and young working adults. Surprisingly, many are still active today. The stalwart of this choir no doubt was Leong. Apart from two other study trips in 1966 and 1975, Leong remained the Music Director and conductor of the Metro Philharmonic Choir until his declining health prevented him from continuing sometime in 2007. Throughout the years, due to the scarcity of choral repertoire in the 1960s and 1970s, Leong composed and arranged many choral compositions specifcally for the choir as well as other local choirs, making him one of the pioneering, and most eminent, composers in Singapore. In addition, he worked hard to promote other forms of music learning among its members to nurture the next generation of musicians; this, in the end, paid of quite handsomely. The Metro Philharmonic Society, during its peak in the late 1960s and early 1970s, maintained a 20-member string orchestra and two choirs, a main choir with more experienced singers and a youth choir. Other notable conductors included Lee Yuk Chuan, Lui Chun Seng and Ng Eng Kee (黄荣基). In the 1990s, in an attempt to salvage the declining membership of the choir, an efort was made to revive the youth choir. Because of the close afliation with Leong, the choir has premiered most of Leong’s choral works. The Herald’s Choral Society was the other major choir of the same era. It was founded in 1961 by Samuel Ting Chu San, who received his early music training at Fuzhou University in China. He migrated to Singapore in 1953 and taught at Chung Cheng High School (中正中学) for two years. In 1957, he received a scholarship to study at the University of Southern California, taking piano, voice, composition and conducting simultaneously. Ting returned to Singapore in 1959 and started teaching at Trinity College (三一学院) and Ngee Ann College (义安学院). Herald’s Choral Society was a signifcant and highly regarded music-making body in the 1960s and 1970s. This group reached out mainly to the Chinese-educated singers in the churches and community organisations and was active in many musical events. It made at least nine performance trips to Malaysia in the 1960s. In the 1970s, it toured Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan, Malaysia and Australia. The Society was dormant in the 1990s after Ting migrated to Australia in 1981, though he still spent time – sometimes months – in Singapore to work with the choir. During its prime, the Herald’s Choral Society had three sub-choirs in addition to the main choir and an All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 69 Chinese Choral Activities instrumental ensemble, Echo Angklung Group. These sub-choirs were called the Echo Children’s Choir, Echo Women’s Choir and Herald’s Youth Choir. Its current conductor is Chen Zhi Hui (陈智慧). The Lee Howe Choral Society, Metro Philharmonic Society and Herald’s Choral Society were indeed the three most signifcant and infuential music-making bodies in the 1950s and 1960s. In fact, they have served the music community to the present day. There have been several factors that have contributed to their sustainability and success. It was timely to have three highly skilled and trained musicians who were determined to improve the music scene, especially choral singing in Singapore. Not only did each form their own choral group but also devoted their entire lives to nurturing it. Both Lee Howe and Samuel Ting received their early music training in China and later furthered their studies in England and the United States respectively. Leong began directing the choir as a self-taught musician before securing the opportunity to study in England and later in Paris with the French composer and conductor Nadia Boulanger. With regard to choral style, each choir was naturally infuenced and distinguished by the training and background of its conductor. This was a period when Singapore was confronted with many internal and external social, political and economic instabilities and uncertainties. Participating in a choir, apart from being able to appreciate the subtleties of the vocal art, was highly regarded and considered a noble cause in life. The attitude of the members and musicians towards singing was serious; the mission was to fulfl certain social responsibilities, either in the form of making a political stand, or promoting choral singing as a preferred art form. In comparison to today, the recruitment of choir members was never an issue then. During their heyday in the mid 1960s, the size of the each choir could easily be a hundred members or more. As mentioned above, Herald’s Choral Society once had three feeder choirs, while Metro Philharmonic Society had a youth group. In terms of repertoire, due to the formation of the People’s Republic of China, the disruption of musical exchange between Singapore and China and the avoidance of songs with political overtones, choirs here sang mainly Chinese folk and art songs re-arranged for four-part choruses, or translations of Western choral works. Some of the revolutionary songs of China were already known here, and rarely passed the censorship to be sung on stage. Because of the limited repertoire choice, many conductors were forced to arrange or compose choral works to meet the rehearsal demands. Leong Yoon Pin and Samuel Ting (also the founder and frst chairperson of the Composers’ Association) were among the pioneers who have contributed immensely. Their efort in turn has inspired others, such as Lee Yuk Chuan, Soh Kay Cheng (苏启祯) and Phoon Yew Tien (潘耀田), to follow suit. Intended or unintended, through many years of hard work, Leong Yoon Pin became the most notable and productive local composer, having written numerous large- and small-scale choral works and other instrumental compositions. Also, Metro Philharmonic Society was credited for translating and staging two operas in Chinese, Mascagni’s Cavalleria Rusticana and Smetana’s The Bartered Bride. In 1970, it also premiered the Chinese version of Beethoven’s Ode to Joy, the fourth movement from the Ninth Symphony, with more than 120 singers and accompanied by two pianos. It was quite phenomenal that the choirs were able to pool together their resources to meet all the musical demands. As for vocal quality and choral sound, these choirs, often with piano accompaniment, were characterised by a robust, vibrant full-bodied sound. This preferred the choral singing style, which has its roots in Russian and Eastern European choral traditions, was similar to the one that was frst introduced to and widely practised in China. One other explanation for having such a singing quality could be that many singers aspired to be soloists. Therefore, going to a singing teacher to have individual singing lessons was very All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 70 Singapore Soundscape common. For example, both Lee Howe and Samuel Ting had personally coached many choir members in voice. With additional voice training, the resultant overall sonority of these choirs, up until today, is very unlike the straight and vibrato-less ‘cathedral’ quality which is much admired by the non-Chinese choirs. Having said this, it is still difcult to defne a distinctive sound among the choirs because ultimately the sound of each group rests largely upon the individual conductor’s skill, preferences and choice of repertoire, as well as the musical abilities of the singers. The Third Phase: Since Independence While the three choirs mentioned thus far continued to thrive, a new and invigorating choir, the National Theatre Chorus (国家剧场艺术合唱团), later renamed Melo Art Choir (艺术合唱团), burst onto the scene in May 1968. It was one of the core troupes (Chinese orchestra, symphony orchestra and dance) under the National Theatre Trust, with Lee Yuk Chuan as the conductor. Financially supported by the Ministry of Culture, for the frst time choir members were given a monthly allowance as a professional fee. With such fnancial backing it attracted the most-talented singers and became the premier choir within a short time, enjoying immense success and audience support through many concerts, outreach programmes and recording contracts. Another advantage it had over other choirs was that it could easily stage large-scale production with help from other National Theatre troupes. During its prime, the choir, together with its Chinese orchestra, never failed to get full audience attendance at their regular concerts in the communities and the National Theatre. It was a pity that its heyday came to an abrupt end when the National Theatre Trust decided to discontinue the support scheme on 16 March 1974. According to Lee Yuk Chuan, the scheme incurred high costs and ran into fnancial difculty. Altogether, the choir lasted about six years. In spite of that, members continued to rehearse and perform regularly under the same name until it was renamed Melo Art Choir in 1980. Chinese choral singing remained exuberant throughout the 1970s. Other active choirs included People’s Association Choir, Singapore Broadcasting Corporation Choir (which became the City Choir in 1986), Singapore Teachers’ Choir, Xing Hai Arts Society (星海艺术研究会), National Theatre Club Choir, Le Yue Chamber Choir (乐乐合唱团) and Sing Sheng Philharmonic Chorus (新声合唱团). Together they contributed much to the development of the choral scene in Singapore. Interestingly, for each choir listed above, one could easily name a conductor whose name is closely associated with it. Corresponding to the choirs listed above, they are: Tian Min En (田鸣恩), Chiew Keng Hoon (周炯训), Goh Say Meng (吴世铭), Lee Ngo Wah (李伍华), Wang Bin (王玢), Soh Yen Ching (苏燕卿) and Cecilia Chu (朱承安). In general, the sustenance of such activity could partly be attributed to the popularity of choral singing in the then Chinese schools. Since the 1950s, schools such as Chinese High School (华侨中学), Chung Cheng High School (中正中学), Dunman Government High School (德明政府中学), Nanyang Girls’ High School (南洋女中), Whampoa High School (黄埔中学), Yock Eng High School (育英中学), River Valley High School (立化中学) and Hwa Yi Secondary School (华义中学) had been breeding grounds for new members of the Chinese choirs. The supply, however, began to dry out after the mid-1980s because of an education reform and policy change that occurred earlier in 1979, during which the Chinese stream, together with Malay and Tamil, was merged into one major stream that utilised English as the main teaching medium. The number of Chinese-educated students who could be potential members of Chinese choirs thus dwindled drastically. The other probable cause for the declining number was that school leavers in the 1980s did not fnd singing in a Chinese choir appealing or an attractive option due to All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 71 Chinese Choral Activities A choir entertaining the guests at the global reunion of Nanyang University Alumni 1995 Nantah Night Dinner at the Technological University. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. the changing social and cultural setting in Singapore. With increasing political stability and steady economic growth, singing in a choir, though still regarded as fne arts, had nothing to do with pursuing a noble cause in life. They instead were more inclined to participate in the newly evolved musical genre, Xinyao (新谣), a Singapore-style Chinese ballad. Others whom were keen on choral singing but were not profcient in the Chinese language preferred choirs or vocal ensembles that sung Western repertoire. The Fourth Phase: Formation of the Choral Association The Chinese choirs in the early days were rather self-contained and self-sufcient. Rarely would they pool their efort in a joint project. The performance of Beethoven’s Ode to Joy (Chinese version) in July 1970 was an occasion where the Metro Philharmonic Society managed to put together more than 120 singers on the same stage, but these members from other choirs were invited on a personal basis rather than through any organised collaboration. On 23 August 1980, during a forum on Singapore Chinese Choral Activities, led by Lee Howe, the idea of organising joint annual concerts was mooted. Representatives from 11 choirs at the forum greeted it with great enthusiasm and it thus gave birth to an organising committee named Eleven Choirs. Besides Lee Howe Choral Society, the other founding members were Metro Philharmonic Society, Herald’s Choral Society, Melo Art Choir, Young Voices (青声合唱团), Vigilante Corps Choir (人民警 卫队合唱团), Singapore Armed Forces Reservists Association Choir (新加坡后备军协合 唱团), Singapore Broadcasting Corporation Choir, National Theatre Club Choir, Le Yue Chamber Choir and Sing Sheng Philharmonic Chorus. Supported by the then National Theatre Trust, this marked the frst time a national body was founded to coordinate choral All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 72 Singapore Soundscape activities and other music interests that were pertinent to Chinese choirs. From the onset, the Eleven Choirs’ main tasks were organising annual joint concerts, creating a platform for choir interaction and promoting the vocal arts. In 1995 the annual joint concert was formally expanded into the First Choral Festival for Chinese Choirs, with Melo Art Choir as the frst organiser. It was agreed that each member would take turns to organise this annual event. By 1996, considering the memberships had exceeded the original founding choirs and stood at 15, it was decided that the new name of Choral Association (Singapore) be adopted. From 1997 onwards, the choral festival continued to grow and became a biennial grand choral exchange event that showcased choirs from Singapore and the region: i.e., Southeast Asia, China and Taiwan. In 2006, the Association decided to switch to a new festival format and added the competition segment. The event was thus renamed the Singapore International Chinese Choral Festival. The inaugural festival attracted 31 choirs (17 local and 14 foreign), of which 20 participated in the competition. The success of the frst international choral festival encouraged the Association to organise the Second Singapore International Chinese Choral Festival in 2009. This festival took three years to materialise, partly due to the unfavourable economic climate. Nevertheless, a total of 29 choirs participated (19 local and 10 foreign), with 14 selected to compete. After two successful runs, the Association held its third festival in 2011, with a total of 15 local and 14 foreign choirs. It seems the international choral festival will remain a major regular music feature in Singapore for some time. To remain proactive and committed to promoting choral and other musical activities in Singapore, the Association continued to stage large-scale choral concerts at the Esplanade Concert Hall to alternate with the international choral festivals. Other events it organised include the annual choral sharing among local and Malaysian choirs, a young singers’ concert and the Singapore-Malaysia Vocal Competition. In 2010, the Association made a bold attempt by initiating the First Singapore International Vocal Competition, which attracted 140 singers from China, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Russia, Taiwan, the United States and Singapore. With the formation of the Choral Association, Chinese choral movements seemed to be enjoying a renaissance, despite the fact that a shortage of young Chinese-speaking members continued to be an issue. On the other hand, choirs had learned to accept the reality of an ageing membership in the changing social environment. This adverse situation actually started as early as the late 1980s and became more acute in the 1990s. Amazingly, most choirs remained active and continue to hold yearly concerts. More signifcantly, the total number of choirs, to date, has increased rather than decreased. The most recent Choral Association registry lists 25 members, although the number of Chinese choirs could be more, since several choirs have yet to register with the Association. Choral Association (Singapore) – 2012 Alumni of Chung Cheng High School (中正校友合唱团) Ann Kway Association (安溪会馆合唱协会) Art Star Arts Society (艺星合唱团) Centre of Activity and Recreation for the Elders Choir (颐年中心合唱团) Chayang (Dapu) Clan Association Male Chorus (茶阳[大埔]会馆男声合唱团) Chinese Star Music Society (华星音乐协会合唱团) City Choir (城市合唱团) Comfort Choir (康福合唱团) Echo Philharmonic Society (雅歌爱乐协会) Hokkien Huay Kuan’s Choir (福建会馆合唱团) All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 73 Chinese Choral Activities Melo Art Choir (艺术合唱团) Meterfeld Music Choir (韵野合唱团) Metro Philharmonic Society (星市音乐会合唱团) Nanchiao Alumni Choir (南侨校友会室内合唱团) Nantah Alumni Choir (南大校友合唱团) Nanyang Girls’ Alumni Choir (南洋中小幼校友会合唱团) Nanyang Khek Community Guild Chorus (南洋客属总会合唱团) National Theatre Club Choir (国家剧场俱乐部合唱团) Shi Yan Choir (实验合唱团) Song Lovers Choral Society (乐友合唱团) Southern Arts Society (南方艺术研究会) Straits Music and Arts Society (海峡音乐艺术协会) Tanjong Pagar Community Club Senior Citizen Choir (丹戎巴葛民众俱乐部合唱团) Yuying School Alumni Choir (育英校友会合唱团) Zhonghua Alumni Choir (中华校友会合唱团) What brought about the revival of Chinese choral movements, especially in recent decades? Here are some possible explanations. Today’s leading members are mainly Chinese-educated students from the 1960s and 1970s, many of whom have now become well-to-do retirees, professionals or business proprietors and have time to enjoy choral singing – but are treating it as a leisure activity, hobby or social gathering rather than a noble cause, unlike the past. With this changing outlook and attitude towards singing, many Chinese choirs blossomed in the last two decades. Most of the members are closely afliated with their alma mater, a clan association, or a singing teacher’s studio. Because of the afliation and common music interest, choral singing has become the medium that bonds them together. A quick survey reveals that 15 out of 25 choirs of the Choral Association belong to this category. Next, consider the arrival of foreign-trained musicians. From the 1980s there has been another steady stream of Chinese immigrants with various musical backgrounds coming to Singapore. Although their initial plan might have been to seek employment in local private music schools, media and recording studios and other music industries, some of them ended up as private music teachers or choir conductors. Sometimes choirs approached them because of the dire shortage of local conductors. Occasionally, spouses of working professionals with music qualifcations have provided another form of expertise local choirs could take advantage of, with musicians coming from Hong Kong, Malaysia and Taiwan, as well as China. Though the number fuctuates, there are at least 10 choirs that engage foreign-trained conductors. Ample fnancial support to the Association’s major projects from the government ofces, private organisations and foundations, and individuals is another important element. The Association is blessed with having generous sponsorship from the National Arts Council, the Arts Fund, Lee Foundation, Hong Leong Foundation, Composers and Authors Society of Singapore and individual patrons such as Ong Pang Boon, former cabinet minister and former director of Hong Leong Holdings; Poh Choon Ann, Chairman and Chief Executive Ofcer of Poh Tiong Choon Logistics; and philanthropist Wee Bee Hoon. Often, they extend their generosity to other choirs, too. Perhaps, the most crucial factor is that there are dedicated committee members who are able to work as a team for the projects. The core committee of the Choral Association includes at least one representative from each choir. The general practice is that the Association Chair convenes the regular meetings while an organising Chair is chosen for each of its projects. In the recent past, Lee Yuk Chuan has been efective at initiating All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 74 Singapore Soundscape ideas and Lim Lay Ngoh has been a very competent executive, but the credit must also go to the entire committee that has worked relentlessly and unselfshly together whenever duty called. This is why mobilising almost a thousand singers for the grand fnale at the Esplanade Concert Hall and hosting choirs from abroad during major events does not seem too daunting a task for the Choral Association. The Next Lap Whether planned or unplanned, Chinese Choral activities in Singapore will occupy a special place in local music history. More than 70 years after the visit of the Wuhan Choir, the Chinese choral movement still appears healthy and vibrant. But the question remains: is it sustainable? Through interacting with the Choral Association and its committee, this writer is concerned that the current vibrancy may not last in the long term. There are at least four areas that require immediate attention. 1. Ageing membership and shortage of young recruits Though no ofcial data is available, by looking at the singers performing on stage, one can easily estimate the mean age of most choirs to be 60, or older. In an attempt to counter this trend, Metro Philharmonic Society has revived its youth choir and introduced non-Chinese repertoires to attract younger singers. For other choirs, it may be time to consider doing the same. 2. Declining musical standards The ageing issue has direct bearing on singing skills and overall musicianship. The human voice deteriorates with age. With such a high mean age among the choirs, it is not an easy feat to sing efectively unless one already has existing good vocal habits, or is determined to improve. Musicianship will sufer similarly if good habits and basic skills are not learned at a young age. If improvement is not forthcoming in both areas, the weekly rehearsal could simply be a leisure and social event for most, instead of providing a means to scale greater heights in music-making. 3. Dwindling audience support The standard of choral singing and audience patronage are correlated. In recent years, members of the Choral Association have been putting up concerts with great efort and enthusiasm. The reality is that most concerts are not well attended. On average, attendance is about 50 percent in an auditorium of modest size, despite encouragement from the Association requesting members to support one another. Besides, there are more concerts in Singapore nowadays and audiences are spoilt for choice, choosing instead to skip a local event. Of course, increasing ticket prices may prevent some from attending concerts regularly. 4. Increasing expenditure and overheads All choirs, including those with the Choral Association, are non-proft organisations. Fortunately, most of their recent projects were patronised by organisations and people that support the arts. It is a known fact that the cost of living has gone up several fold in Singapore in recent years. There is a price for renting venues for rehearsals and concerts, equipment, printing and other related items. Taken together, all of this translates into higher ticket prices for audiences and operating budgets for the choirs. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 75 Chinese Choral Activities The choirs are not totally ignorant of the challenges they now face and have been working hard to fnd long-term solutions. It is with a sincere hope that when these issues are properly addressed, a new phase in Chinese choral activity will begin. Note 1 In 1955, Chae Keng Song was a member of the Redifusion Youth Choir, Poh Choon Ann, conductor of Tongluo and Chair of Concert Organising Committee, and Lee Yuk Chuan, a member of Industrial and Commercial Old Boys Association; the programme was printed beforehand to promote ticket sales. References Chao, Pian Rulan. ‘China: General History’ in Stanley Sadie (ed.), Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. London: Macmillan Publishers, 1995, 248–250. Chia, Wei Khuan. ‘Chinese Choral Activities in Singapore’《新加坡的华文合唱活动》. Fujian Arts 《福建艺术》. Singapore: Fujian Arts Publication, 2006, 50–51. Choral Association. Singapore International Chinese Choral Festival. Singapore: Choral Association, 2006. Choral Association. Singapore International Chinese Choral Festival. Singapore: Choral Association, 2009. Fong, Wenchi. Musical Exchange Between China and Other Regions. Changsha: Hunan Education Publishing House, 1998. Goh, Ek Meng (吴奕明). A Brief History of Chinese Orchestra Music in Singapore, 1953–1979《新加坡华乐发展史略》. Singapore: Lingzi Mass Media, 1998. Goh, Keng Leng. Biographies of Musicians. Singapore: Seng Yew Books, 1987. Hu, Wenyan. ‘The aging Chinese choirs’, Lianhe Zaobao. 30 December 2002. Miao, Tianrui, Ji, Liankan, & Guo, Nai’an. A Dictionary of Chinese Music. Beijing: People’s Music Publications, 1984. Nanyang University Choir. Music Journal. Singapore: Guang Hua Publications, 1960. Phang, Kong Chien. A Study of Three Vocal Works by Samuel Ting Chu-San. Academic Exercise, National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University, 2007. Qiao, Pei. Contemporary Chinese Musicians《中国现代音乐家》. Taipei: Tiantong Publications, 1976. Randel, Don. The New Harvard Dictionary of Music. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press, 1986. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 76 Singapore Soundscape Scott, A. C. ‘China: History since 1949’ in Stanley Sadie (ed.), Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. London: Macmillan Publishers, 1995, 279–283. Wang, Yuhe. ‘The Development of Choral Music in China’ in C. Wu (ed.), Choral Handbook. Jiling Media, 2002, 3–11. Ye, Qisi (叶奇思). The Pure Heart of the Youth: The Wuhan Chorus Southeast Asia Fund- Raising Concert Tour 《赤子丹心 - 武汉合唱团南洋筹赈巡回演出纪实》. Beijing: China Diaspora Publications, 2006. Interviews Chae Keng Song（谢景松）, 11 June 2011. Lee Yuk Chuan（李煜传）, 24 June 2011. Poh Choon Ann（傅春安）, 14 February 2011. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 77 Hua Yue Hua Yue – The Chinese Orchestra CHAPTER 5 Samuel Wong Shengmiao All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 78 Singapore Soundscape W hile there may be the impression that the Chinese orchestra (CO) has a history that spans hundreds of years, the history of the modern-day Chinese orchestra is, in fact, relatively brief. As of 2011, the Chinese orchestra boasts a history of less than a hundred years marked by political change, entrepreneurship and innovation. At the beginning of the 20th century, a group of like-minded Chinese intellectuals, primarily from Peking University, believed that Westernisation was a form of modernisation. This was an outlook that arose from China’s repeated setbacks in the face of Western powers and the success of Japan’s Meiji Restoration, which embraced Westernisation alongside Japanese values, leading to a successful national development. The Chinese orchestral concept initially came about as a response to the Western symphony orchestra, and gradually evolved with the help of researchers, musicologists and folk musicians. By the 1940s, the orchestra had developed into four distinct sections: bowed stringed, plucked stringed, wind and percussion. In Singapore, before the formal inauguration of the Singapore Chinese Orchestra (SCO) in 1997, there had already been signifcant Chinese music activity since the beginning of the 20th century. The existence of such activity throughout the century is a powerful testimony to the initiative and enthusiasm of many amateur Chinese music practitioners in Singapore. Their investment of time and efort eventually created the impetus for the Singapore government to acknowledge the value of the CO as a means of projecting Singapore as a frst-world nation with a strong economy and a rich culture. British Colonial Days (1826–1942) Since the time of British colonial rule, the Chinese community in Singapore had used folk music to enrich their interactions with one another and to strengthen social bonds. The community comprised clan associations that represented a dialect group, native Traditional Chinese music group practising at Tua Peh Kong temple at Omar Road in the 1970s. Ronni Pinsler collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 79 Hua Yue province or village in China, as well as various dialect groups that had coalesced in Singapore. Chinese clan associations had been formed to provide peer and occasional fnancial support to the many Chinese migrants who had come to Singapore. Just as importantly, through the clan associations, migrants established links with their fellow countrymen in China and held on to cultural ties and traditions with their respective regions and provinces. These clan associations thus provided the frst performing platforms for Chinese music. Before the existence of COs, various amateur music groups were formed for leisure purposes and retaining cultural ties, and the contribution of immigrant musicians from China to the development of regional music at that time – such as Hokkien nanyin (‘music from the south’) and Cantonese music – was undeniable. Founded in 1912, the Yuyu Music Association (Yuyu Ruyue She) was the frst publicly-known music group. The group practised traditional folk instrumental ensemble music, primarily folk music from southern China, which included Cantonese music, Teochew music, Hakka music and Fujian nanguan. Other associations, such as the Taorong Music Association (Taorong Ruyue She), the Music, Song and Dance Ensemble (Yinyue Gewu Tuan), and the Golden Star Song and Dance Ensemble (Jinxing Gewu Tuan) soon followed. The fgurehead in Chinese music at that time was the Yuyu Music Association’s Li Yeqi, who groomed numerous students, some of whom spearheaded the Chinese orchestra movement later on in the 1950s. In 1939, the Chinese multi-instrumentalist Ren Guangchang founded the Tongluo Music Society (Tongluo Yinyue Hui). The association produced music that was considered similar to that which was heard in the Chinese ensembles in China at that time. It used its activities to render support to the Chinese in the Sino-Japanese War by arousing patriotism and raising funds for China, and was highly regarded as a community-based musical group that contributed to society and established the notion that a community music group should fulfl some form of social responsibility other than music. Not surprisingly, Chinese musical development in Singapore came to a standstill in the 1940s when Singapore was invaded and occupied by the Japanese during the Second World War. After 1945, Chinese musical groups reorganised themselves, having to make do with instruments that were of low quality to produce music. At that time, Singapore had only one luthier, Wang Jiahe, who made some of the instruments used by the ensembles. Eventually, in the late 1950s, companies such as the Wanshun Company (Wanshun Gongsi) and Dexing Company (Dexing Gongsi) overcame this obstacle by importing instruments from China for the local Chinese ensembles. The 1950s: Formation of Chinese Ensembles, Precursor of the Chinese Orchestra By the mid-1950s, Chinese schools, workers’ organisations, and community centres had started Chinese ensembles. Created for social and recreational purposes, these ensembles brought together Chinese people who had a common love for Chinese music. Apart from their shared passion for Chinese music, they also came together to mingle and keep in touch with one another. Community centres set up for the general populace ofered an ideal venue for such activities, and many Chinese music organisations were formed during this period. They included the Ai Tong Alumni (founded 1953) and the Kangle Music Society (founded 1954), which had the most members and were also the most active. In 1953, the Singapore Middle School Arts Society (Quanxin Zhongxue Yishu Yanjiu Hui) formed a large Chinese ensemble that possessed characteristics similar to the modern All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 80 Singapore Soundscape CO. It made its debut at the now defunct Happy World Stadium as part of a variety event and played Han and folk music. Although it was an ensemble mainly composed of students from secondary schools, it generated tremendous interest among the audience as it was the frst time that the Singaporean public had heard of such a group that deviated from traditional folk ensembles both in instrumentation and size. A year later in 1954, The Chinese High School’s Chinese ensemble played in a concert at the Victoria Memorial Hall (now known as the Victoria Concert Hall). What distinguished this performance from the others was that it took place in a concert setting, which had never happened before. The concert garnered praises from many, especially leaders of the local Chinese community. Word began to spread as a result of the strong performances that left a powerful impression on audiences. This created an interest in Chinese ensemble music within the local Chinese community. The First Chinese Orchestras in Singapore In 1959, Taorong Music Association formed the frst full-fedged CO in Singapore – it was the frst Chinese ensemble that included bowed strings, plucked strings, wind and percussion sections, and had a formation closest to the modern CO in China. The orchestra, although existing for just three-and-a-half years, had a great impact on the subsequent development of COs in Singapore. Inspired and armed with new recordings and smuggled scores from China and Hong Kong, Taorong reformed its ensemble in line with the recordings and instrumentation listed in the scores, and formed a CO with a membership of 47, making it the largest Chinese ensemble in Singapore at the time. A Chinese orchestra performance by Chin Kang Huay Kuan in 1950. Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 81 Hua Yue A Chinese orchestra performing during the festivities of the opening of the new extension of Dunman Government High School in 1966. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. However, in 1961, the orchestra was forced to disband after it was accused of being a hotbed of communist activity. After struggling in the 1950s, an interesting turnaround occurred for the COs in Singapore from the late 1960s to the 1970s, during which allegations of the CO’s afliation with communism were eventually put to rest and thus allowed the COs to grow. This period was characterised by increased performances by prolifc orchestras, the involvement of the broadcast media and the establishment of competitions. Each of these factors, which were infuenced by government policies, led to the revival of and renewed interest in the Chinese orchestral genre. Due to the infuence of Lee Khoon Choy, the Minister of State for Culture, the Central Cultural Board Chinese Orchestra was formed in 1960. A guzheng player himself, Minister Lee ensured that the orchestra had government backing, the frst of its kind. This orchestra, helmed and conducted by Lee Yuk Chuan, performed at many ofcial functions. Many of the orchestra’s members were to be transferred to the later established government-funded National Theatre Chinese Orchestra, to consolidate Singapore’s CO talent, and this orchestra would later exert an impact on the Chinese orchestral scene in Singapore. Apart from this government-backed orchestra, amateur Chinese orchestral activity continued to thrive, with alumni, workers and community COs fourishing throughout the 1960s. Amidst the growth of COs in the 1960s, the Radio Television Singapore (RTS) organised the frst Chinese music competition in Singapore in 1968, and following its success, a second competition in 1970. In the late 1960s, the RTS helped to promote Chinese music by broadcasting these competitions on air and recording Chinese music appreciation All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 82 Singapore Soundscape programmes with musicians introducing Chinese music. Moreover, it recorded programmes featuring the performances of students and school COs. These programmes received widespread support from the public, which in turn encouraged the Corporation’s Mandarin section to form a CO later on in 1974 under the direction of Tay Teow Kiat. The RTS became known as the Singapore Broadcasting Corporation (SBC) in 1980. The 1970s and 1980s: A Period of Stability and Growth The 1970s and 1980s saw the initiation and popularity of the National Theatre Chinese Orchestra (NTCO) and the People’s Association Chinese Orchestra (PACO), along with other school and amateur COs. It was also during this period that the genre of the CO became a widely recognised art form among Singaporeans. By the 1980s, Chinese music in Singapore had become widespread; the attendance rate at performances of COs began to increase unlike the past when those who practised Chinese music were associated with communism and frowned upon. The number of Chinese orchestral performances also quadrupled in the 1980s from the decade before. This popularity was also refected in the growing number of community centres ofering courses in Chinese music to meet the increased demand for COs. During the 1970s and 1980s, an increasing number of youths found Chinese orchestral music to be as appealing as its Western counterpart. With the constant media attention that the CO and its music were getting from the radio and television, many young Chinese were drawn to the genre as a way of connecting with their cultural heritage, and the playing of Chinese instruments had tremendous appeal for them. The changing outlook for Chinese music made it increasingly fashionable with the general public. As a result, they no longer looked down on or thought of it as a communist activity as they had in the past, resulting in a ‘Chinese orchestral boom’. The National Theatre Chinese Orchestra (NTCO) Following Singapore’s independence in 1965, a National Theatre Trust was established to promote the arts with support from the Ministry of Culture. This resulted in the launch of the National Theatre Arts Troupe in May 1968. This umbrella arts organisation supported the Singapore National Orchestra, the National Theatre Chorus, and the NTCO as its core activities. The NTCO was led by Zhang Zhengquan as its chairperson and Li Xueling as its vice-chair. Its conductor was Zheng Sisen, who was originally from the China Folk Song and Dance Troupe. Zheng was then recruited by the National Theatre Trust to be a resident conductor of its newly-formed CO, which was formed through the initiative and eforts of the then Minister for Culture, Jek Yuen Thong, who actively enlisted the help of the administrators within the ministry to seek donations from the public, philanthropists and business people through various fundraisers. The majority of the members of the new CO comprised former members of the Ai Tong Alumni and Kangle Music Society. Shortly after the NTCO was formed, it released the frst recorded disc of Chinese orchestral music in Singapore with the involvement of the RTS. Because of the widespread popularity of Chinese music competitions and programmes on national television, which brought high viewership ratings, the RTS was predisposed to supporting Chinese music endeavours. These recordings allowed the general public to gain greater insight into the Chinese orchestral genre as a whole and the NTCO in particular, and the resultant public interest in the CO gave an impetus to other Chinese music enthusiasts to form new orchestras. Apart from producing the record, RTS also broadcasted the performances of the orchestra. In November 1968, the orchestra performed three songs – ‘Song of Harvest’ All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 83 Hua Yue Chinese Orchestra Concert at the Singapore Conference Hall organised by the People’s Association in 1987. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. (Feng shou ge), ‘Community Celebration’ (Sheqing) and ‘Martial Arts’ (Wushu) – that were broadcast throughout Singapore on free-to-air television, and proved to be extremely popular. Capitalising on the popularity of Chinese music, the SBC broadcast even more Chinese music programmes by introducing instrumental solos and ensembles on variety shows. In addition, the television stations incorporated shows of an artistic nature in their programming, in which musicians were invited to be guests and were interviewed, thus giving many in the music community, including Chinese musicians, more exposure. With the securing of sponsorship from the United Overseas Bank in 1969, the NTCO began a string of performances in a bid to bring Chinese orchestral music to the masses in a major outreach efort. The concerts, themed ‘Sounds of Drum and Voice’ (Guyue gesheng), were held from May through September 1969. The orchestra performed with a chorus in 12 diferent locations, including the Botanic Gardens, the University of Singapore and Nanyang University, among others. This series was an initiative of the then National Theatre Chairman, Wu Baoxing. He felt that live Chinese orchestral performances should be introduced to the public, rather than to a small, educated elite, and as a result of these outreach performances, the general public became further exposed to the Chinese orchestral genre. To popularise Chinese instruments, the NTCO also started classes to teach people who were interested to learn how to play Chinese instruments – a frst in Singapore at that time. So popular and well-received were these classes that some lessons had to be conducted in external venues due to inadequate space at the National Theatre venue. These classes for amateurs enjoyed a high participation rate with students, working adults and retirees, who made up the majority of its participants. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 84 Singapore Soundscape A Chinese orchestra performing during the National Day Parade in 1983 at Jurong Stadium. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. In 1974, the NTCO disbanded. The rise of another CO, the People’s Association Chinese Orchestra (PACO) in 1968, was responsible for its cessation. The success of the PACO caused many NTCO musicians to defect to join the other orchestra. The People’s Association Chinese Orchestra (PACO) The People’s Association (PA) was formed by the government on 1 July 1960 to foster racial harmony, following Singapore’s turbulent racial riots in the 1950s. As part of its efort to cultivate racial harmony and social cohesion, the PA set up meeting grounds known as community centres for various ethnic groups. The community centres organised activities for the people, which included cultural programmes, classes and sports, and invited Singaporeans to actively participate in them. In 1968, amidst the growing popularity of Chinese orchestral music owing to the NTCO, the PA, under the initiative of some Chinese orchestral enthusiasts, decided to set up its own orchestra. By the early 1970s, the PA became an important player in the promotion of Chinese music due to its recognition of the growing popularity of this musical genre among the masses. Thus, it started various COs and Chinese instrumental ensemble classes in its 190 community centres and actively promoted the Chinese orchestral genre. While he was a part of the association, Ma Wen from Hong Kong held a few concerts, in particular, a concert titled 七月二重奏 (The July Duet) in 1971. This was a joint concert involving between the PACO and the NTCO in an attempt to promote Chinese music in Singapore. With Ma Wen’s departure in 1973, the PA management hired Li Xueling from the NTCO to take over the conductorship of the orchestra. Under Li’s conductorship, the orchestra All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 85 Hua Yue A Chinese orchestra performing at a cultural night concert celebrating the 37th anniversary of the Nanyang Fang Shee Association. In the 1980s, due to declining memberships, smaller clan associations with limited manpower and fnancial resources often joined forces with other cultural groups to organise various cultural activities. Singapore Chinese Clan Association collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. recruited more members and tried to improve the orchestra’s standards. Subsequently, the PA management learnt about Ng Tai Kong when he was invited as guest conductor of the NTCO. In January 1973, Ng guest-conducted the PACO together with Li Xueling, and his dizi (fute) concerto ‘MacRitchie’ was also premiered by the Singaporean dizi player and Chinese orchestral pioneer, Yong Phew Kheng. During his lecturing stint in Hong Kong, Ng established himself as one of the most renowned conductors and composers for Chinese flm music, composing scores for over a hundred Chinese flms. Because he was profcient in the guzheng, sanxian, pipa, banhu and erhu, he was tasked to form the Hong Kong Chinese Orchestra in 1972. He was hired full-time in 1974 to spearhead and conduct the PA’s Chinese orchestra, symphony orchestra, dance company and chorus. Upon accepting the post, Ng began making radical changes to the PACO and propelled it into another phase of signifcant progress. First, Ng pushed for the PACO to turn semi-professional. In September 1974, Ng auditioned and recruited six full-time musicians. They included Phoon Yew Tien, Goh Ek Meng, Yeo Siew Wee, Xu Li Fang, Zhou Bixia, and Lin Yayu, who comprised the frst professional Chinese ensemble outside China. Ng then recruited amateurs on an ad hoc basis to make up the full orchestra whenever needed for concerts. Within a year of Ng’s employment, the PACO improved sufciently to be able to stage two concerts – ‘Fantasia’ and ‘Singapura’ – at the Singapore Conference Hall in 1975. Following the success of these concerts, the orchestra was invited to make a long play (LP) vinyl recording. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 86 Singapore Soundscape The recording, titled ‘The Moon Rises’, was published by EMI and achieved considerable acclaim. In 1976, the orchestra took part in the 1st Asian Arts Festival held in Hong Kong, bringing recognition to Chinese music from Singapore. The orchestra then recorded another LP to commemorate its participation in the festival. Classes teaching how to play Chinese instruments were also organised for the public in 1977 to spread the popularity of Chinese music, as well as to uncover new talent. Ng left the PACO in May 1977 for Hong Kong, and the PA management hired Lim Tiap Guan, a former conductor of the Singapore Armed Forces Reservists’ Association Chinese Orchestra, in August 1977. In 1980, Ku Lap Man, a percussionist and composer, whose career began with the Chongqing Music and Dance Theatre in 1951, was hired as a conductor to replace him. Ku was well-known in China for his composition, ‘Dragon Dance’, which achieved the highest rating at the China’s National Music and Dance Festival in 1965. He was also an experienced conductor, having led the Chongqing Music and Dance Troupe from 1961 to 1978. Under Ku, the orchestra expanded to 32 members in 1984 and performed at the Australian-Indian Ocean music festival in 1984, the Japanese Universiade Festival in 1988 and the Taipei Traditional Arts Festival in 1991. The orchestra made regular public performances and participated frequently in arts festivals. Ku served as PACO’s conductor until his retirement in 1995. The 1990s and 2000s: The Birth of Singapore’s First Professional Chinese Orchestra In 1992, under the initiative of the Singaporean government, the PACO was renamed the Singapore Chinese Orchestra (SCO) to refect its leading status as Singapore’s The Chin Kang Wui Kuan Chinese orchestra performing on the association’s cultural night in 1986. Courtesy of the National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 87 Hua Yue second national orchestra, thus giving it a national identity. In 1993, in preparation for Ku’s retirement, Qu Chun Quan was brought into the SCO, frst as a co-conductor with Ku, before eventually becoming its full-fedged conductor in 1995 after Ku retired. Qu, a conductor of considerable renown in China, took up music while he was young and joined the Shanghai Chinese Orchestra in 1956 as an erhu player, later going on to study conducting at the Shanghai Conservatory of Music’s Conducting and Composition Department. Upon graduation in 1978, he became the resident conductor of the Shanghai Chinese Orchestra, as well as the vice-chair of the Shanghai Conductor’s Association and committee member of the China Chinese Music Association. Qu also won awards at the Shanghai Arts Festival and the Shanghai Festival of Spring Music Competition for his compositions. He was also a guest conductor of many well-known orchestras, including the Hong Kong Chinese Orchestra and the Taipei Municipal Chinese Orchestra. Under Qu, the orchestra took on pioneering performance projects, which would raise its overall standards. One of his endeavours was to encourage local composers to produce compositions for the CO. In 1993, Qu held a seminar for local composers, in which he encouraged them to create their own music instead of limiting themselves to playing pieces from China. The outcome of this initiative was the Singaporean composition showcase performance the following year, in which the SCO, led by Qu, played only local compositions. Qu also led 17 musicians to perform at an international festival in Japan’s Tochigi Prefecture in 1995, and was constantly in demand as a guest conductor for overseas orchestras. Qu’s impressive work both locally and abroad lent sufcient legitimacy to the SCO such that in 1995, then Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong directed the setting up of a full-fedged, professional national Chinese orchestra. The then Deputy Prime Minister, Brigadier-General (BG) Lee Hsien Loong, was appointed as the orchestra’s patron. Members of a Chinese orchestra providing the music to the Singapore River Hongbao ceremony and light-up in 1988. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 88 Singapore Soundscape The orchestra was to be governed by a board of directors comprising individuals appointed by the Prime Minister’s Ofce and the Chairman of the PA. In May 1996, the SCO was inaugurated as a private company independent of the PA, and the SCO’s board of directors was tasked with the job of expanding the current SCO of 31 musicians into a 62-strong orchestra of international standing. Following the suggestion of then DPM Lee and armed with increased funding, the orchestral management sought to revamp the entire SCO. It launched an international recruitment hunt for Chinese instrumental talent, from the conductor to the CO musicians, by heading to conservatories and orchestras in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. During their search, the orchestra’s management came across Hu Bingxu, who boasted impressive credentials. Hu had graduated with honours from the Central Conservatory in China and joined the Central Symphony Orchestra as an oboist. In 1966, he took up conducting and over time became the resident conductor of the Central Symphony Orchestra, the Shanghai Opera Theatre, the Central Opera, the Central Ballet, and the China Central Chinese Orchestra. Hu Bingxu was installed as SCO’s Music Director in 1996, with Qu as Deputy Music Director. As part of the revamp, all existing members of the SCO, along with potential new members, had to go through auditions before an independent panel. Of the 32 members from the disbanded PACO, 28 made it through to the ‘revamped’ Chinese orchestra, which had auditioned more than 100 applicants. By the end of the auditions, the orchestra comprised 45 members. As most Singaporean Chinese musicians did not have strong formal training, foreign musicians from countries such as China, Hong Kong and Taiwan who had studied in conservatories and had extensive performance experiences were recruited, and their presence raised the standards of the SCO considerably. Additionally, Qu set up an objective for the orchestra to play and write music with a strong local A Chinese orchestra entertaining guests during a ministerial visit in 2000. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 89 Hua Yue favour that would eventually widen the repertoire of the SCO. Both the conductors also announced their intention for the SCO to stage at least one major production every month. On 20 April 1997, the SCO held its inaugural concert to a full house, featuring famed erhu soloist Min Huifen and local composer and Cultural Medallion recipient Phoon Yew Tien. The ticket sales for the gala concert were so successful that a pre-gala afternoon show was added. Following its inaugural concert, the orchestra embarked on a proactive policy of bringing Chinese music to the masses. The SCO performed at the Whampoa Community Club in the HDB heartlands in 1997 to launch its series of community concerts. The SCO’s community series brought Chinese orchestral music closer to the common people and the concerts were accompanied by educational activities. Talks about the instruments and the orchestra were given in English and Mandarin; audiences were encouraged to interact with the musicians and have hands-on sessions with the instruments. Pieces played included Malay folk tunes that were familiar to Singaporeans, such as ‘Chan Mali Chan’ and ‘Di Tanjong Katong’, among other Chinese instrumental pieces. The concerts in the heartlands were extremely well-received and the SCO gained a strong audience following at the grassroots level. By the end of 1997, in just eight months, the SCO had staged 12 major concerts, 11 school concerts, six community series concerts and one outdoor concert. For these events, the orchestra invited and featured 15 foreign soloists, vocalists and a guest conductor. The SCO was active not only in Singapore, but also overseas. In August 1997, the orchestra sent 10 musicians to take part in the Eighth Ismailia International Folklore Festival in Cairo, Egypt. This was followed in September 1998 by the SCO’s frst full orchestra concert tour since its inauguration. During this tour, the SCO gave performances in Beijing, Shanghai and Xiamen. It performed together with the Central Chinese Orchestra in Beijing and the Shanghai Chinese Orchestra in Shanghai. Under the baton of Hu, the performances were well-received by audiences and the orchestra gained critical acclaim from China’s industry insiders. At the end of 1999, the SCO embarked on its most ambitious project: a Millennium concert held at the Singapore Indoor Stadium, Singapore’s largest indoor venue, involving over 1,000 orchestral players. The project mobilised many CO musicians in Singapore and proved to be an exciting experience. The Millennium Concert 2000 was successfully staged on 1 January 2000. The concert, a collaboration between the SCO and the Ministry of Education, featured more than 1,200 performers comprising professional musicians from the SCO and members of various amateur orchestras. This concert made the news and set a new record for the world’s biggest CO concert. This was followed by the SCO’s second overseas tour to Taiwan in February 2000. It performed with Taiwan’s national orchestras at the Taipei National Concert Hall as part of the Taipei Traditional Arts Festival and at the Taichung City Concert Hall. The performances were highly commended and received positive reviews. Hu left the SCO in April 2000. Following his departure, SCO’s concertmaster at that time, Lum Yan Sing, took over the orchestra for its immediate performances for the rest of the year. In March 2001, Professor Xia Feiyun of the Shanghai Conservatory was invited to conduct the orchestra temporarily. Despite its lack of music directorship, the orchestra continued increasing its performances and completed 82 major concerts in 2001. In July 2001, the orchestra moved to its permanent home, the Singapore Conference Hall. Located in Singapore’s Shenton Way central business district, the Conference Hall has a concert hall, a resource library, a score library, an exhibition hall, three practice halls, 15 studios and an ofce space. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 90 Singapore Soundscape In January 2002, Tsung Yeh, a Chinese-American conductor, assumed the directorship of the SCO. Born in Shanghai, Yeh was initially trained as a pianist and was once a piano accompanist in the Eastern Song and Dance Troupe during the Chinese Cultural Revolution. He later studied conducting at the Shanghai Conservatory of Music, and then at Mannes College in New York and Yale University. He was also the music director of the South Bend Symphony Orchestra and the Hong Kong Sinfonietta. Tsung Yeh had a penchant for contemporary music and was a strong advocate of new work. He envisaged a type of Chinese music that could be pushed into the mainstream through the fusion of the Chinese orchestral genre with jazz and popular music in order to reach a younger crowd. Programming such as this was seldom heard of in COs in any part of the world. In October 2002, at the opening festival of the Esplanade, Yeh led the orchestra to perform a symphonic epic, ‘Marco Polo and Princess Blue’, an interdisciplinary seven- movement work featuring soloists, the CO, as well as a children’s choir and an adult chorus performing in Chinese and Mongolian. The piece, composed by China-based Liu Yuan, incorporated elements from opera and musical theatre; it was one of the orchestra’s largest works. Then in May 2003, the SCO managed to secure the much-desired spot of the opening performance at the annual Singapore Arts Festival. It collaborated with Singaporean visual artist, Tan Swie Hian, to stage ‘Instant is a Millennium – A Musical Conversation with Tan Swie Hian’ to a fully-packed theatre at the Esplanade. One of the largest concerts in the history of the SCO, the interdisciplinary work also featured a large chorus and utilised multimedia, visual art, calligraphy and art installations. On 30 July 2004, the orchestra held a concert in celebration of Singapore’s National Day. Similar to the Millennium Concert in 2000, Yeh led the SCO in a performance entitled ‘Our People, Our Music’, which featured a staggering 2,300 performers. The concert featured local compositions and National Day pieces. In March and April 2005, Yeh led the SCO on a European tour to Hungary and the United Kingdom. The orchestra performed at the Budapest Spring Festival, the Barbican in London and the Sage Gateshead in Newcastle. The orchestra played contemporary pieces and transcriptions of Western pieces, including a specially commissioned work by the minimalist composer Michael Nyman. In November 2006, the orchestra organised the first International Competition for Chinese Orchestral Composition in a bid to increase the Chinese orchestra’s repertory and boost the number of local Chinese orchestral compositions. In October 2007, the SCO embarked on performances in Beijing and Shanghai following an invitation from the Beijing Music Festival and Shanghai International Arts Festival, as part of the Singapore Season. The SCO was also invited to perform in Macau during the Macau International Music Festival, as well as major concert halls in Guangzhou, Zhongshan and Shenzhen. In the same year, the orchestra was seen performing as part of the 240-strong combined orchestra at the Singapore National Day Parade. In the 2008 Singapore Arts Festival, the SCO collaborated with TheatreWorks to present the production Awakening, and in August 2009 the orchestra performed in the opening week of the Edinburgh Festival. In February 2010, the orchestra performed ‘Dream of the Red Chamber’ in the Esplanade’s Huayi Arts Festival and secured an invitation from leading arts management IMG Artists to showcase itself at the Singapore Sun Festival in November 2010, while at the same time holding regular monthly concerts. In May 2011, the SCO played for the Singapore Arts Festival once again, and in November, organised its second instalment of the Singapore International Competition for Chinese Orchestral Composition. By 2011, the orchestra was 75-strong and looked to create innovative and multi-disciplinary All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 91 Hua Yue performances, reach out to new audiences and incorporate Southeast Asian elements into its growing list of repertoire. Postlude With a melting pot of both professional and amateur COs, kept alive and strong by audiences, musicians and visionaries alike, it is no wonder that the Chinese music landscape in Singapore has grown to its current level of sophistication. From Chinese clans formed to provide peer and occasional fnancial support to the many Chinese migrants in Singapore to the emergence of various amateur music groups; the birth of the pioneer COs, namely the Central Cultural Board Chinese Orchestra, the National Theatre Chinese Orchestra and the People’s Association Chinese Orchestra to a fully-fedged national orchestra that is the Singapore Chinese Orchestra; as well as the formation of school and community centre COs along the way, the CO in Singapore has indeed been through many stages of development despite its short history. The result is an internationally recognised and active Chinese orchestra scene today. Amateur and School Chinese Orchestras – The Cornerstone of the Chinese Orchestral Community In Singapore, school and amateur COs are the main sources of future Chinese orchestral talent, where students are exposed to CO music for the frst time. Most of the local, professional Chinese orchestral musicians today were formerly members of school and amateur COs. A school Chinese orchestra performing at the opening of Rosyth School new campus in 2002. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 92 Singapore Soundscape School Chinese Orchestras Until 1968, existing orchestras had been run independently by clan associations and school managements outside of the Ministry of Education’s (MOE) guidelines and supervision. For the next two years, the MOE did little to promote the art form in schools. Though it had not paid attention to COs earlier, the government soon came to see the CO as a potentially efective tool for preserving Chinese culture and heritage within the context of its agenda to promote a multicultural and multiracial society. In 1970, the MOE decided to promote COs as an Extra-Curricular Activity (this was later renamed as Co-Curricular Activity). The MOE’s education ofcer, Wu Shiming, held meetings with ministry ofcials and Chinese musicians to discuss how to expand the number of COs in schools. Through the funding provided by the ministry, the schools were able to hire professional Chinese musicians as instructors and purchase instruments to train student musicians. With the increasing accessibility and popularity of Chinese orchestral music, made fashionable through radio, television, and concerts in the 1970s, schools took to the implementation of the CO as a core performing arts activity. They actively recruited students, provided rehearsal spaces and hired instructors based on recommendations. Two decades later, school orchestras, propped up by the funding provided by the MOE, have continued to grow rapidly, and there are currently over 120 school Chinese orchestras in Singapore today. Some established school orchestras include Dunman High, Hwa Chong Junior College, Chung Cheng High and Nanyang Girls’ High. Amateur Chinese Orchestras Apart from schools, other organisations were also active in the formation of COs. During the early 1970s, the Chinese orchestral genre was booming and many non- A Chinese orchestra performing at the National Theatre in 1986. Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 93 Hua Yue school amateur COs that were formed were targeted at youths: this demographic group constituted, and still constitutes, the bulk of Chinese orchestral practitioners and learners. Amateur COs usually comprise current or freshly-graduated students who have participated in the CO as an activity while in school and are keen to continue making music. The remainder of the participants consists of working adults who are enthusiasts of Chinese instrumental music. Amongst amateur orchestral members, there have been a few who have opted to further their education in Chinese music and play professionally. Singapore Youth Chinese Orchestra (SYCO) This orchestra was formed under the auspices of the MOE’s ECA Branch in 1969 and made its debut at the Singapore Youth Festival in July 1970. It was conducted by Zheng Sisen at that time, and then later by Li Xueling in 1971. In 1972, the orchestra performed to an international audience in Switzerland at the International Youth Festival, making it the frst Singaporean amateur CO to perform abroad. The performance in Switzerland took place under the leadership of Li Xueling, Wu Shunchu and Wu Shiming in July that year. When it became an independent arts organisation in 1980, the orchestra subsequently came under the purview of the Young Musicians’ Society (formed in 1969 under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education to promote ensemble music- making among young Singaporeans). Since then, it has grown from 30 pioneers to a present strength of 60, with members aged from 14 to 28, coming mostly from schools, tertiary institutions and the National Service. The orchestra’s pioneer members have gone on to become professional musicians in Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan and Hong Kong. To date, the orchestra has performed in Britain, Taiwan, the Philippines, Japan, Hong Kong, the United States, Canada and Egypt, among other countries. The SCO took over the orchestra in June 2003 and currently assumes responsibility for its training and management. Singapore Broadcasting Corporation Chinese Orchestra (City Chinese Orchestra) The Radio Television Singapore’s (RTS) Chinese Orchestra was founded in October 1974, following the great success of the broadcasting corporation’s music competitions. At the time, the then Chinese programme director for the broadcasting station, Wu Jiabi, expressed an interest in forming an orchestra. Spurred by the success of the Chinese music programmes broadcast by the SBC, Wu thought that it was a good idea for the broadcasting station to have its own orchestra. With the help of a Chinese orchestral veteran, Tay Teow Kiat, who assumed the conductorship of the orchestra, members were recruited from many existing musical organisations in the 1970s, such as the Ziquan Music Society and Jurong Secondary School Chinese Orchestra Alumni. Although the SBC Chinese Orchestra was an amateur group, it had a professional air largely due to Tay, who kept its members motivated and committed. As the orchestra was formed by the SBC, it had numerous performance opportunities and was widely publicised; the orchestra gave regular performances on television. The orchestra was also able to enjoy the use of SBC’s facilities by practising at suitable venues and holding recording sessions on a regular basis. Within a year, the orchestra held its frst public concert. After the orchestra was disbanded by the SBC during the 1980s, and the broadcast corporation also stopped showing Chinese music programmes, Tay revived the orchestra in 1993 and it went under the auspices of the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts. The All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 94 Singapore Soundscape References Business Times, The. ‘Singapore News’, Singapore News Supplement, 5 February 2008, 8. Cheng, S. C. Louise. ‘The Groups’, Third Chinese Instrumental Music Festival. Singapore: Ministry of Community Development, 1982, 6–13. Chia, Wei Kuan. ‘The Development of Chinese Orchestra in Singapore’, Working Paper, Nanyang Technological University, 2007. Chin, Soo Fang. ‘PA’s Chinese Orchestra to become National Body.’ The Straits Times, Life! Supplement, 24 June 1996, 3. Chin, Soo Fang. ‘Erhu, Pipa and no Pipe Dream’, The Straits Times, Life! Supplement, 11 April 1997, 1–2. Chuan, Joon Yee (全运驹) and Goh Ek Meng (吴奕明). ‘The Singapore Conference Hall’, (华 乐) Huayue 3. Singapore: Singapore Chinese Orchestra, 2000, 4–6. Chuan, Joon Yee (全运驹), Goh Ek Meng (吴奕明) and Ling Hock Siang (林傅强).‘Message from Chairperson’, (华乐) Huayue 1. Singapore: Singapore Chinese Orchestra, 1998, 2–6. Dunman High School Chinese Orchestra. 21st Anniversary Souvenir Magazine of the Dunman High School Chinese Orchestra. Singapore: Dunman High School Chinese Orchestra, 1994. Goh, Ek Meng (吴奕明). A Brief History of Chinese Orchestra Music in Singapore, 1953– 1979 (新加坡华乐发展史略). Singapore: Lingzi Mass Media, 1998. orchestra was renamed the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts Chinese Orchestra, and then renamed again as City Chinese Orchestra. Today, the orchestra has a membership of 150, mostly alumni of the Dunman High School. Keat Hong Community Centre Chinese Orchestra Keat Hong Community Centre Chinese Orchestra began in 1974 as a nine-member ensemble. Made up initially of Chinese music enthusiasts who gathered at the Keat Hong Community Centre to make music, the ensemble eventually became a fully-fedged orchestra numbering over 80 members. It has performed on many occasions via the platforms of radio and television, as well as at concerts. The orchestra was frst conducted by Yeo Chau Hing, who was later succeeded by Chew Keng How, Sim Boon Yew and Yeo Siew Wee; currently, the orchestra is conducted by Sim Boon Yew. Since its founding, the orchestra has received the Singapore National Youth Service Award in 1983 for its outstanding performance in promoting Chinese music and four consecutive frst-place prizes for ensemble performance in the National Chinese Music Competition in 1987, 1989, 1992 and 1993. Many of its members have also gone on to become professional musicians and instructors. Currently, the orchestra has 70 members and rehearses regularly at the Choa Chu Kang Community Club. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 95 Hua Yue Goh Ek Meng (吴奕明) and Ong Heng San (王衡山). ‘The 9th Secondary School Chinese Orchestra Music Camp’, (华乐) Huayue 4. Singapore: Singapore Chinese Orchestra, 2001, 2–4. Guan, Li Bing. ‘Chinese Classical Music is increasingly drawing new converts, especially in schools, with performances even heading for China’, The Straits Times, 7 February 1993. Ho, Sheo Be. ‘Orchestra to perform eight S’porean works for concert’, The Straits Times, Life! 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Singapore: Editions Didier Millet, 2006. Kor Kian Beng. ‘Go hear the diference’, The Straits Times, Life! Supplement, 23 July 2001, 3. Kuo, C. Y. Eddie and Chua, Beng Huat. ‘The Making of a New Nation: Cultural Construction and National Identity in Singapore’ in Ong Jin Hui, Chan Kwok Bun, and Ho Kong Chong (eds.), The Making of a New Nation: Cultural Construction and National Identity in Singapore. Singapore: National University of Singapore, 1991, 1–36. Lea, Wee. ‘New “Parent” for orchestra’, The Straits Times, Life! Supplement, 16 September 1999, 5. Lau, Frederick. ‘Morphing Chineseness: The Changing Image of Chinese music clubs in Singapore’ in Hae-Kyung Um (ed.), Diasporas and Interculturalism in Asian Performing Arts: Translating Traditions. New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2005, 30–42. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 96 Singapore Soundscape Lee, Hsien Loong. Speech at the inauguration of the Singapore Chinese Orchestra Company, 24 June 1996. Singapore: Ministry of Information and the Arts. (29/JUNE 16-0196l06l24). Lee, Tong Soon. ‘Singapore’ in Terry E. Miller and Sean Williams (eds.), Southeast Asia: The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music 4. New York and London: Routledge, 1998, 518–25. Lee, Tong Soon. Chinese Street Opera in Singapore. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2008. Leong, Ching Ching. ‘Second Orchestra Turns Professional’, The Straits Times, Life! Supplement, 25 June 1996, 1. Leong, Sam. Musicianship in the 21st Century: Issues, Trends and Possibilities. Sydney: Australian Music Centre, 2003. Lim, Joanna. ‘Nafa and Beijing institute tug at the heart strings’, The Business Times, The Arts Supplement, 9 December 1999, 4. Miller, Terry E. and Sean Williams. ‘A Survey of Scholarship on Southeast Asian Musics’, Southeast Asia: The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music 4. New York and London: Routledge, 1998, 1–27. Ministry of Community Development. ‘Huayue Jie’ (华乐节), Fifth Chinese Instrumental Music Festival. 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People’s Association Chinese Orchestra. People’s Association Chinese Orchestra Concert. Singapore: People’s Association, 1978, 1–3. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 97 Hua Yue Peters, Joseph. ‘Singapore’ in Ramon P. Santos (ed.), The Musics of Asean. Manila: Asean Committee on Culture and Information, 1995, 193–232. Piao, Dongsheng (朴东生). Minyue Shiji Wushi Nian – Longxiang Longyue Weiliao Qing (民乐 纪事50年 – 龙乡龙乐未了情). China: Zhongguo Wenlian Chuban She, 2003. Quek, Yongxiu (郭永秀). Yuyun – Guo Yongxiu Yinyue Pinglun Ji (余韵-郭永秀音乐评论集). Singapore: Chuangyitu Gongzuo Shi, 2002. Singapore Chinese Orchestra. Story of the River (江河水的故事), Singapore Chinese Orchestra. Singapore: KK Productions Ltd, 1993. Singapore Chinese Orchestra. ‘Inauguration of the Singapore Chinese Orchestra Company Limited’ (新加坡华乐团有限公司成立典礼), Singapore Chinese Orchestra. Singapore: Singapore Chinese Orchestra, 1996, 1–9. Singapore Chinese Orchestra. ‘Inaugural Gala Concert’ (新加坡华乐团首演), Singapore Chinese Orchestra. Singapore: Singapore Chinese Orchestra, 1997, 4–38. Singapore Youth Chinese Orchestra. ‘Annual Concert 2000’, Singapore Youth Chinese Orchestra, 1. Singapore: Singapore Youth Chinese Orchestra, 2000. Singapore Youth Chinese Orchestra. ‘Press Conference’, Singapore Youth Chinese Orchestra. Singapore: Singapore Youth Chinese Orchestra, 2003, 1–10. Straits Times, The. ‘New Baton Leads SCO to full show’, Life! Supplement, 11 September 1997, 12. Straits Times, The. ‘SCO feature guests from China and Taiwan’, Life! Supplement, 10 May 1997, 12. Takizawa, Tatsuko. The Facets of Musical Activities in Singapore. Singapore: National University of Singapore, 1987. Tan, Shzr Ee. ‘Top Chinese orchestra turns 20: S’pore’s best amateur group celebrates with evening of Shanghai Composer’s work’, The Straits Times, Life! Supplement, 7 July 1994, 6. Tan, Shzr Ee. ‘No Big Hair… Pass the Baton’, The Straits Times, Life! Supplement, 25 January 2002, 1–4. Tan, Shzr Ee. ‘Conquering the Divide’, The Straits Times, Life! Supplement, 26 April 2005, 4. Ting, Chu San, Leong Yoon Pin, and Tan, Bernard. ‘Singapore: Music before Independence’ in Harrison Ryker (ed.), New Music in the Orient. Hong Kong: Frits Knuf Publishers, 1990, 97–100. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 98 Singapore Soundscape Tsang, Susan. ‘East Meets West at the Orchestra’, The Business Times, Executive Lifestyle Supplement, 13 November 1999, 5. Yen, Ching-Hwang. The Chinese in Southeast Asia and Beyond: Socioeconomic and Political Dimensions. Singapore: World Scientifc, 2008. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 99 Sejarah Muzik Singapura Sejarah Muzik Singapura: A Short Story on Malay Nostalgia 1 CHAPTER 6 Jun Zubillaga-Pow All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 100 Singapore Soundscape T he boisterous guests quieted down. The centre of attention was two male singers, one elder and the other younger. Adopting the stance of a disciplinarian, the more senior of the two spoke up, with a conscious efort, making sure that the skin on his forehead crumpled up wrinklier than usual. ‘This kind of music placed importance only on the loudness of the music rather than the quality of the song itself. Poor quality pop songs and music will give rise to a future generation that is wild.’ Unaware of his position, the young novice, who would one day enter into the chronicles of music history, voiced his objections fervently. ‘But we have successful bands like M. Osman and Les Fentones with their lagu Suzanna, and it’s so cool … Cikgu,’ sneaking in a show of respect upon realising who his interlocutor was. Given his seniority and the occasion, the veteran could not bear to lose face in front of his family members and guests. He retorted, ‘Young people who sing as they please, play music as they please, dress themselves as they please, will end up exposed to negative elements which will inevitably result in ill discipline!’ Ahmad Ali, the head chef stationed behind the partition, became kaypoh and stretched his head out from his small, muscular frame. The bride, who had now returned to her seat at the front of the stage, caught a glimpse of the gesture, and directed a swerving stare at him, before striking a graceful repose. Learning of the commotion, Mat Tarzan, the name others preferred calling him after his stunts at the New World Amusement Park a decade ago, immediately signalled to his helpers to stop the clinking and clanking of the pots and the woks. Hailing all the way from the other port city of Penang, they were preparing his family’s signature mee bandung (mixed noodles) and sup ekor (oxtail soup) at the special request of the veteran actor and musician, whose elder son was getting married today. Popular Shaw Brothers’ Malay actress/playback singer Rahmah Rahmat performing a song at “Suara Ria Singapura” held at Victoria Theatre. (1960) The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 101 Sejarah Muzik Singapura Musical performance at a Hari Raya Puasa party for children given by Minto Road Community Centre (1960) The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. Everyone in the Malay flm and music industry would come to remember that fateful day, 27 May 1971. ‘Honestly, we weren’t thinking about getting popular or rich. I think we were more concerned with seeing how far our talents could bring us. To play in a band with friends and relatives who had similar interests was something more valuable than rewards.’ This time, the bass player of the band, who called themselves The Rythmn Boys, quipped. This narrator is uncertain why the boys could not get the spelling of ‘rhythm’ right, or had intentionally wanted to distinguish themselves from the countless other bands with names like the Commandos, the Swallows or just simply the Siglap Five. Moreover, almost everyone involved in the ‘Pop Yeh Yeh’ movement in the 1960s played in kugiran, or ‘rhythmic guitar groups’, and were male until the singer-actress Sanisah Huri decided to set up her own all-girl trio, Suara Perindu, in 1971. The tussle continued with a display of male bravura under the otherwise barren void deck of a high-rise HDB apartment block in the newly reclaimed precinct of Marine Parade. Both the families of the bride and the groom had decided to return to Singapore from Kuala Lumpur to host the bersanding, or wedding ceremony, for their children, Nasir and Mariati, because, having lived and worked in Singapore for more than a decade before the state gained independence from the British, they had made countless friends and cultivated a gotong royong network. Now, one of the guests felt the disdain expressed by the younger musicians and marched towards the makeshift stage, where the colourful All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 102 Singapore Soundscape bunga manggar (palm blossoms) continue to futter in the sea breeze, oblivious to the situation below them. Taking the chance, the guitarist, Horace Wee, reprimanded, ‘You aren’t qualifed musicians! You couldn’t even read the notes or play the instruments in tune with S. Mariam in Malam Sunyi and…’ He paused to catch his breath, thinking of the tremendous amount of hard work he had put in over the years as a big band musician only to be eclipsed by these ‘instant- success’ amateurs. As proof of his musical capability and elitism, he interjected with such indignation that he sounded as if his throat wasn’t properly cleared, ‘And they say you only play three chords!’ Shaken by this denigrating remark, A. Ramlie (1948–2001), the lead singer, stood up from the white plastic chair that he had been slouching on and gave a cue to the bassist Ali Taib and his brother Ayob to pick up their instruments. The amplifers were switched on again before the metallic strands of the lead guitar pealed out the familiar rifs of ‘O Fatimah’, as Ramlie sang about a girl with a mesmerising voice but a longing heart. As if placated by the catchy motifs, the guests eased into their midday meal and bantered away once more. Nasir, the groom, was already tired out by the morning’s activity of walking a few fights of stairs up the apartment block with a trail of kompang boys drumming behind him to announce the arrival of the groom at the bride’s house. It is believed that the Hadrah and Kompang traditions had arrived in Singapore only in the 1920s from the Riau Islands, and consist of songs or chants derived from the Dewan Hadrah or Arabic Barzanzi Scriptures. It was much later, in 1984, that the Ministry of Education implemented the Hadrah and Kompang programme in junior colleges as an aid for learning the Malay language, culture A Malay musical troupe leading the welcome procession during Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew’s tour of Kampong Kembangan in 1963. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 103 Sejarah Muzik Singapura Ahmad Daud and Saloma performing a song backed by Combo Rayuan Sukma and Mohd Wan Yet at the piano during Radio Singapore’s mammoth Christmas show at Victoria Theatre in 1961. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. and moral values. Also, this initiative was complemented by the Singapore Broadcasting Corporation’s telecast of Senandung Rakyat (Folksongs) in 1989. Nasir was hoping to sneak away for a smoke during the dikir barat showcase when the tokang karut (song-initiator) and tok juara (leader) started to clap and sing with their rebana ibu dan anak (mother and child drums). Among the awok-awok (chorus) would be fve-year-old Rosley Samad (b. 1967), who would one day become the president of the Singapore Dikir Barat Federation after its founding in 1993. For now, Nasir had to escort his father and stepmother, Saloma, back to the dining table to join other illuminati of the Malay music world, who had all brought their best performers to grace the wedding. Although Nasir was not her own child, Saloma (1935–1983) had always treated him well and imparted her talent for singing and acting to the future flm director. At this moment, though, she had to think on her feet and quickly requested for Som Said (b. 1951) – who later set up her own Sri Warisan company in 1997 – to prepare her Sriwana actors and dancers to go on stage. Meanwhile, Mariati Abdul Rahman (b. 1953) pulled her good friend Maria Bachok, the singer and wife of A. Ramlie, aside, coercing her to lead her husband and his band away from the wedding once the bangsawan began. Being an actress herself, Mariati was looking forward to the operatic performance of Panji Semerang (Prince Semerang). She had watched the flm version directed by Omar All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 104 Singapore Soundscape Rojik at the Queens Theatre in Geylang, but that was 10 years ago, when she was a little eight-year-old girl. She had related to Maria earlier in the day that being able to see the choreography and costumes up close was several times more gratifying than the black-and-white screen images. Indeed, the bilingual writer, Shaik Othman bin Sallim, mentioned in his December 1898 article for the Straits Chinese Magazine that the Jawi Peranakan Theatrical Company, better known as the Pushi Indera Bangsawan (formed in 1885), had put up the very same wayang that year at the Theatre Royal on North Bridge Road and won standing ovations for every one of their shows. The Penang-based company had devoted its productions exclusively to excessively long operatic pieces, as was the curious case of the romantic tale Panji Semerang, which, although spanning six evenings to complete and deliberately narrated in the minutest details, had a large spectator following. Shaik Othman had observed that, ‘The Malay opera is, so far as I know, the only kind of dramatic performance for the large section of the community speaking the Malay tongue. It is as popular among the Straits Chinese as among the Malay people: and it is no uncommon thing to see the ladies’ galleries flled en masse by the Straits Chinese women.’ There would, unfortunately, be few Chinese people at our ‘royal’ wedding, for your storyteller has set it strategically at a time when the race riots between the Chinese and Malays in mid-1969 had caused much upheaval and tension. The intervention by Horace Wee earlier had already upset some guests, although everyone seemed to be engaged with the dazzling entertainment and Penang cuisine and had forgotten about the aforementioned tussle. About 15 minutes into the act, there was a palace scene with four Javanese female dancers in red-and-golden dresses cut short at the sleeves, which A Malay musical group and residents waiting to welcome PM Lee Kuan Yew during his constituency tours of Tiong Bahru, Delta and Havelock areas in 1963. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 105 Sejarah Muzik Singapura The late president of Singapore and his wife Puan Noor Aishah attending the fnals of a music festival at Victoria Theatre in 1966. Yusof Ishak collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. allowed for the swift movements of their bent elbows and wrists to manoeuvre alongside the intricate interlocking rhythms of the saron and bonang of the gamelan ensemble. Gamelan Ensembles in Singapore By Penny Tan From as early as the 19th century, there were already Javanese music and dances staged on festive occasions, such as the handful of soirées on Government Hill hosted by Robert Fullerton, the Governor of the Straits Settlement in the 1820s. In addition to court dances, the gamelan was also used for accompanying the Kuda Kepang, which is a spiritual form of ‘horse dancing’ and exorcist rituals. After its gradual decline due to distaste for malevolent practices, Raden Suparti Raden Emam formed the Kesenian Tarian Kuda Kepang Putra Putri Tunggal Wenang (Single-handed Son and Daughter Kuda Kepang Dance Arts) in 1971, with the aim of disassociating the dance from trance and re-popularising it. One observer states: ‘These practitioners hold strongly to their principle that the Kuda Kepang is an ancient cultural practice that must be protected as a heritage.’ Otherwise, gamelan ensembles and music started to fourish again in Singapore around the early 1990s. Some of the earliest ensembles included the LASALLE College of the Arts Gamelan Ensemble and the Kampong Kembangan Community Club Pachitan Gamelan Orchestra. The musicians were made up of the pioneering batches of students. Over the past two decades, many more gamelan groups and ensembles were established. Today in Singapore, this music genre fourishes with at least 24 gamelan ensemble groups. They range from Malay to Javanese and from Balinese to Fusion and World Music, as well as school groups under the Ministry of Education. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 106 Singapore Soundscape • Malay Gamelan Ensembles: Kesenian Tedja Timur (1984) and Orkestra Melayu Singapura • Javanese Gamelan Ensembles: Gamelan Asmaradana, Pangrawit Anyar Gamelan Ensemble and Singa Nglaras Gamelan Ensemble (National University of Singapore) • Balinese Gamelan Ensemble: Gamelan Singamurti • Fusion and World Music Gamelan Ensembles: Gamma Rays and BronzAge Gamelan Besides the burgeoning of this genre, the styles and purposes also drifted from traditional art forms of religious ritual ceremonies, accompaniment for dance and wayang (puppetry show) to entertainment at weddings, corporate functions and festive events. Hence, the styles have changed from traditional to contemporary, such as the fusion groups that include jazz, pop, and rock elements to give new perspectives to this genre. Gamelan ensembles in Singapore are also used for educational purposes, such as introducing this genre through enrichment workshops within or sometimes independent of the schools’ customised programmes. Besides schools, gamelan playing is included in corporate and public workshops for commercial organisations, since it can inculcate a strong team-building spirit. With the prosperity of gamelan ensembles in Singapore, at least 16 schools have set up ensembles of this genre at primary and secondary levels. Besides giving students direct hands-on experience, the gamelan ensembles also take part in the annual Singapore Youth Festival Central-Judging of Instrumental Ensembles. This phenomenon has also led to the interest of composers based in Singapore to write for this genre, creating pieces like Lupa (1992) by the American John Sharpley and A River in Time (1994) by the British Eric James Watson. After the Javanese dance, Som came over to join Maria and Mariati at the table. ‘Do you know that the bangsawan can be more than three to four hours long and staged without intermission?’ Both girls gave an expression typical of being surprised by the fact that these artistes have such strong physical and vocal stamina. Som, who was only four years their senior, decided to quote a line from a text that she had just read to show of her expertise in the subject. ‘One would be willing to excuse any sign of exhaustion in the performers in the latter part of the play, but as a matter of fact the principal dramatis personae sing and act with spirit all throughout the piece.’ She had to emphasise the Latin words with a quasi- British accent so as to show her adhesion to the government’s current policy in adopting English as the national language. ‘You mean they have to memorise so much lines from the script?’ Maria changed the conversation back to vernacular speech, but was unconscious of her grammatical error. ‘Or do they improvise macam forum theatre?’ Mariati interrupted before Som could answer, referring to the dramaturgy of the Brazilian Augusto Boal. ‘Yes, they not only must keep to the storyline but also have to compete with the loud orchestral accompaniment,’ Som replied in an emphatic tone, taking care that she had placed her conjunctions in the right order. Taking a sip of her bandung drink, she continued to elaborate on the musical history of bangsawan, and tried to use as many multisyllabic words as she could. ‘In the 1920s and 1930s, every bangsawan troupe would have an orchestra with fve to 15 instruments. In the beginning, there were only the percussion, like drums, tambourines, cymbals, and stringed instruments, like violin and mandolin, and also harmoniums. Later All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 107 Sejarah Muzik Singapura Music being played during the opening ceremony of the Singapore Hilton attended by then Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Labour S. Rajaratnam in 1971. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. on, the instrumentation became more sophisticated, like the fute, clarinet and saxophone. So, it became too difcult to hear the words if the actors had spoken in a sort of mumble, or sung in a voice too soft or too low to compete with strong orchestral accompaniment.’ At this moment, Saloma had overheard the girls’ chattering and came over to quiet them down. ‘Can you girls not be like the ice-cream or lemonade vendors making such a din at the wayang? Now, keep quiet and don’t interrupt Pak from enjoying the show.’ Taking a slow stride back to her husband, Saloma remembered how she had chanced upon the bangsawan songs ‘Nuri Terbang Malam’ (‘The Parrot that Flies at Night’) and ‘Jula Juli Bintang Tiga’ among her parents’ vinyl collection. The former, dating from 1903, was the frst piring hitam (black plate) recording with the singer Qasim by the Gramophone Company of England, and the latter was part of a collection of four popular songs from 1914. A tessera of her past returned as she recalled how she had missed the chance of starring in the flm Jula Juli Bintang Tiga because her company, Shaw Brothers, lost the rights to produce the flm in 1958 to their rival, Cathay-Keris, and the director Balakrishna Narayan Rao. Nevertheless, all had turned out well for Saloma, who then achieved international fame, travelling to festivals in Manila, Hong Kong and Melbourne, while another girl, who was her namesake, Salmah Ahmad, became famous as a result of the role. In 1978, Saloma would return to Singapore after her husband’s passing to catch the revival of the bangsawan at Victoria Theatre performed by members of Radio Television Singapore (RTS) and Sriwana with the support of the Ministry of Culture. Back at the wedding, Saloma gripped her shimmering silver kebaya dress and regained a confdent composure as a crescent smile realigned the symmetry of her youthful countenance. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 108 Singapore Soundscape The 1950s was agreed by all to be the ‘Golden Age of Malay Cinema’. In keen competition with the monopoly of the Malay Film Productions Ltd – which was a Shaw Brothers’ subsidiary operating since 1947 at 8 Jalan Ampas, another full production house – was Cathay-Keris Studios that opened in 1953 and became a draw for actors and musicians from the Malay world. Zubir Said, Ahmad Jaafar, Wandly Yazi, S. Sudarmaji, Kassim Masdor and A. Rahman were the pioneers of transforming the characteristic styles of Malay songs from the lyrical to the rhythmical. The musical infuences had a range spanning from Arabic to Hindustani, Western classical to contemporary pop. In the middle of the bangsawan, there was an ‘extra turn’ where songs and dances would be performed, sometimes with the participation of the audience. Som and Maria went around inviting guests on stage to dance the joget with them. Both the joget and its predecessor, the ronggeng, were so popular in the late 19th century that ofcial licences had to be obtained for its performance in theatres, circuses or other public spaces. Nowadays, anyone who wishes to hold a wedding or funeral on the void deck of an HDB block can simply apply for a permit at the Neighbourhood Police Post or Town Council. However, in the 1930s and 1940s, before the days of high-rise public housing, ronggeng and joget groups were mostly found in the gigantic entertainment parks, sometimes equipped with a pentas joget (joget stage) especially for the dances, and male patrons who wanted to dance with the professional female ronggeng dancers, would have to buy a ticket. Naturally, Nasir was egged on to dance together with Mariati in the middle of the stage. As he watched his bride swaying in her elegant maroon dress with glittering dark violet sequins, Nasir reminisced how he had fxed his gaze upon the beautiful girl on the set of his father’s flm, Gelora (‘Turbulence’), about a year ago. The scene in the ballroom had required several couples waltzing along to a lagu keroncong, and his father roped him in to dance with one of the girls. It was there that he became enchanted by Mariati’s grace and demureness. Ironically, the song was entitled Apa Guna Bersuami Muda (‘What’s the Use of Having a Young Husband’), for both Nasir and Mariati were merely 18 years old on their wedding day. Malay Film Music From the frst Malay flm, Laila Majnun, which was based on a bangsawan legend and released in 1934, songs with a lilting character were popular with local audiences, regardless of race. Hindi movies have also had some musical infuence with famous singers like R. Azmi, S. Hameed, Ismail Kassim, Julia, Nona Asiah, and Momo Latif. Popular songs immediately after the Second World War included: • Chinta (‘Love’) in 1948 – by Zubir Said • Kain Songket (‘The Songket Cloth’) in 1949 – by D. Hamzah and Rokiah Wandah • Satay from Bakti in 1950 – by Osman Ahmad • Budi di Bawa Mati (Berhati-hati) from Derita in 1951 – by P. Ramlee • Panggilan Asmara (‘The Lovers’ Attraction’) from Rayuan Sukma in 1951 – by A. Rahman • Ibu (Mother) in 1953 – by Ahmad Ja’afar • Sekapur Sireh Seulas Pinang, Makan Sireh di Semerah Padi and Lenggang Kangkong Baru from Semerah Padi in 1956 – by P. Ramlee • Tari Tualang Tiga from Sumpahan Orang Minyak in 1958 – by Yusof B. • Senjakala from Madu Tiga in 1964 – by Kassim Masdor • Lanang Tuning Tak Jadi from Dajal Suchi in 1974 – by Kassim Masdor All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 109 Sejarah Muzik Singapura The keroncong exists in two forms, the Malay and the Peranakan, and is sung with either the classical asli or pantun versifcation. While the former group prefers the bittersweet melancholy of the lagu nasib, the Peranakan Nyonyas and Babas indulge themselves in the amorous dondang sayang. In the 1930s and early 1940s, the David Gamelan orchestra accompanying the Kuda Kepang Troupe from Bedok (1981). Ronni Pinsler collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. David Lincoln Orchestra I started with David Lincoln and his Orchestra … they used to record for the Columbia recording company … the brand was Columbia and all the Malay singers who sang were in the David Lincoln Keronchong orchestra … I was a member of that band and what I was doing was playing frst guitar … by frst guitar, there is a thing in Malay which was called tokal … but that would be what a lead guitarist in a Malay keronchong band does … you would have a violinist doing the melody … and this guy on frst guitar is doing all the improvisations to back the melody … and that is very diffcult to do … – Tony Danker, quoted in Eugene Dairianathan, ‘Musical Practices: Keronchong’, http://music.nl.sg/article/list.aspx (accessed 21 December 2012) In 1937, the David Lincoln Orchestra released four records with Columbia Straits Echo: Jamlah Rumba/Bukan Batu by Che Jamilah, Sri Tambak/Burong Puteh by Obed, Pekan Baru/Yatim Piatu by Che Yah and Kliruan Dunia/Chinta Salah Mata by Miss Julia. The recording studio of Columbia Straits Echo was located at 147 Killiney Road and 96 Cairnhill Road before it moved into MacDonald House on Orchard Road after 1949. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 110 Singapore Soundscape Lincoln Orchestra was very popular with keroncong devotees. They would not only play at the Happy World Cabaret whenever there were Sarong and Kebaya nights, but would also be featured in flms like Bermadu (Co-wife, 1937) and Topeng Saitan (The Devil’s Mask, 1941), both produced by the Shaw Brothers. The band, consisting of a violinist, lead guitarist, rhythm guitarist, two ukulele players, a cellist and a double bassist, would also partake in recordings under Columbia. There would also be concerts and competitions held at the Happy World Stadium and the stretch of Geylang Road would be crowded with people walking from Geylang Serai to the amusement park to support local groups, like Chap Singa, or listen to famous singers from Indonesia, such as S. Abdullah, Kartini and Abdul Rahman, and Faddilah, who was from Penang. After the war, the Bunga Tanjong nightclub at the New World Amusement Park became the place to go for the pantun and the joget. Our head chef Mat Tarzan would know, because this is where he had fallen in love with the notorious striptease actress, Rose Chan, who once gyrated to a slow lagu asli while a python coiled around her slender fgure. Given the simplicity of the heart-tugging lyrics, which accentuated the Malay values of poise and docility, the intercultural hybrid of song and dance was outright frowned upon by the conservative public and caused our strongman to curtail his pursuit of the femme fatale. Back at the wedding, one of the guest musicians was the violinist Pak Malim Osman, who accompanied the dances and the dondang sayang. As someone who avidly championed cultural progress, he chose to learn the violin because it could be used for Arabic, European and Indian music. Between 1982 and 1985, he launched the Dondang Sayang Club together with his own group, Orkes Aslirama, and appeared on public The Pachitan Gamelan Orchestra from Kampong Kembangan Community Club performing at the Istana in 2005. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 111 Sejarah Muzik Singapura television as well as at East Coast Park. Pak Malim was such a musical afcionado that he even tried performing with his wife at the beach on Saturday evenings to garner a wider fan-base. Gunung Sayang Association The Gunung Sayang Association was set up in 1901 by the Peranakans to promote the art of singing. Dondang sayang means to sing about love, longing or even dejection. It has a slow melody and tempo and is at times melancholic. The traditional duet is usually performed at mass gatherings in the villages, during royal ceremonies and weddings. While the well-known Malay singers included R. Ismail and Hasnah Karan, Dr. William Tan, Koh Hoon Teck and Tecy Lei were specialist members of the Gunong Sayang Association. After the organisation’s early demise in 1911, eforts to revive the form by the Peranakans were unsuccessful. A case in point would be the Peranakan singer Lily Toh who, albeit popular with the crowds, recorded only four songs. Just as Saloma was about to pick up a glass of iced cendol after doing some of the twists and turns, she saw the familiar sight of a posh white car driving into the reserved slot. That must be her boss, Run Run Shaw (b. 1907) and Sultan Salahuddin of Selangor. Without hesitation, she gave the signal to the gendang negara player to begin the nobat and announce the arrival of the sultan. The nobat is an important process in the enthronement of the sultan. Legend from the Sejarah Melayu informs us that when Sri Tri Buana or Sang Nila Utama frst renamed Temasek the Kingdom of Singapura in 1299, he was installed via a tabalkan, or drumming, as part of the coronation ceremony, followed by music from a royal ensemble. So, as the drumming rose to a crescendo, silencing the cacophonous crowd, Run Run Shaw felt besieged by an entourage of angklung players, welcoming the esteemed entrepreneur, who had contributed immensely to the creation of Malay flm and music, among other things. Three years later, Run Run Shaw would be decorated with a British Empire knighthood. Otherwise, among the musicians was young Noryani Sulaiman (b. 1962), who was the granddaughter of Zubir Said and would later become the instructress of the Raffles Girls’ School Angklung-Kulintang Ensemble in 1978, before handing the baton over to Alex Abisheganaden (b. 1926) and later Faridah Jamal (b. 1965). In August 1959 and June 1960, the Ministry of Culture had also invited the Indonesian specialist Pak Kasur to teach more than a hundred children and adults in the art of playing the angklung. Now, in the 21st century, there are at least 15 schools with angklung- kulintang ensembles in the country. The proud parents of the bride and groom approached their prestigious guests and handshakes were exchanged all round. After they were all seated, the Al-Wehdah Al-Arabiah Bi Singhafura or the Arab Association of Singapore (founded in 1946) commenced their performance of the zapin, a traditional dance accompanied by violin, the gambus, gendang and other instruments. First, one of the male dancers ofered a salaam by bowing several times to the invited guests and the passersby, who had gathered around the peripheries of the void deck. Then, the taksim or a musical prelude was heard on the gambus played by a talented Ahmad Yusoh, who had released his own vinyl recording in April the year before. Since the frst gambus competition in July 1967, performers such as Sheikh Hussein Bakhshir, along with his violinist-brother Sheikh Omar Bakhshir, had been invigorating the ghazal music scene All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 112 Singapore Soundscape in Singapore. Most signifcantly, Abu Bakar bin Zainulabidin (b. 1923) should be worth a mention here for being the frst, and probably only, maker of the instrument in the region, when he transferred his carpentry skills into making the gambus in 1983. After the epiphanic soliloquy, male and female dancers in their matching pastel green baju melayu took their positions and began the court entertainment. Watching the mass choreography, Run Run Shaw, who was proprietor of Malay Film Productions (Singapore), recalled several images of a scene from the 1955 flm Penarek Bacha (The Trishaw Puller). He remembered having to build a stage large enough to accommodate the number of musicians and Minangkabau dancers doing the Inang Baru. In social gatherings, Run Run Shaw would often boast about the elegant swaying movement of his specially imported dancers doing much better than the other amateur imitators, like the stif and sloppy joget dancers in Salleh Ghani’s 1963 Ibu Ayam (Mother Hen), which was produced by his rival frm, Merdeka Studios in Kuala Lumpur. But today, he reminds himself that he is not going to think about work, but to enjoy the wonderful company of his colleagues and friends. At this point in the narrative, we are going for a commercial break by providing you with three anecdotal facts if you have become confused by the tussle between fact and fction: (1) On 7 April 1905, the world’s frst bangsawan troupe, the Opera Yap Chow Tong from Penang, delivered an extraordinary performance in Singapore under the patronage of Major Phra Rajahvarmthr, the aide-de-camp to King Chulalongkorn of Siam, before the group’s imminent dissolution. (2) The Regimental Bandmaster M. F. Minns was so attracted to bangsawan songs when he heard them performed at the New World ‘pleasure ground’ on Jalan Besar that he arranged a Malay Medley in 1925 for the Straits Settlement Police Band’s concert at Tanjong Katong. The Kandang Kerbau police division also had a very fne string orchestra, made up of about 20 Malay constables and non- commissioned ofcers, and was in great demand for local ronggeng soirees and Malay weddings. (3) In the 1940s, the British recording companies, HMV and EMI, as well as the French Pathé Records, all had their own private orchestras and were led co-incidentally only by Malay conductors: Ali Rahman, Ahmad Jaafar, Osman Ahmad, Yusof B. and Zubir Said. Now let us return to the story. The zapin dance has ended and Saloma was requested by her husband to take to the stage, even though she had persistently expressed her reluctance to steal the limelight from the nuptial couple. As a gesture of payback, she launched into the folksong Tudong Periuk (The Cover of a Pot), which she had sung in the flm Sumpahan Orang Minyak in 1958. Saloma was being witty, because she knew that the narrative of which this song was a part would require her husband to take over the solo from the second verse. Without an escape route, he proceeded to mouth the words from where he was sitting and then strolled towards his wife (who was his third after two unsuccessful marriages). This popular oldie has been covered in numerous forms in Singapore, from an asli style by Momo Latif in the late 1930s to a jazzy version by Francissca Peter in 2010. Now that her husband had put up such a ravishing show for the guests, Saloma felt obliged to dedicate a song to her manager, and so she chose Ali Rahman’s Singapura Waktu Malam (Singapore at Night), which she had crooned as a cameo-singer in the wedding scene from the flm, Labu dan Labi, of 1962. These few ditties were followed by All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 113 Sejarah Muzik Singapura Gelisah (Restless, composed by Kassim Masdor with words by Yusnor Ef in 1964), belted out by special guest Ahmad Jais and backed by The Quests. Joined by the younger talents, M. Ismail (winner of Bintang Radio in 1963), Ahmad Daud and Rahimah Rahim, the same group of musicians fnally paid tribute to the man, whom they had nicknamed Remy (1929–1973), by performing Bunyi Gitar (The Sound of the Guitar) from his 1964 flm Tiga Abdul (Three Abduls). This last piece was so catchy it caused all the guests to go wild. They all started doing the twist melayu as the moon and stars glistered in gaiety above our celestial soundscape… Pop Yeh Yeh The emergence of the Pop Yeh Yeh era came about when bands begun performing at events in the suburbs, such as weddings and other festivities. Famous singers and groups, including Lena, Ali Aziz, S. Hameed, Pancaragam Melati Putih (The White Carnations), Orkes Suara Baru (The New Novices Orchestra) and Pancaragam Al-Waseh Al-Maleh (The Al-Waseh Al-Maleh Band), had been infuenced by Clif Richard and the Shadows and The Rolling Stones, when they performed in 1961 at the Happy World stadium and in 1965 at the Singapore Badminton Hall respectively. The Malay renditions were of a lively tempo and encouraged stylised dancing, infused specially with asli vocal and singing styles, giving it a unique sound. M. Osman was considered the founder of the genre with his song ‘Suzanna’ in 1963. Other well-known singers and groups include A. Ramlie and the Commandos, Ahmad Jais, A. Rahman Onn, Fatimah M. Amin, Ismail Haron, J. Kamisah, M. Osman and the Clans, Impian Batik, The Mood, The Zarak, The Young Lovers, Les Kafla’s, The Hooks, A. Ramli and the Rythmn Boys, Jefridin and the Siglap Five, and Kassim Selamat and the Swallows. In addition, P. Ramlee founded Pancha Sitara, an a cappella group modelled after The Platters, and wrote the songs ‘Bila Larut Malam’ and ‘Mawar Ku’ for them. Pop Yeh Yeh ruled the regional airwaves from 1964–1971. Equal exposure for both Malaysian and Singaporean artistes was given by the local media. The radio programmes Pesta Pop (‘Pop Party’) and Penyanyi Pujaan Minggu Ini (‘This Week’s Most Popular Singer’) were instrumental in popularising the Pop Yeh Yeh genre. Other than performing at the now demolished National Theatre and the Fraser & Neave Hall at River Valley Road, the bands also played at parties, tea dances, weddings and ofcial functions, charging between $100 and $200 per performance. In the mid-1970s, Rahimah Rahim (b. 1955) and Othman Hamzah (b. 1962) were winners of Talentime competitions. Rahimah released popular songs such as ‘Gadis dan Bunga’ (‘Lasses and Flowers’) and ‘Hati Yang Rapuh’ (‘The Fragile Heart’), while Othman made a name with ‘Gadis Melayu’ (‘Malay Lady’) and ‘Musliha’. At the same time, Anita Sarawak (b. 1952) of Asia’s Dewi Utama (Top Diva) fame gained a strong regional following with her songs ‘Antara Yang Manis’, ‘Kalau Berkalau’ and ‘Lodeh Mak Lodeh’. To be sure, the most prominent icon of the 1990s, which some have described as belonging to the ‘MTV generation’, was Najip Ali, who recorded two albums, Oonik in 1995 and Rawjik in 1997, but was more famous as the host of the television programme Asia Bagus from 1993–2000. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 114 Singapore Soundscape Note 1 The term ‘Malay’ here refers to the geographical region known as the Malay world, or Alam Melayu, which comprises not only the Malay Peninsula but also parts of Sumatra and Borneo. People and infuences from other parts of the Indonesian archipelago, or Nusantara, as well as those further afeld, have assimilated into the artforms and music scenes mentioned here as a result of colonisation and migration and have become Malay, or masuk Melayu. Glossary angklung : a musical instrument of Sudanese origin made of bamboo bandung drink : a beverage made of milk and rose syrup or cordial baju melayu : traditional Malay outft bangsawan : traditional Malay opera cendol : a traditional Southeast Asian dessert made from coconut milk, green starched jelly noodles with pandan favouring, palm sugar and shaved ice gambus : a short-necked lute that originated in Yemen ghazal : a poetic expression comprising of rhyming couplets and a refrain gotong royong : community spirit of helping one another joget : a traditional Malay dance kaypoh : a Hokkien term meaning nosy kebaya : traditional dress comprising a tight ftting blouse paired with a batik sarong, commonly worn by Malay and Peranakan women. keroncong : a ukulele-like instrument and an Indonesian musical style that typically makes use of the keroncong. The band, combo or ensemble (called a keronchong orchestra) usually comprises a fute, violin, melody guitar, cello and string bass in pizzicato style, and a female or male singer kompang : a traditional Malay drum, played using either one or both hands lagu asli : original or native song nobat : royal musical ensemble nyonya and baba : Peranakan (Straits Chinese) females (nyonya) and males (babas) pantun : a Malay poetic form with rhyming verses pentas joget : dance stage ronggeng : a traditional Malay dance saron and bonang : instruments used in gamelan, an Indonesian orchestra Sumpahan Orang Minyak : The Curse of the Oily Man, a 1958 flm by P. Ramlee wayang : a theatrical performance All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 115 Classical Indian Music Classical Indian Music CHAPTER 7 Eugene Dairianathan All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 116 Singapore Soundscape T he South Indian classical (Carnatic) tradition emerged gradually as an infuence on musical practice in Singapore. For one, the classical tradition seemed to have been prevalent in temple grounds and in rituals throughout the 19th century. For another, classical traditions and, by implication, music had appeared in the early flms of the 20th century in the form of folk and Hindu mythology. There is therefore much evidence to suggest that the South Indian classical tradition was practised in Singapore as early as the 19th century. 1 By 1821, there were 132 Indians in Singapore – excluding those who were part of the garrison and camp-followers, which would have totalled 4,727 in the colony. The Sri Mariamman Temple was reportedly built by Indian convicts in 1828 (Sandhu 2006: 774–5). By the early 20th century, around the years 1925 and 1926, oral interviewees relate the presence of Indian dances, dramas and folk performing arts that were popular in Selegie Road and were performed free for the public. The actors and directors came all the way from India. The length of their performances was dependent upon their popularity, refected by the size of the crowd: thus, the bigger the crowd, the more performances were staged. Dances such as Silambu, Karan and Kalai Nigalchi, a combination of themed dramatic art and gestures, were the favourites (Subbiah Bullikutte Naidu; Chandrakasan Dharmalingam). 2 Silambu is the name of the age-old Indian (Tamil) art of self-defence, whereby a staf (a long wooden pole) is used to defend or attack an opponent. Stories such as the Ramayana and the Tamil epics were also acted (Omkara 1983). When the chariot was carried to and from the temple during the Thaipusam festival, it would be accompanied by a Silambu dance, sometimes with the horse and tiger dance, then a popular folk art among Tamils. Visitors from as far as Johor Bahru – and even Kuantan – would travel to Selegie Road just to watch these performances. However, at one point, the government banned these public performances as they were considered too rowdy (Subbiah Bullikutte Naidu; Chandrakasan Dharmalingam). Evidence shows that drama troupes came by a ship, the Rajullah, in the 1930s and docked at the Naval Base. Historical and epic dramas were staged at Alexandra Hall while Kathakali drama was staged at Sembawang. Publicity for the dramas was organised by posters on horse coaches, big notices and newspaper advertisements, while Tanjong Pagar, Potong Pasir and Serangoon Road were the main sites for such publicity (Purushothaman Thambyah). Accounts indicated strength of audience support for shows and there is arguably the frst reference to ‘band music’ for dramatic purposes. Practitioners recall being part of a musical ensemble referred to as the Music and Dramatic Society (SIMP 2004). 3 What they identifed as band music was played by members of a music party; a musical ensemble within a dramatic troupe which was to become an independent group. Gregory Booth’s study of the Madras Corporation Band identifes the wind band ensemble in a 1911 recording as the Tanjore Band, which had become by the early 20th century something of a status symbol. Wind bands became a new processional requirement as the public of central Tamil Nadu gradually learned to combine music ensembles and their concomitant layers of cultural meaning. This extended to public and private, religious and secular processions (Booth, 1996/97: 67–68). Names of musical ensembles, or ‘music parties’ in the 1950s and 1960s, were identifed together with notable musicians, M. P. Gurusamy and Pandit Ramalingam, who were themselves allied with the South Indian classical and semi-classical tradition. 4 One explanation ofered for the use of the term semi-classical referred to the degree of conformity to the raga, or mode, of the song/music. In South Indian classical music, some modes had very specifc contexts, times and occasions. Music or songs that deviated from this convention could be found in semi-classical or light classical settings. Songs from South Indian flms were such examples (Radha Vijayan 2005). All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 117 Classical Indian Music Christina Edmund relates how her father, Edmund Appau, a Hindu Tamil by birth and later convert to Catholicism upon marriage, remembered visiting temples with his father to watch Indian classical music in his growing years. The New World Park was also the site where various Indian dramatic productions were performed. The Singapore Indian Artistes Association, for instance, staged Tamil plays from the late 1940s to the 1960s. In 1948, together with the late Mr. V. Sinniah, a tabla player, Edmund Appau founded arguably the frst Indian musical group in Singapore, known as the New Indian Amateur Orchestra. 5 They were known essentially as an Indian classical ensemble, specifcally of the Carnatic tradition. Reference to band music is found in its supporting role in drama, particularly Indian classical derivation (Purushothaman Thambyah). 6 S. Sivam and members of SIMP recall how after the Second World War: ‘…even ladies washing clothes or washing rice would stop to listen to Thiagaraja Bhagavathar singing … and songs by T. R. Mahalingam, who were from the Carnatic tradition and semi-classical as well. 7 Repertoire reportedly consisted of cinema songs … early MGR flms, flms about gods and goddesses with songs by Thiagaraja, A. Kittapa and K. Ramasamy…’ (SIMP 2004) Narratives in Indian mythology formed a common bond between music of South Indian classical and semi-classical tradition, and even early flms from India screened in Singapore. According to a local consumer and observer of Tamil cinema, Balakrishnan Veerapan (2003): An Indian traditional music group performing at the fnals of the Music Festival at Victoria Theatre in 1966. Yusof Ishak collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 118 Singapore Soundscape ‘Mythological movies [such as Thiruvilaiyaadal, Saraswathi Sabadam, Kanthan Karunai and Aathi Parashakthi] were great favourites here, running to packed houses. They had [Indian] classical music and it educated many of us on our religious background. At that time, they used to play the gramophone with the label His Master’s Voice … people from the elite class learned classical music and Bharatha Natyam from Bhaskar’s Academy of Dance and Singapore Indian Fine Arts; especially the Ceylonese Tamils and the Brahmin Tamils. 8 The Tamils who were from the middle class went to small-time teachers who taught dance for flm and music.’ 9 In addition, Hindu temples played a big part in promoting music and dance then and even now. There were performances of Carnatic vocal and instrumental music during the frst half of the evening and all dances in the second half. It is interesting to note that the dancers also performed popular dance numbers from the flms, either as solo, duets or groups (Balakrishnan Veerapan 2003). Mr. Sarangapani’s eforts had immediate ramifcations culturally and musically. In 1953, the very frst Tamil Festival was performed at the Happy World Stadium at Jalan Besar, catering to the many Indians living in that area. The Tamil Festival is also known as the ‘Pongal Festival’, or the ‘Harvest Festival’ in English. It was a celebration not only for the Tamil community, but also for all Indians who spoke the Tamil language (S. Varathan). 10 Dr. Seetha Lakshmi (2002) notes that: ‘…after 1952 (with the establishment of the Tamils Representative Council), Mr. Sarangapani initiated the Thamizhar Thirunal, which was celebrated as the Harvest Festival (pongal) in India. This was very popular and about 350 participants took part in a talentime organised by Mr. Sarangapani.’ A demonstration of Indian classical music during a talk by the Indian Fine Arts Society in 1995. Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 119 Classical Indian Music South Indian Classical Traditions The ancient penitential rites, Thaipusam and Pookkulittal (‘vow to walk on fre’) are sustained by certain types of music. Thaipusam has been observed in Singapore for well over 180 years. Hindu devotees do penance by carrying kavadi (metal structures with spikes embedded in the devotee’s fesh) over an extended distance. During this journey of penance, the accompanying party performs an improvised call-and-response melody that is primarily rhythmic, facilitating a trance-like dance. The Singapore Chronicle in the 19th century bore witness to some of these activities, with particular concern expressed at the fre-walking ceremony (‘Letter to the Editor’), 11 while an incident during Thaipusam in 1896 became the subject of concern, with police intervention and enforcement at a religious festival (The Singapore Free Press). 12 Indian classical music is practised in Singapore largely because of the eforts of private schools, organisations such as temples and dedicated individuals. Interviews with promoters and practitioners in Singapore engender the perception of a strong dependence on musical, educational and professional resources in India, with the exception, perhaps, of groups involved in experimental projects. Communication with cultural resources in the various cities and centres in India translate into a constant stream of Indian artists and teachers visiting Singapore to enhance learning and appreciation of Indian classical music. Much of the classical and folk traditions have been dealt with in Joseph E. E. Peters’ (1995) Singapore chapter on Evolving Music Traditions of ASEAN as well as a number of Internet websites in relation to the societies mentioned above. There have been some well-known sources for the teaching and learning of Indian classical music in Singapore. These are some notable examples: Students at the Singapore Indian Fine Arts Society learning how to play classical Indian instruments in 1993. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 120 Singapore Soundscape 1. Singapore Indian Fine Arts Society (www.sifas.org) 2. Nrityalaya Aesthetics Society (www.nas.org.sg) 3. Temple of Fine Arts (www.templeofnearts.org/sg/) 4. Apsaras Arts (www.apsarasarts.com) Although South (Carnatic) and North (Hindustani) form the main divisions of musical traditions in Singapore, Carnatic traditions predominate, given that demographically there are more Tamils than Indians of other communities. Nevertheless, the sitar and tabla have become popularised through attempts to mix styles, as well as through recent trends towards creating more original forms of Indian music in Singapore. Dance-Drama The increase in dance-drama productions and the development of an Indian Orchestra are part of the same trend. In its traditional context, Indian classical music would have been performed as part of religious, social or cultural events. There is little to deny the fact that in South Indian classical performances, there is a symbiotic relationship between dance and music, which is most evident in the highly structured forms like bharatanatyam, katakali, odissi and katak. Learning and performing these forms are the staple means of a livelihood for private Indian music schools in Singapore. There have also been attempts to fuse the skills and eforts of dancers, choreog- raphers, musicians, composers, set designers, mural painters, lighting designers and scriptwriters since the early 1990s. Instrumentation for musical accompaniment tends Young students from the Anand Centre of Fine Arts performing during the Kirtan Darbar at Khalsa Dharmak Sabha Temple in 1990. The Kirtan Darbar is a gathering where Sikhs come together to perform devotional songs and North Indian classical music. Anand Centre of Fine Arts collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 121 Classical Indian Music to be orchestral and in a way infuenced by theatre musicals. While it is not unusual to fnd pre-recorded music played as accompaniment to dance-dramas – with the prob- lem of rehearsing episodes with choreography of a detailed nature – dance-drama, with live accompaniment, places diferent demands on dancers and choreographers, and is presently a viable option. In 1993, the Ramayana was staged by Kala Mandir (or what is known as the Temple of Fine Arts today) with an elaborate setting lasting about four hours and using a montage of musical and dance ideas from Bali, Thailand and Sarawak. Their track record in this respect includes dance choreographies of Swan Lake (1988), The Legend of Mahsuri (1989), The Legend of Lady White Snake (1990) and Jonathan Livingstone Seagull (1991). In 1994, Kala Mandir staged A Midsummer Night’s Dream and Dharmaasoka, the story of King Ashoka’s religious conversion. Others have also trodden the same path. The Nrityalaya Aesthetics Society has worked on similar ideas: Siddharta – the Life of Buddha; Thyaga Chinam – based on the love tale by Kannadasan; and Aum Muruga III – based on the life of Lord Muruga (and on whose behalf Thaipusam is celebrated). Apsaras Arts Society has been working through the same ideas with Ganesha, the story of the Hindu elephant-god. Recent dance-drama has now reached a point of being led by, and through, local creative endeavour. Singapore Indian Orchestra and Choir The idea to establish an ensemble of Indian instruments frst materialised in 1985 when the Singapore Indian Orchestra was established under the People’s Association – an umbrella organisation that coordinates socio-cultural activities at the national community level – led by Mdm. Lalitha Vaidyanathan. A choir was added in 1990 and together the Indian orchestra and choir have given more than a hundred performances, with a number of people writing music for them. The instrumental confguration consists of veena, sitar, violin (but played Indian style), fute and clarinet, with percussion consisting of mridangam, tabla, ghatam, ganjira, and other small percussion instruments. Occasionally, other musical instruments from the Western, Chinese, or Malay traditions are added. The Indian orchestra plays two types of music: Indian classical and what is called ‘experimental’ music. In playing Indian classical music, the performance adheres to raga-tala formats, but sonorities are distinguishable because of the instrumentation. When experimenting, the trend is towards syncretism, multi-layered melodic lines, ideas from popular music and mixing instruments from Chinese and Malay traditions. At the 2002 Singapore Arts Festival, the Indian Orchestra and choir combined with the People’s Association Youth Chinese Orchestra, The Orkestra Melayu Singapura, Singapore Wind Symphony, The Vocal Consort and Singapore National Youth Orchestra to perform Mozart’s Symphony No. 40 in G minor, Vivaldi’s Double Violin Concerto and some jazz numbers. While Indian classical tradition and practice continues to be promoted as essential in its role in supporting and enhancing cohesive worship and devotion at sacred sites and religious occasions, music and dances are now available to interested participants from the non-Indian communities in Singapore. Remembering S. Sathyalingam (1929-2011) By Apsaras Arts Having migrated from Ceylon and India to Singapore, S. Sathyalingam and his wife Neila (b. 1938) set up the Apsaras Arts dance company in 1977, teaching classical music and All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 122 Singapore Soundscape traditional dancing at the Tanglin Community Centre under the kind auspices of the late former Minister of Law, E. W. Barker. Despite an intensive travel schedule as the Regional Manager of Uniroyal, S. Sathyalingam continued to perform and served as the Music Director for Apsaras Arts. In 1983, he brought the company to the Australian Youth Music Festival at the newly opened Melbourne Arts Centre as well as the ASEAN Festival in Malaysia. In addition to performing at the 1990 Hong Kong Arts Festival, Sathyalingam also presented their compositions at the WOMAD (World of Music, Arts and Dance) Festival held in Singapore in 2002. Sathyalingam was appointed a member of the National Arts Council (NAC) Music Advisory Panel in the early 1990s. His advisory work included the impact of NAC’s policies on classical Indian music education; the setting up of the blueprint for the School of the Arts (SOTA); the music advisory panels for the setting up of the Esplanade – Theatres on the Bay and for the selection of various award recipients including the annual Young Artist Award and the Cultural Medallion. Sathyalingam continued to serve on the NAC music advisory panel until 2008. The Ministry of Education has also sought his expertise and invited him to judge various orchestral performances at the annual Singapore Youth Festival until 2011. He was also an advisor to the People’s Association Cultural Activities Committee for music and arts activities at the Community Clubs. Sathyalingam has also collaborated with composers and artistes such as Alex Abisheganaden and Joe Peters at the National University of Singapore to help educate and inspire young musicians. Under the guidance and persuasion of the then Minister of Information, Communication and the Arts, Dr. Lee Boon Yang, Sathyalingam set up the Kallang Community Centre Youth Orchestra. In recognition of his contribution to Indian Arts overseas, he was bestowed the accolade and title of ‘Viswakalaa Bharathi’ by the Bharath Kalachar Academy in Chennai, India, in 1995. This is a highly prestigious award presented by the famous Carnatic musicians Smt. M. S. Subhalakshmi and Sri Balamurali Krishna. Sathyalingam continued to teach music in Singapore until the end of 2010. Throughout his life, Sathyalingam has had an illustrious career performing live on stage and on television, as well as in the temples and arts festivals all over Asia and Australia. Notes 1 See ‘Letter to the Editor,’ Singapore Chronicle 3(44), 31 October 1833. The letter expresses particular concerns about fre and safety with an event which approximates the ritual of the fre-walking ceremony. Later, the Singapore Free Press, 31 January 1896, reports the confscating of musical instruments used in the Thaipusam ritual at a temple at Tank Road by the police. 2 I am indebted to Clement Liew for his invaluable assistance in providing me with this brief summary based on his research. 3 George, a guitarist, remembers: ‘I joined in 1962, Usha Music Party … which was actually known as Usha Music and Dramatic Society.’ SIMP members recall how their predecessors were considered part of a music and dramatic society confguration. 4 According to oral interviewees, musical band parties were synonymous with music parties. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 123 Classical Indian Music 5 Most of the interviewees were of similar opinion that SIMP was a pioneer group but none knew of the New Indian Amateur Orchestra. The repertoire of the New Indian Orchestra and the frst SIMP was predominantly Carnatic, according to contemporary sources. 6 The term ‘band’ will require much further clarifcation but in the context of this synopsis, ‘band’ is used to identify musical groups. The synopsis also includes names of musical band parties in the 1950s and 1960s and includes names of famous musicians, M. P. Gurusamy and Pundit Ramalingam. 7 The defnition of ’semi-classical’ is not clarifed. 8 Mani (2006: 796) notes a gulf in the South Indian community caused partly out of caste and community diferences as well as notions of economic class. Additionally, the Sri Lankan (Ceylon) Tamils and Malayalees saw themselves as attuned to colonial culture and the use of the English language. In both senses, the subscription to Indian classical traditions as well as fne arts of the Western tradition would have sufced for elitism. 9 Mani (2006: 796) also points out that with the establishment of the Tamils Representative Council in 1952, the Tamil language was promoted in literature, mass media – particularly newspapers – and cultural contexts. The Tamil language had for its support base Tamil-using and working-class Indians. 10 These festivities still occur today in the form of a Deepavali Festival Village that lasts 21 days and is similar to a street carnival. This provides a showcase for the best of Indian culture, featuring pushcarts displaying and selling a variety of costumes, jewellery and accessories, food, paintings, handicrafts, spices and carpets. The carts line Campbell Lane, from Serangoon Road to Clive Street, and the roads are closed to trafc throughout the 21 days. According to the Singapore Tourism Board, there are also performances by local talents and foreign artistes, presenting a rare mixture of South and North Indian cultures over a period of three weeks (except Sundays) until the eve of Deepavali. To add to the colour, the Silver Chariot of Sri Mariamman Temple makes a visit to the Festival Village as part of its traditional journey for the Fire Walking Ceremony on 1 November. 11 Unfortunately, this was referred to as a Kling festival. In most social exchange, this is a derogatory reference to members of the Indian community. 12 Oddly, it is referred to as the Tai-pusam or ‘harvest thanksgiving festival’. Paradoxically, the festival of Thaipusam became a point of considerable debate in the late 1970s. See Sinha, 2006: 832–33. References Booth, Gregory D. ‘The Madras Corporation Band: A Story of Social Change and Indigenization’, Asian Music 28(1), Fall/Winter 1996/7, 61–86. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 124 Singapore Soundscape ‘Letter to the Editor’, Singapore Chronicle 3(44), 31 October 1833. Mani, A. ‘Indians in Singapore Society’ in K. S. Sandhu and A. Mani (eds.), Indian Communities in Southeast Asia.. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2006, 788–809. Omkara: Journal of the Hindu Centre. Singapore: The Centre, February 1983. Peters, Joseph. ‘Dondang Sayang in Singapore’ in Ramon P. Santos (ed.), The Musics of ASEAN. Manila: ASEAN Committee on Culture and Information, 1995, 93–131. Sandhu, Kernial Singh. ‘Indian Immigration and Settlement in Singapore’ in K. S. Sandhu and A. Mani (eds.), Indian Communities in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2006, 774–87. Singapore Free Press, The. 31 January 1896. Singapore Indian Artistes Association, The. ‘Newspaper clippings, drama reviews and fyers (in Tamil unless otherwise stated): Notice of drama “Sathi Anusooya” presented by Sree Paramanantha Bashkara Gana Original Boys Company at Alexandra Theatre.’ National Archives of Singapore, Microflm No. NA 2345, 24 April 1937. Sinha, Vineeta. ‘Hinduism in Contemporary Singapore’ in K. S. Sandhu and A. Mani (eds.), Indian Communities in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2006, 826–46. Oral History Chandrakasan Dharmalingam. Oral History Archives, Singapore, Accession No. 001300/2. Purushothaman Thambyah. Oral History Archives, Singapore, Accession No. 001342/6. Subbiah Bullikutte Naidu. Oral History Archives, Singapore, Accession No. 000896/7. S. Varathan. Oral History Archives, Singapore, Accession No. 001000/8. Interviews Radha Vijayan (People’s Association Lifeskills Branch), January 2005. SIMP (Singapore Indians Music Party), March 2004. S. Sivam, 10 March 2004. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 125 Classical Indian Music E-interviews Balakrishnan Veerapan, 6 October 2003. Dr. Seetha Lakshmi, 24 August 2002. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore PART 2 THE POPULAR All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 128 Singapore Soundscape Joseph Tham A History of English- Language Popular Music CHAPTER 8 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 129 A History of English-Language Popular Music The 1960s: Some Key Acts – The Crescendos, The Quests, Naomi & The Boys, The Cyclones, The Thunderbirds, Shirley Nair & The Silver Strings M odern popular music arrived kicking and screaming into the mainstream consciousness in 1956 with a suave but slightly goofy young man from Memphis holding a guitar in his hands: Elvis Presley. What he and others amongst his cohort, such as Little Richard and Chuck Berry, started, with a freshly minted phrase, ‘rock ‘n’ roll’, was not merely a teenage fad: instead, it set the world on fre for the next fve decades. For young Singaporeans going through the awkward growing pains of adolescence and who were bored of a parochial existence on an island at the southernmost tip of the Asian continent, it was a revelation. Like youths in other parts of the world, rock ‘n’ roll was not to be blindly consumed. If it got you excited, isn’t it even better to get your hands dirty by picking up an instrument or a microphone to emulate your rock ‘n’ roll heroes like The Shadows or Elvis? The frst wave of local English pop/rock bands were mostly spirited cover acts, which did respectable and even inspiring renditions of the top chart hits of the day: Singapore’s very own Elvis, Wilson David, The Crescendos jamming the pop ditty ‘Lemon Tree’ or Naomi & The Boys tackling The Rolling Stones’ chart single ‘As Tears Go By’. For many pioneer bands of that era, Clif Richard and the Shadows’ performance in 1961 at the Happy World Stadium was the catalyst that transformed Singaporean youths from consumers to partisans within this new mode of youth expression. The Quests were among the many young pop/rock combos who had their heads turned at this concert. Musical instruments were, however, not cheap and would not be afordable for most teenagers during those days. It thus meant pooling their resources (sometimes with the support of their parents and even schools) to get their act together. From arming themselves with electric guitars and amps to renting studios to bang out their frst attempts as a collective, it was an adventure for all, regardless of their ability to read music, let alone play the instruments. The Crescendos recording at Television Singapura in 1963. MITA Collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 130 Singapore Soundscape Most of them honed their skills and learned the art of playing ‘together’ and sounding good and tight when they landed themselves gigs to perform at school concerts and house parties. To quickly master the chords and arrangements of the top of the pops of the day was de rigueur. They were not disappointed as many of their friends and acquaintances became their frst fans, and through word-of-mouth in those pre-Internet years, the bands built their reputation and support-base amongst young Singaporeans. Many of these acts were signed to the major record companies of the day, like Philips and EMI, and began releasing ‘45s’ and, later on, full-length albums. The success of many, like The Crescendos, resulted in the record companies sending representatives to check out the local school and band circuits for promising combos to add to their stable of local artistes. Many of these bands performed at local clubs and venues frequented by the British and American servicemen stationed here in the 1960s, and many of these expats became supporters of our local bands, which formed a sizable portion of the local English popular music market. Due to the local success of many of these bands, they were frequently invited overseas to perform. While abroad, they also managed to Members of The Establishment performing at Maxin’s Nightclub in 1972. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. A band performing at a function at the Bass Ordnance Depot. Left to right: ‘David’, Charles Meyer, Anthony Danker, ‘Wally’ and Jock Morton. Anthony John Danker collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 131 A History of English-Language Popular Music establish footholds in the foreign music markets, especially Malaysia, Thailand and Hong Kong. The Quests, for example, received a Beatle-mania-like reception from their fans when they arrived in East Malaysia. Of all the top acts of the decade, The Quests was one of the most successful local bands: they were the ones who reached the peak of the local charts with an original, ‘Shanty’, which saw the previous number one hit by the Beatles, ‘I Should Have Known Better’, relinquish pole position. Their achievement encouraged local bands to pen their own songs and reach out to local audiences. The Quests themselves were signed to EMI and their music career was flled with chart toppers, screaming female fans and cross-over successes. With a nurturing label, the boys wrote many songs and re-arranged others. They released some of the bestselling albums of all-time: Questing (1966) and 33 rd Revolution (1967). Members of the group, such as Reggie Verghese and Vernon Cornelius, became celebrities and stars in their own right. After they disbanded, most were still involved in the music industry: radio, session musicians, studio production and management. The Quests are highly regarded as pioneers of our local popular music scene as they demonstrated to future generations of Singaporeans that it is possible to love music, have fun and be creative and successful in making music. Besides The Quests, The Cyclones was another noted trailblazer. Vernon Cornelius fronted The Cyclones before he went over to The Quests in 1966. They were originally a vocal group that were invited to become the vocalists of another band, The Checkmates, in 1965, and were then called Unit 4+2+1. They were signed to Philips and had their own number one hit when their song, ‘Oh No She Didn’t Say’, was released in 1965. The combo also had the Choy brothers amongst its ranks (one of them, Siva Choy, conceptualised and produced the highly popular parody-comedy album, Why U So Like Dat, in the 1980s). The local band scene was not just made up of pop hit parade-inspired acts as some Singaporeans were equally smitten with the more gutsy sounds of the blues rock and rhythm & blues (also known as R & B) of B. B. King, Eric Clapton and Jimi Hendrix. When pop and rock ‘n’ roll in the West evolved from a teeny boppy phenomenon to a more serious form of folk art under the moniker of ‘rock’, quite a few in Singapore took it upon themselves to follow suit, warming to the more electrifed and louder sound. Bands like the Straydogs, Fried Ice, Cells Unlimited and Pest Infested, just to name a few, turned up the volume controls and cranked up the distortion. They might not have been as ‘big’ as their pop counterparts, but they defnitely got the crowds all rowdy in local music pubs and lounges, such as the Golden Venus at the Orchard Hotel. Singapore Badminton Hall Referred to endearingly by Henry Chia of The Quests in his autobiography of the band as the ‘Grand Lady’ of the performance venues back in the golden age of local English pop, the Singapore Badminton Hall witnessed not just many top local acts like The Quests, but major international stars like The Rolling Stones and Manfred Mann. In the 1960s and 1970s, it was the Singaporean equivalent of Madison Square Gardens or Wembley Stadium in the entertainment and music industry. Despite being a premier space, it had bad acoustics and many bands that played there had to grapple with this perennial problem, but no one could really complain when big venues like the Hall, with a seating capacity of 5,000, were hard to come by. The completion of the National Theatre in 1963 sealed the fate of the Hall as a choice for music concerts. Today, the Hall has been renovated, but besides serving its namesake, it no longer has a connection to the local music industry. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 132 Singapore Soundscape The 1970s: Key Acts – Heritage, Sweet Charity, The Straydogs, Humble Origin, Fragile Perhaps the rebel-rousing nature of these rock bands had worried the government as the Singaporean pop/rock scene rocketed into the 1970s. Due to growing political and economic problems in Britain, most of the British armed forces bases around the region had been vacated by 1970 as the British reduced their international military presence. The American GIs were withdrawing from Singapore as the US government decided to cut its losses and appease the growing civil objection to its involvement in the Vietnam War. This meant two things: frst, the disappearance of a substantial base of supporters for local acts and performing venues throughout the island; second, the closing-in of the government’s eforts to clean up the Republic from undesirable external, especially Western, infuences. Rock ‘n’ roll and later rock music had been seen by parents, religious organisations and the authorities as a decadent folk form since it frst exploded onto the scene in the 1950s. The suggestive body language displayed by rock star performers such as Elvis, Little Richard and later on, The Rolling Stones – their gyrating hips and bottoms and non- verbal sequiturs – sent the teenagers crazy, acting hysterically and behaving unbecomingly. By the late 1960s, many rock performers had become identifed with counter-cultural and anti-establishment values, which included rallying behind the anti-Vietnam War lobby and promoting the emerging hippie/psychedelic/fower-power sub-culture (alongside its association with drugs and sex). In the 1970s, pop/rock music was deemed as ‘yellow culture’: obscene, threatening and dangerous. As many youths grew their locks beyond the acceptable length from the late 1960s onwards, long hair and unshaved facial hair were seen as a sign of decadence and card-carrying, anti-social ‘hippies’. With the government’s focus on making Singapore economically sound and socially coherent, such elements amidst the population were unacceptable. Such characters, if unmonitored and undealt with, would be disadvantageous for the country as the nation needed to establish the right image and good reputation for foreign companies to invest as the economy rapidly developed from being a traditional entrepôt to that of an export-led manufacturing industry. Government ofces were known to have signs stating, ‘Males With Long Hair Will Be Attended To Last’, to remind the public of its openly hostile attitude towards any adherents of this unsavoury sub-culture. Many performing venues, like pubs and lounges, were not having their licences renewed and by the mid 1970s, the local aspiring bands were deprived of spaces to hone their skills and stagecraft. An additional contributing factor to this development was the increasing occurrence of brawls at such places, which brought them to the attention of the law enforcement custodians, resulting in the suspension of their operations. International music trends had also moved on: the rising popularity of funk, soul and disco especially reduced the need to employ musicians and bands as the remaining live spaces and restaurants employed disc jockeys, which made more fnancial sense in terms of trend and cost. Regardless, some musicians persisted. The opening of the National Theatre in 1963 was crucial for local bands and music fans as it played an important role in keeping the pop/rock fame alive. Like the Singapore Badminton Hall in the 1950s, the National Theatre was the venue to be seen in, performing to adoring fans. One of the top Singapore bands, Heritage, was showcased at the ‘rock-revival’ shows there with other notable acts, like crossover Malay rockers Sweet Charity, as well as Humble Origin and Fragile, which played a mixture of blues rock, reggae, hard rock and power ballads. One signifcant change was the lack of local acts signed and promoted by the local major record companies. Compared to the 1960s, when Philips and, to lesser extent, EMI All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 133 A History of English-Language Popular Music retained a healthy payroll of local bands and singers, the 1970s saw the focus of these companies only taking the occasional plunge with Singaporean talents, when they were not pushing the international chart toppers from the United States and Europe. As a result, many musicians had to either join the conventional nine-to-fve workforce to eke out a living or, for those who still wanted to maintain some connection with the music industry, work in music studios and radio and television stations. For other die-hard musicians, moving overseas to play at clubs and lounges in Southeast Asia, Hong Kong, Australia, and even Japan and Europe was the only option. The 1980s: Key Acts – Tokyo Square, Dick Lee, Zircon Lounge/ Chris Ho, Heritage The 1980s was a decade of extremes for the local music scene, as the impact of earlier government restrictions exerted a long shadow on the declining local music industry. Yet, there was still growth for a handful of individuals in both the pop arena as well as the nascent punk-inspired underground scene. Despite the loss of momentum during the 1970s of what had been previously achieved for Singapore popular music in the 1960s, music and its accompanying inspirations and creativity continued unabated. The Singapore Armed Forces became a surprising training ground for budding musicians through the Music and Drama Company. Two of the most important local musicians were once rank-and-fle of the Company: Chris Ho (now better known as X’ Ho) and Dick Lee. Dick Lee had already produced an album in the 1970s, but it left hardly a dent on the public consciousness. His love of music and his fair for songwriting, however, was not afected even as he ventured into the fashion and event-organising industries following his national service and studies in London. His trips overseas gradually helped shape and chisel his musical and creative direction into fner form. Instead of seeing himself in the vein of some of his favourite singer-songwriters, like Elton John, Neil Young and Joni Mitchell, his initially Anglophile mindset was cast aside when he began asking himself who he was. Neither East nor West, but something resolutely in-between, Dick Lee Local Record Shops Record shops seem like an archaic notion today, but before the age of online shopping, Internet forums and MP3 downloads, record shops served as conduits of information- exchange, meeting places, hangout spots and, of course, an education in what were the most ‘in’ sounds of the moment. Word-of-mouth was the main mode of transmitting vital musical knowledge and networking, and the record shop was the main nodal point. The pre-renovation IT mall, Funan Centre, previously boasted Dada Records and Roxy Music. Other key record shops in the town area included Disc Dynamic and the Valentine chain of outlets. Music lovers could place orders for their prized and coveted new or classic alternative titles had to wait for weeks before the items arrived at the shops. Even bigger and more mainstream operations like Chua Joo Huat were hip to the new sounds emitting from abroad and locally. Many aspiring bands would leave homemade, photocopied fyers of upcoming gigs, demo tapes and advertisements for musicians and ‘wanted’ lists of vinyl/CDs/cassettes at the shops. Previously lined with rows and rows of LPs and CDs, stacked high with cassettes and 7-inch records, local record shops today no longer serve such a role as most of them have closed in the wake of the digital media trend. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 134 Singapore Soundscape began to explore his own identity. One of his frst compositions, ‘Fried Rice Paradise’, which was released as part of his debut album, Life Story, signalled his future musical direction. The song was his attempt to identify something uniquely Singaporean and to incorporate it into his musical sensibility. He would embark on a trail of creating a new genre of pop music: Singapore pop. By the late 1980s and the 1990s, Lee’s musical vision became clearer, and Singapore, as well as the world, was ready for him. He produced many hit albums, like The Mad Chinaman (which achieved platinum status locally) and Asia Major, which found international fame; he was to tour Japan and Hong Kong and rub shoulders with the top singers of East Asia. Due to his outstanding songwriting ability, he was asked to write many tunes for these stars, and many of them were to scale the top of the pop charts in many countries in Asia, particularly Hong Kong and Taiwan, the two biggest music-producing hubs and consumer markets in this part of the world. In short, he had become an international star by the 1990s and was fying the fag of the island republic high. His success was not restricted to the pop charts, however, as he was to pen and score many successful musicals, including Beauty World and The Forbidden City. While Dick Lee was beginning to put Singapore’s name in the international pop arena, the underside of Singapore was gradually taking shape. Chris Ho, as X’ Ho was called then, formed one of the island’s frst alternative/punk bands, Zircon Lounge, and released an album with WEA Records in the early 1980s. Even though it did not sell well, it was seen by many as a landmark of local music as it was one of the pioneer albums to move away from the commercial and pop sounds of the charts to something grittier, or as the rock ‘n’ roll proverbial saying goes, ‘dangerous’. Inspired by the punk movement that had emerged in the mid and late 1970s, Zircon Lounge merged the raw power of punk songstress Patti Smith with the driving but melodious tunes of the Los Angeles punk act X to produce an album of great originality. The after efect of the album and the group was only felt some years later on the new wave of homegrown alternative and underground musicians. Chris Ho’s role as an inspiration did not stop there. He became a radio DJ with the local cable radio station, Redifusion. With his programmes, such as Eight Miles High, he became the equivalent of the most infuential DJ in the United Kingdom, John Peel. Both championed musical creativity and their disregard for genres or commercial considerations set their radio playlists apart, with quirky avant-garde pop of the Icelandic music queen Bjork being played on the air next to ear-deafening and speed-defying grind-core band Napalm Death and David Bowie-obsessed Brit-pop rockers Suede. Chris Ho opened the ears and minds of many, which in turn urged them to pick up an instrument to bang it out with their compatriots, regardless of their musical ability or skills. Together with the only music magazine in Singapore in the 1980s and 1990s, BigO (the name derived from British rock group The Who’s hit song ‘Before I Get Old’), Chris Ho helped to nurture the local alternative music scene, which eventually achieved some successes in the 1990s. Before that, local bands and musicians were working hard playing the hits at nightspots or jamming in the rehearsal studios, but they were operating under the radar. There were a few exceptions, though: local pop group Tokyo Square hit the charts with their fusion ballad, ‘Within You’ll Remain’, in the mid-1980s and it was a local favourite on the radio for quite a while. The Golden Venus scene continued to spawn a few credible bands like IGTA, which included reggae numbers in their playlist, and Calcutta Blues Experiment, a blues rock outft. They were active in the local lounge and club scene, together with longtime stalwarts Heritage. However, the new wave of Singaporean bands, which were more indie and punk-inspired, heralded a minor renaissance over the next decade. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 135 A History of English-Language Popular Music Just before the end of the 1980s, the 1960s veteran Siva Choy came back with a hit album, Why U So Like Dat?, as a musical comedy that included him and a few of his buddies producing a hilarious parody on the way Singaporeans speak. It was in efect a reaction to the growing debate on the island’s use of ‘Singlish’, which had caused divided opinions amongst the populace. The title track was a hit on the radio, but eventually, like Tokyo Square’s earlier hit, there was no follow-up and many saw them as novelty hits as the country continued to be enamoured with the pop music charts from the United States and the United Kingdom. BigO A resolutely independent publication and the only music magazine that mattered, BigO was the lightning rod of the local music scene for almost a decade, from the mid-1980s to the 1990s. It featured both local and international acts in its pages and also presented an overview on key musical movements and genres of the time. In addition to the reviews of demos and album releases, BigO was also involved in releasing CDs and books. At various times, many local indie music stalwarts also wrote for the magazine and it became a forum for opinions and discussions on music. The BigO also curated the New School Rock gig series that produced its own series of CD compilations of some of the best local acts featured during the performances. The ideological thrust of the magazine conveyed the message that music could be ‘as serious as your life’, instead of positioning itself as a fashion or lifestyle accessory, like most mainstream magazines in the market. Today, it has ceased to exist in print form as a monthly publication, but continues to express its unique view on music with its online presence. The 1990s: Key Acts – Dick Lee, Chris Ho, The Oddfellows, Humpback Oak, The Padres, The Watchmen The lack of a genuine commercial interest and support in the musical mainstream was in contrast to the slow but steady rise of the alternative music underground towards the end of the 1980s. Besides the independent music monthly BigO, Chris Ho’s Redifusion programmes featured local bands on a regular basis. Persistence gradually nurtured a multi-faceted Singaporean music scene, albeit underground and ignored by the general public. Yet, it provided the much needed impetus for local youths to create a unique space for creativity, community and comradeship. Ranging across disparate musical genres, from militant hardcore punk to outsider industrial, from melodic college rock to heartfelt folk rock, the local independent scene witnessed Singaporeans struggling to have their voices heard via the occasional gigs at the Substation, the World Trade Centre Amphitheatre and a few other sympathetic venues. The only way to document this music was to hire a rehearsal studio, or even ‘banging it out’ in their bedrooms, then releasing the resultant album or EP on cassette tapes, samizdat- style. TNT studio was one of the favourites due to its friendly boss, endearingly known as ‘Ah Boy’, whose little hole-in-the-wall set-up provided afordable rent, recording services and a friendly vibe. Then the bands and musicians would bring their latest output to the few local record retailing outlets that were supportive of the local music scene and hopefully sell them on consignment. BigO magazine’s Singles’ Club, which released CD singles with its monthly publication, as well as the series of gigs, record compilations and band competitions known as New School Rock, were key in stoking the fre for the still budding scene in the early 1990s. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 136 Singapore Soundscape The earliest proponents of the independent music scene were fearless music fans, who believed in the DIY spirit and self- expression. Many a time, they were pushing the musical boundaries of the chosen music format and creating low-fdelity but powerful music. Stompin’ Ground, Opposition Party, Corporate Toil and The No Names were groups that transformed their love of the more underground and defantly alternative/ punk-spirited sounds, which they voraciously ingested and churned out as gems brimming with gutsiness and conviction. All these subterranean activities did not go unnoticed as some of these acts grew in confdence and musical ability. With the surprise chart successes of a few bands like Daze, The Oddfellows and The Watchmen scoring top ten and even number one hit tracks in the early 1990s, it seemed that the local scene was about to enjoy a second renaissance for local English popular music after a two-decades long lapse. A few other local acts had their albums released by a few adventurous major recording companies. In time to come, these releases became landmark musical statements made by local musicians ofering a unique voice. Humpback Oak’s Pain-Stained Morning and The Padres’ EP What’s Your Story, together with more DIY releases, like Nunsex’s Beatnik and The Pagans’ Stereokineticspiraldreams, became classic albums that many still talk about today. Developing in parallel to the independent/alternative music scene, but not exclusive to each other, was the opening of Zouk in the late 1980s. A club that promised a totally diferent experience for the local dance music lovers and fans, it defed and championed the newest house, garage, trance and techno beats from the United States, the United Kingdom and Europe with guitars being replaced by turntables, drum machines, DJ sequencers and sound producers. The club soon played host to the more adventurous and avant-garde sounds and acts from abroad. Zouk also gave aspiring bedroom DJs a space to put their craft to the test and over time the club became a home to local musicians, who emerged as internationally acclaimed and globe-trotting DJs spinning at international electronic dance music festivals and events all over the world. While the underground became more visible and the electronic beats pumped louder, mainstream stalwarts like Dick Lee rose to the top of the pop market with more hit albums, successful tours in Japan, hit songs and productions with top Taiwanese and Hong Kong artists (like Sandy Lam), stage musicals, and his very own fan club. With the gradual opening up of society due to the Internet as well as the authorities’ realisation of the need to move the national economy from a vocational and manufacturing base to a more knowledge and IT-led model in order to stay competitive, the local music scene witnessed a more tolerant atmosphere to the once frowned-upon Western-infuenced pop and rock sounds. A scene from Dick Lee’s musical Beauty World, staged at the President’s Star Charity event in 1998. Istana, The President’s Offce collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 137 A History of English-Language Popular Music The 2000s: Key Acts – Electrico, The Observatory, Singapore Idol The new millennium marked the continued growth of the local music scene with more and more bands emerging, rehearsing, composing, gigging and self-releasing their music. An interesting trend that developed during this period of creativity was the appearance of local independent bands faunting their ‘Singaporean-ness’ with their songs, such as Borephucks’ Zoe Tay and Forced Vomit’s Siti. The resolutely Singaporean diction of the vocalists coupled with lyrics addressing specifc local themes could be seen as the development of a Singaporean musical sound in the early 2000s. This local independent scene continued to throw up talents throughout the decade, including notably the solo electronic act The Analog Girl, the epic rock trio Lunarin, and the ethereal ambient instrumentalist duo aspidistrafy, among others. The opening of Home Club along the Singapore River in the early 2000s provided local acts with a permanent venue to perform and reach out to their audiences. Its survival is testament to the vibrancy of the local scene today. It continues to host regular live band nights alongside DJ-sets and live gigs by acts from overseas. The construction of the Esplanade – Theatres on the Bay – the equivalent of London’s South Bank – was a milestone event for the local art and entertainment scene as it became the platform for countless performances by international acts and local talents, from perpetual rock experimentalists The Observatory, sound artist George Chua, power pop combo The Great Spy Experiment (which performed at the long-running American music industry convention/festival, South By Southwest, SXSW), and post-rock/alternative rock units like I Am David Sparkle and B-Quartet. Many stormed the stage of the now landmark building along Marina Bay during the opening acts of international entertainers, while holding their own showcase concerts at other times. A handful of local acts, however, were operating outside of the mainstream: they created a niche for themselves overseas with some impressive sales records abroad, despite a lack of local awareness and support. These acts include the black metal-infuenced death metal troopers Impiety and experimental sound artist One Man Nation. Zai Kuning, a polymath in the local arts and music scene, preceded them, Chris (X’) Ho’s Rediffusion Programmes Chris (X’) Ho’s stint as a disc jockey with cable radio and his uncompromising attitude towards pushing what he considered as a ‘compulsory listening diet’ for those who tuned in laid down the roots for the independent musical renaissance in the late 1980s and 1990s. Besides the more typical chart parades, like The Rediffusion Top Ten hosted by Ho, his infuence as a DJ was felt most on Friday evenings when he went on air with his Eight Miles High show (later changed to High Eight), Rough Cuts From Home and Weird Scenes Inside The Goldmine. Selecting bands and acts that he personally loved or what he considered as musically essential for local listeners, his playlists were never boring or predictable. Championing cutting-edge musical genres like grind-core, industrial, slow-core, electronica and hardcore punk, he opened the minds of many hungry music fans yearning for something diferent from the usual radio fare. His persistent efort to feature local acts (co-hosted with Philip Cheah of BigO, which printed Ho’s monthly Eight Miles High summary), doing interviews and unplugged sessions on air was pivotal in giving the nascent local scene a necessary boost in both exposure and confdence-building. His programmes are greatly missed today. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 138 Singapore Soundscape defying the need for local endorsement since he began touring major Asian cities in the 1980s, impressing international audiences with the originality and vision of his artistic and musical creations. While the more underground and arty aspects of the local scene grew steadily, local pop music formally returned to its heydays of the 1960s with the mega-success of the talent-search television programme, Singapore Idol. This is a local adaptation of the super smash television programme, American Idol, by the local television corporation, MediaCorp. Since 2004, it has created media sensations and commercial hits out of the winners of the competition – Taufk Batisah, Hady Mirza and Sezairi Sezali – selling tens of thousands of albums and catapulting their songs up the hit parade. Hady Mirza even went on to achieve international fame by winning pole position of the inaugural Asian Idol. Over the past decade, one can witness the government’s drive toward nation- and identity-building through its growing support of and tolerance for the indigenous musical soundscape. While pop and rock music were previously associated with decadence, rebelliousness and anti-social behaviour back in the 1970s, popular music has gradually been perceived as a possible glue for forging national identity and strengthening rootedness to the nation in the 21st century. Just as American society recognised jazz in the 1980s as a great form of American music after years of neglect and disdain, the Singaporean authorities began to view the local pop and rock sounds as cultural capital for the transformation of the city from a booming but conservative Asian society to that of a cosmopolitan and modern city of the new millennium. Popular music could also be a powerful tool used to rally the new generations of Singaporeans in the country’s tireless eforts at inculcating a sense of Singaporean identity in the minds and souls of youths and adults alike. By endorsing local talents to perform and write theme songs for each year’s National Day Parade and celebrations, the authorities hoped to connect with the country’s youths and transform its image of yore from one of conservative paternalism to one that is more consensual and liberal. Besides local-bred Chinese pop stars Kit Chan and Dick Lee, the commissioning of popular independent band Electrico to pen and perform the 2009 National Day theme song, ‘What Do You See’, was initially surprising, but actually concurred with the government’s increased eforts to connect with its people, especially the young. Today, into the second decade of the 21st century, local musicians, artists and bands continue to play and create. Converging with the rationale behind the main thrusts of our nation’s current economic imperatives, local English popular music is set to grow and develop across both the mainstream and the underground. As the nation strives towards her 50th year of independence, no one can deny the energy on display, the creativity at work and the aspirations being screamed aloud across the island and beyond. References BigO. Singapore: Options Publications, 1990–1996. Chen, Andy & Ismahil, Mosman (eds.). No Finer Time to Be Alive? Voices of Singapore’s English Music. Singapore: Simpleman Books, 1996. Chua, Henry. ‘Call It Shanty!’ The Story of The Quests. Singapore: BigO Books, 2001. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 139 A History of English-Language Popular Music Conceicao, Robert. To be a Rock but not to Roll: a 40-year Odyssey (1966–2006) of a Singapore Pop Musician, Jerry Fernandez. Singapore: Comdesign Associates, 2009. Ho, Chris/X’ Ho. Interview conducted via email in December 2010 and January 2011. Kong, Lily. ‘Music and Moral Geographies: Construction of “Nation” and Identity in Singapore’, GeoJournal 65 (1–2), 2006, 103–111. Kong, Lily. ‘Popular Music in Singapore: Exploring Local Cultures, Global Resources, and Regional Identities’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14, 1996, 273–292. Kong, Lily. ‘The Invention of Heritage: Popular Music in Singapore’, Asian Studies Review 23, 1995, 1–25. Lee, Dick. The Adventures of the Mad Chinaman. Singapore: Marshall Cavendish International, 2004. Low, Leslie (Humpback Oak/The Observatory). Interview conducted via email in December 2010. Pereira, Joseph C. Legends of The Golden Venus: Bands That Rocked Singapore from the ’60s to the ’90s. Singapore: Times Editions, 1999. Povarich, Polina. Then Was the Beat, and It Was Good. Master’s Thesis, Lund University, 2009. Richmond, Brian. ‘History – The Golden Age of Singapore Disco.’ MusicSG, National Library Board, Singapore, http://music.nl.sg/article/list.aspx, 2002. Sitten, Yvette (ed.). Zouk Book. Singapore: Zouk Media, 2003. Tham, Joseph. ‘Let Us Rock, Singapore!’ in THINK magazine, http://gashaus.com/ component/content/article/57-scenes/109-let-us-rock-singapore.html Tham, Joseph. ‘Review: 100 Greatest: Singapore 60s’, http://s-pores.com/2009/06/100- greatest/ Tham, Joseph. ‘+65 Indie Underground’, http://s-pores.com/2010/03/65-indie- underground/ All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 140 Singapore Soundscape (Translated from Chinese) Jiu Jian Chinese Songs of the Past CHAPTER 9 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 141 Chinese Songs of the Past C hinese popular music is probably the most successful cultural industrial export of the last 20 years. Every young consumer between the ages of 15 and 35 in the Chinese- speaking world today will know who Stefanie Sun, JJ Lin and Ah Du are. However, I wonder if there are those who remember that before these successes, here in the Singapore Chinese popular music scene were singers and music-makers who have been working diligently in the background and have even achieved fame in the past? For the average Singaporean, I cannot be certain they will understand or recognise the value of doing worthwhile research into the genesis of Chinese popular music of our young island nation. The progress of artistic development is moreover an anticipation of a future for Singapore’s Chinese popular music industry. As a Singaporean musician, I believe that what is more important is how others can understand our everyday lifestyle through the prism of Chinese popular music culture in Singapore. I was sharing the Chinese musical December Rains (an original composition by Liang Wern Fook) and other works with some singer-songwriters from Philadelphia. From their amazement, curiosity, sincerity and gratifcation in learning and performing the original song The Seventh Day in the Desert (a top-10 hit from the 1999 Taiwanese Songwriting Society), I can be certain Singapore will be able to cultivate a Chinese popular music culture, and one that is unique and idiosyncratic. According to the now 72-year-old musician and Cantonese opera-vocal instructor Ooh Tak Cheong, the Chinese popular music scene in Singapore began shortly after the Second World War. The popular song-stages (or known in the colloquial as getai) at that time nurtured many local singers. However, in the 1930s and 1940s, only popular A performance during the Hungry Ghost Festival in 1980. Getai (a live variety show), an alternative form of entertainment to wayang (Chinese opera), and puppet performances, have now become the dominant forms for the festival. Ronni Pinsler collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 142 Singapore Soundscape melodies from Shanghai could be found. There were no local music compositions in our musical scene. At that time, Shanghai was the centre of Chinese popular music. Shanghai EMI was one of the earliest record companies in the development of the Chinese popular music industry. In the 1950s, they relocated to Singapore and established our very own Chinese popular music record industry. During the prevalence of black vinyl records, the transmission of sound was through a 48-turn or 78-turn old-styled gramophone. After the war, many artists established themselves locally and the veteran actor Bai Yan and his wife Ye Qing were considered the multi-talented pioneers. Artistes were then expected to sing and dance, be involved in drama and acrobatics as well as stage magical performances among other acts. What makes contemporary times diferent from the past is that we have produced more of our own music, and nurtured several creative musical talents working behind the scenes. However, knowledge of local popular music production appeared to have come to a halt in the 1980s during the xinyao (Singapore folk songs) movement. Yet, since the 1960s, the songwriter Shangguan Liuyun was already actively penning many songs in the Hokkien and Cantonese dialects, such as the ever-popular Chinese song The Kiss in the Night. Tien Ming En was another well-known popular singer in the 1950s and 1960s. Although there had been few local musical compositions from the 1930s to the 1970s, there was no lack of popular singers, with as many as a hundred on the scene: Chen Mei Guang, Fu Shu Yun, Hua Yi Pao, Xiong Li Li, Wang Sha and Ye Feng, as well as Zhuang Xue Fang and Pan Xiu Qiong, who would sometimes grace charity performances. These were the prime singers of those times. Coming after these pioneers who paved the way, there were numerous recording artistes who became household names, including Zhang Xiao Ying, Huang Qing Yuan, Chen Jie, Ling Xiao, Ying Hua, Lin Zhu Jun and Deng Miao Hua, who was widely known in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. In the 1980s, local Chinese popular music was infused with renewed vibrancy, with local television broadcasters organising almost a decade of singing competitions, known as Talentime, and the xinyao movement originating from the school campuses, each showcasing the students’ artistic talent and diversity. The music of xinyao encompasses the traits of folksongs with fewer frills, and with both melody and lyrics imbued with the local cultural milieu. It better stands the test of time, and is more imaginative than the conventional pop song. Equivalent to the Singapore Idol of today, the decade-long singing competition Talentime witnessed the nationwide popularity of Ye Pei Fen, Yue Lei, Peter Chen, and other singers. Even the Straw Trio who invigorated the xinyao scene was formed for the purpose of participating in the group category of Talentime. One of the key members of the group, Xu Huan Liang, became the mentor of several talented local singers, such as Kit Chan, JJ Lin, Ah Du and others. Together with late Huang Yuan Cheng, they established Ocean Butterfies and Touch Music Publishing, and established a whole new Chinese music intellectual property rights system in Singapore. In 1985, Straw Trio was invited to participate in a mass singing event entitled ‘A Better Tomorrow’, where they met the main players of the 1970s Taiwanese campus folk scene. They became inspired by the latter’s testimonies and decided to start Singapore’s own music company to promote the continual development of xinyao. For Xu Huan Liang, who is now the artistic and branding director, the path from turning professional to expanding into a multinational music company has been momentous and unexpected. At the height of the xinyao music movement, Liang Wern Fook, Eric Moo, Li Fei Hui, Huang Hong Mo and other musicians were making waves in the local popular music scene. Their hard work has propelled Singaporean original music onto the world musical stage, allowing Singaporean singers and original Singaporean Chinese popular music to make its frst venture into the music scenes of China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. Spanning All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 143 Chinese Songs of the Past three decades, the internationally respected xinyao representative Liang Wern Fook has integrated diferent ethnic musical instruments into his earlier compositions, creating music with a strong local favour. Also, due to the inclusion of historical changes and social critique as lyrical topics, alongside the personal and collective memories of growing up, the songs were able to strike a chord with fellow Singaporeans. When asked about how he maintains novelty in his music compositions, Liang said: ‘Via the combination of various artistic elements, allowing works that have already impressed upon listeners be injected with a new lease of life is also a way of maintaining “freshness”. For example, in the new millennium, through the creation of the musical If There’re Seasons, re-packaging the xinyao and the popular songs I had written in the last century via the musical genre for the new and old audiences and listeners, has rather successfully allowed the erstwhile popular classics to be reframed and refreshed within such a form of artistic essence. Numerous old songs were rearranged for the revival of December Rains after a hiatus of 14 years, which has allowed for development, expansion and greater impact. This explains how music has enriched drama, and how drama has given life to music. In addition, I have in recent years been publishing music albums that feature instrumental arrangements of my songs so as to allow everyone who is already familiar with my music to appreciate them independently without the efects of the lyrics. Through these new experiences, a breath of new life is given to the songs, whether they are performed on the piano or on Chinese instruments.’ Fame was also bestowed on singers such as Pan Ying, Peter Ang, Yan Li Ming, Zheng Zhan Lun, Beat Law and others, who were the prime movers and shakers of the xinyao movement. There were also other singer-songwriters outside of the xinyao movement who were receiving accolades: Li Wei Song, Li Si Song, Ng King Kang, Jimmy Ye and Chen Jia Ming. Even Dick Lee, the musical talent who is less familiar to the local Chinese-speaking communities, has gained recognition in Japan and Hong Kong, and collaborated with many famous singers, including Jacky Cheung, Sandy Lam and the late Anita Mui and Leslie Cheung. These local musicians and singers are motivating forces that enable the Chinese popular music of Singapore to be celebrated in the world today. From the 1980s onwards, regardless of the burgeoning of grounds-up initiatives such as the xinyao music movement or Talentime – the singing competition organised by the television station – the development of the local Chinese popular music has been infuenced tremendously. Given that television and the broadcasters were the main propellers of the media at that time, they became mutual co-operators and created numerous bases and avenues of expression for the musicians and backstage contributors to the local Chinese popular music industry. Lin Zi Hui was the presenter of the Chinese pop song billboard chart on Radio 3 of the Singapore Broadcasting Corporation (currently known as Capital Radio 95.8FM). Its large number of listeners and infuence, as well as the simultaneous programme Songs of the New Voices, became the proselytiser of local Chinese popular music and xinyao of the time. In 1990, Singapore founded the frst Chinese music station, 93.3 (now called Y.E.S. 93.3FM), and the then-Chinese billboard chart presenter Lin Zi Hui became its programme manager. The Chinese billboard chart was transferred to 93.3 as a fagship programme. Complementing the popularity of 93.3 and the Chinese billboard charts, the Singapore Hit Awards became the prestigious ceremony of the local music scene. Even today, this event is considered by people in the Chinese region – fans, media, musicians and record companies – as the most important index in the creative industry of Singapore. With the pioneers paving the way amid Singapore’s unique geographical position and cultural milieu, a new wave of charismatic singers came to the fore in the Singaporean Chinese popular music scene in the 1990s. Kit Chan and Mavis Hee were the representative All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 144 Singapore Soundscape singers who secured the position of Singapore’s Chinese popular music within the Asian region. Kit Chan has been viewed especially as a talented female singer and national treasure, occupying a role of artistic excellence in the media of music album, television, musical and also flm. Progressing into the 21st century, where the infuence of the Internet, P2P, MP3 and other new technological download applications dominate, the new millennium ofers further developmental opportunities as well as encounters with considerable levels of challenges for the Chinese popular music industry. Globalisation and economic fuctuations have also afected the Chinese popular music industry of various countries. Although Taiwan has remained as the international hub of Chinese popular music, the advancements of the television, flm and entertainment industries in China have also buttressed the entire development of the Chinese popular music scene with its rapid economic progress. With the onslaught of the celebrity hype created by the reality television series American Idol, various singing competitions have sprung up. From 2005 to 2007, Singapore saw three editions each of Absolute Superstar and Campus Superstar, and two editions of Super Band, plus other competitions. They have not only allowed young people to gain fame overnight, but have also charted a path to stardom for a new generation of singers: Kelvin Tan Wei Lian, Hong Jun Yang, Derrick Hoh, Pan Jia Li, Shi Xin Hui, Daren Tan Sze Wei, Tan Di Ya and others. In addition to these singing competitions, MediaCorp organised a grand musical event in 2008. Lasting over fve months, ‘S-Pop’ refers to Singapore popular music and introduces local singers, lyricists, composers, music producers and music workers, by inviting local and international singers who have sung Singaporean original compositions to grace the event. A large-scale songwriting competition, S-Pop Hurray!, was also organised, providing a platform for potential and new lyricists and songwriters to showcase their works. Songs by semi-fnalists were performed and recorded as videos to be televised. In addition to professional guidance, audiences could vote for their personal favourite. Being the frst of its kind in Singapore, the large-scale local Chinese popular music production event, coupled with the opportunity for communal participation, received high praises within the local Chinese popular music forum. Although Singapore’s local popular music market has hitherto been on par with those in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan, there have been occasional special talents at every stage. Indie singers began to fnd their own niches. Even without the backing of powerful record companies, a few talented indie singers created their own career without any external pressures. Relying on her own songwriting talent, Bervlyn Khoo was awarded the Best Newcomer Award in the music programme E-Music Awards and was ofered a recording contract with S2S Music Company. While cases like this are considered rare, it has provided a special avenue into Chinese popular music for local musicians who are talented and diligent. It is the Chinese musical that has reinvigorated the local Chinese popular music scene in the 21st century. Although it is more challenging than a Chinese drama production, the 2007 premiere of If There’re Seasons attained unprecedented positive reviews and was played again to full houses in 2009. As a consequence, local audiences’ expectations were higher for subsequent local Chinese musicals. While musicals are devised for the enjoyment of the whole family and entertaining the public, they also fall between the fortes of the Western musicals and the idol soap-operas on television, allowing the Chinese theatre audiences to gradually discover the idiosyncratic charms of the Chinese musical. The Chinese musicals, such as Re:Kindle Love, Liao Zhai Rocks, December Rains, 881 and Remember to Say Goodbye, have certainly provided more options for Chinese theatre audiences. What is more signifcant is that this popularity has gradually become All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 145 Chinese Songs of the Past the motivating force behind the composition and production of local Chinese popular music singers onto another platform. Given that the actors in the Chinese musicals must generally be adept in singing, dancing and acting, the songwriters and producers have at the same time earned a chance to test their mettle and show of their talent and potential in this new musical genre. The ability to capture the imagination of audiences, getting ahead of trends in diferent popular music programming and production, and strong publicity may be important, but the persistent focus should be on a good music product and the agency of the singer. Although Singapore Chinese popular music has obtained a certain level of recognition and there is no lack of music schools nurturing new talent, yet after nearly 10 years of local songwriting, the quality of lyrics appears to be the weakest link. It has been acknowledged that there seems to be a lack of professional success among the lyricists. The lyrics within popular music can be considered as a form of literature in contemporary society; the use of language and semantics in musical lyrics has immense infuence on public society. In this sense, in order to increase familiarity and raise appreciation, analysis and composition, and to nurture local lyricists, the Composers and Songwriters Society (COMPASS) and the Confucius Institute of the Nanyang Technological University have organised more than fve series of Chinese popular music lyrics writing classes. Using a meticulous wordplay to depict city dwellers, especially from a female perspective of love in the urban environment, the talented female lyricist Xiao Han is equally committed to the development of local lyricists. Besides organising classes teaching the craft and technique of lyric writing with the aim of developing and introducing talented newcomers into the next generation of lyricists, she is also active in delivering school seminars to share the rationale behind the writing of good lyrics. ‘Some people relegate the bud of the problem as the decline in the standard of Chinese language, but I think it is the result of a lack of opportunities and the current circumstances. I have always been diligently nurturing talents and looking out for potential lyricists. There is defnitely talent available, but they cannot (I also advise them not to, unless they are prepared to go hungry) put their hearts wholly into it. If one cannot be focused, it is natural that songwriting will not be regarded as one’s profession.’ Refecting on how she maintains her passion and strength, Xiao Han indicates that ‘my motivation is derived from the reviews and encouragement from music enthusiasts as well as my love for the Chinese language. Everyone has their unproductive days, but I will not allow myself to lose momentum, writing a few words or sentences on Facebook or the microblog as a form of practice. What is most important is to look at the works of other lyricists so as to know the current trend and to understand where one can improve upon oneself.’ Although the digital revolution of the 21st century has brought about a great impact on the global Chinese popular music market, Chinese popular music can also be downloaded easily from the Internet as a result of the prevailing piracy so much so that, given the plummeting sales of compact discs, it will be difcult to replicate the high sales rates of Chinese popular music records during the 1980s and 1990s. Facing such changes in the global music album industry, Xu Huan Liang comments: ‘The single truth that does not change in this world is that change itself is permanent and that is why Ocean Butterfies and Touch Publishing have to change as well. The traditional music record companies are on the verge of demise, most of the big four international companies that rely on conventional distribution networks are in Asia, especially when [the music companies in] China are on the decline, alongside mergers and acquisitions: EMI was sold to Golden Typhoon, Warner Music was handed over to the Russians … By contrast, Ocean Butterfies has expanded, with 150 staf members spanning across six diferent All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 146 Singapore Soundscape Chinese-speaking cities. The overarching strategy is to re-engineer: to become a music company that is driven by digital music.’ Regarding the future of Singapore’s Chinese popular music, Xu Huan Liang felt that ‘the artiste is just the “face” of the entire music production team; if it had not been the hard work of all the Singaporean musicians, the music of Singapore would not have an infuential position in such a large [global Chinese] community. However, we might not have such an advantage in the future. Bicultural education was promoted for a few years, and when implemented at the student level, it seemed not to have yielded any positive results. What is pertinent is how to make use of the elements within Chinese popular music to let the teachers realise the “vitality” of the Chinese language, and not to let the students feel that the teachers have been “detached” from society. Along with the rapid social and demographic changes in Singapore, the international cosmopolitan city will still continue to develop in a multicultural way, but on the other hand, the values of being materialistic have pressurised the younger generations to become more narrow-minded, in comparison to the youths of China, who were born in the nineties and yearn ambitiously for world information. I am not sure if Singapore can maintain her regional competiveness in the next 10 years?’ Xu Huan Liang suggests that young people have to experience the Chinese language as an interesting, stylish and lively culture and language through the xinyao or Chinese popular music; only then can our bicultural policy be feasible in the future. It is only when there are an increasing number of Chinese language-users that local Chinese popular music can continue its progress. The former 93.3 Chinese music radio station programme manager Lin Zi Hui also felt that, comparing their meagre gains to their vast achievements, local popular music professionals should direct their focus on the collective benefts, and not just be concerned with individual profts and sales fgures. As a form of encouragement, we should continue to nurture the next generation of music-makers so as to further reinforce and expand the local Chinese popular music scene. Within Singapore’s Chinese popular music history, there are numerous talented Chinese popular musicians on and of the screen. As we keenly anticipate the development of Singapore’s Chinese popular music with Olivia Ong, Derrick Hoh, Jing Wong, The Freshman, Serene Koong and other new voices, hopefully Singapore’s Chinese popular music can continue to sustain its good qualities and bequeath a lasting legacy. Please refer to the appendix for the original article, <岁月的歌>. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 147 Traditionalising Music Traditionalising Music: The Place of Mat Rock CHAPTER 10 Liew Kai Khiun & Kelly Fu All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 148 Singapore Soundscape …there are things you must have in a Mat Rock music as shown in this clip. 1) A deserted location (usually at a beach) 2) Air Drumming 3) 80s fashion that defes any form of logic or sense. Like, wearing a [sic] overcoat to a beach. 4) Most importantly, having sudden urge to ‘tarik’ (intensify) your voice. And making random fst. I love Rock Jiwang (Malay Rock Ballads). They are part of my culture. They are part of my history. They are part of me. It just simple rock. Mat Rock just want to jam and sing. Making money wasn’t part of the deal to them. They would be contented if they were to be invited to jam in a pub. Or someone’s wedding at a nearby kampung. That was how honest their music was. (Khalid Bari 2008) T he image of a Mat Rock (abbreviation for Malay Rocker) is that of a scrufy, long- haired ethnic Malay man wearing a pair of tight jeans and a T-shirt with the print of an American heavy metal band on the front. Strumming his guitar casually by the concrete table at the void deck of any one of Singapore’s public housing apartment blocks on a lazy afternoon, his life seems to revolve merely around the rhythms of his guitar. For many Singaporeans, he is both the personifcation and typecast of the indolent and contented Malay youth, who engages with meaningless and, at times, anti- social activities, while the rest of society moves on. In many ways, the historical origins of the Mat Rocker run uncomfortably parallel with that of post-colonial Singapore. As mentioned by Md Ysop bin Hj Ahmad, a Mat Rock fan himself: ‘The term ‘Mat Rock’ came from the colonial days of Singapore. At that time, the English elites had Malay servants or maids. They couldn’t seem to remember all their names … there’s Samat the gardener, Syed Ahmad the driver and Suhirmat the house chief servant … so, they just call ‘em Mat for short … been goin’ on for ages.’ (BigO 2002) Hence, while the word ‘Mat’ may have racially degrading connotations, it is also simultaneously deployed as a marker of diference by these ethnic Malay rockers as recognition of their social backgrounds; these are also backgrounds that served in some ways to remind the mainstream of the marginality of working class Malay youths. Comprising about 14 percent of Singapore’s population, the Malay-Muslim community has often been perceived as lagging behind their mainstream ethnic Chinese counterparts in terms of income, education and career advancement. Despite signifcant breakthroughs made by the Malay community in recent years and government acknowledgement of its All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 149 Traditionalising Music progress, there is still the lingering perception in some quarters that the community is overrepresented in terms of dysfunctional families as well as deviant behaviour and crime, particularly among its youth. Hence its marginality is not just demographic, but social as well. As such, working class Malay youths use music as a response to the displacement resulting from the radical modernisation, industrialisation and urbanisation of Singapore society since the 1960s. Here, the irreverence, anger and angst of rock and heavy metal music emerging from the West over the same period became a critical source of inspiration for a post-independence generation of mainly Malay youths feeling increasingly marginalised by the new demands of the nation-state. Entangled between ofcial censure and broader social prejudices, the ‘Mat Rocker’ became synonymous with the Malay male. As one heavy metal band member puts it: ‘I had the opportunity of these harsh words from my teachers last time…. They said most of the Malay kids who left this school ended up being drug addicts. Although you won’t have people in Singapore admitting that they have these kind of feelings but you can’t hide one or two people from showing their ugly faces.’ (Fu, 2001: 51) Another thrash metal band member spoke of his alienation by a state apparatus because of identity politics. ‘I like to listen to death metal and I always get spot-checked by the police. They say we are drug addicts, but we are not. We don’t look for trouble, but because we always wear black, we ‘kenna’ (get) hassled … we aren’t into Satanism, we like death metal because it is fast and loud.’ (BigO, October 1990: 25) As Joseph Stimpf argues in ‘Growing Up Malay in Singapore’: ‘If Malay students assume that they are precluded from achievement or even entrance into the dominant group status hierarchy because of their Malay identity, they will establish their own social mobility system, despite the fact that this relegates them to low status in the mobility system of the dominant group … [as a result] they would identify occupational and status outcomes as ‘successful’, those which were marginal to the broader society as normatively expressed in the hierarchy based on the government’s constructed “meritocracy”. Examples included musicians, particularly rock stars, flm stars and sailors.’ (Stimpf 1998: 29) Eventually, the black T-shirts with menacing messages and monstrous images, the deafening drums and rifs and, most signifcantly, the unkempt hair, turned into one of the most poignant expressions of rejection of what is felt to be the dehumanising efects of industrialisation, while the act of rejection established an entire subculture in the Republic. According to Hebdige (2003: 132), subcultures express ‘a fundamental tension between those in power and those condemned to lead subordinate and second-class positions – this tension is fguratively expressed in a sub-cultural style’; ‘symbolic resources’ in this case have become an articulation of social inequalities for this group. However, this subculture has not been kindly received by the government, which placed emphasis on discipline and industry in the early years of nation-building when it was trying to establish Singapore as a manufacturing base. So severely was this All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 150 Singapore Soundscape phenomenon seen as a threat that the state began to systematically stigmatise ‘males with long hair’ by placing them in last priority in public services as well as barring them employment in the formal economy. Already associated with being relatively poor in mathematics and science, having low school grades and a propensity for narcotic addiction, the long-haired image of the ‘Mat Rocker’ further reinforced the racial stereotypes of the ‘lazy Malay’ (Rahim 1998: 49–64). The policing of the Mat Rock scene was also further tightened in the 1990s in public performances where slam-dancing was outlawed in gigs and organisers were threatened with losing their deposits if the regulations were not obeyed (Liew and Fu 2006). Nonetheless, even as it was being pushed underground, the music subculture persisted through the decades, defying stereotypical negative representations. Providing a common platform for fans and performers, the Mat Rock scene has subsequently deepened its roots and relevance to the larger community, transcending in turn the stereotypes forced upon it. On a musicological level, from the initial emphasis on rock and heavy metal in the style of bands like Black Sabbath, Led Zeppelin and Judas Priest, Mat Rock today has become a general umbrella term for describing non-mainstream alternative genres whose participants are predominantly ethnic Malays. Generally, while older listeners and performers born between the 1950s and 1970s would engage with heavy metal-based variations (death metal, thrash metal, extreme metal), their more youthful counterparts would identify themselves more with ska, punk and hardcore. Hence, in terms of fashion, someone in his thirties would probably be wearing a black Iron Maiden T-shirt to match his long hair, while those in their late teens would be smartly dressed in jackboots and bomber jacket with a shaven head. In addition, the social spectrum of music participation has also been signifcantly broadened over the years. Once dominated by ethnic Malay men, the Mat Rock scene now encompasses women, ethnic Chinese and Indian Singaporeans, as well as foreign performers. In a typical gig usually held at a neighbourhood community centre on a weekend and commonly lasting up to eight hours (from 2 pm to 10 pm), there would be a list of about seven to eight bands in the line-up. While taking breaks from the often cramped indoor venue, both audiences and performers, distinguished by their clothes, would usually mingle around the community centre premises or the surrounding cofee shops and fast food outlets. Many of these gigs have in some ways become family afairs where toddlers in prams as well as children are often seen watching their older relations performing on stage. As for women, where they were either once completely absent or were only overseeing the organisational aspects of the gig, their presence as both band members and a part of the audience is also increasingly evident. However uncommon, it is no longer surprising to see women fans boldly diving from the stage into a sea of outreached hands and colliding into others in the ‘moshpit’ when audiences start ‘slam-dancing’. Furthermore, as an indication of the localisation of heavy metal music in Singapore, the mainly Malay Muslim participants regularly break for prayers, and during the fasting month prior to Ramadan, would even abstain from consuming food. While wearing T-shirts displaying menacing heavy metal icons, some Malay women would also be in their headscarves or tudung as part of what can be seen as a more fexible observance of Islamic dress codes. Here, the ‘Mat Rocker’ is no longer the de-culturalised, pseudo-Westernised drug-taking social outcaste, but like most ethnic Malays in the Republic, an integral part of the Malay Muslim community. Multi-ethnic Participation One of the more interesting developments in the Mat Rock scene has been the participation of non-Malays, refecting the socio-cultural fuidity of the subculture. In many respects, from All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 151 Traditionalising Music fellow band members to audiences as well as merchandising outlets and music records, non-Malays have been signifcant in the evolution of the scene. Having to search for the latest music imports, venues, equipment and studios, as well as band members, Mat Rockers fnd themselves having to work with the broader multi-ethnic society of Singapore. On the other side, non-Malay Singaporeans, too, have found in Mat Rock not just an alternative voice, but also a community that shares similar interests. The local scene also has a critical cultural network and infrastructure for non-ethnic Malay alternative music bands in the country. Hence, some of the prominent bands in the 1980s and 1990s, like Opposition Party, had ethnic Chinese guitarists and drummers among its members; while one local extreme metal group, Rudra, was composed entirely of ethnic Tamil Singaporeans keen to establish their own unique sub-genre, which has subsequently become known as ‘Vedic Metal’ and contains lyrical references to ancient Indian mythology. It was perhaps in the now defunct music fanzine BigO (‘Before I get Old’) where non- Malay involvement was seen to be most critical in giving Mat Rockers greater public limelight and recognition. With reviews of bands and their music as well as information about gig venues, BigO, an independent low-budget monthly magazine, was founded by ethnic Chinese Singaporeans Philip Cheah, Michael Cheah and Stephen Tan in 1985 as a platform to circulate alternative audio-visual literature in Singapore. As a media resource from the 1980s to the early 2000s, and now as an archival source, BigO has served in disseminating information as well as documenting activities of the Mat Rock scene in the country to a wider world. Whereas it was once thought to be parochially confned to the void deck, Mat Rock has now been plugged into a more expansive international sonic network of alternative underground music. Not only do metal gigs in Singapore showcase local bands: organisers have also managed to draw in musicians from around the region and beyond. Those who have played in the Republic include not only aspiring groups but also internationally prominent artistes as well as bands like Dark Funeral and Mayhem. Just as foreign groups become increasingly familiar with the Singaporean Mat Rock scene, local bands have also been making signifcant headway outside the country. Bands like Impiety and Rudra have not only been mentioned in European and American extreme metal music magazines; they have also performed in gigs around the world and some of their records are produced in the main centres of extreme metal music in Europe. Mat Rock and the Singapore Identity In spite of its apparent deviant status, with a past that has run parallel to the development of the nation since 1965, the subculture of Mat Rock has in many ways mirrored the cosmopolitan identity of Singapore. Even as it seems to be associated with Malay working class youth heavily infuenced by Western heavy metal, the subculture has evolved to be musicologically diverse and socially inclusive (Liew and Fu 2009). With participants organising regular gigs for performers and fans both locally and globally, Mat Rock has also fostered over the decades a more concrete socio-cultural infrastructure of musicians, artistes, event organisers and retailers around the music genre. Underpinning this network is the sedimentation of more intangible collective music epistemologies and memories from the countless participations in gigs and the sharing of records and merchandise by fans and performers alike. It is evident that the Mat Rock scene deserves a more positive mention as a community-building force rather than an anti-social musical expression in Singapore. However, the question would be how to provide due acknowledgement to a music youth subculture that has neither any formal institutions nor any appointed identifable representatives. This, in turn, raises the issue of recognition by the state. Kong has marked the boundaries on the discourses on popular music in the Republic as: All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 152 Singapore Soundscape ‘On the one hand, [music is] used by the ruling elite to perpetuate certain ideologies aimed at political socialization and the development of a sense of national identity or to inculcate a civil religion that directs favor and fervor towards the “nation”. On the other hand, music is a form of cultural resistance both against state policies and certain social cultural norms.’ (Kong 1995: 448) As patron and regulator, like many governments, the Singapore state is instrumental in determining the social and political status of musical expression. Keen to be plugged into the mainstreams of global knowledge fows dominated by the West, European classical music have been accorded the highest level of formal ofcial recognition. Institutions like the Singapore Symphony Orchestra and the Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music have been the results of substantial state investment into classical music education and appreciation in Singapore. Another category that receives government endorsement would be that of the ‘traditional’ and ‘ethnic’ musical arts, like the Malay gamelan, the Indian tabla and the Chinese opera. As part of the politics of multiculturalism, the support of these cultural works represents part of a broader acknowledgement of the histories and identities of these communities; and this acknowledgement becomes, in turn, a symbolic assurance of cultural continuity in spite of the rapid pace of modernisation and development. In comparison, be it Mat Rock or even the more vernacular Chinese dialect street music festivals, popular entertainment, often associated with sleaze, commercialism, decadence, disorder and parochialism, has often been regarded with less reverence. From the systematic denial of any airing in mainstream television and radio to making licensing rules more stringent, these popular cultural expressions have often been heavily policed by the Singapore government. There is a tendency by the state to appropriate and reify the accomplishment of performers and artistes as a result and refection of ofcial stewardship and benevolence. In the area of Malay music, while the government has elevated artistes like Zubir Said, who composed Singapore’s National Anthem, ‘Majulah Singapura’ (‘Onward Singapore’), into the annals of Singapore’s ofcial history, much less is known about his background in popular song writing. The 1,500 songs he purportedly wrote include musicals for post-war Malay cinema produced by Cathay-Keris Film Production in the 1950s and 1960s. Another notable contribution to the historical legacy of Malay popular music are the musical performances and soundtracks of Singapore/Malaysia- based flmmaker, P. Ramlee. Among musical flms from this period, Ramlee directed approximately 66 flms with about 360 songs to his credit between his debut in 1947 and his death in 1973 (see Tan 1993; Barnard 2009; Mutalib 2009). Both Zubir Said and P. Ramlee were part of the ‘Golden Age’ of Malay cinema that fourished after the Second World War before its decline after 1965. This coincided with the separation of Singapore from Malaysia, which has become part of the musical tradition and foundation for the evolution of Malay-based musical activities in either the mainstream or the underground scene. Playing a part in the continuity of this tradition was also the beginnings of Malay rock music in what was called ‘Pop Yeh Yeh’ in the 1960s. According to Lockard (1998), Pop Yeh Yeh derived its name from the Beatles hit ‘She Loves You, Zubir Said, composer of Singapore’s National Anthem, in 1967. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 153 Traditionalising Music Yeah Yeah Yeah’. This hybrid genre was very popular amongst the Malay communities of Singapore and Malaysia and could account for the widespread infuence of bands, such as Black Sabbath and Deep Purple, on local Mat Rock groups in the 1970s and 1980s. Associated with the prominence of rhythmic guitars or kumpulan gitar rancak (Kugiran as its acronym), Pop Yeh Yeh heralded the beginnings of band music within the Malay music scene. One group that marked the transition between Pop Yeh Yeh and Mat Rock was the Singapore-based band Sweet Charity, whose musical styles were heavily inspired by The Rolling Stones and Jimi Hendrix (Noordin 1992). Maintaining popularity for about a decade in not just Singapore, but also Malaysia and Brunei, the male members of Sweet Charity, fronted by Ramli Sarip, were distinguished by their long and Afro-styled permed hair, jeans and T-shirts with logos of their favourite music bands. However, with the gradual shift in the Malay music industry from Singapore to Kuala Lumpur, the Pop Yeh Yeh scene in the new Republic sufered a signifcant setback as it found itself deprived of access to music markets in the Malaysian suburbs. Apart from the reifed national icons of Zubir Said and P. Ramlee, Malay-based popular music like Mat Rock has often been disregarded and, in some cases, discouraged by the government for its association with ‘decadent Western lifestyles’. In contrast to the negative portrayals, Mat Rock can be seen as part of the decades-long eforts of a community to sonically express its angst amid the changing tides of history, as well as to defne for itself a more fuid and dynamic socio-cultural identity. Rather than being fossilised as ethnic folk music, working-class Malay youths have tapped into their vernacular roots as well as external inspirations to fashion their own music aesthetics through Mat Rock. It is an aesthetic driven by the engagement of a community with the demands and displacements of modernity and development in post-colonial Singapore. As Shalwend, a member of the local extreme metal band, Eibon (established since the early 1990s), puts it: ‘Well, both my parents are musicians. My dad is a multi-instrumentalist (keyboards, guitars, bass, drums, etc) and sings cover songs for weddings with his friends, and my mom, she also sings in my dad’s band during wedding occasions. During my toddler days, I always followed them to their band rehearsals in the old kampong at Siglap and sometimes I would personally play the tambourine or shakers just to put some essence into the music.’ (Heavy Metal Tribute, 2010) While regarded as a juvenile aberration that may not be ofcially desired or even tolerated at times, Mat Rock is the voice of an evolving vernacular modern musical tradition and community, one that is both simultaneously Malay and Singaporean. Explaining why Mat Rock bands are even invited to perform in traditional Malay weddings, Suhami Subandi from the local hardcore band Stompin’ Ground mentioned that such musical expressions stretch across several generations within the community (BigO, May 2002). As such, ‘jamming’ during these occasions is considered to be a progressive act by even the more elderly attendees at such functions, indicating the durability and continuity of Mat Rock music. References Barnard, Timothy. ‘Decolonisation and the Nation in Malay Films’, Southeast Asia Research 17(1), 2009, 66–86. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 154 Singapore Soundscape BigO. ‘Amacan Mat’ (originally published May 2002). http://www.bigomagazine.com/ archive/ARfeatures/ARfeatures2002/ARmatrock1.html (last accessed 4 March 2011). BigO. ‘Crossing Generations’ (originally published in May 2002). http://www.bigomagazine. com/archive/ARfeatures/ARfeatures2002/ARmatrock3.html (last accessed 4 March 2011). Fu, Kelly. From Folk Devils to Folk Music: The Metal Music Community in Singapore. Honours Thesis, Department of Sociology, National University of Singapore, 2001. Heavy Metal Tribute (2010). ‘Interview with Shalwend Isorath of Eibon’ http:// heavymetaltribune.blogspot.com/2010/03/interview-with-shalwend-insoraths-of.html (last accessed 4 March 2011). Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: the Meaning of Style. London: Routledge, 2003. Khalid Bari. ‘Tribute: Mat Rock Lama’, Expletive Takeaway, 7 February 2008; http://derelicit-theorist.blogspot.com/2008/02/tribute-mat-rock-lama.html (last accessed 4 March 2011). Kong, Lily. ‘Music and Cultural Politics: Ideology and Resistance in Singapore’, Transactions of the Institutes of British Geographers, New Series 20(4), 1995, 447–59. Liew Kai Khiun and Kelly Fu. ‘De-ghettoizing Subcultures: The Multicultural Evolution of Mat Rock in Singapore’ in Daniel Goh et al. Race and Multiculturalism in Malaysia and Singapore. London: Routledge, 2009, 157–72. Liew Kai Khiun and Kelly Fu. ‘Conjuring the tropical spectres: heavy metal, cultural politics in Singapore and Malaysia’, Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 7(1), 2006, 99–114. Lockard, Craig. Dance of Life: Popular Music and Politics in Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998. Mutalib, Hassan. ‘Winning hearts and minds’: representations of Malays and their milieu in the flms of British Malaya’, South East Asia Research 17(1), 2009, 47-63. Noordin, S. ‘Mat rockers: an insight into a Malay youth subculture.’ Honours Thesis, Department of Sociology, National University of Singapore, 1992. Rahim, Lily Zubaidah. The Singapore Dilemma: The Political and Educational Marginality of the Malay Community. New York and Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1998. Stimpf, Joseph. ‘Growing Up Malay in Singapore’, Southeast Asian Journal of Social Sciences 25(2), 1998, 117–138. Tan, Sooi Beng. Bangsawan: A Social and Stylistic History of Popular Malay Opera. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 155 South Indian Pop Music and Musicians Eugene Dairianathan South Indian Pop Music and Musicians CHAPTER 11 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 156 Singapore Soundscape W hile musical confgurations of South Indian classical modes of performance and Anglophone popular culture seem diametrically opposed, there is a site where both seem to co-exist, that is, the Hindu temple during the nine-day preparation to the fre-walking ceremony. Mohammed Ali Nilavu (1994: 89) observes that, ‘on each day of Navarattiri, the temples sponsor a cultural performance. This includes classical dance, music and devotional songs (the latter sometimes accompanied by Western-style band)’. 1 Oral accounts corroborate this observation and add that the temple priests had not objected to the presentation of devotional (but not sacred) material with Western-style accompaniment. The presence of such a ‘popular music’ confguration bespeaks a parallel repertoire – one classical and another contemporary. An entry by Lee Tong Soon (2001) on ‘Music in Singapore’ in the Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians makes the following observations: ‘Temple music from the Carnatic tradition, featuring the nagasaram (oboe) and tavil (double-headed barrel drum) is performed to announce daily prayer times and during festivals such as Thaipusam and Thimithi. Other genres include bhajanas (Sanskrit bhajans), flm music and Hindustani and Carnatic classical music.’ The absence of descriptions of other musical practices at the Hindu temple is better ameliorated via examining the presence in such a public setting, albeit among a select community of supporters. Appearances of music-making at a public setting also suggest a deeper level of this collective action, namely ways in which it may have been initiated, nurtured and supported. This chapter explores and evaluates the presence of musicians recreating songs from South Indian flms in Singapore through oral interviews (conducted in the early 2000s) and other supporting documentation. Presence Although names, events, dates and times are not provided, we are ofered clues through two photographs of musicians with their instruments. The frst features a generation of Singapore Indians Music Party (SIMP) musicians and their instruments, which included a ffe/piccolo, shakers, double bass, tambourine, accordion, bulbul-tara (Nagoya harp), clarinet, bongos and guitar. Western Band confguration at a temple (with permission of S. Sivam family). New Indian Amateur Orchestra and Singapore Indians Music Party (with permission of Edmund Appau’s family). All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 157 South Indian Pop Music and Musicians This picture (right) appears to be a student ensemble with the curious title ‘Singapore Indian Students Orchestra’ (some letters are missing) across the bass drum of the drum kit, alongside bongos, congas, saxophone and clarinet (played by one person), accordion, guitar, tabla and what looks like a dholak and small percussion. Repertoire, Relevance and Accessibility While it was a common practice for musical groups to re-create songs from flms and their own songs using flm tunes, many recall the difculty with instrumentation. Mohd. Rafee (2004) describes some of this in detail: ‘We are not in the flm industry, there was no one before us showing us what to do … we couldn’t get an opportunity to watch orchestras play … how did they create this piece, how did they play … we were in Singapore … all we got from the flm was one hero, one heroine running around and singing … we didn’t see bands … up to the 1980s we were still copying and playing, trying to get a hold of how these guys were doing it … whatever bands we saw were the ones which we saw playing here [locally] … they mixed and matched so we mixed and matched … take a Latin tune … copy it into Hindi and Tamil, play it with bongos, congas, drums, maracas, cowbells, cabasas, castanets … we have these instruments, we can play with them but how to play these instruments is another thing … there is a way to play the drums and you start playing it diferently, over the years it takes a form … that happened in a lot of [flm] songs.’ This approach enabled local musicians to successfully recreate songs from popularised North and South Indian flms that received a warm reception within the community. The inaugural Tamil Festival at the Happy World Stadium in the Jalan Besar area had immediate ramifcations, both culturally and musically. Members of a pioneering group, the SIMP, attribute the proliferation of Tamil music parties to Mr. Sarangapani. All they had to do was to play songs from popular flms at such settings: ‘That’s where we had this inter-band competition … bands sprouted everywhere … they wanted to win … every year there would be a big fght between SIMP and Chitra … then came Roshni Jeevans and Febra … at Rangoon Road … during this period of the festival … music bands would be most active…. We didn’t have housing estates … but any corner you went there was a road show organised by Radio Singapore…. We used to go to Fort Canning – the old drama centre – for the band competitions during Bertie’s time [Bertie Fernando was their former band leader] … SIMP every year would win … those days there was [sic] total commitment … they were more interested in music … during those days, people had titles … if you mentioned a clarinetist – Joseph; saxophone – Karunan; tabla – Shanmugam … all from SIMP….’ (Raymond/Errol 2004) Singapore Indian Students Orchestra (with permission of Mohd. Rafee). All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 158 Singapore Soundscape The presence of these band competitions drew in non-Tamil musical groups and continued with radio and television broadcast. Amar Singh (2004), leader and singer of Hindi band Roshni Jeevans, recalls: ‘There was an invitation to all the bands to participate in a competition … this was in 1965 … the producers and directors were from RTS, Philippines, Malaysia…. We had to do three songs … instrumental … Hindi Song Hava … then we had a Tamil song … with Krishna on Hawaiian guitar … he played Satyam … one more was our own composition … I can’t remember now … there were altogether 12 bands … we were second … frst was Singapore Indians … we got our prize, then we got a contract … every month on some shows on TV or Radio … we became busy and very popular … we lasted for seven years, 1965–1972 … I was given a chance to sing on TV and radio until 1980 … at the same time, when there were requests for a good Hindi band for weddings and functions they would recommend our band … although Roshni Jeevans is a Hindi band we did Tamil (music and songs) for radio and TV.’ (Raymond/Errol 2004) An even clearer indication of change appears in an observation by Balakrishnan Veerapan (2003) of a diferent kind of South Indian flm music that permeated the Indian community in pre-television Singapore through the organisation and presentation of these events: ‘Film music was very popular since the screening of movies in Singapore, I believe. In the ’60s, at the wedding dinners and other functions, flm music was a must. They had bands playing the music and locals singing flm songs. I saw guitars, saxophone, clarinet, accordion, jazz drums, along with the tabla and dholak … they were very entertaining.’ Some of these observations corroborate Peter Manuel’s historical overview of Indian flm culture up to 1975 in India, particularly background information on North Indian (Bollywood) flm practice: ‘While many melodies are quite Western-sounding in their tonal organization, most are distinctly Indian, using characteristic modes and melodies akin to those of folk or light-classical music. Cuban and disco rhythms are not uncommon … typical[ly] a quadruple meter … equivalent to the kaherva tal … in North Indian folk and light music … the most conspicuously indigenous feature … is the vocal style, which exhibits characteristically South Asian ornamentation and timbre.’ (Manuel 1993: 50) Musical instruments on display indicated performance as spectacle to be anticipated and enjoyed. Print culture helped to fan the fames of a growing interest in this ‘entertaining’ style of Indian cinema in Singapore: Movie News was published locally, featuring Tamil and Hindi movies; and Pesum Padam, which was imported from India and included gossip, latest releases, interviews with actors and actresses, and even lyrics of popular songs. The introduction of television in Singapore became another signifcant moment when the various live shows supported by the Indian community in Singapore were transferred onto an even larger public platform. Local performers of songs from South Indian flms had a Singapore-wide audience through television: All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 159 South Indian Pop Music and Musicians ‘There were variety shows which had classical, modern songs and dances. Local singers who were popular were the late V. Ramachandran, Betty Jones, Rajamani Francis, Rukmani and Dr. Uma Rajan … the Singapore Indians Music Party was a leading band in the TV shows. There were also locally written songs. Songs were mainly penned by the late Kavingnar Ka Perumal and E.S.J. Chandran (now based in India). Music was composed by the late Pandit M. Ramalingam … there were two prominent magazines which promoted flms.’ (Balakrishnan Veerapan 2003) One more notable event took place through recorded media. Local practitioner Christina Edmund (2004) remembered being the frst local singer to be featured in a record release of Tamil songs: ‘In 1967, the frst local Tamil record was made in Singapore. Four songs were composed and written by a lyricist from India, Mr. Banuthasam. Two local singers, S. Thanaletchumi and myself, recorded the songs at Kintex Studios. [They were] recorded by a Chinese company called TNA Records. The four local songs were very well received and were very popular in Singapore and Malaysia. They were always requested by the public over the radio.’ Oral accounts indicate many youths were encouraged to participate in these pro- grammes because their parents believed it would help them in the development of their language and culture, as well as it being a wise use of their leisure time. Parental support enabled local practitioners like Mohd. Rafee (who has worked for celebrated flm music director A. R. Rahman in India) and Ravi Shanker to be introduced to broadcast media at the very early ages of 10 and eight respectively. Interactions Between North and South Indian Practices Mohd. Bagushair, a singer with the Al-Wehdah Arab musical ensemble in Singapore, observed how the Malay community enjoyed Hindustani songs because of their love for Hindustani movies, which were screened at theatres like Garrick, Haz, Singapura and Queens, alongside Malay flms produced by Shaw Brothers. Tamil flms were shown at Alhambara, Capitol, Cathay, Diamond, Royal, Rex and State theatres, among others (Balakrishnan Veerapan 2003). Sivam’s contemporaries, who were members of SIMP, also recall a Hindustani musical group, Chandiniraat, who: ‘…played modern music using clarinet, saxophone, accordion (which was the lead) … playing music mainly from Hindi flms … so all the programmes along Geylang side went to them … Malays had an obsession for Hindi music … Cover of frst local Tamil record (reproduced with permission of Christina Edmund). All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 160 Singapore Soundscape Chandiniraat was very good and it was very difcult for us (Tamil bands) to get into that area…’ (Raymond/Errol 2004) Bagushair’s brother Omar, a violinist, was the leader of the Mujum orchestra playing Malay, English and Hindustani songs for weddings and functions, while continuing his commitment to Samra al’ Fan from the Arab community in Singapore with a very diferent repertoire serving devotional functions. While following his brother Omar, Bagushair came across musical ensembles like Shah Jehan and Chandiniraat – the latter the most popular Hindi band in Geylang – playing Malay, English and Hindustani songs, led by Halim Marican, the ‘Mohammad Raf of Singapore’ (Mohd. Bagushair 2004). 2 Rafee (2004), no stranger to both practices, ofered the following views: ‘The division came about because there were Tamil bands that were very good at doing Tamil songs but whenever they played Hindi music, it didn’t have that feel or favour … also, Hindi bands would never play Tamil songs … Hindi music caught on very well with the Malay community and among Indians who married Malays in Singapore.’ 3 Rafee (2004) also recalled how in his father’s and even in his time: ‘Malays were crazy about Hindi music and songs and we had a very strong following … you have to remember Malay flm [in Singapore] was spearheaded by Indian flm directors and producers … that’s why they carried on the tradition…’ Cultural Medallion recipient Yusnor Ef (2003), a lyric writer who worked alongside the prolifc P. Ramlee, points out how in the Malay flm industry, ‘Composers came from Indonesia, but those songs were mostly of Indian infuence … and the technical side of the Malay flm industry was Indian.’ John Lent (1990: 189) goes further: ‘Usually, the Indian directors just translated Indian scripts into Malay, the result being that the flms had all the Indian nuances, cultural idiosyncrasies and mannerisms, and very little that was truly Malay.’ Rafee’s father was the leader of a group called Jeevans in the 1960s (later Roshni Jeevans) and they played a lot of popular Hindi songs. ‘My father didn’t mind the mix of both Hindi and Tamil songs … that was an exception and we had a very strong following … as musicians we saw it [the ability to play mixed repertoire] as an opportunity.’ (Mohd. Rafee 2004) Ravi Shanker (2004), Rafee’s contemporary who took over leadership of the Maru Malarchi band from his father, S. Sivam, points out that: ‘About 20 percent of our performances have Hindi songs … when you have Indian Muslim weddings, they prefer more Hindi songs to Tamil songs … when they book the band they will ask whether we can play Hindi songs….’ 4 In broadcast media post-1965, however, it was probably the reverse and Rafee (2004) recalled his difculties: All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 161 South Indian Pop Music and Musicians ‘There were many Tamil bands like Febra and Maru Malarchi … my father knew a lot of Hindi songs but he did not play a lot of Tamil songs. As we were growing up he wanted us to play music and one channel for playing music was to play for radio. At the time, radio was only highlighting Tamil … not much Hindi…. I started by learning Hindi songs … slowly, because of TV and radio, we started playing Tamil music … South Indian styles … we wouldn’t have done it otherwise.’ Amar Singh (2004), leader of the Hindi band Roshni Jeevans, shares similar sentiments: ‘Although Roshni Jeevans is a Hindi band we did Tamil (music and songs) for radio and TV … normally RTS producers will select their own singers … maybe 10 songs, one Hindi and the others Tamil … only we didn’t have a main Tamil singer … so John Mammen and Christina Edmund (Edmund Appau’s daughter and her husband) and many other singers used to come over to practice … that is how we played Tamil songs … if my band was performing, I would defnitely get one Hindi song even though we played mainly Tamil songs.’ Transitions in Musical Style – Classical to Popular Culture From the beginning, what emerges from this account of Indian musical practices in Singa- pore is the presence of flm music as practised in India (both North and South) revealing stylistic elements of pop and rock culture, as well as styles employed in Hollywood and dance music of both jazz and Latin culture. Another important point here was the directness of impact and speed of reception and response. Rafee (2004) points out that ‘…anything that came out of India in the ’50s and ’60s was just replicated here … it’s like a speaker … whatever happens there, happens here … given the delay in transmission.’ With respect to this ease of transition, musicians from SIMP (Raymond/Errol 2004) remembered their early introduction to popular culture: ‘…there was also a change from tabla to bongos to African drums and to jazz drum … frst inhaled by Hindustani musicians … when the bongos were in … this style was totally inhaled by the South Indian musicians…. Then the rhythms like cha-cha, mambo and samba, which started in Northern Indian flms, caught on … slowly but gradually we moved into Tamil cinema songs…’ S. Sivam (2004), former leader of Venus Music Party and later Maru Malarchi, believes that the infuence of popular culture can be attributed to the considerable support of the local Malay community: ‘This modern music was started by Malays in Singapore in the Geylang area … bands playing Hindustani music at weddings … these music groups comprised Malays, Indian Muslims, or their wives were Malay or some were Urdu speaking Muslims … these groups wrote in lyrics with romanised Hindustani words … there were so many of these groups, like Suara Bahru, Melati Putih.’ To understand this infuence means to grasp, frstly, how the Malay community subscribed at the immediate level to Hindustani flm music. At another level, however, the Malay flm industry, which enjoyed immense popularity, was driven primarily by technical All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 162 Singapore Soundscape directors from the Northern Indian flm domain. Yusnor Ef, a lyric writer for Malay flm music, pointed out that those songs were mostly of Indian infuence. He recalled being in Pancaragam Aneka after being in the Harmonica Party and remembers groups like Sri Pemuda Harmonium Parti and Pancaragam Kampung Glam. The repertoire in question was undoubtedly songs from Malay flm but Ef (2003) also recalled how fashionable songs from Hindi flms were, as well as the competition with groups like Chandiniraat and Naujahan Music Parties. Thirdly, a recent and scintillating phenomenon among Malay youth was a local practice, Pop Yeh Yeh, inspired and infuenced by British popular music culture through groups such as Clif Richard and the Shadows, the Ventures, the Beatles and The Rolling Stones. 5 Appearances in the Public Sphere From 1953 onwards, many of the bands participated in the band contests organised by Mr. Sarangapani at his Tamil Festival. This led to the formation of bands like Gemini, Shah Jehan, Venus and Newton Bharath music parties. In the words of the Edmund Appau family, ‘We were so proud to see our father, the frst president of SIMP, go up to the stage to collect the champion trophy’ (Christina Edmund 2004). Amar Singh (2004) recalls a competition for live bands organised and held at the RTS auditorium in 1965. Twelve groups participated for the top three spots: ‘…the producers and directors from RTS, Philippines, Malaysia … were the judges … we had to do three songs … an instrumental from a Hindi song Hava … then we had a Tamil song … with Krishna on Hawaiian guitar … he played Satyam … one more was our own composition….’ Groups that won or were highly placed could look forward to many engagements. Being placed among the top three in this RTS competition enabled Roshni Jeevans to play at the Khalsa Association during the mid-1960s. Radio and television were signifcant platforms for these musicians’ re-creative expression. As early as the 1950s, the radio had become a very important resource for these practitioners because of the potential number of listeners. The repertoire for live performances was largely determined by paying attention to the request programmes on the radio and drawing up a list of pieces to be played at functions. Very few risks were taken as expectations seem to have determined the sort of repertoire to be performed. S. Sivam (2004) noted that initially, very few programmes involving music were acceptable on radio and they were largely music from the Indian classical tradition. However, repertoire changes incorporating music of popular Western and Indian flm meant a greater variety of songs were made available. Christina Edmund (2004) recalls: ‘We had the main radio in Singapore and Redifusion … a song would be a great song [based on] hearing the number of times it was requested … sometimes twice a day, even three times a day … morning, afternoon, and even night … actually it was mainly our parents…. For us, once we had TV we listened less to the radio….’ S. Sivam was ofered a place to perform on variety shows on radio and television in 1962. His son, Ravi Shanker (2004), born in 1963, recalls his frst experience watching his father perform: All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 163 South Indian Pop Music and Musicians ‘I was about fve years old in 1968 … my father was playing on TV … I was very excited … I waved to him thinking he could see me and wave back … he was quite famous so he appeared about twice a month … the programme happened on Saturday nights … around 8 pm at night … our dad was a star … he even used to sing on TV … I started playing in 1972…. I was playing triple conga with the seniors … the congas were higher than me so they adjusted the congas lower…. 1972 was my frst performance on TV.’ His contemporary, Mohd. Rafee, also began as a child of 10 on television some two years earlier than Ravi. Although opportunities for musicians to record albums were rare, Christina Edmund (2004) was the frst local singer to be featured in two record releases of Tamil songs: ‘In 1967, the frst local Tamil record was made in Singapore. Four songs were composed and written by a lyricist from India, Mr. Banuthasam. Two local singers, S. Thanaletchumi and myself recorded the songs at Kintex Studios … by a Chinese company called TNA Records. The four local songs were very well received and very popular in Singapore and Malaysia … always requested by the public over the radio … when I did my second record, it was backed by the Esquires [a local group playing Anglophone popular music] … there was also a pianist by the name of Ramdas who played English music [sic] at nightclubs.’ Crossing Borders Edmund Appau’s children and band members were equally conversant in Anglophone popular musical repertoire. His eldest daughter Christina (2004) recalls: ‘By this time, my brothers [Jesson and Hermann] were old enough to join the percussion side. Jesson started playing the drums with a group called Blues Inc. and became the lead singer and drummer for that group. Hermann went on to play the trumpet and Lawrence [another brother] joined the English scene as a drummer. They all played music in night clubs, but at the same time, played Indian music too. Joe Chandran, who was a member of SIMP, later became popular with the X’periments … my second record was backed by the Esquires.’ Prowess with the guitar enabled S. Sivam (2004) to use those skills beyond his role in Venus Music Party: ‘Philip Ariken (lead guitar), Tommy (a drummer who married Philip’s sister), Hugo (a Filipino rhythm guitarist) and myself on bass used to play at the British Military Hospital (Alexandra Hospital today) NCO Club … our group didn’t have a name … anyway, the NCOs only wanted some group to play English music and songs. We used to play three days a week in 1962. We would start at 8 pm and fnish at 3 am … these nurses all liked to dance … Thursdays was ladies’ evening … Wednesday and Saturday for guys ….’ Increasingly, despite resistance on grounds of authenticity and altered meanings, there was little to prevent fows into and out of other musical spaces, notably the music of All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 164 Singapore Soundscape Anglophone popular culture. Unfortunately, crossing soundscapes was not as simple as that. Mohd. Rafee (2004) explains: ‘My brother [Mohd. Noh] played Hindi music exactly the way the Hindi guys did it on tape or on record … but when he started playing in pop and jazz circuits [accompanying Randy Crawford among other international musicians] … cowbells were played diferently, congas were tuned/played diferently … my brother thought all along this [music style in Hindi flm] was the way to play it … what happened was it had a form of its own, was copied by people here who called themselves Hindi musicians … but then that’s the way they played it.’ Any attempt to bring back cross-border exchanges was resisted, as Mohd. Rafee (2004) recalls: ‘I went into the Indian music scene in Singapore on a fully professional basis … playing [South] Indian flm music but with the sounds of Kool and the Gang, and the younger crowd loved what we did at live performances. I recorded an album in Tamil with Reggie Verghese (from a renowned local group The Quests) as my producer. When we did our frst song he said Indian music doesn’t sound like this … I told him, it’s going to sound like this … he took the sound around to small drink shops, pubs, his friends and they said, “this doesn’t sound like Indian song … cannot sell” … Reggie got afraid … I was forced to do Indian flm songs.’ 6 Support Systems of Everyday Life The New Indian Amateur Orchestra rehearsed at Edmund Appau’s residence at 34 Short Street. Edmund Appau’s residence became the rehearsal studio even as the family moved to Race Course Road/Rangoon Road, with one exception when they rehearsed at a clubhouse at Norris Road, even following personnel transitions from SIMP to Edmund Joseph Music Party, Edmund Music Party and later Edmund Appau Orchestra (Family of Edmund Appau 2004). Singapore Indians Music Party III practised at Owen Road, Kamala Club near Middleton hospital, Moulmein Road and Jervois Road. Some of these groups had sponsors and advisors, others were sustained via subscriptions from group members. Another space that encouraged and sustained these musicians’ activities was the local community centre (CC), a practice that continues to this day. These groups provided music for functions organised by the various community centres, such as Deepavali or Pongal (harvest festival), to more cohesive events like National Day or functions involving national campaigns. S. Sivam’s Venus Music Party rehearsed at Queenstown CC and provided music for whatever community club functions Queenstown CC asked of them. On 21 July 1964, tensions between the Malay and Chinese communities erupted into riots SIMP together with Lee Kuan Yew at the Istana (reproduced with permission of the Edmund Appau family). All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 165 South Indian Pop Music and Musicians in Singapore during the birthday celebrations of the Prophet Mohammed. When asked to provide music at an inter-racial goodwill event organised by the Queenstown CC, Mr. S. Sivam (2004), as leader and founder of the Venus Music Party, volunteered his group: ‘At that time, no band was willing to play for these PA programmes because they were scared of the riots … we were the frst band.’ Both of these letters, dated August 1964, indicate the co-opting of music as one governmental response to promote greater interaction and exchange among the various communities. It is difcult to ascertain whether S. Sivam and his Venus Music Party were spared because they were not part of the Chinese-Malay ethnic tensions but the essential point remains that South Indian flm music assumed a mediatory role across the various communities resident in Singapore and became identifed as such thereafter. Singapore Indians Music Party III currently resides at Bukit Batok CC. Maru Malarchi rehearse at Marsiling CC and Oothayha Githam at West Coast CC, alongside AV- Connections, who are more minus-one oriented. A much younger group calling themselves Jeevans (but not connected to a live band of the 1960s with the same name) were known to practise at Braddell CC. Status of the Band According to current SIMP members (Raymond/Errol 2004), when it comes to economics ‘it’s big band, small money’. That phrase has historical resonance for the Edmund Appau family (2004): ‘Money was not a big thing in those days; they [musicians] were not paid much. It was more for the love of music. SIMP entertained the Indian community with light Indian music at a time when most Indian music entertainment was in the form of classical music. Also SIMP played mostly songs from flms, popular flms starring Sivaji or MGR, semi-classical music, English, Malay and later, even popular Chinese songs at public functions.’ Oral accounts indicate music-making did not develop into a full-time professional commitment. Virtually all interviewees had full-time jobs, although some lost their jobs or changed jobs because of their passion for music-making. However, being part of such a musical ensemble was no ordinary membership, as the family of Edmund Appau (2004) recounts: ‘During those times, one was considered to have considerable status to belong to a well-known band and SIMP was the most popular band in the Indian community in Singapore. My father played at functions, weddings, birthday parties, engagements and dramas. There were very few Tamil bands. Word went around the community that if you got SIMP, you got the best. People came from all over to book this band. If they couldn’t get SIMP they would be very disappointed but sometimes my father had to turn them down. My father (with the frst SIMP), even entertained prisoners at Changi Prison and played at functions at the Istana.’ This afrmation went beyond the Indian community. For Raymond and Errol of the SIMP (2004): All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 166 Singapore Soundscape ‘A show was organised and coordinated by Mr. T. T. Dorai, coinciding with the formation of the National Sports Promotion Board. All the actors and actresses from Tamil flm, M.G. Ramachandran, Nagesh, Jayalaleetha, playback singers Soundarajan, P. Susheela and Chandra Babu were all fown to Singapore … I remember it was in June 1972 … we were all stationed at Hotel Imperial Oberoi [now demolished]. On this occasion, RTS selected Singapore Indians Music Party for the whole show … we were the main band … no payment … but we had a fnal dinner at the Shangri-La … and after the performance each [of us] got a ride home in a Mercedes provided by Mr. Jumabhoy … that is one unforgettable experience…. We also got to play at the National Day programmes.’ S. Sivam (2004) recalls: ‘We used to play for weddings, birthdays, parties, functions, events, stage shows … other special occasions … when we practised at Queenstown CC we didn’t have to pay any rent but any event which we played for at the CC had to be free … even until now they are still with that arrangement … normally, we do Deepavali shows … so Tamil and Hindustani songs … if it’s a National Day function, we’ll play Tamil and Hindustani songs … and there will be a group for Malay classical dance … I started with Queenstown in the 1960s with the Goodwill community dinner.’ The Present: Challenges and Prospects Essentially, live performances made these groups of musicians special and endeared them to the community. Christina Edmund (2004) noted that the bands played at numerous functions, such as weddings, birthday parties, engagements and dramas, even entertaining prisoners at Changi Prison, functions at the Istana and talentime presentations at the Victoria Theatre featuring local and international singers. They played for stage shows in Singapore and Malaysia and Navarattiri programmes in the temples. As Edmund Appau had converted to Roman Catholicism, SIMP members would play music on board a lorry with Christmas decorations on the night of Christmas Eve, visiting churches with signifcantly large Tamil parishioners, especially the Church of Our Lady of Lourdes at Ophir Road. People would get excited when they heard the sound of the bongos and tambourines announcing the arrival of the ‘Christmas lorry’. Yet the phrase used by SIMP, ‘big band small money’, implies a harsher reality. Most of the players have full-time jobs and such gigs are a part-time endeavour. As a result of this present state of afairs, there are very few live bands performing Indian popular flm music in Singapore. According to oral accounts: ‘… only fve major bands are active: SIMP, Maru Malarchi, Bai Rayvee, Febra, Oothayha Githam … all other bands are using sequenced music, minus-one … Jeevans are now using minus-ones … another one called AV-connections … mostly popular requests….’ 7 As a result of a fully committed and passionate activity being run part-time, sustainabil- ity remains fragile. Technology, particularly its use, has been an important factor afecting their sustainability. When asked to compare variety shows of the past with the present, All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 167 South Indian Pop Music and Musicians Ravi Shanker (2004) of Maru Malarchi, who also plays in a percussion group called Rhythm Masala, articulated the problem: ‘…what is happening now is mostly minus-one type of shows … no more live bands on TV … recently when we did a performance with Rhythm Masala … there was quite a bit of interest because there were live bands and plenty of percussion instruments … the feedback was that with minus-one, there was no impact … that is when the live bands can give the real impact.’ The arrival of sequenced music, or minus-one technology, is just one aspect of technology that seems to have challenged the very existence of live bands. Ravi (2004) observed the emergence of the minus-one around 1995: ‘Audiences still wanted live bands but for some pubs the minus-one dropped the cost by half.’ This alternative had not only afected their ability to be visual and aural in the broadcast spheres of music-making, but also afected their means of performing at nightclubs and entertainment spots. In practice, diferent pubs and clubs had difering needs and in some cases, dissatisfaction with minus- one formats ensured the survival of the bands. On the other hand, minus-one technology ofered cost savings and the clubs and pubs welcomed it. When entertainment spots were afected by slowing business, live bands became casualties. A newer and equally problematic issue is the presence of Malaysian bands. The ease with which foreign bands came into the entertainment scene in Singapore afected local popular music groups as early as the 1970s, and worsened in the 1980s. According to interviewees in the Tamil pop scene, a gap in profciency levels in the past ensured local bands’ survival, but changes in the standards of performance, the use of minus-ones and performance fees are some of the challenges local Tamil bands face. The current exchange rate is a crucial factor. As Ravi (2004) points out: ‘We went to a wedding last week … they had two bands from JB … they are much cheaper than we are … they are paid 1,000+ Ringgit, which becomes SGD$400–500 … we charge $900/950…’ Politics in the entertainment spots were also cited, with live bands discovering to their disadvantage the ad-hoc burden placed on them during their gigs. Raymond and Errol (2004) mentioned that: ‘SIMP III last played at a pub called Happy Days every Monday almost for a year in 2002. We were drawing good crowds for a Monday … then they started complaining they weren’t selling more beer … they blamed the band … but we play the music … we are not responsible for the selling of beer…’ Perhaps one problem that has and will continue to engender controversy is the reported lack of infrastructure and support at the most fundamental level. Rafee (2004) explains why, despite being a child performer at RTS and countless variety shows, he joined the ranks of the ‘lesser privileged:’ ‘I went into the Indian music scene on a fully professional basis … but with the sounds of Kool and the Gang…. I was born and bred in Singapore and exposed to all kinds of music … Indian music was depicted in such a way that made it difcult for others to digest … I wanted to make it more accessible … so we started improvising, playing songs entirely diferently, and the younger crowd liked it. Then I started to play at the Taj, the frst Indian nightclub at Syed Alwi Road in 1991 … when we took the Tamil songs and did brass jams we couldn’t get players to play … basically it just didn’t happen for us until we met All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 168 Singapore Soundscape this guy called A.R. Rahman … exactly what we were doing with Indian music 15 years ago in Singapore is happening in India today … Rahman himself knows … fortunately he’s at the right place and right time … India didn’t have the musicians … I went to India … sang in the movies, started arranging for Rahman … I’ve been playing on the radio since I was 10 … and even after my work with Rahman I was told my materials cannot be played locally because I’m local … that’s sad … how are we to show our brand?’ A similar view is held by SIMP III musicians (2004) who know Rafee: ‘Today in Singapore, you can’t even make a living as an artist … some of our best musicians are all abroad … [there is] very little encouragement for [local] Tamil music in Singapore … for example, Mohd. Rafee has gone and played for A.R. Rahman in India – but why were his songs not played or supported in broadcast?’ Finally, slowly gaining ground is a much younger group of heavy metal musicians who have totally rejected their predecessors in Indian popular flm practice. A new phenomenon in the 1990s, Indian heavy metal groups fuse Sanskrit and English lyrics; they identify their music as a uniquely Indian, albeit heavy metal, sound. One group, Rudra, which has been given air-play space and voted among the top 40 bands in Singapore, explains: ‘…We have always been interested in metal although traditional music does appeal … we have utilised it in Rudra. I reckon traditional music defnes the Hindu essence in us. Originality is what sells and is appreciated.’ Another metal group, Narasimha (2002) says: ‘We grew up listening to Indian flm songs and heavy metal bands from Black Sabbath in the ’60s to its peak in the ’80s … this was how our group Narasimha was formed … I got to listen to Rudra, the frst ever band in Singapore to ofcially release a full length album … the heavy distorted sound of the guitars mixed with the aggressive drum beats with a touch of Indian melody fascinated me. We started going down to gigs and got to know people … other Indians who are also in this scene. Everyone of us had diferent band infuences, but still united in heavy metal. Well, the birth of heavy metal among Indians … in Narasimha, the vision is [from] Indian culture … we incorporate the Indian philosophy in our music. We never sing about love … common among the Indian flm songs…. In the music we compose, the Carnatic or Hindustani style is inherent.’ At least one outcome of this exploration is the discovery of a practice obvious to its supporters, lesser in written discourse but virtually unknown in other circles. When articulated through oral and e-interviews with practitioners and supporters, knowledge of and about musical practices of the South Indian diaspora in Singapore creates an open site for awareness, documentation and discussion. The problems, issues and challenges provide seed for further and future scholarship. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 169 South Indian Pop Music and Musicians Notes 1 Parenthesis and emphasis in original. Navarattiri involves a nine-day preparation for the fre-walking ceremony. 2 Mohammad Raf is one of the few playback singers in Hindustani flms from the 1940s to the 1980s and is mentioned in Peter Manuel’s study of popular music and technol- ogy in North India. 3 Mohd. Rafee’s father was an Urdu-speaking native of the Deccan Plateau, while his mother was Tamil. 4 Ravi Shanker is a member of the band Maru Malarchi. By the time he was active, how- ever, Ravi Shanker’s repertoire was extended, by choice, to playing Bee Gees num- bers like ‘Tragedy’, ‘You Should Be Dancing’ and George Michael’s ‘Careless Whisper’. 5 For a closer examination, compare Burhanudin bin Buang 2001 and Ef Yusnor 1991: 357. 6 July 2004 marked a remarkable change in Rafee’s fortunes, with a more positive re- ception to his musical styles and songs. 7 Raymond/Errol 2004 and Ravi Shanker 2004 yielded these names. References Burhanudin bin Buang. ‘Pop Yeh Yeh Music in Singapore, 1963–1971.’ Honours Thesis, Department of History, National University of Singapore, 2001. Lee, Tong Soon. ‘Singapore’ in Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell (eds.), The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (Second Edition). New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, Vol. 23, 421–23. Lent, John A. The Asian Film Industry. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990. Manuel, Peter. Cassette Culture: Popular Music and Technology in North India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993. Nilavu, Mohammed Ali. “Mother-Goddess worship: practice and Practitioners in Three Hindu temples”, in Walker, Anthony R. (eds): New Places, Old Ways. Delhi: Hindustan Publishing Corporation., pp. 47-103, 1994. Yusnor Ef. ‘Perkembangan Muzik Melayu Singapore 50-an Hingga 90-an’ in Majlis Pusat (ed.), Dinamika Budaya. Singapore: Majlis Pusat Pertubuhan-Pertubuhan Budaya Melayu, 1991, 351–76. Interviews Amar Singh (former leader of Roshni Jeevans), 21–22 June 2004. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 170 Singapore Soundscape Family of Edmund Appau, July 2004. Mohd. Bagushair, 25 April 2004. Mohd. Rafee, February/March/July 2004. Ravi Shanker (Maru Malarchi), 8 June 2004. Raymond/Errol (SIMP), March 2004. S. Sivam, 10 March 2004. Yusnor Ef, 16/19 December 2003. E-interviews Balakrishnan Veerapan, 6 October 2003. Christina Edmund, 1 June 2004. Narasimha, November 2002. Rudra, October 2002. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 171 Musical Theatre Musical Theatre CHAPTER 12 Kenneth Lyen All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 172 Singapore Soundscape E ver since Singapore became independent, the government has been trying to forge a unique Singapore identity. Two decades of exceptional economic growth lifted Singapore from a Third World into a First World country, and the basic necessities of employment, housing, health and education were largely met. Singaporeans had more time for leisure and were now clamouring for the higher things in life. Art and entertainment were no longer trivial subsidiary components; they had become essential elements of the good life. Musical theatre quickly assumed that role. It told stories that the public could identify with, embellished with a youthful and earnest corp of singers, actors and dancers. In the 1970s, Singapore was regarded as a ‘cultural desert’. Committees on music, literature, drama, art and dance were established by the government in 1977 to accelerate cultural development. In 1989, the government published the Report of the Advisory Council on Culture and the Arts. The then Deputy Prime Minister Ong Teng Cheong wrote, ‘Countries all over the world are recognising the positive impact of the arts on the economy.’ In order to attract overseas talent to live and work in Singapore, the country needed to transform itself into a gracious society and become an artistically vibrant city. The arts would play a major role in this endeavour. While the motivation for promoting the arts was initially economic, nevertheless the government did commit to the establishment of the National Arts Council and the investment of $600 million in the development of the Esplanade, a complex of theatres, a concert hall and a performing arts library. Furthermore, it liberalised its attitudes towards censorship. Prior to 1988, the only musicals seen in Singapore were Western imports from Broadway and the West End. Their infuence was pervasive but the companies that performed these shows did little in terms of technology transfer. There was no tradition of Singapore librettist, lyricists, composers, producers, directors, choreographers, designers and engineers. There were no experienced mentors to guide the novice creative and performing teams. The Singapore musical had to start from scratch. Because Singapore sits at a crossroads between the East and the West, its theatre and musical infuences are mainly from Britain and the United States on the one hand and, to a smaller extent, from China and Japan on the other. To an even lesser extent, there are also infuences derived from Southeast Asia and India. Interestingly, English-language musicals have continued to dominate the landscape. It could be argued that after nearly 140 years of British rule, when the only musicals performed in Singapore were Gilbert and Sullivan, Noel Coward and other West End musicals, one should not be surprised that Singapore would begin by imitating British musicals. As the urge to create became overwhelming, two theatre companies created the frst Singapore musicals in 1988. Act 3 assembled a team and produced Makanplace, while TheatreWorks originated Beauty World. Despite the lack of experience and no track record, both theatre companies created stories and characters that Singaporeans could identify with, accompanied by appealing and danceable songs. These pioneer Singapore musicals were exuberant and competent and were instant successes, performing to sell-out crowds. Subsequently, many more locally-written musicals were created, but the attendance at these productions has been inconsistent at best. Most Singapore musicals were unable to sustain a run longer than a couple of weeks. By contrast, imported shows from the United States and Britain, like Phantom of the Opera, Chicago and Les Misérables, not only had relatively longer runs but were also brought back for multiple runs. What are the reasons for the short runs of Singapore musicals? In the main, support for locally-written musicals is not as strong compared to foreign imports. A large percentage of the population speaks Chinese as a frst language. The segment that speaks English well and attends English-language theatre remains relatively small. In addition, musicals with a short run often do not break even. Without adequate profts, production companies All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 173 Musical Theatre have to rely heavily on corporate sponsorships and government subsidies. Unfortunately, government help is accompanied by restrictions in terms of what is deemed acceptable for public performance. For example, funding support has been reduced when a production company produces shows that glorify alternative lifestyles or are too risqué. Because of the fragile nature of obtaining regular funding, and the uncertainty of commercial success, production companies are reluctant to take risks and often cut costs to minimise potential losses. As a result, production values sufer. Otherwise, a few successful Singapore musicals like Beauty World (1988) and Chang and Eng (1997) have travelled overseas in Asia. While Beauty World toured the Japanese cities of Fukuoka, Hiroshima, Osaka and Tokyo, Chang and Eng was performed in Bangkok, Beijing and Hong Kong. To date, however, no Singapore musical has made it to Broadway or the West End. Neither have Singapore musicals achieved international quality. Why is this? Foremost, Singapore is a relatively young, independent nation and its musical theatre is even younger. Entering so late onto the international scene can be a disadvantage. On the one hand, writers and composers write for their audience. In general, the average Singapore audience prefers low-brow humour and melodic songs, and tends to avoid intellectual or deeply emotional themes. Knowing this, the creative teams write accordingly. Thus, two decades have not been long enough for Singapore writers and composers to discover their own voice. On the other hand, Singapore writers and composers are not bound by West End or Broadway traditions. One might have expected them to look at the musical from a fresh perspective and to be more experimental in their eforts. However, they tend to be rather conservative. There may be many Asian stories to tell, and indeed the Singapore musical does well in telling these stories, but the stories chosen tend to be rather bland and without intellectual or emotional depth. International versus Local Art and entertainment in the globalised world of today is heavily infuenced by the West. When the inexperienced writer or composer faces an audience brought up on a diet of Western musicals, it is doubly difcult to fnd that unique Singaporean voice. This includes telling stories, creating characters, describing the physical and emotional landscape, and expressing the values, history and personal experiences of Singapore and its peoples. Furthermore, most homegrown musicals generally do not have a sufciently rigorous developmental process of polishing and refning, so the fnal product fails to achieve an international calibre. Singapore audiences like to identify with their characters and, if the story is set locally, it is then expected that they will speak Singlish, a colloquial form of English. It incorporates words from Malay, Hokkien and other Southeast Asian languages. Singlish often raises laughs among Singaporeans, and its use in theatre is mildly subversive: the Singapore government frowns on and actively discourages Singlish in schools and public broadcasting. Also, non-Singaporeans may have difculty understanding Singlish, and too much of it might reduce a show’s exportability. Therefore the writer is caught in a dilemma – should one write for an international audience with the hope that these shows can travel overseas? Or should one write something that refects the authentic local culture? Theatre companies, aware of the relatively small size of the Singapore theatre-going audience, try to produce shows for an international audience, hoping to export these shows overseas. The need to write for an international audience inevitably infuences their style of writing. Because of this dilemma, English-language All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 174 Singapore Soundscape musical theatre will continue to face difculties fnding its own voice in Singapore because of the nation’s varied uses of English. There is also a shortage of good script writers in Singapore. The script writer is responsible for the story as well as the spoken dialogue. It is important for the success of a musical that the writer tells a compelling story and develops interesting characters. As a result, some songwriters, like Dick Lee, have frequently collaborated with non-Singaporeans in their musicals. Dick Lee teamed up with British and American writers Steven Dexter and Tony Petito and lyricist Anthony Drewe for the musical A Twist of Fate, and British writer Stephen Clark for the musicals Sing to the Dawn and Forbidden City. Some have argued that to develop a truly Singapore musical, there needs to be less reliance on non-Singaporean writers. The music component of Singapore musicals seems to have become stuck in the period between 1950 and 1970. Beauty World has a Latino slant, Nagraland leans towards Indonesian ethnic music and Chang and Eng features a lyrical Broadway style with Asian elements. The music of many English-language musicals sounds like church music: not gospel music, but rather contemporary Christian music. The music is melodic and the harmony tries to be slightly unpredictable so as to give it a modern feel. The structure follows the traditional verse-chorus plus bridge convention. Chinese-language musicals, on the other hand, are infuenced by the xinyao style, a genre of songs unique to Singapore. Xinyao songs have a unique style with a clear melodic line, sung by one or more singers usually accompanied by a guitar. Liang Wern Fook is a proponent of this xinyao style, and his two musicals, December Rains (1996/2010) and If There’re Seasons (2009) are of this genre. However, not all Chinese-language musicals employ the xinyao style. For example, Liao Zhai Rocks! (2010) employs mostly rock music. What is conspicuously missing among Singapore musicals is a lyric-centred style of songwriting exemplifed by the works of Stephen Sondheim and Jason Robert Brown. Chinese-Language Musicals In its early years, all Singapore musicals were written in English; it is only from the mid 1990s that Chinese-language musicals gradually made their appearance. Despite being performed in Chinese, the structure and style of Chinese-language musicals refect Broadway and West End musicals. One of these musicals is Mr. Beng (1999/2000), which was produced by Drama Box and staged at the World Trade Centre Auditorium. The librettist was Otto Fong and the music composed by Iskandar Ismail; the musical was directed by Kok Heng Leun. The story follows the rise and fall of Chow Kok Beng, a young contractor who strives to discard his image of being ‘beng’ (a man perceived to be loutish and uncouth) after falling in love with Peach, a wealthy English-educated brat. He falls prey to Peach’s coaxing to alter his lifestyle and to discard his ‘beng’ friends for the fner things of life, such as dining in French restaurants and speaking proper English. However, he is unaware that Peach is only putting on an act of loving him so as to crush him both fnancially and emotionally. The dialogue and lyrics are in English, Mandarin and Hokkien, and could be confusing for those who do not understand all three. Another Chinese-language musical is Lao Jiu (2005), which was produced by The Theatre Practice and staged at the Drama Centre. Based on a 1990 play by Kuo Pao Kun, it was adapted into a musical by librettists Zhang Xian and Wu Xi, with dialogue in Mandarin and Hokkien. The lyrics were written by Yang Qian, Wu Xi and Xiao Han, with music composed by Jonathan Price and puppetry by Tan Beng Tian and Rene Ong. The show was directed by Kuo Jian Hong and choreographed by Kuo Jing Hong. The title refers to the ninth and last child, the only son, born to the Chng family. They have a family friend, a traditional All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 175 Musical Theatre Chinese puppeteer, who predicts before birth that the boy will be talented and intelligent. Indeed, the predictions come true and the boy excels in his studies. He is invited to sit for a scholarship exam that could open the doors to a promising academic career. However, he dreams of becoming a traditional puppeteer, a dying art form. In the middle of the exams, he sufers a crisis of confdence and decides to follow his artistic dreams rather than the more prosaic career option strongly advocated by his parents and other family members. Despite a strong storyline, the music does not have much emotional resonance. Directed by Goh Boon Teck, December Rains was frst staged in 1996 and again in 2010. The xinyao music was written by Liang Wern Fook and Jimmy Ye. The story is about rich girl Li Qing who falls in love with her schoolmate Ying Xiong, an idealistic left-wing revolutionary typical of 1950s Singapore. The girl’s parents object to their friendship and lock her at home so as to prevent the two from communicating with each other. Ying Xiong’s idealism drives him to go to China to support the Communist cause and he asks Li Qing to join him. However, she wants Ying Xiong to remain in Singapore and sends him a letter via a mutual friend, Ming Li, who has a crush on Li Qing. Ming Li fails to deliver the letter and Ying Xiong sails to China. Thirty years later, Li Qing’s daughter, Meng Yu, falls in love with Yang Guang, an actor from China, but Li Qing disapproves of this union. History is about to repeat itself until Ming Li intervenes and persuades Li Qing to give Yang Guang a chance. When Yang Guang’s adoptive parents fy in to Singapore, Li Qing takes the opportunity to meet them. Yang Guang’s adoptive father turns out to be Ying Xiong! Ming Li fnally decides to reveal that he was the one who failed to deliver Li Qing’s letter to Ying Xiong, but just before he manages to confess, he dies from a heart attack. The xinyao music is pleasant and melodic, but too many ballads prevent the musical from refecting the emotional highs and lows of the drama. The development of Li Qing and Ying Xiong’s love is perhaps too rushed and one does not feel for them. In 2011, Goh Boon Teck, the director of Toy Factory Productions, adapted Royston Tan’s 2007 flm 881 as a musical. Staged at the Esplanade, the musical tells the story of two friends, Min Min and Yan Yan, who dream of singing in the Seventh Month Ghost Festival stage (getai). They seek the help of an ex-getai singer, Ling Ling, who helps them rehearse and gives them their stage name, ‘Papaya Sisters’ (which sounds like ‘881’ in Mandarin). Three deities (Fu, Lu and Shou) narrate the story, help the Papaya Sisters, and provide slapstick comic relief. Competing for the same getai stage are the irritating Durian Sisters from Romania. The Papaya Sisters’ prospects end abruptly when Min Min collapses from an undiagnosed brain tumour and eventually dies. 881 is a jukebox musical featuring old Hokkien songs that used to be very popular in their day. Dance is the weakest element of Singapore musicals. In general, the choreography is unadventurous and the dancers are not well synchronised. The lack of good dancers may be due to the decline in popularity of jazz ballet, modern and abstract dance. Most young dancers in Singapore are learning hip-hop, which does not have the range of expression or subtlety of interpretation seen in jazz ballet, for example. As a result, many Singapore musicals have little or no dancing. In an efort to forge a more systematic developmental process, an association called Musical Theatre Society (later renamed Musical Theatre Live!) was set up in 2004. This organisation discovers new creative talent and helps fnd collaborators for writers and composers. It nurtures talent by inviting experienced playwrights, composers and directors to critique and mentor the creative teams. Readings of the embryonic musical are conducted in front of small groups, and when ready for public display a staged reading is performed in front of an invited audience that includes producers from established theatre companies All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 176 Singapore Soundscape who are invited to take up the work for commercial staging. To date, this organisation has incubated over 30 new musicals, including Georgette by Ng Yi-Sheng and Clement Yang, about the life of Singapore artist Georgette Chen. This musical was staged in Singapore and the Philippines in 2007. There have been several experimental short musicals, like 10 Days of Mourning by Carolyn Camoens, who is active in the Singapore Indian arts scene. This musical featured traditional Indian music composed by Nawaz Mirajkar in 2006. Another experimental musical from 2006 was The Swami, the Cow and the Spaceman by Musa Fazal, with music by Sean Wong. One advantage Singapore has over the West End and Broadway is that the cost of a production remains relatively low. A reasonably good production can be mounted for around $750,000. This contrasts with the multiple millions of dollars that must often be spent in the West. Also, the theatres in Singapore are relatively new and are equipped with state-of-the-art acoustics and stage facilities. However, assembling the right team of producers, directors, choreographers, performers, musicians, lighting and sound designers and stage managers remains a perennial problem. It must be remembered that the Singapore musical started in 1988 virtually from scratch and over the past two decades production companies have gradually built up their expertise. This is a continuing evolution and remarkable progress has already been made. Scene from Makanplace. Courtesy of Kenneth Lyen. Poster for 10 Days of Mourning. Courtesy of Kenneth Lyen. Poster for The Swami, the Cow and the Spaceman. Courtesy of Kenneth Lyen. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 177 Musical Theatre The term ‘triple threat’ refers to performers capable of singing, dancing and acting. Local performers who possess this ‘triple threat’ are rare, so the same faces tend to crop up in many musicals. Since 2004, there has been only one school – LASALLE College of the Arts – that ofers a degree course in musical theatre. Even though only a very small handful of Singaporeans manage to pass the audition to enter this school, the musical theatre course will probably play an important role in supplying well-trained performers in the long run. Musical theatre in Singapore is fresh and energetic. It is infuenced by both the West and the East, and in time, will fnd its own unique voice. But the future of the Singapore musical depends on the creation of many more new works, on audience development, on increased corporate and government support, and further liberalisation in the attitudes of the funding bodies. Selected Musicals Makanplace (1988) takes pride of place in being the frst Singapore musical to be staged. The book on which the musical is based was written by R. Chandran. The librettist was Jasmin Samat Simon, who also composed the music with Saedah Samat. It was produced by Act 3, directed by R. Chandran and choreographed by Richard Tan. Set in a hawker centre, it revolves around the lives of those who work there, those who come and go, and how their lives intertwine. It highlights the value of friendship and of chasing dreams. The music is jaunty with pleasant melodies. Altogether the show contains 10 songs, including two reprises. Notable songs include ‘Makanplace’ and ‘Where Do We Go From Here?’ The musical was frst staged at Victoria Theatre and a few years later restaged at The Drama Centre. A made-for-television version was aired by Singapore Broadcasting Corporation in the early 1990s. Beauty World (1988) was frst staged at the World Trade Centre Auditorium. The script was written by Michael Chiang, with music and lyrics by Dick Lee. It was produced by TheatreWorks, directed by Ong Keng Sen and choreographed by Najip Ali. Set in Singapore in 1965, the story follows Ivy Chan Poh Choo, an illegitimate child abandoned by her family in smalltown Batu Pahat, Johor. The only clue to her heritage is a broken jade pendant with the words ‘Beauty World’ inscribed on its back. She comes to Singapore in search of her father, meets up with her dotty pen friend, who informs her that Beauty World is a sleazy nightclub in Singapore. She meets Lulu the main cabaret dancer, Mummy the mother fgure, Ah Hock a gangster and bartender, and eventually Boss Quek, the owner of the club. One of the patrons of the club, Towkay Tan, lures Ivy to a room upstairs and attempts to rape her. Luckily, she is rescued by Ah Hock, who is Poster for Makanplace. Courtesy of Kenneth Lyen. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 178 Singapore Soundscape attracted to her. Eventually, Ivy learns who her parents are and there is a happy ending. The dialogue uses Singlish quite liberally, which raises laughs with the local audience. Dick Lee’s music is pleasant with a style out of the 1950s. The most memorable tunes are ‘Beauty World Cha Cha Cha’, ‘Single in Singapore’ and ‘Ivy’. The musical had a second run in 1992, and went on tour in the Japanese cities of Fukuoka, Hiroshima, Osaka and Tokyo in September 1992. In 1998, it was reproduced as a television musical production for the fourth President’s Star Charity. Fried Rice Paradise was originally pro- duced in 1991, but was completely rewritten by Dick Lee to celebrate the 50th anniver- sary of the People’s Association in 2010. Set in the 1970s, the story centres on Bee Lean, who is trying to save her father’s cofee shop from being bought over by Rickson Goh, the owner of a disco joint. She is also trying to save their entire row of shophouses from being repossessed. Bee Lean’s idea is to transform her father’s cofee shop and attract more customers by selling her mother’s famous fried rice recipe. The most memorable song is ‘Fried Rice Paradise’. Unfortunately, it takes almost half the musical just to set up the plot and the insertion of community songs is a bit forced. Big Bang! (1995) was staged at the Kallang Theatre. The script was written by Stephen Yan, the lyrics by Desmond Moey, and the music by Kenneth Lyen and Desmond Moey. Additional music was written by Adrian Oh. It was directed by Bob Turof. The story is based on the life of Cambridge cosmologist, Stephen Hawking, and covers the history of astronomy from the ancient Chinese, through Galileo, Isaac Newton, Albert Einstein and Fred Hoyle. Memorable songs include ‘Big Bang!’, ‘I Like Your Mind’ and ‘Stars’. The music was also used during the opening of Fusionopolis in 2008, with Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong in attendance. Sing to the Dawn (1996) was produced by the Singapore Repertory Theatre and staged at the Kallang Theatre. The script was written by Ho Minfong and Stephen Clark, with lyrics by Stephen Clark and music by Dick Lee. It was directed by Steven Dexter and choreographed by Gani Abdul Karim. Based on Ho Mingfong’s novel of the same name, Sing to the Dawn is the story of Dawan, a Thai peasant girl who wins a scholarship to study in the city, but has to overcome parental and societal objections to achieve her goal. Despite such a simple storyline, the book explores the deep emotional conficts both within and outside the family. The music captures the ethnic character of Thailand and covers a wide range of moods. Three songs stand out: ‘My Child’, ‘The City’ and ‘It Just Flies’. The musical is unrelated to the 2008 animation with the same title and story. Chang and Eng (1997) was written by Ming Wong with music and lyrics by Ken Low. It was directed by Ekachai Uekrongtham and choreographed by Mohd. Noor Saman. The story is based on the life of a pair of Siamese twins, Chang and Eng. They are taken from Thailand and brought to America to be part of a freak show. They meet a pair of American Poster for Big Bang! Courtesy of Kenneth Lyen. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 179 Musical Theatre twins with whom they fall in love, marry and produce a total of 21 children. Ken Low wrote a varied score ranging from the comic ‘The Grand Midwife of the West’ to touching ballads like ‘From Now On’ and ‘Mai Phen Rai’. The show was a commercial success and toured China, Hong Kong and Thailand. Temptations (2000) was produced by the Rainbow Theatre. The script was written by Kenneth Lyen, with lyrics by Desmond Moey and music composed by Kenneth Lyen, Desmond Moey and Iskandar Ismail. The show was directed by Jonathan Lim. The story is about food critic Shawn who takes his fellow reporter and date, Leila, to a high- class restaurant called ‘Temptations’. But because of their improper dress, the snobbish restaurant owner, Cat, treats them condescendingly. As a result, Shawn writes a poisonous article about the restaurant in his newspaper column. Cat subsequently turns up at Shawn’s newspaper ofce to protest, but Shawn refuses to retract his article. Not long after Cat and her restaurant’s cook go for drinks at a nearby café where they bump into Shawn and Leila again, and all four are forced to share a table. It slowly becomes apparent that behind the duelling words of Shawn and Cat is a subtext that they are actually enjoying each other’s company. The unlikely pair gradually fall in love and a series of events draw them closer. There is a subplot concerning a cross-dressing cook and Leila. Four other actors make up a Greek chorus and act as intermediaries to the audience. The highlights of the musical are the songs that drive the plot forwards, including ‘No Slippers, No Shorts’, ‘Getting Burnt’ and ‘Manya’s Story’. Forbidden City (2002) was frst commissioned to mark the opening of Esplanade – Theatres on the Bay. The script was written by Stephen Clark and Dick Lee, with lyrics by Stephen Clark and music by Dick Lee. The musical draws from Sterling Seagrave’s controversial biography of Empress Dowager Cixi. It narrates her struggle for survival behind the closed doors of the Forbidden City, maintaining her power in the face of calumny from her own subjects as well as the English press. The story is told from the point of view of American painter Kate Carl and an unscrupulous British journalist George Morrison. There is comic relief provided by the Record Keepers. The music is pleasant and enhances the drama. Forbidden City was restaged in 2003 and 2006. Phua Chu Kang (2005) was staged at the Kallang Indoor Stadium. The script is unaccredited; the lyrics were written by Edmund Ooi, Catherine Casey, Vivienne Lin and Adeline Tan, and the music composed by Edmund Ooi and Peter Casey. The show was directed by Edmund Ooi and choreographed by Bill Calhoun. The story fnds contractor Phua Chu Kang on the brink of turning 40. He drops copious hints to his relatives and workers, but they all pretend not to know while secretly planning a surprise birthday party. In the meantime, Phua Chu Kang’s arch nemesis, Frankie Foo, is angry that Chu Kang had stolen his childhood sweetheart Rosie and vows vengeance. He plants one of his relatives, a Chu Kang lookalike who claims to be Chu Kang’s brother Chu Kok. Chu Kang is hoodwinked by this imposter, who takes him to see a Feng Shui master. The latter informs Chu Kang that he will die on his 40th birthday. Depressed, Chu Kang signs away his house and all his belongings to his brother. Chu Kang’s family is angry and upset that everything has been given away to this fraudulent brother. Just as the villainous Frankie Foo is about to claim Phua Chu Kang’s home and evict the entire family, he has a heart attack. Phua Chu Kang resuscitates Frankie, who then tears up the contract, but secretly vows to destroy his saviour in the future. The story is predictable and the set-up takes too long. The music is largely functional and some of the songs do not advance the plot or enhance characterisation. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 180 Singapore Soundscape Georgette (2007) was produced by Musical Theatre Ltd and staged at the Esplanade Recital Studio. The script and lyrics were written by Ng Yi-Sheng and the music by Clement Yang. The musical focuses on the life of Singapore artist Georgette Chen during her younger, formative years. The frst half sets the tone by focusing on the relationship between Georgette and Eugene, an ethnic Chinese from Trinidad who is twice her age and eventually becomes the foreign minister of China. Georgette is fercely independent while Eugene is reserved. Nevertheless, they marry against the wishes of Georgette’s wealthy parents. The story follows the pair as they travel from China to Paris to Trinidad and are ultimately caught by the sweep of history. They are imprisoned by the Japanese in Shanghai during the Second World War and they encounter communist forces. The music refects the diferent countries and periods very well. It is one of the more innovative Singapore musicals. The show was also staged in the Philippines. Memorable songs include ‘Woman on the Wall’, ‘Don’t Cross Your Chopsticks’, ‘Raise the Flag’ and ‘A Bowl of Fruits’. H is for Hantu (2009) was produced by Stages and originally staged at the Alliance Française Auditorium. The script and lyrics were written by Jonathan Lim and the music was composed by Bang Wenfu. Puppets were designed, created and manipulated by Frankie Yeo. The show was directed by Jonathan Lim. Sazali is a schoolboy who can see hantu (Malay for ghosts). He is living in Singapore’s last remaining kampong, where a community of spirits lives nearby. When Angie Seah, a woman from the Housing Development Board, comes to evict the residents so that the kampong can be redeveloped, Sazali decides to fght the bureaucrats. However, it turns out that Angie is a victim herself, possessed by an unspeaking ghost who drives her to scramble through the jungle at night, searching for something. Sazali investigates and fnds out that Angie used to live in that kampong as a child and her best friend, Swee Choo, a mute girl, died soon after her departure for city life. It comes to light that Angie is not a villain and actually fought hard to be put in charge of the kampong’s relocation so that she could ensure the residents were treated properly. Since one cannot defeat the government once it has made up its mind, it would be more pragmatic to get the best deal possible for the residents. When Angie ofers them attractive new apartments, they are happy to move and ultimately keep their community together using a Facebook group. Angie eventually meets the ghost of Swee Choo face-to-face and presents her with the token of their friendship she has been searching for. The best thing about the show might be the puppets, which are spectacular. The music supports the mock spooky feel of the musical. References Atkey, Mel. A Million Miles from Broadway: Musical Theatre Beyond New York and London. Toronto: Friendlysong Books, 2012. Hales, Aaron. ‘The State on Stage: A Socio-Political Critique of Singaporean Musical Theatre.’ Ph.D. Dissertation, School of Music and School of Social and Cultural Studies, University of Western Australia, 2009. Lee, Dick. The Adventures of the Mad Chinaman. Singapore: Marshall Cavendish, 2011. Report of the Advisory Council on Culture and the Arts. Singapore, 1989. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 181 Musical Theatre Tan, Kenneth Paul. Renaissance Singapore: Economy, Culture, and Politics. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2007. Yeoh, Lizhen Geraldine. ‘The Singapore Musical: Perspectives, Paradigms, Practices.’ Honours Thesis, Department of Theatre Studies, National University of Singapore, 2011. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 182 Singapore Soundscape Jazz from the 1920s to the Present: the Musicians, the Spaces and the Music 1 CHAPTER 13 Zheng Yuepeng All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 183 Jazz from the 1920s to the Present The Charlie Lazaroo Octette comprising Filipino jazz musicians who had emigrated to Singapore and Singaporean musicians; performing in 1958 at Victoria Concert Hall for the annual Musicians Union of Singapore ball (reproduced with permission of John Lee). From left to right: Charlie Lazaroo, piano (hidden from view), Bebop Ventura, bass. Front row: John Lee, 2nd tenor saxophone; Dick Abel, 1st tenor saxophone; Renaldo Lachica, 1st alto saxophone; Valentine Ortega, 2nd alto saxophone; Slava Tairoff, baritone saxophone. Back row: Sayzon Nonoi, Olympia Galuara, trumpet; Caesar Alano, trombone. Lazaroo and Lee are from Singapore, while Tairoff and Abel are from the Soviet Union and Indonesia respectively. Ventura, Ortega, Nonoi, Galaura and Alano are of Filipino heritage. I n this history of jazz in Singapore, I tell three stories that span the 1920s to the present. The frst story is about people: in the 1920s, something I call the ‘Asia-Pacifc Jazz Network’, a series of port-cities that stretched from Mumbai at its westernmost end to San Francisco at its easternmost, brought scores of travelling jazz musicians – musicians from a wide range of nationalities who travelled on the Network and performed in its port-cities – to play in hotels in Singapore. At the same time, Filipino musicians travelled directly to Singapore to make a living here. After the Second World War, many of these musicians decided to stay and make Singapore their home, and their children became the country’s most prominent musicians. 2 Lastly, the 1980s was the start of a new chapter in which musicians of other ancestries rose to prominence. The second story is a story of spaces. In the 1920s, travelling musicians featured regularly on the bandstands of Singapore’s most exclusive hotels, many of which – such as the Rafes Hotel, which I focus on here – served as social centres for the European elite living in the port-city. On the other hand, Filipino emigré musicians performed in both the hotels as well as the three main cabarets (the New World Cabaret, the Great World Cabaret and the Happy World Cabaret) that existed before the war, spaces that catered not just to the European social elite but people from all walks of life. After the war, a series of restaurants, cabarets and hotels were set up, increasing the number of spaces where one could dance and listen to music that included jazz. This story concludes by All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 184 Singapore Soundscape highlighting the spaces that musicians and jazz enthusiasts raved about from the 1960s to the present. Last but certainly not least, this chapter tells a story of the music that those in Singapore heard and how that music changed over the decades. Compared to their counterparts in the United States, the primarily European musicians who played in the hotels of Singapore during the 1920s, it seems, were not playing the latest forms of jazz – forms of jazz that impressed audiences and musicians the world over – but they were certainly conversant in the genre of jazz. This diference in the music, however, did not appear to matter as much to audiences, who simply loved dancing to music. With regard to music for dancing, these musicians did not only play jazz; rather, what they played was shaped by existing demands for music. As such, musicians who played jazz in Singapore also had to play classical music, ballroom dance music to accompany foxtrots and waltzes, and later on, mambo and swing. The musicians also played music to accompany ‘foorshows’ – variety performances that might feature, say, an acrobatic act. The musicians who performed in the cabarets from the 1920s onwards did the same. As time passed, musicians in Singapore followed developments abroad – hence the introduction of music like the samba, swing, and later on, bebop and bossa nova, just to name a few examples. There also came a shift in the way musicians thought about jazz. Whereas they might have thought of the music initially as accompaniment to the dancing, some of them eventually came to consider it as music that one should sit down and listen to. Lastly, while some musicians yearned to break free of the limitations that their clients imposed on them, it is clear that the musicians who played jazz were proud of what they did and derived a sense of satisfaction not just from playing jazz, but from playing music. Band at the Raffes Hotel (reproduced with the kind permission of Louis Soliano). Typical of groups touring on the Network, the band’s members probably met while travelling on it and probably had no intention of coming to Singapore when they left their homelands. The two identifable musicians are the English drummer Dan Hopkin (centre, standing) and the Soviet pianist Monia Liter. Hopkins was in India when he was recruited by a travelling American Dixieland band in 1922, and the band was in Colombo that year when it was recruited by the Raffes Hotel. Liter was a Russian refugee who was performing in Calcutta in 1926 with a multi-national band called the Jimmy Lequime Orchestra, when the Orchestra received and accepted a job offer from the Raffes Hotel. Lequime’s band was formed in Shanghai, and included members from Austria, Canada, the Philippines and the Soviet Union (Colin and Staveacre 1979; Stonor 1972, 223–25). All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 185 Jazz from the 1920s to the Present Port-cities in the Asia-Pacifc Jazz Network. This map shows the different port-cities in the Network. Musicians traveling from one point to another on the network would stop by other port-cities along the way and perform, sometimes meeting new musicians and sometimes even forming new bands and traveling to other port cities to perform. The table in the diagram lists some of the performance venues on the Network. Map prepared by author. The Asia-Pacific Jazz Network, the European Social Elite and Jazz in Singapore from 1922 to 1942 What I call the Asia-Pacifc Jazz Network was a series of port-cities that stretched from Bombay on its westernmost end; Australia and New Zealand at its southernmost point; and San Francisco at its very eastern tip. In these port-cities, musicians performed in hotels, cabarets and restaurants, all of which formed a network of performance venues. 3 The Network was like a set of grooves that took hold of musicians and brought them from place to place: on the Network, travelling jazz musicians would befriend others, form new bands and travel to port-cities in the Network that they probably had no plans to go to before they left their home countries. 4 Musicians from Singapore, such as the Eurasian pianists Claude Oliveiro and Jean Kleinman, performed in hotels in Singapore (Oliveiro 1085/1; Stonor 1972); however, the history of jazz in Singapore cannot be isolated from the history of the Network and the musicians who travelled on it, for many of the musicians who performed in the Rafes Hotel in these decades were travelling musicians. The history of jazz in Singapore is also intertwined with the lifestyle of the European All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 186 Singapore Soundscape community here. Dancing was a popular recreational activity for the European social elite living in Singapore. They danced in certain spaces that served as centres of social life for their communities: private clubs such as the Swiss Club, the Teutonia Club and the Tanglin Club, and also hotels like the Rafes Hotel. 5 Music would be required for these dances, and that probably explains why there was a demand for musicians in Singapore. What musicians played at the Rafes Hotel was not cutting-edge jazz. The music had certain defning characteristics of jazz, such as melodic improvisation and the instrumentation of a typical jazz band. 6 At that time, however, developments that would shape the future of jazz were already taking place in the United States, and audiences in Southeast Asia who heard performances from American musicians were impressed by what they heard, which was diferent from the live music they had been listening to. 7 This diference, however, did not necessarily mean much to audiences. Even though musicians in Southeast Asia raved about the performances of jazz musicians visiting from abroad, it was primarily the European musicians who performed in the hotels’ bandstands despite not being at the forefront of the latest jazz developments (Stonor 1972). Patrons of the hotels were probably more interested in dancing and watching foorshows, and were probably contented with the music performed by the European musicians. Jazz in the Cabarets before the Second World War The Rafes Hotel catered primarily to the European social elite. Ethnicity was not a barrier at the three most popular cabarets before the war: the New World Cabaret, which opened in 1929, the Great World Cabaret in 1931 and the Happy World Cabaret in 1937. 8 People Filipino Émigré Musicians on the Bandstand (reproduced with permission Louis Soliano). In the absence of pictures taken inside the cabarets before the Second World War, this picture of Alphonso Soliano’s Swing Band, taken at the Lido Restaurant in Shaw House around 1946, shows what a pre-war cabaret might have looked like. It was not uncommon to see all-Filipino groups take the stage before and after the Second World War, and this indicates how Filipino musicians had a strong presence in providing live entertainment, as well as their signifcance in the history of jazz in Singapore. There is an additional point to note here: the signs fanking the stage would, presumably, light up and indicate what kind of dances the band was going to play. From left to right: drummer Paul Soliano, tenor saxophonist Celio Francisco, clarinetist Paul Martinus, bassist Joyce Suarez, trumpeter Placido Martin, pianist Alphonso Soliano and guitarist William Tupaz. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 187 Jazz from the 1920s to the Present Fred Libio (drums) Filipino musician who led a band at the Happy Cabaret in the 1930s. Connie Contrado (clarinet) Filipino musician. D’Silva Goan musician who led a band at the New World Cabaret in the 1930s. Charlie Krygsman (drums) Eurasian musician who led a band named ‘Hot Stompers’ at the Great World Cabaret. Ahmad Pateh (saxophone) Musician with the Hot Stompers. Osman Pateh (trumpet) Musician with the Hot Stompers. Manning (saxophone) Filipino musician. Southern Cabaret, Chinatown, 1954 (reproduced with permission from John Lee). From left to right: saxophonist Ong Haw Tee; guitarist John Lee; saxophonist Hussein Sarmu; bandleader and saxophonist Carlos Bosito; drummer Cecil Fernandez; bassist Yet (full name unknown) and pianist Charlie See. The Southern Cabaret was located next to The Majestic Theatre on Eu Tong Sen Street in Chinatown. from all walks of life went there to dance to a variety of music that included jazz, and also watched other performances that the musicians provided accompanying music for. 9 However, the musicians who travelled on the Network were not the ones performing in the cabarets; instead, most musicians in the cabarets were from the Philippines. There are few records of the musicians’ names, but many patrons of the cabarets before the Second World War recollected that the musicians were Filipinos. 10 Names of some musicians who performed at the cabarets before the Second World War (Danker (2753/3); Danker 2009; Soliano 2009) 11 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 188 Singapore Soundscape There are two probable explanations for this. Firstly, hotel managers in port-cities across the Asia-Pacifc Jazz Network spent lavish amounts in searching for and hiring musicians; 12 perhaps the cabaret owners could not aford to hire musicians from the Network or they wanted to reduce their costs. Presumably, it cost less to hire musicians from the Philippines. Secondly, from the 1920s to the 1940s, it could have been the case that the cabaret managers could not fnd enough musicians in Singapore who could fll the spots on the bandstand. 13 On the contrary, Filipino musicians had been performing in Singapore since the 1910s (Wright 1972: 111). This also explains why there were few local musicians performing on the bandstand. Jazz in Post-war Singapore: 1945 to the 1970s The war in the Pacifc brought about many changes to jazz in the region. Musicians all over the Network returned to their countries of origin. 14 The musicians working in the Rafes Hotel were either imprisoned in Changi or sent to work on the Death Railway in Thailand. After the war, however, musicians started performing in the Rafes Hotel again (Stonor 1972, 229). 15 Also, while the city sufered from unemployment and poverty, new cabarets, hotels and restaurants opened up in the 1950s and 1960s, creating many jobs for musicians. These new performance venues, as listed in The Malaya Tribune and The Straits Times, included the Southern Cabaret, the Merry Cabaret, the Carlton Night Club, the South Winds Hotel, the Lido Restaurant, the Cockpit Hotel, the Odeon, the Cathay Restaurant and the Singapura Hotel, just to name a few. The music they played included new styles that had developed overseas – such as swing and mambo 16 – but the music seemed to serve the same background function. The Cathay Restaurant in the 1950s (reproduced with permission from Louis Soliano). From left to right: pianist and bandleader Harry Hackmayer; bassist Jantan, drummer Paul Soliano, an unidentifed guitarist, saxophonist Renaldo Lachica, saxophonist Ahmad Jaafar, who would later receive the Cultural Medallion in 1981 for his contributions to the music scene. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 189 Jazz from the 1920s to the Present After the Second World War, several families of Filipino musicians who had arrived in Singapore before or just after the war decided to continue living in Singapore. 17 This included the Solianos, the Castillos, the Ortegas, the Daroyas, the Reyes, the Lachicas, the Tupazs, the Mendozas, the Ancianos, the Bacsafras, the Franciscos, the Martins and the Peraltas (Ortega 2009; Soliano 2009). Filipino musicians who were active during the years after the war included multi-instrumentalist Gerry Soliano, bandleader Don Castillo, saxophonist Valentine Ortega and guitarist William Tupaz, just to name a few. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, a new generation of musicians emerged, and with their arrival came changes in the kind of jazz they performed. Many of their children also became musicians and a number of this new generation of Filipino musicians garnered much praise from fellow musicians and jazz enthusiasts. This new generation included musicians like double bassist/pianist Ernesto Daroya, trumpeter/vocalist Tony Castillo, saxophonist Richard Ortega and drummer/vocalist Louis Soliano. Mirroring the way their counterparts from the United States had begun thinking about jazz, some of these young musicians came to view the music as something that was not just for dancing to; for these musicians, jazz became something that audiences should sit down and listen to (Ortega 2009). At that time, most performance venues hired musicians to perform for dances and to accompany foorshows. The Golden Venus, a pub-cum-restaurant in the Orchard Hotel, In the 1960s, a second generation of musicians of Filipino heritage became the most prominent musicians in Singapore. This photo was taken in December 1964 at the American Consulate during Louis Armstrong’s visit to Singapore (reproduced by permission from Louis Soliano). Front row: drummer/vocalist Louis Soliano, drummer Terry Tay, multi-instrumentalist Gerry Soliano. Centre of picture: Louis Armstrong. Back row: trombonist David Chen; guitarist Horace Wee; pianist Simplicius Chong; saxophonist Frisco Soliano; a fautist named Smith; double bassist Jimmy Gan; drummer Rufno Soliano; trumpeter/vocalist Tony Castillo, double bassist Billy Martinez and double bassist/pianist Ernesto Daroya. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 190 Singapore Soundscape The Bistro Toulouse Lautrec (reproduced with permission from WMG Group and Munshi Ahmed). The Bistro was a restaurant at Tanglin Shopping Centre where musicians got to play mainstream jazz as well as jam during well-attended sessions on Sundays. From left to right: pianist Jeremy Monteiro, bassist Ramli Shariff, drummer Tony Zee, guitarist Robin Macatangay and trumpeter Terry Undag. The Jockey Pub (reproduced with permission from WMG Group and Munshi Ahmed). Sunday jam sessions at the Jockey Pub in the early 1980s became a cathartic ritual for musicians playing ‘commercial music’ to make a living. Speaking of Louis Castillo’s (second from the left) love for jazz, a newspaper reporter wrote: ‘This is why the Castillo brothers – Tony and Louis – who play a potpourri of jazz, pop and old favourites at the Meridien Changi, invariably make their way to the Jockey Pub [at the Shaw Centre] on Sunday afternoons even though they have to work on Sunday nights.’ (The Straits Times, 13 September 1985) The saxophonist on the left is Stephen Rufus. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 191 Jazz from the 1920s to the Present proved to be the frst exception to this rule. Diners in the restaurant started coming down with the intention of listening to the music instead of dancing to it, and when some of the musicians there sensed that they could play what they preferred to play, they would take the chance. Occasionally, musicians would also gather there to jam and to listen to their fellow musicians play (Wee 2009). The fact that musicians could not play jazz as they wished conjures up an image of the frustrated artist, unable to survive without compromising his artistic integrity. It is clear, however, that for some of the jazz musicians mentioned in this history, it was not just playing jazz that they enjoyed and excelled at, but playing music (Castillo 2009; Soliano 2009). The 1980s Onwards: the Declining Prominence of Filipino Musicians and their Children The 1980s witnessed several changes in jazz in Singapore. One notable trend from the 1980s up to the present is the changing face of Singapore’s jazz musicians. In the 1980s, Singapore witnessed the rise of jazz musicians, such as the pianist Jeremy Monteiro, who performed at the prestigious Montreux Jazz Festival in 1988 (Monteiro 3016/14). Filipino musicians still made a name for themselves, headlining bands in hotel lounges and garnering the attention of the press for a series of yearly jazz festivals in the 1980s named the Singapore International Jazz Festival; but these musicians were not new faces – they were the same musicians who had risen to prominence in the 1960s. 18 What caused the change? Filipino musicians who immigrated to Singapore around the 1930s had many children who became musicians. Not all of these children took up their parent’s profession, however, and even fewer of the subsequent generation became musicians. Secondly, the increasing emphasis on educational qualifcations in Singapore probably had an impact on many of the latter’s decisions to embark on careers not related to music (Ortega 2009; Soliano 2009). Performance Venues from the 1980s to 2000s In the mid 1960s, the Golden Venus declined in popularity amongst musicians, due in part to the cancellation of jam sessions there (Wee 2009). The next venues that musicians fondly recollect were the Jockey Pub and the Bistro Toulouse Lautrec, which opened their doors to musicians in 1977 and 1983 respectively. 19 Like the Golden Venus, these two pubs hosted popular weekly jam sessions that musicians passionate about jazz participated in (The Straits Times, 13 September 1985). In other words, these places, too, ofered musicians opportunities to play jazz on a regular basis, rather than play background music in lounges, jazz standards for dancers or providing musical accompaniment for foorshows. Both the Jockey Pub and the Bistro Toulouse Lautrec had shut their doors by the mid 1980s (The Straits Times, 13 September 1985). In 1986, however, another venue that aforded the same kind of creative licence to jazz musicians opened its doors: the Somerset Bar at the Westin Hotel. This bar played host to many jazz musicians from the United States until 1999, when the bar was renovated and musicians no longer performed jazz there (Monteiro 2008). Most recently, Harry’s Bar at Boat Quay and Jazz at Southbridge ofered jazz musicians the same kind of performance opportunities. Just as it was the case with the performance venues previously mentioned, these places did not prove to be permanent fxtures: the weekly jam sessions at Harry’s Bar at Boat Quay were cancelled in 2010, while Jazz at Southbridge, which moved to the Esplanade after being located in Boat Quay for several years, shut its doors in 2011. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 192 Singapore Soundscape The Spaces, the Music and the Musicians: the State of Jazz in Singapore Today While the closures of all these performance venues suggest that jazz in Singapore leads a precarious existence, other evidence suggests that a strong interest in jazz continues to exist in Singapore. The Mosaic Music Festival, frst organised by the Esplanade in 2005, brings the world’s best jazz musicians to perform in the venue. While performance venues are few in number, there are some, including the Blu Jaz Café and the Sultan Jazz Club, that appear to be supportive of the musicians and their creative freedom. Lastly but certainly not least, there continue to be many talented jazz musicians and students of the music in Singapore. Many serious students of jazz also venture abroad to deepen their knowledge of their craft. While jazz performances by musicians based in Singapore might be hard to come by, this does not mean that jazz musicians do not exist; instead, many of them continue to perform a variety of genres of music and pass on their craft. Notes 1 The history of jazz in Singapore was a difcult one to document, and all shortcomings in this work are my responsibility. I am very grateful to a number of people for their support, without which this work would not have been possible. I am deeply thankful to John Lee and Louis Soliano for very graciously recounting to me the stories of musicians in the past and lending me their photos. A very big thank you to Andrew Lim, Ansel Almeida, Tony Danker, Christy Smith, Danny Koh, Eddie Chan, Horace Wee, Iskandar Ismail, Jeremy Monteiro, John Wong, Julai Tan, Mei Sheum, Richard Ortega, Rufno Soliano Omniform, a 10‐piece jazz outft based in Singapore, performing at the 2010 edition of the Mosaic Music Festival. Photo courtesy of Esplanade – Theatres on the Bay. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 193 Jazz from the 1920s to the Present and family, Sadli Ali, Tama Goh, Terrence de Souza, Tony Castillo, and Wilfred Bay for sharing your stories with me. This work would also not have been possible without the guidance and support of Professors Jose Celso Castro Alves, Sean Redding and Jason Robinson from Amherst College. I am very thankful for your help. Lastly, the assistance of Canadian jazz historian Mark Miller was crucial for helping me conceptualise this project in 2008. Thank you to Ilsa Sharp also for your kind assistance in locating copyright permissions for photographs. I apologise if I have missed out any names. 2 Musicians of Goanese descent also made up a sizeable number, but appear not to have been as numerous as Filipino musicians in Singapore. While it appears that the histories of Goanese and Filipino jazz musicians in Singapore are similar, there is little historical evidence about the former group. 3 References to the venues were made in Chicago Defender, 3 October 1925, 6 October 1923 and 22 December 1923; Clayton 1987; Darke and Gulliver 1975, 179, 184-185; Hershey 1922, 29; Metronome, January 1920 and March 1922; Moller 1976, 99; Seton 1923 and Stonor 1972, 223 and 228. 4 For examples of how musicians befriended others and formed new bands while travelling on the network, see Moller 1976, 98; Darke and Gulliver 1975. For examples of how musicians travelled to places they never expected to go before leaving their homes, see Richard 1975, 91; Stonor 1972, 223. 5 The Swiss Club and the Teutonia Club catered to the Swiss and German communities respectively, while the Tanglin Club catered exclusively to the British. See Schweizer- Iten 1980, 32–33; Schreck 1991, 577; Shennan 2000, 58; and Turnbull 1989, 137. 6 A band that played at the Rafes Hotel in 1926, the Jimmy Lequime Orchestra, made a record of their music just before performing in Singapore. This recording allows us to imagine what dancers at the Rafes Hotel heard. Particularly representative are the frst two tracks from Jazz and Hot Dance in India (Harlequin 1985). 7 For examples of how musicians in Southeast Asia were impressed by the music that visiting United States musicians played and how the former found this music to be diferent from what they usually heard, see Williamson 1960, 126 and Moller 1976, 99. 8 Rudolph (1996) provides the opening dates for the New World, Happy World and the cabarets in both places. Advertisements in The Malaya Tribune show that the Great World opened its doors in July 1931.There are several primary sources that suggest that social status was not a barrier to entry at the cabarets. On the opening day of the New World Cabaret, an advertisement in The Malaya Tribune (19 December 1929) proclaimed that ‘All Nationalities [would be] catered for’ (11). Other sources such as Lockhart (1936, 143–144) and McKie (1950, 104–105) note that the dancers at the cabarets were of diferent ethnicities. 9 Newspaper clippings and advertisements, among other primary sources, point out that one could watch foorshows in the cabarets. See, for example, The Malaya Tribune (20 December 1929, ‘New World Cabaret: Opening Night Well Attended’) and the advertisement for the New World Cabaret in The Malaya Tribune (2 January 1931). 10 See Wong (93/9), Anonymous 2 (529/1–2) and also McKie (1950, 104–5). All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 194 Singapore Soundscape 11 Amateur bands called musical parties, borne out of organisations named ‘musical associations’, also performed occasionally at the cabarets. One of these musical parties included the Merrilads. See Chan (2268/6–15); Ee (714/3); Soh (311/30–34). 12 For accounts of how performance venues in Shanghai, for example, spent large sums of money to hire musicians, see Chicago Defender, 3 October 1925; Clayton 1987, 60; Miller 2005, 147; Miller 2007, 47. 13 Claude Oliveiro (1085/2–3), a Eurasian pianist who performed in the Hotel de L’Europe from 1928 to 1933 with a group of Filipino musicians, suggests that the manager of the hotel might have hired the musicians through correspondence with the Philippines. 14 Darke and Gulliver 1975, 185–186 and Clayton 1987, 77–78. 15 The three amusement parks that contained the cabarets were used as gambling dens; I have not found any information about what happened to the cabarets during the Second World War. See also Rudolph 1996. 16 Rufno Soliano has made a home recording of a 1960s radio tribute to the double bassist/ pianist Ernesto Daroya, a musician of Filipino heritage who grew up in Singapore. This is one of the few recordings of jazz made in Singapore in the decades after the war. The piano trio performance, which features Billy Martinez on double bass (the son of Eurasian guitarist Harry Martinez, who migrated from Indonesia to Singapore) and Rufno Soliano on drums (Ernesto’s uncle), is characteristic of piano trio performances by United States musicians like Bill Evans (that is, in terms of song choice, the form of the performances and instrumentation). In the absence of more recordings, I have relied on diferent sources to learn about what kind of music musicians in the 1950s performed. The drummer/singer Louis Soliano (2009), nephew of multi-instrumentalist Gerry Soliano (who led a band at the Rafes Hotel in the years after the war), told me that his uncle included swing in his repertoire; an advertisement in the Singapore Free Press (22 December 1947, 8) also referred to a band led by the pianist Alphonso Soliano as a ‘swing band’. Otherwise, the caption of a picture of Gerry’s band in the National Archives of Singapore mentions that the band also played mambos. 17 There were a number of Filipino families with several members working as musicians. 18 The musicians of Filipino heritage who performed at these festivals included drummer/ singer Louis Soliano, saxophonist/pianist Richard Ortega, saxophonist Renaldo Lachica and trumpeters Olympia Galaura and Tony Castillo – these were all musicians who had burst onto the scene in the 1960s. See ‘Jazz Scene’ in The Straits Times, 17 September 1982; ‘Give Jazz a Boost of Festivity’ in The Straits Times, 26 September 1983; ‘But Sunday’s bands disappoint’ in The Straits Times, 21 September 1983; and ‘Swing, Dixie and Light Fusion’ in The Straits Times, 9 October 1984. 19 For the opening year of the Bistro Tolouse-Latrec, see ‘Where’s the Zest for Jazz?’ in The Straits Times, 13 September 1985; for the opening year of the Jockey Pub, see Lim 1984, 11. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 195 Jazz from the 1920s to the Present References Anonymous. ‘An interesting letter to Shanghai’, Metronome 38, March 1922, 89. Anonymous. ‘Harry Kerrey’s orchestra at New Maxim’s Café, Shanghai, China’, Metronome 40, March 1922, 88 Anonymous. ‘Kerrey’s band in China’, Metronome 36, January 1920, 69. Brown, Cecil. Suez to Singapore. New York: Random House, 1942. Clayton, Buck. Buck Clayton’s Jazz World. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Colin, Sid and Tony Staveacre. Al Bowlly. London: Elm Tree Press, 1979 Darke, Peter and Ralph Gulliver. ‘Teddy Weatherford’, Storyville 65, 1975, 175–190. Hershey, Burnet. ‘Jazz Latitude’, New York Times Book Review and Magazine, 25 June 1922, 8–9; reprinted in Robert Walser (ed.) Keeping Time: Readings in Jazz History. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999, 25–31. Lim, Gerrard. ‘The Good, the Bad and the Jazzy’, Accent, May 1984, 10–15. Lockhart, Bruce. Return to Malaya. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1936. McKie, Roland. This Was Singapore. London: Robert Hale, 1950. McKie, Roland. Singapore. Singapore: Sydney, Angus and Robertson, 1972. Miller, Mark. High Hat, Trumpet and Rhythm: The Life and Music of Valaida Snow. Toronto: The Mercury Press, 2007. Miller, Mark. Some Hustling This! Taking Jazz to the World 1914–1929. Toronto, Ontario: The Mercury Press, 2005. Moller, Allard J. ‘A Jazz Odyssey: Jack Carter’s Orchestra’, Storyville 63, February 1976, 97–103. Richard, Roger. ‘Roger Richard talks to… Albert Nicholas.’ Storyville 57, February 1975, 86–96. Rudolph, Jurgen. ‘Amusements in the Three ‘‘Worlds’’’ in Sanjay Krishnan (ed.) Looking at Culture. Singapore: Artes Design and Communication, 1996, 21–33. Schreck, Barbara Walsh. Forty Good Men: the Story of the Tanglin Club in the Island of Singapore. Singapore: Tanglin Club, 1991. Schweizer-Iten, Hans. One Hundred Years of the Swiss Club and the Swiss Community in Singapore. Singapore: Swiss Club, 1980. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 196 Singapore Soundscape Seton, Grace Thompson. ‘The Jazzing Japanese’, Metronome, July 1923, 52–54. Shennan, Margaret. Out in the Midday Sun: the British in Malaya, 1880–1960. London: John Murray, 2000. Stonor, Henry. ‘They Played at Rafes’, Storyville 42, August 1972, 217–229. Turnbull, Constance Mary. A History of Singapore 1819–1988. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989. Williamson, Ken. This is Jazz. London: Newnes, 1960. Wright, Clifton. Cameos of the Old Federated Malay States and Straits Settlements, 1912– 1924. Ilfracombe: Stockwell, 1972. Periodicals and Newspapers Accent, May 1984. Chicago Defender, 3 October 1925; 6 October 1923; 22 December 1923. Malaya Tribune, The, 19–20 December 1929; 2 January 1931. Singapore Free Press, 22 December 1947. Straits Times, The, 17 September 1982; 21 September 1983; 26 September 1983; 9 October 1984; 13 September 1985. Interviews Ali, Sadli. 29 January 2009. Castillo, Tony. 12 January 2009. _______ . 22 January 2009. Chan, Eddie. 8 January 2009. Danker, Anthony John. 25 February 2009. Monteiro, Jeremy. 29 January 2009. Ortega, Richard. 22 January 2009. Soliano, Louis. 25 January 2009 _______. 26 January 2009. _______ . 28 January 2009. _______ . 30 January 2009. _______ . 28 January 2011 Wee, Horace. 20 January 2009. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 197 Jazz from the 1920s to the Present Oral History Centre, National Archives of Singapore ‘Anonymous 2’. Accession Number 000529, Reels 1 and 2. Chan, Chon Hoe. Accession Number 002268, Reels 6, 9, 10, 13, 14 and 15. Danker, Anthony John. Accession Number 002753, Reel 3. Ee, Peng Liang. Accession Number 000714, Reel 3. Fernandez, Edward Collins. Accession Number 003227, Reel 1. Monteiro, Jeremy. Accession Number 003016, Reel 14. Oliveiro, Claude. Accession Number 001085, Reels 1–3. Soh, Wah Seng. Accession Number 000311, Reels 30–34. Wong, May. Accession Number 000093, Reel 9. Discography Various Artists. Jazz and Hot Dance in India, 1926-1944. London: Harlequin HQ2013, 1985. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore PART 3 THE INSTITUTIONAL All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore PART 3 THE INSTITUTIONAL All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 200 Singapore Soundscape Jun Zubillaga-Pow Government Policies on Music CHAPTER 14 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 201 Government Policies on Music ‘In Singapore our cultural policy has been to encourage stimulating diversity within the framework of a constructive unity.’ – S. Rajaratnam, Minister of Culture (1959–1965) M usic since prehistoric times has been a very private afair, occurring in little caves and huts, before it entered the taverns and teahouses. In late colonial Singapore, most of the proper music could be heard in churches and street operas, known to all as the wayang. These diverse avenues had allowed people to appreciate music, although it remained rather ephemeral. Even with the advent of the age of audio technology, there was not much control over the accessibility of music. Under the British rulers, Malaya, unlike the Dutch East Indies and the Philippines, had been more fortunate in that ethnic music had not been suppressed by the colonial administration. Musical activities continued to prevail throughout urban Singapore and these included brass band music, flm music in several language mediums, and a variety of cultural entertainment at the amusement parks. But that was all to change when the Japanese invaded the entrepôt state. Music During the Japanese Occupation For three-and-a-half years, Singapore came under the Japanese military administration, and for the majority of the Singapore population, the state of musical activities then was lacklustre. This was a period of severe repression with the public censorship of both Anglo and Chinese forms of expression. The culture of the small city at the tip of the Malayan peninsula was drastically changed overnight in February 1942 with the birth of Syonan- to, meaning ‘Light of the South’, which is the name the Japanese gave to the colony. As historical evidence reveals, only German and Japanese music were allowed to be played and sung, for those two powers were part of the Axis during the Second World War. What the Japanese military forces had wanted then was to unite all Asian nations under Japanese leadership and purify them of American and European colonialism. Yet they were not interested in the restoration of the local native cultures and were intent on imposing their brand of imperialism upon the Southeast Asians, from the Taiwanese to the Indonesians. In Singapore, the variety shows at the three amusement parks – Great World, New World and Gay World – were curtailed, while the Victoria Memorial Hall became the headquarters of the Syonan Kokaido Orchestra. The Japanese had dispatched a band conductor and composer called Watanabe Makoto, who subsequently recruited numerous musicians in Singapore. Among the 50-strong ensemble were Swiss concert master, Walter Rayman; Hungarians Paul Gerentser (percussion/manager), Feri Krempl (cello/bassoon), Chappie Kantor (viola) and Dodo Malinger (piano); Russian Slava Tairof (violin); Czechoslovakians David Apelbaum (piano) and Dirk Kalf (violin); as well as local Malayan violinists M. A. De Sa, B. A. Bacsafra, De Silva, Titus Remedios, Tan Peng Tuan and Paul Abisheganaden, and harmonium player George Khoo. There were neither Americans nor British present in the orchestra, nor was American or British music performed by the orchestra; instead, the Western musicians had to wear white armbands every time they appeared on stage to mark their afliations to the German Führer, Adolf Hitler. The music consisted mainly of military marches with catchy tunes as well as German classical waltzes and Japanese patriotic songs, which were all played twice on Sunday afternoons to a boisterous crowd of Japanese military ofcials and conscripts at the Victoria Theatre. The music education system in public schools also received an overhaul. Not many children attended school during the Japanese Occupation, but those who enrolled were taught only the Japanese language and to sing Japanese songs. Special arrangements All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 202 Singapore Soundscape were made with the school broadcasting authorities to teach the songs via playback with the assistance of the class teacher. These songs included the Kimigayo, the imperial anthem proclaiming the longevity of the Japanese emperor, and Umi Yukaba, composed by one Nobutoki Kiyoshi and sung in praise of the superiority of the Japanese majesty, as well as Kojono Tsuki, Hamabe No Uta and Miotono Kaino Sora Akete. The Japanese administration even employed three music inspectors – Paul Abisheganaden, William E. Meyer and Sebastian de Sa – to assess the suitability and difculty levels of the songs. Eventually, school children were humming or whistling Japanese tunes along the streets of warring Malaya, instead of their native Chinese or Malay folk melodies. Music During the British Military Administration Almost immediately after the surrender of the Japanese in August 1945, the entertainment unit of the National Service Association set up a symphony orchestra under the leadership of the Scottish pianist and conductor Erik Chisholm and provided classical and popular music to the military personnel on Wednesday and Sunday evenings at the Victoria Memorial Hall. Next door at the Victoria Theatre, a diferent entertainment of English light music was put on for those with less sophisticated tastes. In addition, the Japanese repertoire was replaced by English folk songs and Negro spirituals derived from three popular song books as mentioned in Paul Abisheganaden’s 2005 memoirs: Twice 55 Community Song Book, Community Singing by Gibson Young and the New Fellowship Song Book edited by Walford Davies. These were used during singing periods as well as during camp-fre evenings as part of music teaching and community bonding. From 30 July to 3 August 1946, the Royal Air Force organised a festival of music at Changi School to commemorate the bicentenary of Mozart’s birth and Schumann’s death. Under the directorship of Lieutenant W. G. Newman, the Royal Air Force band, among other chamber performers, programmed music from the Classical and Romantic periods. With the generosity of the British forces, the period between 1945 and 1946 was labelled by Abisheganaden as the ‘golden age’ of Singapore’s music scene. However, in the ensuing years leading up to the time of self-governance, musical development in the city-state went through a period of indiference and inertia. In Abisheganaden’s own words concerning the bureaucratic commandment of ‘entertainment duties’: ‘It was ironically a time when no assistance worth talking about was forthcoming from our own Government. It was an era when the Singapore Government was imposing ‘entertainment duties’ on various forms of entertainment in the mistaken belief that the promoters were making immense profts. Not- for-proft amateur organisations blazing a trail in the cultural advancement of the country did not have an easy time in securing exemption status from the Department of Customs ... Those civil servants, accustomed to their take-it- or-leave-it attitude, just played it all by the book. They could not see much diference (in cultural values) between a choral-orchestral concert of the music of Handel or Bach and a variety show peppered with the antics of a juggler and a strip-tease dancer (119).’ Independence: The Legacy of S. Rajaratnam (1959–1965) Following Singapore’s independence in 1959, the newly formed government took an active role in maintaining a conducive environment for cultural development to foster national building. Political unrest, however, often disrupted communal events in situations All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 203 Government Policies on Music unexpected by the organisers. One such incident, as recalled by the conductor and composer Lee Yuk Chuan, was how the May 1955 Hock Lee bus riots created inconvenience to the performers and audiences, who had to walk to the Badminton Hall for a concert when buses and drivers were not readily available. When Sinnathamby Rajaratnam was instated as the frst Minister of Culture in 1959, he sprang into action and set out to oversee the socio-cultural activities of the country. Three key objectives of the administration included creating a sense of national identity among the various races, eliminating communal divisions and social antagonisms, and enhancing the capabilities of the mass media so as ‘to transform the people’s understanding of themselves and the country’ (Ng 2010: 302). In the realm of music, many thousands attended the Aneka Ragam Ra’ayat, or ‘People’s Variety Shows’, held at Hong Lim Green and Bukit Timah. These performances occurred more than a hundred times a year. Musical evening shows organised by the Ministry of Culture in 1960. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 204 Singapore Soundscape It was then only a week into Singapore’s independence on 16 August 1959 and the Ministry of Culture had already staged two editions of the popular show. However, the third occasion was extremely special for the 50,000-odd audience who turned up at the Padang. A visiting Indonesian cultural troupe dedicated an impromptu performance on the steps of the City Hall as a gesture of ‘goodwill’ and the interest of the Indonesian administration ‘to strengthen the cultural relations of the two countries’. The other performers at the concert sponsored by the Ministry of Culture that evening were the Bhaskar’s Academy of Dance, Lee Howe Choral Society, Cheng Cheng Musical Association, Malay Film Productions and Nan Hua Girls’ School. This friendly diplomacy from the Indonesians was quickly followed up by the Ministry of Culture. From May to September 1960, the Indonesian angklung specialist Inche Pak Kasur was invited to Singapore to coach 60 students of diferent races from Singapore on the playing of the instrument. At a later seminar held at the Cultural Centre Theatre on 24 December, Rajaratnam personally made a guest appearance. Radio and television broadcasting, which also came under the charge of the ministry, were instructed to produce programmes introducing the angklung. Two talks were broadcast on Radio Singapore on 22 February and 1 March, and these were followed by the programming of angklung music in all four language-sections of Radio Singapore – Chinese, Malay, Indian and English – in April and May 1961. The broadcasting of other music, on the other hand, was less straightforward. As explained by one former producer-presenter, the standard operating procedure was that 11 January 1961: A Sketch of the New National Theatre.The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 205 Government Policies on Music approval for each radio programme must be obtained from both the Ministry of Culture as well as the Ministry of Finance. Subsequently, all administrative procedures must be adhered to upon approval and verifed by the Public Service Commission. This was how several composers, such as Leong Yoon Pin and Soy Kay Cheng, were given opportunities to introduce classical music to Mandarin listeners. Lim Heng Tow was similarly granted permission to produce and present his own programme, called ‘Folksongs and Art-songs’. There were 10 in the series, with each lasting about 15 minutes, where he introduced Neapolitan songs, serenades and German Lieder, among others. As part of its eforts to promote multiculturalism, the Ministry of Culture extended their scope of infuence by presenting the local pop band The Crescendos on a Malaysian tour in 1963. The members of the band remembered that the ‘Singapore entourage’ was taken by Mr. S. Rajaratnam on a friendly visit that included giving a performance at the Stadium Merdeka in Kuala Lumpur. The prime minister of the Federation of Malaya, Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj, even endorsed them on ‘the back cover of the programme as a singular honour’. The 1963 South-East Asia Cultural Festival was intended as a celebration to mark the opening of the National Theatre. The National Theatre Trust, which also came under government auspices, was chaired by the parliamentary secretary in the Ministry of Culture, Lee Khoon Choy. Invitations were sent out to 16 countries in the region to participate in the show on August 1963. In his opening speech, Mr. Lee said: ‘Art and culture can enrich [the] life of a people and mould their national character. They are vehicles for the expression of a people’s feelings and aspirations. Because of this, cultural interchange will not only provide opportunities of learning from one another and of propagating one another’s arts and cultures, but will also foster goodwill and promote mutual understanding. It will contribute towards the creation of friendship and peace between man and man, and between nation and nation, and enable them to march together towards a better future.’ (Abisheganaden 2005: 248) For the concert presented by Singapore, the organising committee requested that the choral performance be sung in the Malay language. As musical director, Paul Abisheganaden enlisted the assistance of Zain Mahmood of Radio Malaya and composer Leong Yoon Pin to translate Three Songs of Courage by George Dyson (1883–1964) into the Malay language. This was performed by a 600-strong choir and a 100-member Festival Orchestra. In addition to a performance of Mozart’s Piano Concerto in D Minor K.466 with Lee Kum Sing as soloist, there was a multicultural combination of Chinese, Malay and Indian musicians and artists involved in the dance drama segment called ‘The Oceans Meet’. Discipline: The Might of Jek Yuen Thong (1968–1978) When Jek Yuen Thong took over the post of the Minister of Culture in 1968, the ministry sought to promote Asian art and values as ‘cultural ballast’ against ‘Western decadence’.In addition to his endorsement of numerous arts events, including photography contests, art exhibitions and calligraphy contests, he personally attended the performances of Chinese choral and orchestral groups. As a member of the Chinese elite, Jek was also keen to raise the standards of Mandarin in the country. He discouraged the use of simplifed Chinese and hanyu pinyin, the anglicised pronunciation aid, for the reason of upholding the Chinese traditions. As a result of the Minister’s impassioned support for Chinese arts and culture, All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 206 Singapore Soundscape the cultural climate of the nation was subjected to the most radical governance in the decade under his administration. Not only did radio and television broadcasts take a decidedly cultural turn, the fashion and music scenes were markedly afected in very diferent ways. One Friday evening in the early 1970s, a memo from the Ministry of Culture was addressed to Mike Ellery, a producer at the local radio station. The message read, ‘on receipt of this letter, you will cease to broadcast this type of music known as Rock and Roll’. The radio broadcaster was confused because all the programmes for the weekend had been arranged. Together with a colleague, Mike Ellery had to go through the large box of records and ‘whip out every song with a beat’ that could be considered in the style of rock ‘n’ roll. They also went through pre-recorded programmes by the other presenters and coloured them yellow around the vinyl centrepiece with the word ‘BANNED’. For the next four to fve years, the records of Elvis Presley and all other popular singers of the period were not broadcast (Ellery, 1989). The censorship of music also included the removal of jukeboxes from cofee shops all around the island. One commentator remarked that the only exception was the ‘last standing’ jukebox at the then University of Singapore’s canteen. It was at school that students were still allowed to put up rock ‘n’ roll shows or play them from the canteen’s jukebox. Correspondingly, the word ‘jukebox’, referring to the music-playing machine, never appeared in the press during the 10 odd years when rock ‘n’ roll was outlawed. It was also suggested that another form of double standard had arisen, with the government taking a politically ambivalent attitude toward Chinese and Malay songs in the style of rock ‘n’ roll. These were a few of many instructions handed down from the Ministry of Culture in a bid to eradicate the ‘yellow culture’ associated with sex and drugs. In a public speech on 15 May 1972, Chan Chee Seng, the Parliamentary Secretary of the Ministry of Social Afairs, considered ‘trends like hippism and drug-addiction [to be] symptomatic of social malaise’. On behalf of the government, he thought that ‘the pressures and thought-habits of foreign sub-cultures are creeping into our society, and these are fraught with serious consequences’ (Phua and Kong 1996: 22). The popular rock ‘n’ roll music happened to fall into the malefc category of ‘foreign sub-culture’ and sufered a backlash from government censorship. The administration had deemed popular and rock music as being negatively associated with hedonism, sexual promiscuity and drug abuse. Any means to deter the proliferation of a drug culture in the city-state would be employed. Soon, many bars and clubs where bands performed or had afternoon tea-dances were closed down by the authorities. There was increased surveillance of other night spots, while local popular and rock music received less and less airtime and showcase. Eventually, a regulatory mechanism was set in place to determine the accessibility of publications and other forms of public entertainment. One of the assistant secretaries, Tan Siok Sun, remembers when, in 1973, they were classifying The Beatles LP with the song ‘Lucy in the Sky with Diamonds’, which was known explicitly to be associated with the LSD drug. After listening to the entire LP in a stufy store room, she and her colleague came to the decision that the music was less objectionable and less defnitive of the so called ‘yellow culture’, and cleared the album. Through a democratic method of making rules and guidelines along the way, the Ministry of Culture could be considered as more empathetic to the arts than the other ministries. Ofcially, the Ministry of Culture during the 1970s was more active in promoting cultural forms that they thought were more proper and desirable. There was a campaign against the ‘yellow culture’ and all departments within the ministry had to ensure that undesirable material should not be purveyed through their promotion of cultural activities. The ministry’s Principal Assistant Secretary (1973–1976), Lim Siam Kim, mentioned in an interview that the ministry’s main role in the 1970s was to promote the local arts: All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 207 Government Policies on Music ‘[T]he government was still trying to establish a policy for the arts, trying to work out whether it should be an integration of diferent cultures or to let each culture develop on its own… But one thing was clear that it was important to encourage arts activities and to encourage artistes and to create a more vibrant cultural scene.’ In his concurrent role as the director of the National Theatre Trust from 1974 to 1981, Lim’s position was to advocate what was thought to be a ‘higher type of culture’ – classical music, art and literature. In his own words, ‘our job was to promote those things which would be considered as something which was desirable… There were strictly no guidelines. We knew roughly what could be done, what should not be done. There was no hard and fast rule.’ The National Theatre in its second decade had attained international repute. With a seating capacity of 2,400, it was the largest theatre in Singapore at that time. In addition to performances by its own symphony orchestra, the Ministry of Culture invited foreign cultural groups as part of a policy to enrich the cultural scene in Singapore. Both popular concerts and charity shows were held at the National Theatre, and these often included famous singers from Taiwan, Hong Kong and China. The National Theatre Trust also brought in top- class international artists. From the sitar maestro Debu Chaudhuri (1969) to the New York Philharmonic Orchestra (1984), Singaporeans were given the chance to watch and hear many distinguished musicians without travelling out of the country. ‘The Finer Side of Life’, a variety show jointly organised by Singapore Broadcasting Corporation (SBC) and the Ministry of Culture, held at the open space off Ngee Ann Building along Orchard Road. The show was staged as part of the Singapore Arts Festival in 1984. Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 208 Singapore Soundscape Another initiative taken up by the Ministry of Culture was a series of music concerts under the title of ‘Music for Everyone’. Under the chairmanship of the music educator, Paul Abisheganaden, who also happened to be a member of the National Theatre Trust, the series commenced in late 1971. In his memoirs, Abisheganaden (2005) stated the committee’s two objectives: ‘…to present concerts to the public by the best artists… from among [Singapore’s] own people, and to intersperse concerts by them with presentations of all kinds by visiting foreign artists; and secondly, to provide up-and-coming young musicians and dancers with a suitable platform and all possible encouragement to perform’ (168). With the further aim of raising the standard of music appreciation of Singaporean audiences, the inaugural concert was held on Sunday, 7 November 1971 at 4 pm at the Singapore Conference Hall, with music performed on the piano, organ, violin, voice and harmonica by the Chinese Youth Orchestra. Tickets were priced at $1 for adults and half price for school children. In addition, the programming committee also included fve musicians and three civil servants. The musicians were the classical and jazz pianist Simplicius Cheong, the singer and choir leader Lilian Choo, the violinist and composer Kam Kee Yong, the singer and food critic Violet Oon and composer and writer Joseph Peters. The ofcers from the Ministry of Culture were Lim Mee Lian, Lim Siew Yong, Lee Kuen Ngian, and later Tham Ee Lian and Ling Kim Swee. There were concerts given by musicians from all cultural genres. At the ffth anniversary concert, Haji Sha’ari bin Tadin, the Senior Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Culture, commented: It is gratifying to note that both foreign and local artists have responded well to the series by participating in the concerts. Many of them even rendered their Lunchtime performances by the People’s Association Pop Orchestra at Port of Singapore Authority (PSA) Atrium (1996). MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 209 Government Policies on Music service gratis. This is very encouraging indeed and would defnitely help the Ministry of Culture in further promoting musical appreciation in Singapore (16 November 1975).’ Given that the budget was relatively ‘slender’ in those days and the honorarium could only be ofered to a maximum of $24, further assistance had to be sought from Radio Singapore and the various embassies, such as those of Italy and Australia. Another initiative by the Ministry of Culture was to collaborate with the Ministry of Education in setting an eight-part music series called ‘Meaningful Music’, which introduced students to the four diferent sections of the orchestra, as well as the voice and contemporary dance music. These concerts were spread out between May 1976 and January 1978 and took place at the Cultural Centre. Meanwhile, ‘the Music for Everyone’ series was considerably successful, attracting audiences of all ages from all walks of life. Abisheganaden recalls fondly the many artists and performances in 1979: an Australian jazz band and string quartet, the Singapore Armed Forces Music and Drama Company, the Goh Soon Tioe String Orchestra, the Hong Kong Children’s Choir, the Philippine Youth Orchestra, a Swedish baroque ensemble and a German pop-folk show band, as well as a local church choir and talented classical musicians. There were various outcomes for the diferent groups and musicians. While the Ministry of Culture had done its best by providing previews and reviews of The Chamber Players’ performances on 26 June 1981 and 24 July 1983, the amateur ensemble failed to survive the fnancial and logistic strains despite their enthusiasm. On the other hand, the homecoming concert of violinist Chan Tze Law on 8 August 1984 not only gave him the opportunity to showcase his new musical prowess and interest in local composers by requesting for a new work by Professor Bernard Tan, the concert under the ‘Music for Everyone’ banner bolstered Chan’s reputation within the local music scene and resulted in an increase in the number of violin students. The ‘Music for Everyone’ series of concerts lasted for 20 years, coming to an end in 1990 with the founding of the National Arts Council. Commitment: The Pledge of Ong Teng Cheong (1978–1981) When Ong Teng Cheong took over as Minister of Culture in 1978, he pledged more support to the classical music scene. For the two-and-a-half years he helmed the ministry, the Victoria Memorial Hall, which came under the charge of the ministry, underwent infrastructural renovations fully fnanced by the ministry. With engineering support from the Public Works Department, major renovations were conducted in 1979 and 1980. Professor Bernard Tan, who volunteered as an acoustic consultant, remembers the various revamps, which included the installation of air conditioning, strong pillar supports, an additional balcony, elevators and upper foor extensions, the improvement of interior lighting and the seats and carpets. The Singapore Symphony Orchestra was subsequently established as a national institution and took up residency at the renamed Victoria Concert Hall. In 1980, the inaugural National Music Competition, jointly organised by the Ministry of Culture with the Singapore Musical Society and the Young Musicians Society, was established. There were three categories for piano: strings and vocal in one category, brass and woodwind in another, and Chinese musical instruments in the last. Over time, the middle category was dropped and what became established were the National Piano and Violin Competition, the National Chinese Music Competition and the National Indian Music Competition, administered by the National Arts Council. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 210 Singapore Soundscape Encouraged by the result of the South-East Asia Cultural Festival, the Ministry of Culture, together with the then Singapore Broadcasting Corporation (SBC), organised an outdoor variety show called ‘The Finer Side of Life’ as part of the Singapore Arts Festival the following year. The event, which occurred on 8 June 1984 at the open space in front of the Ngee Ann Building along Orchard Mall, attracted audiences from all over the region. A potpourri of Chinese, Malay, Indian and Western instrumental music was heard. Censorship was gradually eased and popular music ofcially endorsed when the Singapore Police Force organised two Police Rock Concerts in 1985 and 1986. Although the turnout was meagre, the events, which included a handful of ‘disco nights’, were held at the Police Academy, community centres and area ofces. In 1988, ‘Swing Singapore’ was used as a socio-political launch pad for the revival of pop and rock music and was held right on Orchard Road. However, it had a short four-year run as gangsterism and violence returned when a 17-year-old youth was beaten to death by a group of eight after one of the celebrations. On the other hand, ‘Sing Singapore’ as the choral alternative achieved such a lasting impact among the Singaporean populace, in both the popular (for example, xinyao) and classical (for example, jazz) realms, that it lasted a strong 15 years from 1988 to 2003. The vision of S. Rajaratnam was not lost in the 30 years since he took on the responsibility of leading the Ministry of Culture. In the 1989 Report of The Advisory Council on Culture and The Arts, the team led by Ong Teng Cheong stated the frm objective to ‘promote widespread interest and excellence in the pursuit of the arts in our multi-cultural society, and to encourage cross-cultural understanding and appreciation’. These were the very ideologies propounded by Rajaratnam, Jek Yuen Thong and Ong Teng Cheong when they took ofce in the Ministry of Culture, and numerous examples have been cited in this chapter to show how the Singaporean government has achieved this aim. Ong Teng Cheong (with garland) playing the portable organ outside Marie’s Music School during his walkabout in Jalan Kayu Constituency (1984). Ong Teng Cheong collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 211 Government Policies on Music Correspondingly, the Advisory Council also recommended a ‘tripartite relationship between the government, corporate and civic organisations and the general public to ensure the development and continuous encouragement of the arts’. This directive was managed via the setting up of several arts statutory boards. In addition to the 1985 implementation of an Arts Housing Scheme as a plan to provide substantial accommodation for local arts organisations, the National Arts Council was founded in 1991 with the mission to ‘nurture the arts and make it an integral part of people’s lives in Singapore’. Through funding, facilities and festivals, the purview of the council includes the national and international development of artistic talents as well as raising the level of arts appreciation across a diverse audience base. Subsequently, the National Heritage Board was established in 1993 to support the preservation of the nation’s cultural heritage and provide infrastructural support. Formed on 1 September 1995, the National Library Board has been steadily expanding its collection of books on music and music-related subjects along with other material. Given the political developments on the cultural front, it is not surprising that Singapore has experienced, by turns, both poverty and abundance in its relatively short music history. On the one hand, due to social suppression during the Japanese Occupation years and self-imposed censorship of rock ‘n’ roll music in the 1970s, Singaporeans have been not been able to enjoy the richness of certain sociomusical movements that occurred in other parts of the world. On the other hand, thanks to activities such the hugely popular Aneka Ragam Ra’ayat public concerts and the ‘Music for Everyone’ concert series, the citizens of this young nation have benefted from quality performances by local and international artists who have had the support of the government. As the Singaporean populace starts to enjoy the fruits of these cultural policies, government leaders now have an impetus to follow in the footsteps of those who have come before them. References Abisheganaden, Paul. Notes Across the Years: Anecdotes from a musical life. Singapore: Unipress, 2005. Kong, Lily. ‘Music and moral geographies: constructions of “nation” and identity in Singapore’, GeoJournal 65(1–2), 2006, 103–111. Loh, Michelle Wen Han. Performing Arts: The Role of Cultural Policy at the City Level. Case Study: Singapore. Unpublished report. Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts. Report of The Advisory Council on Culture and the Arts, 1989. Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts. ‘Formation of the Ministry of Culture’, http://app.mica.gov.sg/Default.aspx?tabid=422 (last accessed 10 February 2010). Ng, Irene. The Singapore Lion: A Biography of S. Rajaratnam. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2010. Phua, Siew Chye and Lily Kong. ‘Ideology, social commentary and resistance in popular music: a case study of Singapore’, Journal of Popular Culture 30(1), 1996, 215–31. Sai, Siew Min and Huang Jianli. ‘The Chinese-educated political vanguards: Ong Pang All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 212 Singapore Soundscape Boon, Lee Khoon Choy and Jek Yeun Thong’ in Lam Peng Er and Kevin Y. L. Tan (eds.), Lee’s Lieutenants: Singapore’s Old Guard. New South Wales: Allen & Unwin, 1999, 132–68. Straits Times, The. ‘Music for Everyone concerts’, 29 October 1971, 17. Straits Times, The. ‘National Music contest to be held in June’, 6 March 1980, 15. Straits Times, The. ‘The Right Time for a New Wave’, 17 January 1986, 22. Straits Times, The. ‘Eight jailed and caned for beating youth to death’, 13 February 1993, 23. Oral History Centre, National Archives of Singapore: Abisheganaden, Paul. Accession No. 1415, Disc No. 19/48. Beng, Mervin. Accession No. 2967, Disc No. 13/18. Choy, Sivanandan. Accession No. 2821, Disc Nos. 5/19 and 17/19. Ellery, Mike. Accession No. 1989, Disc No. 3/4. Goh, Colin Jenfong. Accession No. 3336, Disc No. 3/3. Ho, Raymond and John Chee. Accession No. 3163, Disc No. 3/4. Lim, Siam Kim. Accession No. 2587, Disc Nos.5/12 and 6/12. Monteiro, Jeremy Ian. Accession No. 3016, Disc No. 17/24. Tan, Tiong Gie Bernard. Accession No. 2893, 81/105. Tan, Chee Koon Samuel. Accession No. 3561, Disc No. 1/9. Tan, Siok Sun. Accession No. 2752, Disc No. 1/2. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 213 Festivals and Youth Festivals and Youth CHAPTER 15 Duana Chan All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 214 Singapore Soundscape T his chapter concerns itself with the nation’s music festivals – that is, acoustic arenas that are seasonal, ubiquitous, and recurrent fxtures in the shifting and evolving Singapore soundscape. The country is home to a remarkable array of musical fetes frequently cast with our youth in mind, and these range from the novel and nascent to the classical and circumspect. The Singaporean music festival appears as a frame against which novel arrays of sound – from the classical to the postmodern – are experienced. Often a nexus of brilliantly variegated sound, the national music festival vitally adopts integration and concord as modes of thought, and the festival is a powerful expression of literal and metaphorical harmony. The Singaporean national music festival thus provides an eclectic welter of artistic, commercial, socio-political and cultural directives. Frequently ecumenical, these festivals evoke both clash and convergence: a phenomenon also noted in the nation’s youth music competitions that variously assume festival forms. I hope to describe this peculiarly riveting sonic amalgam that is the Singaporean music festival, and to trace the efects of its artistic enterprise on the country’s youth. This study, duly noting the problems that most intensely engaged and energised its audience, will map the trajectory of the music festival and its progress from inception to present maturity – now at a more invigorating, mobile and restless stage than ever before. The Singapore Arts Festival The Singapore Arts Festival stands as one of the most signifcant events in the island’s cultural calendar. Variously commended as a festival that is ‘multicultural, interdisciplinary, [and with] tech-savvy’ (Asian Wall Street Journal), ‘an artful blend of East and West’ The frst Festival of Music and Dance in May 1966. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 215 Festivals and Youth (Canberra Times), and an event ‘recognised internationally as one of Asia’s leading arts festivals’ (Performing Arts Network Japan), the Singapore Arts Festival appears both site and index of ‘the health of the arts in the city’, as Robert Liew, former Arts Festival Director observes, and ‘the defning benchmark of the local festival scene for the last 32 years’, as journalist Christopher Lim (2009) notes. The Singapore Arts Festival, in its 35th year (in 2012), remains one of the city state’s largest and most crucial artistic and musical endeavours. A little-known fact is that Singapore’s frst ever Festival of Arts surfaced some two decades prior to its ofcial premiere in 1977. It debuted in 1959, the year the erstwhile colony held its frst ever political elections. In light of the island’s emerging and incipient nationhood, the festival was a large step in the country’s search for a distinct ‘identity in both the political and cultural spheres’. Envisioned as ‘mainly a Singapore afair, [with] international character coming from the diferent races in the colony’, as Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Education Lee Siow Meng observed, it was hoped that the event would place Singapore on the cultural map as a ‘focal point for culture in Southeast Asia’. Dr. Michael Sullivan, then Chairperson of the Arts Council, also hoped the showcase would prove Singapore as more than a ‘potpourri of the cultures of diferent communities’, or a fractured array of Malay, Chinese and Indian arts and cultures that made a less than congruent whole. On the contrary, as Dr. Sullivan also observed, this unique confuence of Singaporean cultures was a form of artistic diversity and ‘rich variety [… to] be treasured’. The 1959 Festival of Arts proved a scintillating success, and one exceptionally remarkable for an exposition held for the very frst time. An estimated 12,000 gathered around the edges of the Padang to catch a glimpse of the free performances, and yet more flled the halls of its indoor concerts, which played to capacity crowds. Music and A band performing during the National Day Parade in 2006. MICA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 216 Singapore Soundscape the arts, forms of expression that transcend cultural and linguistic lines or delimitations, thus appeared as an especially useful means of social cohesion that might otherwise falter in the face of ‘fatal divisions … along the lines of culture or language’ that could drive ‘Singapore’s varied cultures … to divergence and division’, as the colony’s Chief Minister, Lim Yew Hock, observed. The event, billed also as a ‘necessary stimulus to art in Singapore’, was commended as ‘the biggest concentration of arts Singapore has ever known’. In the year that followed, Singapore’s frst Arts Festival returned as a pesta as it poised itself for entry into the Malayan Federation; a position without which, it was believed, the nation would not survive. Pesta, an acronym coined from four Malay words, pertunjokan (‘show’), seni (‘the arts’), tarien (‘dance’) and anika warna (‘variety’), was in efect a cultural exposition of essentially Malayan form. Singapore’s own, held in the late days of April in 1960, consisted, ‘among other attractions’, of ‘kronchong competitions … recitals of Malay poetry, bersilat displays, and a sarong kebaya contest’. Its frst Festival of the Arts, then conceived as a showcase of ‘the best of local talent from diferent races in the colony’, was thus displaced with a festival that took on a singularly Malayan infection. At that time it was considered imperative that Singapore ‘lay the foundations for a Malayan culture’; a matter as important ‘as it [was] to build hospitals, schools, factories, and provide jobs for our rapidly expanding population’, as S. Rajaratnam noted. Such displays of cultural and political solidarity appeared crucial, for Singapore did not always sit easily within the Malayan Federation. Neither the pesta nor the Arts Festival, however, was to surface for more than several years. In 1965, Singapore separated from the Federation, and in the fnancial constraint faced as independence ensued, the emergence of the early cultural consciousness frst Children performing at the 1966 Ministry of Education’s Festival of Music and Dance. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 217 Festivals and Youth A performance at the opening of the Ministry of Education’s Festival of Music and Dance in 1966. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. descried in the creative merdeka of the 1950s and its frst Festival of Arts’ showcase of ‘the best of local talent from diferent races in the colony’ soon fell to the wayside. The festival platform was disbanded, and the nation’s cultural extravaganzas frst witnessed in the 1959 and 1960 national arts pestas and festivals decentralised and rapidly replaced with the Aneka Ragam Ra’ayat, or People’s Cultural Concerts – Singapore’s earliest forays into nationally initiated artistic programming. The latter took the form of evenly distributed ‘free outdoor shows, held at the Botanic Gardens or on the steps of City Hall’ in concerts that periodically featured ‘traditional songs and dances from every major ethnic group (Chinese, Malay, Indian, ‘Western’)’ in models of consciously multi-cultural entertainment carefully fostered as ‘a kind of politically correct version of what had … been on ofer at the Worlds amusement parks’ (Frost and Balasingamchow 2009: 389). The Worlds concerts, ‘a typically Malayan institution’, as sinologist and Asian historian Victor Turner observed in an article for The Times concerning the emergence of a Singaporean consciousness circa 1950, was one of ‘the greatest solvent of communal diference’ that ‘ofered an ocular and aural demonstration of the process of cultural exchange at work’ on the island. Turner considered the phenomenon one of its earliest instances where a ‘Singapore consciousness’ emerged; while it did not assume the force of creative merdeka or cultural eforescence the island’s early flm industry achieved in the 1950s, it proved a nevertheless powerful set of ideological tools for the country’s early attempts at nation-building. By the 1970s, however, strength had soon returned to the Singaporean economy, and at a speed never before witnessed. In slightly over a decade, the nation’s per capita income surged from one ‘slightly lower than some African countries’, as former Arts Festival director Goh Ching Lee (2006) observed, to surface second to none in Asia but All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 218 Singapore Soundscape Japan, one of the world’s most powerfully rising economies (Turnbull 1989: 328). By 1977, Singapore’s GDP had trebled from its frst days of independence, and the International Monetary Fund ‘mooted promoting Singapore out of the category [of developing countries] that qualifed to received international aid’, as the historian Mary Turnbull observed. In that same year, Singapore unfolded its frst Festival of Arts. The 1977 Festival of Arts, unusually enough, was a competition, and for this occasion a panel of four international judges was appointed. Understandably, the young nation did not yet appear to have a cadre of professional musicians and artists to call its own. As such, amateurs were invited to compete to perform, and the frst Singapore Festival of Arts opened its performance spaces to musicians from both the schools and the general public alike. The fnest competitors were both showcased and awarded a cumulative sum of $15,000 in cash and prizes. Singapore’s frst Festival of Arts made its debut to an audience eager, anticipant and clearly mesmerised. Over the course of the seven-day event, 1,300 participants from 77 groups performed on its stages to capacity audiences, and the nation witnessed the greatest concentration of musical and cultural events it had ever glimpsed to date. The festival was extremely well-received, and Charles Lazaroo, then chairperson of the organising Young Musicians’ Society, observed that the ‘national need for such a festival’ was itself ‘proven … by the capacity audience which turned up every night at Victoria Theatre’. The Singapore Arts Festival was carefully designed from its earliest days as a cultural platform that sought to provide a musical and artistic programme that was as balanced and as diverse as possible. It favoured a synoptically eclectic approach with breadth and scope, for such could be enlarged ‘to cater to more people, not segments of the population’, as Larazoo then observed, ‘that there won’t be a clash of interests’. In 1977, the seven-day Students practising their dance routine at a National Day Parade rehearsal accompanied by music from the People’s Association band in 1967. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 219 Festivals and Youth event was divided into four days for Western instrumental, choral and ballet ensembles, and for the other three, Chinese, Malay, and Indian music and dances. Lazaroo had hoped that the event would bring together the arts of the East and West. Like the 1959 Arts Festival, the 1977 festival was equally envisioned as an event that would ‘foster cultural qualities that will evolve eventually into a truly Singaporean culture’, much as it was hoped that this would ‘provide opportunities for the improvement of the performing arts among musicians and dancers in Singapore’. Alex Abisheganaden, then vice-chairperson of the Young Musicians’ Society, corroborated that the Arts Festival ought to be ‘essentially Singaporean’ and an event from which ‘a Singaporean identity and culture [would] evolve’. While many saw the Singapore Arts Festival as a concentrated burst of cultural events that would catalyse and bring forth a national and culturally coalescent sound, the festival grew increasingly international over time. Spurred by the success of the highly cosmopolitan Hong Kong Arts Festival, then heavily supported by the Shaw Foundation, the early Singapore Arts Festival soon came to realise the need for corporate sponsorship. Then Finance Minister Hon Sui Sen insisted the mixing of art and business was vital and commended business groups that showed support. Mobil Singapore soon weighed in as one of the festival’s earliest supporters and the Arts Festival came to incorporate an increasingly international sound; in 1980, the year Mobil doubled its grant, the Vienna Boys Choir graced the Arts Festival stage. In the 1980s, the music scene was further rejuvenated when Singapore came increasingly to realise, in a bout of recovery from the efects of economic recession, the potential of the arts as a yet untapped arm of industry. Now aware of the power of culture as capital, or as an engine of the economy, the island became, as Wee (2007) observed, ‘open to creating a cultural superstructure that would match its status as a major regional fnancial and industrial hub’ (85). As the government realised ‘the need to harness the arts as a potential growth area within the service sector’ (130), as Chang and Lee (2003) had noted, new roads were soon paved for the Arts Festival. By 1989, ‘the government had begun to articulate a recognisable cultural policy’ that led to the creation of the National Arts Council and a renewed and reinforced interest in the Arts Festival as a platform for catalysing, steering and shaping a national awareness of music and the arts. This was a milestone. Prior to the 1980s, Singapore was very much set on the task of establishing frm economic foundations and it laid special emphasis on the development of trade, education, housing and basic infrastructure. After the mid 1980s, as it came to realise the arts possessed tremendous potential for economic growth, the former became part of the national economic agenda. As Hwee Hwee Tan observed in an article for TIME magazine, ‘after years of favouring math and science over cultural education’, Singapore came to hold, ‘if yet through that same quantitative prism’, music and the arts in higher regard. The government, keen to tap into the vast reserves for growth the arts and cultural industries might deliver, increased its arts stimulus packages in the hopes that the creative industries would also help to boost the economy. ‘For every dollar spent on cultural activities, another $1.80 is spent on related activities such as food and hospitality’, the Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts noted. As such, and to great beneft, the Arts Festival is sustained through a mix of private and public funds. In 2009, during the economic recession and in a sure sign of maturity, the Singapore Arts Festival received the ‘highest number of total sponsors and new sponsors … economic recession notwithstanding’, as Amanda de Guzman (2009) observed in The Business Times. Coke Light, for instance, entered as one of several new sponsors, for it saw in the festival’s All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 220 Singapore Soundscape ‘imaginative platforms … tangible and intangible value to the company and the customers and employees’, as former festival director Goh Ching Lee related to Guzman. This fnancial arrangement assists to sustain the Arts Festival’s position as one of the nation’s most signifcant cultural arbiters. Sheltered from the ebbs of the economic cycle, the festival is able to continually challenge its audience with sights or sounds that might otherwise prove commercially difcult for ‘new works’, as Goh notes, ‘are sometimes not easy, and there is not a ready audience for them’. The Arts Festival, shielded from the open competition of the free-market fray, strengthened by equal parts public and private fnancing, results in a fnancial arrangement that allows the ‘tension between artistic and box ofce needs’ to be overridden, and as such functions as an acoustic ‘platform that allows risks to be taken’. This arrangement appeared a refection of Singapore’s national and economic identities. As the economy surged and the city continued to modernise, if vulnerable against the tides of economic change, the Arts Festival took on itself a correspondingly contemporary infection that shifted with the times as far as it also looked beyond them. In 1980, the press noted that the festival, ‘emboldened by its experimental success’, sought for itself an increasingly progressive and ecumenical approach. When former director Goh Ching Lee took the helm in 1999, the Arts Festival’s incipiently progressive aspect was ever more beautifully sharpened. Noting that ‘innovation is the keyword in our festival’ (Goh 2006), the event was increasingly edged with a markedly contemporary verve. This was especially clear in its emphasis on the musically and artistically avant-garde, and the festival set a series of acoustic marvels visibly at variance with a slightly more staid and industrial Singapore on its stage. Some of its most striking expressions were regarded by the audience as alien and abstract, but the festival began to beat with a fundamentally irregular pulse that challenged its listeners to attain deeper musical and artistic maturity. A TheatreWorks production of Beauty World directed by Ong Keng Sen. Beauty World was frst staged by TheatreWorks (Singapore) in 1988 and was re-staged for the President’s Star Charity in 1998. Courtesy of TheatreWorks (S) Ltd. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 221 Festivals and Youth The Arts Festival – syncretic, eclectic, hybrid and pluralistic – is not one to toe the line. Often billed as an event that is ‘an eclectic blend of street spectacles and events that encourage interaction between artists and the community’, the Arts Festival was, as the National Arts Council itself observed, ‘committed to embracing the contemporary and cutting edge’ and as such placed great value on the presentation of ‘recent works, new commissions, and collaborative ventures from Singapore, Asia and beyond’. ‘A celebration of artistic innovation and diversity’, it often sought to ‘fuse traditional and contemporary infuences to ofer an exciting array of groundbreaking performances’, and its audience was frequently and implicitly invited to sift through its own impressions of fnely variegated sounds from the scintillating shifts in tone colours and a dynamic range of genres. The Arts Festival’s experimentally progressive temper is especially distinct in relation to the mood of most summer music festivals in Europe, America and the West, most of which, as music critic Edward Said (2008: 26) observes, are rarely invested in contemporary Students performing at the Youth Festival Music and Dance presentation at the National Theatre in 1969. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 222 Singapore Soundscape sounds. Even in its most notable exceptions, ‘like Tanglewood, [which has] an estimable component of contemporary work’, still curtains of contemporary music ‘from main crowd- drawing events: the big performances of Beethoven and Brahms, and the occasional but laudable curatorial attempts to perform rarely heard works (like Weber’s Oberon in its original English version [that season at] Tanglewood) for a large audience.’ The Arts Festival’s radically progressive outlook was not, however, historically unprecedented for Singapore; for it appeared to mirror what historians Frost and Balasingamchow considered the ‘radically new attitude to its past’ that Singapore had long held as it faced its future tremulously. While in recent times the country has come to lay greater importance on the preservation of culture and memory, the years that followed Singapore’s incipient nationhood in 1965 saw the country adopt a posture towards its history and culture that bordered on willed and collective amnesia. It was then feared that ‘a generation encouraged to bask in the values of the past [will only] hold on to a static future’, as S. Rajaratnam observed in 1968, and could ‘never be equipped to meet a future predicated on jet travel, atomic power, satellite communication, electronics and computers’. Singapore was to lay no ‘undue stress on the past’ as it surged on to a future of nation-building modernisation far from interested in ‘reuniting the present generation with a past generation and its values and glories’ (85). On the contrary, ‘the government encouraged a type of dynamic economy’, ever closely aware of how it ‘was increasingly vulnerable in the modern world’ and that it thus needed ‘to remain highly competitive’, as Turnbull had observed (1989: 327). It seemed that things of the past were to be shed and shunned while things modern and contemporary held special and national signifcance – even if this stance might, in fact, have represented an especial absence or void of memory or signifcance. More crucially, perhaps, the Arts Festival’s emphasis on things progressive and contemporary appears a refection of a particularly Singaporean artistic leaning as was especially manifest in its early arts scene. Expansive in scope, synoptically ecumenical, progressiveness, eclecticism and balance became principles of form to which several music festivals in Singapore came collectively to adhere. Some feared, however, that this approach betrayed a disquieting lack of focus. Former Festival Director Goh Ching Lee avers otherwise, and insists there still exists ‘a very clear identity to the Festival – [a] focus on Asian and contemporary works’. It is also ‘quite interested in technology’, and ultimately in ‘elements [that] refect what we are in Singapore and are quite natural to us’. Its ‘intercultural aspect[s] – [as exemplifed by the] collaborations with and between diferent countries and cultures – and interdisciplinary projects such as collaborations between dance and theatre, music and theatre, or dance and multimedia’ and an emphasis on ‘works that break down conventional ideas of category’ have exposed some of its primary objectives. In an interview with The Jakarta Post, Goh further observed that the Arts Festival’s fundamentally syncretic impulse was both a means in itself and also a means to an end. The eclecticism it assumed both evinced and enacted the cultural and historic syntheses it hoped to forge. Goh noted the festival was to form ‘a bridge between Eastern and Western arts, so audiences, especially Singaporeans, can appreciate not only art from their own tradition, but also from others’ and also ‘a cultural bridge between the past and the future’ as ‘through the Festival, we [can] look forward without forgetting our history’ (Junaidi 2008). Over the course of some 35 years it has since spent presiding over Singapore’s cultural climate, the Arts Festival has brought a breathtaking array of startling and remarkable infusions of sounds which remain innumerable to the island’s shores. An increasing number, like Experimentum Mundi, an Italian percussion ensemble consisting of tools and construction sounds one otherwise encounters on the streets, continue to All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 223 Festivals and Youth challenge its listeners to redefne what and where music might inhere in. Of this range of myriad acoustic marvels and spaces, ethnically infected music appears to have also been favoured as one of the musical forms of choice. In 2000, the festival, set in the hills and groves of Fort Canning, featured the dance and folk music of China’s Yunnan Province, India’s Uttar Pradesh, the sounds of Vietnamese folk opera, a meditative collage of Cambodian chants and South African Zulu rhythms. In 2004, the sounds of the Korean drum ensemble Dulsori flled the night sky, lit also with freworks that set darkness ablaze as the sounds of heokbu and janggu rang strident against the shimmer of skies lit in fame. From the Arts Festival’s collaborations and commissions yet more unique soundscapes emerged. Awakenings, a collaboration between noted Singaporean director Ong Keng Sen, Chinese composer Qu Xiao Song and British musician Philip Picket, resulted in a remarkable fusion of Elizabethan and East Asian sounds for which intrinsic acoustic diferences in both came to infect and then sharpen the other. In Geisha, another Arts Festival collaboration, this time with the Spoleto Festival USA (Charleston) and the Lincoln Centre Festival (New York), Ong Keng Sen’s ‘audiovisual term paper’ unfolded against the ‘throbbing recorded electronic score by Toru Yamanaka’ and ‘the live performance of Kineya Katsumatsu, who plays the traditional stringed shamines and sings songs of love and nature from the Edo period’, as the International Herald Tribune observed. Even the Arts Festival’s dance and theatrical events refected a breathtaking range of sounds. The Vietnamese folk orchestra that accompanied the National Cheo Theatre in 2000, for instance, was markedly infected by the clarion stridence of a reed trumpet that spun out Vietnamese folk melodies reminiscent also of Peking opera. The Singapore Dance Theatre set its pieces to the plangent sounds of the Singapore Chinese Orchestra. In 1999, Akaki Maro’s ‘Ryuba’, staged by the Japanese dance group Dairakudakan, challenged its listeners with a riveting meditation on the profound limits of expressible agony. It set its dances against a musical scrim consisting of the sounds of falling bombs, screams and machine gun fre – especially stark against aleatory music that moved with a hauntingly digital pulse. Over these four weeks, the Arts Festival also scattered a vivifying range of fringe performances across the city. Often percussive, and frequently sounds with demonstrable demotic verve, a scintillating array of Asian and contemporary sounds are set on the streets in a series of open-access concerts, albeit on a smaller scale, all over Singapore. The island becomes an auditorium, and the city is scored with sound. Along the airy, tree-lined walkways of Orchard Road, passers-by are invited to walk into a range of sounds, from crisp and cool collections of Caribbean beats to the pullulating, rhythmic tessellations of Saman traditional drums. In the latter, they might descry highly geometric patterns that variously surface from the sounds of the rebana, tambur and gendang that accompany carefully choreographed Acehnese dance forms. Community outreach has long been one of the Arts Festival’s key objectives, and thus over four weeks in June, songs swept against the city’s bustling sidewalks, melodies merge with street rustle, and the sounds of the city ring with the cry of its fringe concerts as both merge in the warm, equatorial air. These fringe events are a branch in the pattern of the National Arts Council’s perennial Artreach eforts, which often take free concerts to unexpected sites and locations across the island. In 1999, the Arts Festival brought its grand fnale to the edges of suburbia and the festival culminated in a concert at Parkway Parade, in an attempt ‘to bring art to as many Singaporean heartlanders as possible’, the press observed; an admirable gesture that also dispelled possible outcry that music and the arts might be elitist. While the Arts Festival remains essentially cosmopolitan in scope and outlook, the early hopes invested in the festival, namely that of the emergence of a Singaporean All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 224 Singapore Soundscape sound, did not come entirely to naught. Professor Bernard Tan, the former chairperson of the Arts Festival’s steering committee, observed that a new genre, the Singapore musical, rose from the festival’s musical platforms. Professor Tan notes, in fact, that the Singapore musical was a form ‘virtually developed from its infancy by the Festival, which commissioned Dick Lee’s Beauty World (1988), Kuo Pao Kun’s Lao Jiu (1990), and Titoudao (1988)’. He also observed that the Festival ‘saw the rebirth of Peranakan drama’. Under the leadership and direction of Low Kee Hong since 2009, the festival’s most recent oferings look as far and deep into its past as it reaches into the future. Its most recent line-up, ‘I want to remember’, marks a beautifully incipient return to time, memory and place. While the tension between globalisation and local cultural assertions deepens over time, the question of ‘whether there is [or can be] room for an indigenous cultural economy to evolve’ still remains (Chang and Lee 2003: 140). While Chang and Lee both aver ‘the creative environment in Singapore [as one] thus shaped by the contending forces of globalisation aimed at internalising the city-state, and the infuences of localisation which help to assert local identity and control’, it nevertheless appears that the Singapore Arts Festival remains keyed to broader national objectives, namely the aim ‘to develop Singapore as a distinctive global city for the arts’ (2003: 140). More crucially, perhaps, its eclecticism appeared, in fact, one of the most defning aspects of Singaporean identity, for the Arts Festival, like the nation, as former director Goh (2006) observed, was ‘very comfortable with working with the East and West’ – a refection, in part, of Singapore’s multi-cultural background – and so keenly aware of the role and place of ‘interfacing both … refected in our culture and the works created by our artists.’ Singapore Youth Festival In the early stages of Singapore’s growth, the arts were considered a peripheral pursuit and thus displaced for greater emphasis was laid, and understandably, on ‘subjects that would promote modernisation and prosperity: science and technology, mathematics, engineering, economics, and business management’ as Turnbull (1989) observed. A city-state without discernable natural resources of its own, the island turned to its people. Economic priorities stressed education, with the corresponding hope that vocational skills would sharpen a workforce that faced considerable challenges. In such light, an increasing number of secondary school pupils were ‘diverted into technical and vocational schooling’ and the emphasis ‘shifted to training engineers, scientists, and business managers’. Less pragmatic pursuits like music and the arts thus fell to the wayside. However, this was soon to change. In 1967, two years after Singapore declared its independence, the frst Singapore Youth Festival premiered with an astounding showcase that involved 24,000 students in a collection of artistic and cultural displays that spanned the course of a two-week celebration of the nation’s youth and their extraordinary extracurricular achievements. In a keynote speech inaugurating the nation’s frst Youth Festival, Parliamentary Secretary Ahmad Mattar expressed the hope that the festival’s celebration of culture, music and artistry might ameliorate the ‘crass materialism that seems to afect our society at all levels’. A celebration of youthful ‘artistic and imaginative endeavours’, it was hoped that the Youth Festival would ‘allay fears [that] Singapore’s education system denies its young citizens the chance to develop their interests and talents in pursuits other than the acquisition of information’ in the sterile and perfunctorily utilitarian ‘purpose of getting jobs’. The Singapore Youth Festival was and remains an annual celebration of the nation’s extra or co-curricular achievements, and appears to celebrate its youth as much as commending All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 225 Festivals and Youth their maturity and coming of age. In its earliest days, the Youth Festival laid unusual stress, as was culturally beftting for the 1970s, on marching parades. In the 1969 parade, and in a remarkably stoic demonstration of unavailing fortitude not often expected of the young, students marched steadily and relentlessly beneath the rain; a spectacle lauded as a ‘display of discipline and steadfastness [that] augurs well for the future of Singapore’. The Youth Festival served to focus, as a Ministry of Education spokesperson observed, ‘the absolute importance of upholding Singapore’s ideals of discipline, perseverance, tolerance, and the pursuit of excellence in the development of mind and body’. In 1994, then Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong ofcially declared the Youth Festival a national event. Of the extra-curricular achievements celebrated annually by the Youth Festival, musical and artistic achievement came especially to prominence. This is not perhaps serendipitous, for the Ministry of Education had long hoped that music and art would provide an equalising infuence on the rapid social and economic shifts the nation underwent in its swift and various phases of accelerated industrial development. It was also hoped that the collective pursuit of cultural extra or co-curricular activities would quell racial friction, as students, regardless of religion or race, bonded through shared musical pursuits. Perhaps most crucially, however, and in a gesture that came to signifcantly alter Singapore’s acoustic landscape, the Youth Festival’s system of prizes and awards came to especial eminence, with the festival now shaping the way musical achievement was defned. The Youth Festival soon took the form of a massive collection of annual music competitions, and thus came to erect acoustic arenas on which close to all of the nation’s most signifcant musical ensembles collectively converged to compete for its highest honours. The mark of musical achievement soon came to be synonymous with a conferral of honour at the Singapore Youth Festival competitions. As such, the Youth Festival appeared to provide not simply a range of performance locations from which collective musical endeavour might acoustically unfold, but also an acoustic and conceptual space implicitly built on systems of incentive and reward for which students passed through a series of clear, directed and sequenced end-goals to advance and attain the highest musical honours. Through various Youth Festival stages students were to progress from preliminaries through to grand fnals, and in such hopes that schools might clinch prizes and a sweep of accolades. It was hoped that such an approach would galvanise, if not steer, young Singaporeans away from shiftless disafection to which youth and adolescents are often prone, and to paths of clear, directed, and evenly adjudicated forms of musical achievement and reward. From the Youth Festival stage musical sounds that were wide, various and encompassing surfaced – international in scope, if not intrinsically national by fat. Over four weeks in April, and another four in July, young musicians gather in school ensembles to compete on the Youth Festival platforms. Here, student musical ensembles advance through rounds from which they might be gradually eliminated, and on which the brightest stand to receive prizes and accolades that range from bronze to silver, gold, or gold with honours. On the Youth Festival stage, fedgling and experienced student ensembles compete alike for prizes in sections that range from strings to guitars, from hand-bells to harmonicas, and in more recent times, the angklung-kulintang, gamelan, guzheng, and even harp ensembles were featured. The choral, symphonic and marching band categories continue to weigh in as the most signifcant of the festival’s competitive platforms; but the Youth Festival has, over time, remained a gathering of refreshingly wide-sourced sounds that range from timbres clear and clarion, to sounds symphonic and sweeping. While it appears to remain, in essence, a nationally constructed competitive space, the Youth Festival’s acoustic arenas are also uniquely qualifed, if unexpectedly, as essentially collaborative spaces. The music that surfaces on its stages merges competition with camaraderie and in equal parts, with equal measure, for the Youth Festival stage is All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 226 Singapore Soundscape one expressly designed for ensembles and collective performances. Every year, young musicians gather in the wings of darkened halls, and as a hushed lull falls and whispers tear its silences, ensembles step forth on stage to bring performances to a brilliant, breathtaking fnish. It is not difcult to descry in these early musical eforts a touch of steel as music ensembles and chamber groups step under the operative glare of stage lights to have their sounds ‘parsed and pared’ into units of numerically quantifed achievement. The belief that the Youth Festival’s musical pursuits would prove forms of relaxation that would ameliorate or alleviate ‘the tyranny of the examination system and a relentless achievement-oriented outlook’ became more than marked irony; for the same stance was relived in the 1970s, when ‘examination syndrome’, as the Ministry of Education observed, soon crept into the Youth Festival and ‘the hours of preparation that went into the event slowly took its toll on its participants’, drawing an ‘outcry from schools, students and parents’. The event was scaled back to a one-night event in 1975, but quickly re-emerged in 1976 as it gathered the nation’s youth to celebrate ASEAN and the talks that year held in Singapore. The Singapore Youth Festival, now in its fourth decade, appears to have remained a touchstone of shared musical experience. It remains for many a rite of passage, if not a facet of early musical life, and represents for all a coming of age as students mature over the course of shared and assimilated musical progress and achievement. In recent years, several of the most highly ranked young choral and symphonic ensembles have graduated from the Youth Festival stage to other international competition platforms, and there equally received commendation and acclaim. The Youth Festival appears to have drawn, over the years, children from all walks of life, united in their pursuit of musical excellence and artistic accolade conferred on the national platform. Implicit in the Youth Festival’s commendable system of honour and reward is an unspoken, if manifest, recognition of the inalienable importance of music and the arts in the education of Singaporean youth. By emphasising musical and cultural achievements, the Youth Festival embodies a system erected to ensure that music and the arts form more than cultural ersatz, for the Singapore Youth Festival appears to have inspired musical pursuits and practices that unfold all year round. It must be remembered that one performance on the Youth Festival stage barely skims the surface of the sustained musical endeavour that occurs stolidly throughout the year, beyond the walls of schoolrooms throughout the island. Music education is here remarkably egalitarian. It is subsidised, afordable and thus admirably made a matter of fact, equally accessible to all, and not an experience parceled only for the wealthy. Pursuing the possibility of artistic recognition and accolade on which schools strive increasingly to distinguish themselves, all children have open and equal access to afordable music education. The Youth Festival’s system of incentives thus appear as only a branch in a wider system of educational merits and directed advancements that steadily erodes intrinsic inequalities or other contingent barriers to entry that appear to make musical meritocracy a myth. Unlike the Malayan Pesta Belia, a similar youth festival held across the Straits on the Malay Peninsula, the Singapore Youth Festival did not then appear especially concerned with the spectre of Western infuence the Malayan Federation had feared for its youth. While the Pesta Belia showcased, celebrated, and thereby laid foundations for the cultural vitality of Malaysia, the Singapore Youth Festival, on the other hand, was not always enlisted with the task of forging a particularly Singaporean sound (although the latter remained one of the Singapore Arts Festival’s key imperatives). The sounds that emerged from the Youth Festival symphonic stage, for instance, remained consistently keyed to that of the contemporary European, Japanese, and American composers that ranged All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 227 Festivals and Youth from the esteemed likes of Johan de Meij to the equal prominence of Yasuhide Ito, Jan Van Der Roost and Jacob de Haan. This appears, however, to have taken a turn in recent years. While Singaporean compositions did not surface on the Youth Festival stage since a song by Cerise Lim (then a Secondary Three student at Methodist Girls’ School) was sung at the 1969 Youth Festival, the 1990 Youth Festival featured six national songs, which were to serve as anthems that formed the framework of the festival. In 1996, the National Heritage Trail was instituted as part of the Youth Festival, and, perhaps most signifcantly, in 2006, Dr. Kelly Tang was enlisted with the task of composing a piece especially commissioned for the Youth Festival’s Central Judging of Choirs. The Daffodils was to prove the frst in a series of extraordinary compositions commissioned and subsequently composed by Dr. Tang in a move that has since marked the incipience of a distinctly national sound that came increasingly to defne the music unfolding on the annual Youth Festival stage. In 2008, Dr. Tang’s Symphonic Suite, an incredibly moving medley of Singaporean folk and national songs, from ‘Home’ to the rousing ‘Chan Mali Chan’, was performed by the Singapore National Youth Orchestra at the Esplanade as part of that year’s Youth Festival celebrations. From 2009 to 2011, Dr. Tang was further commissioned by the Ministry of Education to compose set pieces for the Central Judging of Concert Bands and Choirs. By chance or design, what appears most Singaporean about these festivals and competitions is that they seem, both in form and function, striking mirrors of meritocracy. Each year, the nation’s best and brightest converge and strive for the nation’s highest musical honours on musical platforms that advance the principles of hard work and, commensurately, recognise talent on a single, unifed scale. In the process one glimpses a remarkable parity at work as individuals, drawn from all walks of life, share a creative commons uniformly subject to the same judicial gaze and on which basis they are gifted with equable reward. It is not difcult to discern in the peculiarly Singaporean coterminous use of ‘festival’ with ‘competition’, how the latter has come to shape and shade how artistic endeavour is defned. In such light, the shadow of competition that sits expressly, if not implicitly, on the nation’s music festivals thus appears a uniquely Singaporean phenomenon. National Music Competition Another set of national music competitions, albeit on a smaller scale, occurs annually in December. Like the Singapore Youth Festival, the National Piano and Violin Competition and the National Chinese Music Competition are also music competitions. They alternate biennially and each unfolds, over the course of two weeks, similar festival-like concentrations of sound that have since played a signifcant role in crafting the city’s aural landscapes. The National Piano and Violin Competition and the National Chinese Music Competition were once part of a two-week musical event called the National Music Competition. The frst National Music Competition, held in 1980 by the Ministry of Culture, the Singapore Musical Society and the Young Musicians’ Society, was established some three years after the nation’s newly revived Festival of Arts in 1977. It was hoped that its musical platforms would give young musicians the opportunity to perform in a competitive solo setting. It was also hoped that from its stages the most musically gifted would emerge, gain prominence, and from thence be sharpened to perform on even wider stages internationally. The inaugural competition was warmly received by the nation. The press noted that crowds responded ‘feverishly’ and David Lim, then Chairperson of the Singapore Musical Society, observed how ‘pandemonium’ ensued as droves of participants and supporters ‘came in crowds and caused trafc jams’ as they arrived to ballot for practice All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 228 Singapore Soundscape room bookings and the orders of performance at the DBS Auditorium. The competition then consisted of a markedly broader range of categories than is presently refected by the competition’s current structure, and for its performance spaces the National Music Competition welcomed violinists, cellists, pianists, guitarists, vocalists, chamber musicians and Chinese instrumentalists alike. By the mid 1980s, however, the frst wave of competition entrants soon petered out. The press was to liken the phenomenon of ‘musical talents kept away from a discerning and appreciative audience’ to ‘songs unsung’ and a horrifc waste for ‘those who took part – winners or losers – would have come of the better for knowing where they stood musically against one another’ and for having experienced ‘what it was like to perform under a competitive environment’ beneath the watchful and esteemed eye of a panel of world-class adjudicators. This decline in the number of competitors was perhaps unanticipated against a steady rise in the number of private music examination candidates. Such disparity served only to demonstrate, however, how crucially distinct the competition’s acoustic platforms were, and how catalytic they were to prove in the nation’s search for its most brilliant soloists. The recital hall emerged as a new acoustic challenge, and one the performer had to surmount. Playing in a room and to an examiner was an experience distinct from playing on a stage and to a crowd, or playing in an ensemble to a crowd. Adjudicators noted marked weakness in any given performer’s capacity for acoustic projection, and also the limited range of dynamics competitors had at their disposal. Entrants’ ‘playing styles’, it was regretted, ‘did not take into account the diferences in technique which should emerge when playing in a large hall [and] to a wide audience’. The acoustic arenas of the National Music Competition were, for many, to prove a learning experience, and the didactic or pedagogical patterns contained within were soon also to be observed by both cultural commentators and competition adjudicators alike. Unlike most of the major Western music competitions that are frequently designed to set its young prize-winners on shimmering performing careers, the National Music Competition (now known as the National Piano and Violin Competition) appeared to place more considered emphasis on the nurturing and development of its young musicians. While former Arts Festival director and head of the National Arts Council directive that organised the National Piano and Violin Competition, Goh Ching Lee observed the competition was ‘to identify talent’, it remains clear that the competition was not, by any means, a platform that sought to quickly launch its luminaries on concert careers. The Zubir Said Best Performer Award remains, as music critic and erstwhile Chief Executive of The Arts House, Phan Ming Yen noted, ‘a music-education grant’. The Best Performer Award is the highest of echelons in the National Music Competition’s competitive rungs, and forms a signifcant part of the grand fnale in which the competition eventually culminates. It is the fnest of the competition’s stages, and one in which the most highly ranked musicians from all the competition’s sections collectively vie for a $10,000 music education grant; once a scholarship for a three-week study tour abroad coupled also with the opportunity to perform as a soloist with the Singapore Youth Orchestra. Like the Singapore Youth Festival, the National Music Competition and National Piano and Violin Competition were to establish for young musicians a set of incentives that it hoped might spur them on to greater musical horizons. The role of the competition in a child’s musical education and development, however, divided even those who were expected to be its strongest proponents. In press releases that date as far back as the 1980s, the National Music Competition was subject to public and private scrutiny that often portrayed the competitive setting as something All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 229 Festivals and Youth that conspired against musical development. Even the adjudicators observed that the competition, in isolation and without the assistance of other less adversarial musical platforms, was insufcient to develop musicianship. Judge Alan Lumsden, former Royal College of Music professor, noted that ‘too little was being done in Singapore to develop musicianship’ for competitions and circumstances ‘too exam-oriented … leads to the development of technique sometimes at the expense of musicianship’. The panel collectively praised the competition with a unanimous touch of equivocation. Professor Cubin observed music has ‘all to do with the concept of sharing, rather than competing’; Lee Kum Sing thought that the ‘event should bring [young musicians] together to play, not just compete’. Professor Lumsden again cautioned against ‘a cult of the individual’ that might otherwise surface from the scrum of musical fray. These doubts appear to have lingered for a decade. In 1999, music journalist and cultural commentator Phan Ming Yen came to observe in a piece for The Straits Times that, despite its advances and the place it came to hold in the process of identifying some of Singapore’s most brilliant young soloists, the National Piano and Violin Competition appeared (when subject to the same, unfaltering scrutiny with which it often set its entrants) ‘as much a celebration of art as it is of sport’. The ‘sheer physicality, speed and ingenuity’ thus celebrated on its acoustic arenas were, in fact, a fraction of ‘what music making was about’. As it entered its second decade, the 11th National Music Competition underwent signifcant structural changes. The non-competitive category was, in fact, abolished, but the competition, perhaps yet more signifcantly, was divided into two efective halves, alternating biennially. By 1995, only the guitar and vocal sections remained after the brass and woodwinds were excised when the Singapore Youth Festival’s symphonic and marching band competitions gained greater eminence. By 1997, both guitar and vocal sections were pared and ultimately eliminated because 88 percent of the remaining instrumentalists were violinists and pianists. In response to a decline in the number of competitors playing Western musical instruments and the rise in the number of competitors on Chinese musical instruments, the National Music Competition became the National Piano and Violin Competition in 1997, and the National Chinese Music Competition was inaugurated in 1998. This marked the last of a set of changes that had long been felt. In 1999, to encourage a yet more vibrant infusion of musical and artistic sounds, the competition gave competitors free rein over the pieces each could perform. This unusual latitude came quickly to be felt, and in that same year, the sounds that emerged soon saw a shift towards markedly Asian and contemporary pickings. That year, Wang Jianzhong’s Red Lilies, Crimson and Bright (山丹丹开花红艳艳) was notably paired with Prokofev’s Second Piano Sonata, and the competition’s stage appeared fnally to refect the increasingly Asian infections Western classical music had increasingly assumed with the rise of Bright Sheng and Tan Dun, composers whose works were simultaneously featured on the Singapore Arts Festival’s stage. Collectively, the nation’s music festivals and competitions appear variously to refect diferent facets of reality still bound to both national and international directives, socio- economic and cultural alike. The Singapore Arts Festival’s radically progressive aspect advances, in part, the nation’s emphatically contemporary outlook and the stress it lays on progress and development. The Singapore Youth Festival and the National Piano and Violin Competition appear to share the mantle of early inductions to Spencerian Singaporean realities bound to the survival of the fttest. It is not difcult to see in the emphasis the festivals laid on competition the importance the nation gives to the ideals of fairness, equity and parity. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 230 Singapore Soundscape More crucially however, both the National Piano and Violin Competition and the Singapore Youth Festival established for its young soloists and musicians separate systems of incentives to spur all to greater musical achievement. While both shared sets of similar objectives, each held, however, clear diferences as individual and distinct acoustic and conceptual spaces. The experiences and memories saliently forged at each, and behind the scenes, for instance, are both indicative of a remarkably diferent temper that cut deeper than a simple, if sharp contrast between types of sounds, solo or ensemble, each heard in the symphonic or recital hall. In contrast to capacious band-room warmth and the friendly company of one’s choral or instrumental section as ensemble music is forged in collective endeavour, the time clocked in practice by a soloist often includes painstaking hours of relative isolation. There is an ascetic quality inherent in the strict solitude solo competitors undertake in gruelling practice. While both involve months of painstaking work compressed, compassed and fnally distilled into a single, defnitive moment on stage, as soloists and chamber musicians bring blazing virtuosic turns to note-perfect fnishes, each platform nurtures a radically diferent mindset: one collaborative, the other independent. The Singapore Youth Festival encouraged ensembles; the National Piano and Violin Competition showcased soloists. The degree of scrutiny to which the latter category was subject is higher and more clearly manifest. An acoustic arena where one performer’s millisecond lapse in concentration or line of thought is not simply glaringly transparent, but invariably irreparable. From an early age, it highlights for competitors the reality of judgment and competition. While this might appear harsh, such a situation has proved remarkably useful. The National Music Competition and the National Piano and Violin Competition have both proven themselves to be one of the most efective national platforms for identifying, if not inciting early and profound musical accomplishment in this country. Many, if not most, of Singapore’s most gifted musical prodigies made their debuts on the competition’s grand stage: Lee Huei Min, Grace Lee, See Ian Ike and Tang Tee Khoon are some of several in a long list of competition alumni who have gained critical and resounding international acclaim. The competition stands as one of the nation’s most stunning acoustic platforms for its young, gifted and aspiring musical soloists. Singapore Chamber Music Festival While equally pedagogical alternatives to the somewhat adversarial acoustic arenas of the Singapore Youth Festival and the National Piano and Violin Competition fall few and far between, a remarkable one exists in the form of the Singapore Chamber Music Festival. The frst, held in 2003, was conceptualised and then organised by festival director and horn player Mervin Beng, a founding member of The Chamber Players, one of Singapore’s most eminent chamber ensembles. For six days in April 2003, a remarkable series of chamber music performances and master-classes by Dennis Lee, the T’ang Quartet and the Australian String Quartet were staged in the Esplanade’s Concert Hall and Recital Studio. The Chamber Music Festival, especially warmly received by the music community, the National Arts Council and the Esplanade Theatre, sought to redress an imbalance in music programming in Singapore. It was hoped that the festival would rectify how ‘music [in Singapore] was fairly symphonic in the past 20 years … compared to what is heard in London, Tokyo, or New York’, for there still existed much room ‘for chamber music, solo, and duo recitals’, as Mervin Beng observed. The frst Chamber Music Festival hoped to change the landscape of chamber music in Singapore, and thus to achieve a far deeper and greater musical impact through its pedagogical platforms. The Singapore Chamber Music Festival sought to teach, as All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 231 Festivals and Youth much as it sought to show, more admirably staged master-classes than any other music festival to date. By having students ‘[learn] from a good master’, it was hoped that the festival would have ‘a much longer impact on individuals’ and that this would ‘raise the general level of performance and appreciation’. As Leslie Tan of the T’ang Quartet further noted, several of the chamber music festival’s objectives were essentially didactic, for ‘it is extremely important for [them] not only to perform, but to educate and inform’ and hopefully ‘encourage others to pursue this art form’. Correspondingly, the rise of the ‘cult of the individual’, as feared by the National Music Competition adjudicators, was allayed by ‘the social dimension to music making’ encouraged by the chamber music form. The format of the Singapore Chamber Music Festival was soon revised and is now organised by the Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music. Still an annual event, the festival remains a remarkable chamber music showcase but now comprises the conservatory’s most noteworthy students, faculty and alumni, in conjunction with their musical counterparts from the Peabody Institute of Music at the Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. The Singapore International Piano Festival While the Singapore Chamber Music Festival celebrates the social dimensions of music making, the Singapore International Piano Festival takes a somewhat diferent approach to the matter. The Singapore International Piano Festival is the frst and only music festival of its kind to set a series of saliently linked solo pieces on its annual summer stage. Over the course of four consecutive nights in the fnal week of June, some of the world’s most electrifying pianists are gathered in a selection of concerts that encompass a common theme. Its inaugural ‘An Evening of Fantasy’, which opened the festival in 1994, saw all four of its musicians set of on pianistic trajectories that each began with Mozart’s Fantasy in D Minor in an astoundingly thoughtful selection that was singularly and programmatically keyed to the eponymous musical form. In the years that followed, the festival presented equally compelling cycles of Schumann, the Russian school of pianists, and most recently, in the festival’s latest instantiation, a luminous collection of pieces in celebration of Chopin’s bicentenary. After more than 20 years, the Singapore International Piano Festival is a study in contrasts. Its consistently cohered programmes draw to the listener’s attention otherwise imperceptible diferences in pianistic and interpretive techniques now etched, by both similarity and contrast, in sharp relief. The festival implicitly elicits a response that invariably observes (as is inadvertent when one confronts a series of structurally or thematically unifed pieces), points of connection, correspondence and also departure thus made coherent in the quiet light of a thematically unifed core. While most music festivals here appear to adopt eclecticism as a principle of form, the Singapore International Piano Festival prefers the distinct and unequalled thematic keys of composer commemorations or aesthetic movements that variously observe, as Edward Said notes, ‘the pedagogical point of scheduling large swatches of [thematically cogent] repertory’ (2009: 26). Since its inception in 1994, the piano festival has hosted the likes of Angela Hewitt, Nikolai Demidenko, Marc-Andre Hamelin, Pascal Roge, Boris Bezerovsky, Yuja Wang and Yevgeny Sudbin on its critically-acclaimed stage. The ‘brainchild of local stockbroker, music critic and pianophile Goh Yew Lin’, as the Singapore Symphony Orchestra observes, the Singapore International Piano Festival is organised annually by the Singapore Symphonia Company, a parent organisation of the SSO. Once directed by music critic Dr. Chang Tou Liang, and presently under the artistic direction of Lionel Choi, the piano festival’s concert programmes have been lauded and replicated across the region and as far afeld as Hong Kong. In its ffth year, the festival reached its frst milestone, and was commended by the All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 232 Singapore Soundscape International Piano Quarterly for being especially ‘well-organised [and] friendly’. Not an insignifcant number have tapped the reserves of its egalitarian ‘policy of low prices’, and as many as a third of concert-goers subscribed for the entire series of four recitals. Mosaic Music Festival While the Singapore International Piano Festival takes an essentially Western or classical approach to its musical programming, there exists another equally cosmopolitan music festival of commensurably international stature that takes a breathtakingly modern approach to its music. The Esplanade’s Mosaic Music Festival is an undisputed highlight on the Singaporean musical map. An annual event the International Herald Tribune commends as the nation’s ‘most ambitious foray into jazz and world music’, it gathers award-winning jazz musicians and local artists in a celebration of brilliantly contemporary sounds. Held over the course of 10 days in March each year, the Mosaic Music Festival unfolds in and around the Esplanade, one of the city’s most iconic cultural spaces, and a structure often viewed as an architectural glyph through which the city’s artistic aspirations can be discerned. The Mosaic Music Festival adopts a structure not dissimilar to the Singapore Arts Festival, ofering its audience a heady mix of core and fringe events. For the price of a single ticket, as The Business Times notes, a Mosaic concert-goer enjoys an entire music-flled day at the Esplanade. The festival has long maintained a policy of low prices, and the Esplanade has consistently held ticket prices low in the hopes that this might eventually attract, if not develop, a wider pool of listeners and concert-goers or, through increased exposure, a deepened appreciation of music. The Esplanade thus considers the venture ‘a meeting of The John Butler Trio performing in the 2012 edition of the Mosaic Music Festival. Photo courtesy of Esplanade – Theatres on the Bay. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 233 Festivals and Youth minds rather than a fnancial or contractual relationship’, as chief executive Benson Puah observed, for ‘it was important to create something distinctive … something [sonically] iconic for this part of the world’, as well as for the nation’s jazz musicians. As such, the Mosaic Music Festival ofers a unique ringside seat to jazz and music-making like no other. One of the Mosaic Music Festival’s key objectives, the International Herald Tribune observes, is the task of ‘interweaving Singaporean artists with foreign talent’ and thereby ‘to develop both local talent and [its] audiences’. In 2005, for instance, Singaporean jazz virtuoso Jeremy Monteiro was paired with the legendary James Moody in a phenomenal concert where both took to a shared stage. The nurturing of home-grown musical talents is an unparalleled Mosaic directive shared by no other. Mosaic’s acoustic revels are manifold and range from the engaging jazz orthodoxies of rhythm and blues to a refreshing mix of swing and bebop. It is also a showcase of Afro-Cuban and Brazilian beats, hip-hop fusion, various forms of world music and the odd infusion of acid jazz. While the Mosaic Music Festival thus appears to make, as its director J. P. Nathan observes, ‘a conscious efort to strike a balance in the line-up … [and] cater to all ages and income groups’, it is not unaware of the thin line a festival walks between an event with wide appeal and one with a disquieting lack of focus. It cannot be said, however, that the festival is rarely interested in working within the bounds of a unifed style for artistic integrity, for it is consistently keyed to the creation of a cohered acoustic space for jazz and world music alike. It is also tremendously invested in creating a conceptual space for which ‘artists would want to come … it ofers them a tremendous window to intermingle with other artists in the region’. Perhaps most crucially, the festival seeks to galvanise ‘new [forms of] dynamic expression’ as Esplanade chief executive Benson Puah observed (Kolesnikov-Jessop 2005). In 2014, the Mosaic Musical Festival celebrated its 10th anniversary and also announced that it would be its last edition. Conclusion The national music festival was once envisioned as an artistic arena that would ameliorate the musical aridity to which the island once gravitated towards. This city’s soundscape, at present, has long since been reformed. Singapore now plays host to a vivifying range of musical events and festivals that are evenly distributed over the course of the year. These acoustic platforms currently range from the popular (The Business Times notes F1 Rocks as ‘easily Singapore’s fashiest music festival’) to the progressive (such as the Singapore Arts Festival); and from concert halls to fringe urban music spaces, the city-state unveils a massive canvass of sound from classical (Singapore Sun Festival) to jazz (Mosaic Music Festival) that is both relaxed and reverential. In light of this increasingly vast, shifting acoustic landscape, festival directors have come to realise that these platforms require much more than a knack for reinvention to last. The musical arena is here constrained by size, the challenges incipient in dealing with a musically sated audience and the spectre of market saturation ever close at hand. Attrition appears a common concern, given the limited pool of performers and audiences, and most industry players now acknowledge that diferentiation is crucial to ensure Singapore’s music festivals do not edge each other to extinction. Low Kee Hong, former general manager of the Singapore Arts Festival, observed that it was imperative to invest ‘a conscious efort better to position the Singapore Arts Festival in relation to the other platforms and festivals’ and urged festival committees to fnd ‘greater clarity in what everyone is doing’ to allay ‘duplication and create greater [artistic and musical] value for both artists and audiences’ (Lim 2009). Perhaps what Venka All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 234 Singapore Soundscape Purushothaman (2007: 18) has claimed for the Singapore Arts Festival will serve succinctly as an impetus for each and every festival, that ‘has taken multiple dimensions to respond to the social context and cultural policies of its times’, to achieve a ‘success [that] is broad and far-reaching’. References Chang, Tou Chuang and Lee Wai Kin. ‘Renaissance City Singapore: a Study of Arts Spaces’, Area 35(2), 2003, 128–141. De Guzman, Amanda. ‘Sponsorship Hits $3.7m Despite Recession’, The Business Times, 3 June 2009. Frost, Mark Ravinder and Yu-Mei Balasingamchow. Singapore: a Biography. Singapore: Editions Didier Millet and National Museum of Singapore, 2009. Goh, Ching Lee. ‘Presenter Interview’ with Ken Takiguchi, 6 June 2006. http://www. performingarts.jp/E/pre_interview/0606/1.html (last accessed 21 December 2012) Junaidi, A. ‘Goh Ching Lee: Arts Junkie’s Contagious Passion’, The Jakarta Post, 26 June 2008. Kolesnikov-Jessop, Sonia. ‘A Mosaic of Music in Singapore’, The New York Times, 2 March 2005. Lim, Christopher. ‘Rocking the Music Scene’, The Business Times, 13 November 2009. Purushothaman, Venka. Making Visible the Invisible: Three Decades of the Singapore Arts Festival. Singapore: National Arts Festival, 2007. Rajaratnam, S. Speech at the Sixth Asian Advertising Congress. Singapore, 1 July 1968. Said, Edward. Music at the Limits: Three Decades of Essays and Articles on Music. London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2008. Turnbull, Constance Mary. A History of Singapore, 1819–1988. Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1989. Wee, C.J. Wan-Ling. The Asian Modern: Culture, Capitalist Development, Singapore. Singapore: NUS Press, 2007. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 235 The Development of the General Music Programme in Primary and Secondary Schools The Development of the General Music Programme in Primary and Secondary Schools CHAPTER 16 Eric Peter Stead & Lum Chee Hoo All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 236 Singapore Soundscape S ingapore is a multi-racial society comprising, at the last census in 2000, 76.8 percent Chinese, 13.9 percent Malay, 7.9 percent Indians and 1.4 percent others including the Eurasian population. This resident population consists of about 3.3 million people, but there are about another two million foreign workers in Singapore from all over the world. Singapore became an independent sovereign state in 1965, having been a British crown colony since 1867, so the infuences that make up the cultural tapestry of this country are rich and varied. Unsurprisingly, given the diversity of the population and the youth of the country, one of the overriding aims of the education system in general has been to create a sense of national identity, and music has been seen as a very important contributor to this end. The Colonial Legacy and the Search for an Independent National Identity The underlying model of the education system was inherited from the British colonial administration and still retains many important links with the United Kingdom (Cambridge exams, emphasis on British English, etc) but, as with many other aspects of Singaporean society, it has shifted from the original model as the society has matured and as other infuences have been absorbed. Nevertheless, the inclusion of music as a timetabled classroom activity is one aspect of this education system that has been retained. The British music examining boards (e.g. ABRSM, Trinity, London, Guildhall) have also played an important role in the musical education of many Singaporeans. The Associate A music class in session at the Convent of the Holy Infant Jesus in 1924. Sisters of the Infant Jesus collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 237 The Development of the General Music Programme in Primary and Secondary Schools Board of the Royal Schools of Music (ABRSM) frst introduced their graded music exams into Singapore in 1948 and by 2000 the ABRSM were conducting over 40,000 practical and theory of music exams each year – mostly in piano, violin and theory. Prior to independence, education had developed separately in the major languages, with English language education being largely provided by missionary organisations such as the Roman Catholic, Methodist and Presbyterian churches. Echoes of this system remain to this day in the names and ethos of many mission schools. Although mission schools may use music as a means of evangelising through the singing of hymns and religious songs, music education in secular establishments was not given priority before independence (Chong 1995). By 1950, a general music curriculum had been established based on a British model of teaching music through singing and infuenced by the ABRSM. In 1959, the People’s Action Party (PAP) sought the building of a unifed national system of education that would emphasise the technological and industrial training necessary to build and defne a fedgling nation. English was selected as the medium of instruction and emphasis was placed on mathematics, science and technology. By 1972, the education system had evolved into a system that aimed to develop to the fullest extent the potential of each individual, as well as to ensure the collective welfare of the wider society (MOE 1972). Particular attention was given to the teaching of civics with the intention of inculcating national pride, social consciousness and civic mindedness. Music and singing was seen to have a key role in this respect. The primary school syllabus introduced in 1970 included one hour of music per week for pupils in primary 1–4 and 35 minutes of music for pupils in primary 5 and 6. Although there have been many changes over the intervening years, and schools now have more autonomy in the allocation of time Music lessons during adult education classes in 1952. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 238 Singapore Soundscape to subject areas, this model still forms the basis of music provision in the General Music Programme (GMP) in primary schools. In secondary schools, the allocation of 35 minutes per week was continued and the common curriculum introduced in 1969 includes ‘provision made for one period of music per week for “Musical appreciation/Singing” in secondary 1–4’. Pupils were divided into ‘academic’ and ‘technical’ streams and, although the GMP was intended to be available to all pupils whether ‘academic’ or ‘technical’, music was also ofered as an elective examination subject for the ‘academic’ streams. By 1971, 98 secondary schools were including formal music lessons as part of the curriculum. Not all education systems around the world include a GMP as part of their general curriculum (although almost all would include some form of music as a co- or extra-curricular activity) and it is interesting to consider why Singapore, as a newly emerging nation seeking to emphasise technical and industrial training in its education system, would include a ‘soft’ subject such as music in its mandatory curriculum. Part of the answer must lie in the British colonial inheritance of teaching Western music through singing, and the infuence of the ABRSM in their programme of teaching and assessing Western musical literacy through their music examination system (Peters 1979). Their infuence was, and remains, very powerful in the Singapore perception of what constitutes a ‘musical education’. Additionally, within the British education system, music had been included in the curriculum since the advent of mass education in the late 19th century, initially as a means of inculcating strong moral values in pupils through the singing of hymns and other ‘worthy’ songs. It is clear that in this, as in other aspects of education, when the English language was adopted as the medium of instruction in Singapore education, many practical aspects of British education, such as curriculum structure and standard lesson length, were also adopted. Another probable reason for the inclusion of music into Charles Lazaroo, the Ministry of Education’s specialist educator on music, giving a talk at the University of Singapore in 1971. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 239 The Development of the General Music Programme in Primary and Secondary Schools A student angklung orchestra playing at the Radio Singapore’s variety show, “Suara Ria Singapura”, at the Victoria Memorial Hall in 1960. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. the curriculum is the perceived value of the subject in inculcating a sense of identity, and as a means of gaining understanding and insight into various cultures. Music should be regarded as: ‘A strong binding force among children of the various communities so that they can grow up respecting each other’s cultural traits.’ (MOE 1967: 12) Music was included from the 19th century in the standard British education curriculum and, as in Singapore, the original rationale for the inclusion of music was moral rather than specifcally musical. In Britain, the role of music was to raise the moral tone of pupils through singing hymns and other uplifting songs. In Singapore, with an ethnically and culturally diverse community speaking four diferent languages, it was perceived as vital that all eforts should be made to instill pupils with a sense of Singaporean identity and an understanding of the cultures that constitute the Singapore community. As it was largely the British model of education that formed the model for English language education in Singapore, it was only natural that music should be considered as an important part of that curriculum. Whilst the pre-independence English-medium education had included traditional British folk and community songs, the music curriculum in Singapore after independence laid emphasis on the inclusion of Malay, Chinese and Indian (Tamil) songs in addition to the standard British repertoire. Some traditional British songs were altered to suit the local context. ‘Hot cross buns’ was translated into Hokkien as ‘Char Kway Teow’ and ‘Have you seen the mufn man?’ redefned as ‘Have you seen the satay man?’ Songs were All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 240 Singapore Soundscape either translated or customised to local understanding. Community songs from the Malay, Chinese and Indian communities were, and still are, prescribed as mandatory in the school music curriculum. Learning the National Anthem, composed in 1958 by Zubir Said, was also an integral part of the school music curriculum. Later developments in the use of music to enhance social cohesion include the commissioning of national songs, such as ‘Count on me Singapore’, ‘Singapura’ and ‘Home’, and the development of the Sing Singapore competition, which encouraged schools and other organisations to create a choir or group of singers to sing National Songs in an annual competitive music festival. In the early days of independence, a shortage of suitably trained and qualifed music teachers was a problem which threatened to stand in the way of further developments in music education. Policies were put in place to address the problem of the shortfall of trained and qualifed music teachers, although, as we shall see, the problem of insufcient and inadequately trained music teachers to deliver the best intentions of the Ministry of Education (MOE) would continue to inhibit developments in music education to the end of the century. However, initiatives to train music teachers began in the 1960s: teachers were trained at the teacher training college, and, at the beginning of the second year of the three year course, could opt to study music as one of three subjects. The syllabus for trainee music teachers at the Teacher Training College in the 1960s was a traditional one. For the frst term they followed a general course in music. Tonic sol-fa was studied, and was illustrated by a selected musical instrument, such as the recorder. Students learned to sing folk music, in particular Malay songs, and listened to records. From the second term onwards, after passing a selection test, trainees could specialise in the teaching of music. They had to learn the piano and be able to read music and play accompaniments. They learned the rudiments of harmony up to the dominant seventh. In addition, they were trained in music theory, including the ability to transpose. At the same Puan Noor Aishah being treated to a musical performance by the Girl Guides of Raffes Girls’ School in 1960. Yusof Ishak Collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 241 The Development of the General Music Programme in Primary and Secondary Schools time, they followed a course in the history of music. Their pedagogic training included a study of singing techniques and methods of teaching tonic sol-fa. This professional training continues until the end of the third year. At the end of this course, the teachers could teach in a primary school. They taught in several schools and remained in each for one academic year. Some students could win scholarships that allowed them to continue their studies in Britain, Australia or the United States. Upon return, these teachers generally taught in secondary schools and set up children’s choirs and orchestras (Mialaret 1970: 61–62). After the bilingual policy was adopted in 1966, second language teachers were encouraged to teach music, although many of them were untrained and under-qualifed. Despite these initiatives, there still remained a considerable shortfall in the number of teachers properly equipped to teach music in both primary and secondary schools. The Primary Music Curriculum An account of school music education in Singapore before the 1970s noted that ‘the syllabus is similar to those taught in Europe … the basis of instruction is singing: in the early years of primary education, mimed songs are taught. Some attempt [sic] to learn Malay songs are made, but English songs are the most frequently taught’ (Mialaret 1970: 61). Mialaret further remarked that ‘the desired cultural co-existence is not, as yet, refected in the teaching of music, as Western music, in particular English music, predominates’ (1970: 61). Music was made a compulsory non-examination subject within the primary and secondary curriculum in the Singapore education system from 1968 (Yeo 1990). In his Music class at the Convent of the Holy Infant Jesus. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 242 Singapore Soundscape general overview of music education in Singapore, Leong (1984: 48) noted eforts since 1981 by the Ministry of Education to take ‘measures to upgrade the standard of teaching general music’ with the creation of new music syllabi, the inclusion of music within extra-curricular activities, the setting up of music elective programmes along with the introduction of concerts and competitions through the Singapore Youth Festival, national music competitions and music camps. Chong’s (1991) tracing of the Singapore primary music education programmes from 1959 to 1990 noted how general music education during this period was geared primarily towards singing rather than instrumental playing or instrumental performance. While there were attempts to represent the four local language streams (Mandarin, Malay, Tamil and English) in terms of singing repertoire because of the cultural and historical signifcance of each, music education was subsumed into the Euro-American art music tradition and practice with specifc focus on repertoire from the 18th and 19th centuries. Chong’s study highlights the lack of trained primary music teachers to implement and expedite lessons based on specifed music Students from Raffes Girls’ Primary School practising their violin recital in 1975. The primary four pupils are part of a 30-strong group called Fiddlers on the Loose, comprising students from various schools. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. Students from Thomson Shin Min Public School perform during their school’s sports day in 1979. Shin Min Public School collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 243 The Development of the General Music Programme in Primary and Secondary Schools syllabi, pointing to more intensive music teacher education to bridge the gap between theory, practice and pedagogy in the teaching and learning of school-going students in a general music programme. A Straits Times article from 1980 indicated an interest in Orf methodology, with 60 teachers being sent by the government to the Philippines to study basic Orf-Schulwerk, and Leong Yoon Pin, then lecturer in the music department of the Institute of Education, Singapore, presenting the ‘ideas of Carl Orf on music education and their application in the Singapore context’ (Tan 1980). By 1982, however, a primary school GPM developed by music curriculum specialists within the Ministry of Education, titled ‘The Active Approach to Music Making’ (AAMM), described as ‘Kodaly-based’ (probably deduced from the consistent use of movable-doh solfège, Curwen hand-signs, rhythmic syllables, a child-developmental approach and the use of folk materials alongside ‘good-quality’ albeit Euro-American music was implemented in all Singapore primary schools with an aim to ‘provide music literacy to students’ (Yeo 1990: 4). The programme was devised in consultation with Deanna Hoermann from Australia – an expert in, and passionate advocate of, the Kodaly method. While the approach was praised for being sequential and systematic in raising levels of music skills, its ‘tendency to over-emphasise the psychomotor and cognitive domains in music education … have to a certain extent stifed the creativity of music teachers and students alike’ (Yeo 1990: 4). Tan (1997) in his investigation into the AAMM, focused on teacher perceptions and pupil achievement using the programme and found that there was general acceptance and favourable responses about the AAMM programme by the teachers. In terms of developing skills in pitch and rhythm, there were no comparable diferences between using the AAMM programme and traditional approaches. This is not surprising, since what was over- emphasised were the performative (read re-creative) tasks rather than the creative tasks. The Bukit Panjang Government School’s musical band in 1952. Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 244 Singapore Soundscape Students from Peicai Secondary School during their music lesson in 1987. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. Interestingly, the stated objectives of the AAMM were pupil oriented, emphasising in every lesson that the child learns through active participation and that ‘learning through enjoyment should be uppermost in the teacher’s mind during a lesson’ (MOE 1987). By 1992, these objectives were concretely spelt out in the primary music syllabus, which aimed at ‘developing pupils’ musical skills, music literacy, understanding and creativity through direct experience in singing, moving, reading and notating, instrumental playing, listening, improvising and composing’ (MOE 1992). The syllabus was intended also to provide pupils with the basic knowledge of Singapore’s rich and diverse cultural heritage as a means to nurture pupils’ interest, attitude and sensitivity towards an appreciation and understanding of local ethnic music. The syllabus is organised into three basic areas: performing, listening and creating. The central emphasis on performing includes singing as well as opportunities for pupils to use a wide variety of percussion and melodic instruments. Listening is targeted at developing pupils’ aural imagination, so that they can hear in their minds the sounds they will be using in performing and creating activities. This is achieved through listening materials to observe simple structures in music from rhythmic and melodic patterns and phrases. Pupils also learn to follow music notations leading to music appreciation. The ‘creating’ component is specifcally spelt out as, ‘pupils need to have the opportunity to create and compose. They sing, play, listen, and learn to organise and notate the sounds they hear. From improvising simple answers to questions, both rhythmic and melodic, they will progress to creating their own little phrases and melody’ (MOE 1992). Supplementary teaching aids, like the AAMM modules and music textbooks, such as ‘My Music Book’ developed by the Curriculum Planning & Development Division in 1998, aim to guide teachers systematically in achieving the objectives set out in the music syllabus. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 245 The Development of the General Music Programme in Primary and Secondary Schools In 1986, an evaluation took place. In an attempt to bring objectivity to the evaluation, a standardised test was employed. The instrument used was the ‘Bentley Measures of Musical Abilities’. Although this is a rigorous and highly discriminating measure, it tests only a limited range of perceptual skills, it tests atomistically, and the tests are devoid of any genuine musical context. It would certainly test the rather mechanical auditory discrimination skills that some aspects of the AAMM address, and it is no surprise to fnd pupils who had followed the AAMM gaining superior scores on the Bentley test than pupils who had not. However, the Bentley tests examine only what is easily measurable, not what is musical or, arguably, important in the primary school music classroom, and they certainly do not address issues of creativity, performing ability, attitude to music, understanding of the structure of music, or any aspect of non-Western styles. So, whilst the Bentley tests could be used to show an improvement in a limited range of perceptual skills associated with auditory discrimination and psycho-motor skills, they address very few of the stated aims of the AAMM. The Secondary School Curriculum Throughout the 1960s, the role and place of music in children’s education was becoming better understood and more important in the educational system. A ‘Report on the Development of Music in the University of Singapore’ was commissioned in 1971 and made the following recommendations: ‘At all educational levels music should be regarded as an important ingredient in general education as well as a pursuit for those with special musical aptitude Anglo-Chinese School students proudly presenting their home-made instruments in 1984. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 246 Singapore Soundscape and inclination. The musical life of any community will always tend to refect the status given music by its educational authorities who must recognise that the function of music teaching is to build on the spontaneous response of all young children to music and to provide for its continuous development as a means of expression and source of enjoyment throughout life.’ (Callaway & Kasilag 1971: 7) By 1969, music had been formally included in the curriculum of secondary schools and by the 1970s music was increasingly recognised for its intrinsic value, as well as a means of promoting social cohesion. The Ministry of Education acknowledged the importance of music in ‘elevating aesthetic sentiments, cultivating creative ability and instilling social discipline in the development of a well-rounded individual’ (MOE 1979). Secondary schools were required to provide facilities for the teaching of music both within the curriculum (as an extension to the GMP being delivered in primary schools) and as an extra-curricular activity. An outline of the GMP for secondary schools was sent to all schools on 29 December 1969. The programme was divided into two stages. Stage 1 was for pupils of Secondary 1 and 2 and Stage 2 for pupils of Secondary 3 and 4. The aim of Stage 1 was to provide opportunities for pupils to learn the basics of musical notation and rudiments of music through active participation in class singing or learning to play a simple musical instrument. The aim of Stage 2 was to arouse and develop an interest in music appreciation. The courses of study included a general outline of the history of Western music, a study of the instruments of the orchestra, both Western and Eastern, and form (structure) in music. At a review of the syllabus conducted in 1979, it was found that 94 out of 99 schools surveyed were implementing Stage 1 of the music curriculum. Most chose singing as the means of participation in music activities, but also supplemented their activities with some instrumental teaching and music appreciation. Stage 2 of the GMP was found to be too ambitious for the Secondary 3 and 4 pupils and the programme was either modifed or not delivered. The 1969 general music syllabus helped many secondary schools to implement a course of music study for ‘non-specialist’ pupils. However, a shortage of suitably qualifed and trained music teachers continued to be an obstacle to a comprehensive implementation. The review of 1979 also refects teachers’ concerns at the difculties in coping with a wide range of musical abilities in one class. The review also pointed to the severe lack of music teaching materials at this time. The syllabus was revised in the 1970s and it is clear that the initial values of promoting a sense of identity through music education were still strongly represented and were refected in a return to a singing-based programme including community songs. Music is described as a means to ‘promote group consciousness and patriotic feelings through participation in musical activities’ (Singapore 1977). The objectives of the revised syllabus were ‘to develop further an interest in music through singing and listening’, ‘to build a repertoire of songs for community singing for leisure and general appreciation’ and ‘to cultivate a better understanding and appreciation of music in our multi-cultural society’ (Singapore 1980). A lack of music teachers and poor resourcing for music lessons continued to prevent the wholesale implementation of this programme and it was recognised that most schools would not extend the GMP provision into Secondary 3 and 4. Additionally, the 1979 syllabus reverted to the more realistic aim of placing emphasis on singing rather than musical literacy and instrumental playing, which were part of the 1969 syllabus. By the 1980s, the general aims of the education system had shifted from the perceived need simply to emphasise the technological and industrial training necessary to build and defne the nation to more qualitative aims, including the need ‘to develop a creative, All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 247 The Development of the General Music Programme in Primary and Secondary Schools thinking and innovative Singapore society through a broad-based education aimed at the development of the whole person’ (Chong 1995: 101). Music in secondary schools also had to take into account the implementation, from 1982, of the Kodaly-based Active Approach to Music Making (AAMM) syllabus in primary schools. In light of the innovations of the AAMM syllabus, a new music syllabus for secondary schools was devised in 1993 (MOE 1993). As before, the syllabus was structured in two stages and was intended to take into account the skills and knowledge primary school pupils would have gained from their music lessons under AAMM. The objectives were: (i) to develop in pupils a perceptive, sensitive appreciation of music; (ii) to develop the ability to express ideas and feelings through the medium of sound; (iii) to develop practical skills in music-making – both singing as well as playing musical instruments; (iv) to develop the desire to participate in music making for self-expression, satisfaction and enjoyment; (v) to develop social skills and discipline through making music together; and (vi) to develop an awareness of the variety of traditions in diferent cultures and countries (MOE 1993: 9). To meet these objectives, fve activities were recommended in the revised syllabus. They were singing, listening, instrumental playing, music reading and writing, creative music-making and a ‘music project’. It can be seen from the objectives and activities that this revised syllabus was much more ambitious than its predecessors. The role of singing was much reduced and there was an attempt to place a balanced emphasis on performing, listening and creative music-making, which was in line with curriculum thinking in music education internationally (Swanwick, 1979). Additionally, a broader perspective was adopted in understanding music beyond that of the indigenous cultures of Singapore. Music from Eastern and Western traditions was included, both as songs to sing and, for the upper secondary levels, music projects that involved selected folk music from around the world. By the end of the 20th century, the value of including music study as part of a secondary school pupil’s development had become established and music was ofered in most secondary schools in Secondary 1 and Secondary 2. The syllabus had also evolved to include world music in education and creative work. Initiatives to include IT in schools were also under way, and brought about a sea change in the style of education in all subjects, including music, in the 1990s and the early years of the 21st century. Nevertheless, there remained a shortage of teachers to staf music lessons, and initiatives to staf each secondary school with adequately trained and qualifed teachers would have to wait until the next decade. The Music Elective Programme (MEP) in Secondary Schools With the increasing realisation of the value of music in education, the emergence of pupils who wished to pursue their studies in music to a high level, and with a view to the longer term of recruiting highly-trained and skilled musicians as performers, teachers or future academics, the MOE expanded music education in the early 1980s with the introduction of the Music Elective Programme (MEP). The MEP was initially introduced in three secondary schools: Tanjong Katong Girls’ School, Methodist Girls’ School and the Anglo-Chinese School. These schools ofered a dedicated four-year course in music from Secondary 1, leading to a GCE ‘O’ level at the end of Secondary 4. The schools were equipped with the facilities to teach music, including instruments and sound reproduction equipment. Potential elective students were selected on the basis of their musical aptitude and academic achievement. Students had to sit for two musical aptitude tests. Later, a prerequisite of the ABRSM grade 3 practical examinations was implemented. The MEP All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 248 Singapore Soundscape course was allocated three teaching periods per week and MEP students were exempted from the GMP music programme. Each MEP school was stafed with two music graduates who would develop pupils’ musical skills as well as their understanding and appreciation of music (Chong 1995). It was expected that a proportion of the MEP students would progress to ‘A’ level music and some would choose to pursue music in higher education at prestigious establishments abroad. Scholarships were made available for the most talented. By 1997, as numbers increased and the value of music education was increasingly recognised, the MEP had been extended to St. Nicholas Secondary School and Rafes Girls’ School. From its inception in 1980 until the end of the century, the MEP followed a traditional syllabus, comprising: (i) unprepared and prepared analysis of set works chosen from the Western classical tradition; (ii) aural tests; (iii) harmony; (iv) general musical knowledge; and (v) a practical test. MEP students also sat for a ‘higher music’ paper for which they had to answer short questions based on four extracts of music. The exam aimed to test students’ aural perception abilities as well as their application of musical skills. The ‘O’ level course and the ‘higher music’ paper during the 1980s and 1990s was based on the Western classical tradition and was designed to prepare pupils who wished to continue their music studies at a higher level for further study in Western music at ‘A’ level, and then at Western (i.e. British, Australian or North American) universities. Conclusion In summary, the development of music education via the GMP in primary and secondary schools from independence to 2000 saw a shift in emphasis from a perceived use of music simply as a means of enhancing national identity and creating social cohesion to one where music is additionally recognised for its intrinsic worth, and as a subject which plays an important role in the education of all young people. Although the music of the indigenous cultures of Singapore (Malay, Chinese, Indian, Western) have constituted an important part in the music syllabus throughout this period, we can notice a shift towards a more global view of music, with less focus on the traditional canon of Western classical music and more focus on ‘world music in education’ and the music of popular culture. The advent of keyboards, computers and information technology during this period in educational history has also had a profound efect on music lessons, both in terms of what is taught and how it is taught, and Singapore has embraced these innovations enthusiastically. The encouragement of a more creative approach to teaching and learning is also refected in the development of music syllabi through this period, with ‘creating music’ playing an increasingly important role. We can also ascertain the important infuence of the ‘Kodaly-based’ programme of the AAMM syllabus, which was introduced in the 1980s in primary schools and which continued to be a major infuence on classroom practice to the end of the century and beyond. The major infuences that have persisted from this initiative are an emphasis on singing, sight-singing and note reading with the aid of sol-fa and hand signs and recorder playing. The shortage of suitably qualifed and trained teachers was a problem throughout this period. Several major initiatives in the development of music education have taken place since 2000, including increasing emphasis on world musics in education, further developments in the use of IT, the introduction of an ‘N’ level syllabus for Secondary 3 and 4 NT (Normal Technical) pupils, with an emphasis on popular music and music technology and a shift in secondary music education from a traditional course based on theory and history to a more contemporary approach emphasising the role of music in society. With more autonomy, many more secondary schools are now ofering music as an ‘O’ level and/or an ‘N’ level subject, and the number of candidates for ‘O’ level and ‘N’ level music continues to rise. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 249 The Development of the General Music Programme in Primary and Secondary Schools Teachers are also encouraged to actively participate in educational research as a body of local music education scholarship is slowly being developed. Music has an important role to play in the development of an education system appropriate for the needs of the 21st century, both in terms of training pupils who seek to make music as a career, and also for those who simply wish to gain the lifelong, life-enhancing benefts of involvement in musical activities. References Callaway, Frank and Lucrecia R. Kasilag. Report on the Development of Music in the University of Singapore. Singapore: Ministry of Education, 1971. Chong, Sylvia. ‘General Music Education in the Primary Schools in Singapore, 1959–1990.’ Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1991. Chong, Sylvia. ‘Singapore’ in Laurence Lepherd (ed.), Music Education in International Perspective: National Systems. Toowoomba: USQ Press, 1995. Leong, Samuel. ‘The Present State of Music Education in Singapore’, International Journal of Music Education 3, 1984, 48–51. Mialaret, Jean Pierre. ‘Musical Education in Singapore’, Comparative Education 6(1), 1970, 61–64. Ministry of Education. Education in Singapore. Singapore: Educational Publication Bureau, 1972. Ministry of Education. Draft Music Syllabus for Secondary School. Singapore: MOE, 1977. Ministry of Education. Minutes of the Fifth Meeting of the Music Subject Standing Committee Held on Friday 27th July 1979. Singapore: MOE, 1979. Ministry of Education. Music Teaching in Schools. Singapore: MOE, 1980. Ministry of Education. Music Syllabus (Secondary Schools). Singapore: MOE, 1993. Peters, Joseph. ‘A Singaporean Perspective’ in Martin Compte (ed.), Music Education: International Viewpoints. Adelaide: Australian Society for Music Education Inc., 1979, 147– 152. Swanwick, Keith. A Basis for Music Education. London: Routledge, 1979. Tan, Siong Hock. ‘Teacher Perception of and Pupil Achievement in the New Primary School Music Programme “The Active Approach to Music-Making”.’ Master’s Thesis, National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University, 1997. Tan, Suat Lian. ‘How to make a child really enjoy music’, The Straits Times, 18 April 1980, 3. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 250 Singapore Soundscape Yeo, Siew Cheng. ‘Looking Beyond Curriculum: Music in the Singapore Education System.’ Honours Thesis, Southern Illinois University Carbondale, 1990. http://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/authors.html#Y (last accessed 29 September 2012) All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 251 The Revolution of Wind Bands from pre-1965 to 1995 The Revolution of Wind Bands from Pre-1965 to 1995 1 CHAPTER 17 Penny Tan All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 252 Singapore Soundscape S ingapore was under the rule of the British East India Company, then governed as a British colony and became part of the Strait Settlements before its independence in 1965. When Singapore broke away from Malaysia and became a sovereign, democratic and independent nation on 9 August 1965, the wind band movement was ofcially initiated by then Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew. Before this time, most bands consisted mainly of bugle, ffe, drums and brass instruments, instead of the fully-fedged ensembles one hears today. Pre-1965 Band Activities Under British rule, most of the bands were taught and guided by British Army military band personnel. Beside British infuences, Chinese clan associations and Christian missionary schools also made great contributions to the establishment of wind bands in schools. The involvement of the service bands in the Singapore band movement probably began as early as 1922 with the local police band. Renamed the 2nd Straits Settlements Police Band in 1925 (Singapore was part of the Straits Settlements, along with Penang and Malacca), the band was managed by a British Army drill sergeant. The band started with 11 woodwind players, 20 brass players, a side drum player and a bass drum player. Most band members were Punjabis and Sikhs recruited directly from the British India Regimental Band. F. E. Minns was the frst band conductor and under his baton, the band performed The Singapore Police Band during a rehearsal in the 1950s. Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 253 The Revolution of Wind Bands from pre-1965 to 1995 regularly at police functions and in public. In 1935, when Minns retired, J. Hitch took over as a bandmaster. However, when Singapore fell under Japanese occupation in 1942, Hitch was imprisoned and the band was relocated to Hill Street Police Station. During this period, the band was under the direction of Sergeant Ganda, a Singaporean who managed the band till the liberation of Singapore. Following the surrender of the Japanese in 1945, the band returned to the British military administration and was renamed the Band of the Singapore Police Force in 1946 after it was restructured. Meanwhile, J. Hitch was released from internment and returned to Australia in 1950 due to poor health and was replaced by R. E. House. During that period, many of the Punjabis and Sikh bandsmen had also either retired or returned to India, causing a sharp drop in membership. Due to the limited number of trained musicians available during that time, young Malay boys were selected and served as drummers and buglers for three years from 1947. J. E. Boyle succeeded as band director after House retired in 1957 and transformed the band into the fnest in the settlement. Inspector Ridzwan Salmy bin Mulok was appointed as band director in 1960 and led the band into a new musical era. The band was renamed again as the Royal Malaysia Band after Singapore merged with Malaysia in 1963, but was fnally called the Singapore Police Band after parting from Malaysia in 1965. With the authorisation of the Singapore government, the Police Cadet Corps was formed in 1961. The band started training 10 boys aged between 15 and 17. Besides the age requirement, the boys had to be at least fve feet tall and with no previous music training. Singapore Police Band and Singapore Military Forces Band playing in front of City Hall at the National Day Rally in 1962. Yusof Ishak collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 254 Singapore Soundscape During training, they camped at the Police Training School’s barrack in Thomson Road and would only graduate at age 18 after passing their music profciency examination. The other service bands formed before 1965 included the Singapore Military Forces (SMF) Band in 1958. The band was renamed as the Singapore Infantry Regiment Band (SIR Band) of the Singapore Armed Forces when the band moved into the 2SIR at Temasek Camp in Ulu Pandan in November 1962. The SMF band started with just 30 members, who were mostly professional musicians from various nightclubs and cabarets. Like the Singapore Police Band, British Army personnel were employed to direct the SIR band. They included the bandmaster of the 15th/19th Hussars, Captain Frederick William Roy, who led the band from 1958 to 1963, and the bandmaster of the Parachute Brigade, Captain Arthur Edward Hollowell, who served from 1963 to 1966, as well as Lieutenant Edward Crowcroft from the York and Northumberland Brigade. During their services, the band performed at numerous functions locally and internationally. These functions included the farewell ceremony of the Singapore Military Forces commander, Colonel P. D. Denman OBE, on his return to England. In 1959, the SIR Band also formed a Corps of Drums band with 20 musicians drawn from the main band. There were also many other international armed forces bands based in Singapore during this period: • The Far East Air Force Band (FEAF), a semi-military band comprising top musicians who were based with the Royal Air Force at Changi. • The Royal Marines Band (Far East) of the United Kingdom. • The Royal Artillery Band, which was founded in 1762 with just eight players. The band was one of the mass display bands that performed at the Padang on 16 October 1966. The formation of the 12th Company Bugle and Fife Band started in late 1954. The band began in early 1955 with the majority of its instruments donated by the Anglo- Chinese School (ACS) Old Boys Association; ffes were introduced later. Captain Wee Choon Seng and Lieutenant Ong Kim Kiat from the Singapore Battalion trained the frst batch of recruits. The band gave its frst performance on 1 March 1955 on ACS’s Founder Day. The band camp was held during the school break in April 1964 by which time the tradition of band training camps was established. Trumpets were donated by the teachers of ACS towards the end of 1964 and made their frst performance during the enrolment service in February 1965. School bands formed by the Christian missionaries and brothers were started as bugle, ffe and drum bands. These bands included Rafes Institution, Saint Patrick’s School, Saint Joseph’s Institution and Victoria School. The school bands run by Chinese clan associations included one at Yeung Ching Primary School (currently known as Yangzheng Primary School), and was formed around the time of the First World War with the support of the Canton Clan Association. Unfortunately, there is now no longer a band at Yangzheng Primary School. On the other hand, Ai Tong Primary School, which is afliated to the Hokkien Clan Association, still continues to maintain a band, whose members would join the Ai Hwa Old Boys’ Band after graduating from their primary school. Band Activities from 1965 to 1995 This period marked an important era in the Singapore band movement. Bands in Singapore had fourished progressively since their induction by then Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew. Lee recognised the need for Singapore to have its own military bands to establish a sense of national identity. The bands were also intended to cultivate social All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 255 The Revolution of Wind Bands from pre-1965 to 1995 values, such as self-discipline and esprit de corps, among students through extra- curricular band activities in schools. In the 1960s, Singapore was a young, developing nation and had many teething problems, especially post-independence. Standards of living at that time were not as high as the present and promoting music was not the frst priority. There were also a limited number of trained musicians and instruments available. However, Lee instructed the late Kwan Sai Kheong, then Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Education (MOE), to implement the formation of school bands so that they could be showcased at every National Day celebration. Band Directors In response to the instruction, the Ministry of Education employed 12 part-time band directors from the Royal Air Force and the Royal Navy Bands of the British Armed Forces to train the school bands. The frst four secondary school bands were Cedar Girls’ School, Tanjong Katong Secondary School, Crescent Girls’ School and Rafes Girls’ School. Within a year, 20 brass bands were formed. These bands formed a 500-strong student band contingent and performed for the First Independence Day Parade in August 1966. That performance motivated other schools to establish bands. The rapid proliferation of school bands came at a time when the British Army band personnel were departing Singapore. This led to an urgent need for qualifed band instructors. The MOE Music Department undertook the training of band directors and launched new school bands. The in-service course of band directors began in September 1966 under the direction of Benjamin Khoo and David Lim, both specialist inspectors of the Extra-Curricular Activities Centre (ECAC). The recruits were made up of 51 males and 10 females in their late 20s to early 30s. These band directors were full-time qualifed teachers and staf members of MOE’s Music Department. Besides training to become school band directors, they also had to perform with the Teachers’ Military Band during their 18-month in-service course. Lieutenant A. D. Haigh and George Ritchie from the Royal Air Force and the Royal Navy Bands were employed to train the teachers. Upon graduation in September 1967, the teachers were tasked to train bands and rehearse with the Teachers’ Military Band, besides undertaking administrative duties. A second batch of 30 band instructors were subsequently recruited. The frst Singapore Teachers’ Military Band (STMB) was founded with the inception of the In-Service Band Directors’ Course. All trainee band directors were required to play and perform with the band, in additional to attending nine hours of weekly band rehearsals. The formation of the band aimed to provide the trainee band instructors with a better understanding of what was taught during their in-service course, but most importantly to acquire marching and performance techniques. By 1974, the band’s membership grew due to the recruitment of fve more batches of trainees. That allowed the band to expand its instrumental range to meet the expectation of a full-fedged band of the period. Under the directorships of some pioneer conductors, including George Ritchie, Goh Say Meng, John de Souza, Arnold Tan and Lee Seck Chiang, the band was able to play a wider range and higher standard of repertoires. Regrettably, the band had to cease rehearsals from 1980 to 1985 due to the increased demand in teaching commitments. In 1981, the Institute of Education (IE) took over the role to train future band instructors. From 22 March 1982 to 25 February 1983, 26 full-time teachers were recruited for the part- time course. The full-time ‘Training Course for School Band Instructors’ was inaugurated on 6 January 1986, and recruited 20 full-time teachers from both primary and secondary schools. In the same year, Ho Hwee Long, a music lecturer from the Institute of Education All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 256 Singapore Soundscape (IE), re-established the band. The 45 trainees from a batch of 52 formed the new STMB and concentrated mainly on indoor concert repertoire. However, the training course lasted for only a year. With the termination of the full-time recruits in 1987, the band membership declined sharply and freelance band directors were invited to join the band instead. With the declining numbers of trained directors in the 1990s, many enthusiastic and newly graduated band members moved into band teaching. Schools started recruiting freelance musicians to conduct their bands, leading to a new phase of the Singapore band movement. During this period, there were no full-time band director courses for untrained teachers. As a result, most of these musicians had no formal training and the band standards varied from band to band. In order to improve themselves, some band directors travelled overseas to attend conferences and conventions. In order to maintain the band training standard, the MOE introduced its frst band director convention in 1990 and subsequently in 1995, 2001 and 2004. School Bands School bands were ofcially established in Singapore in 1965. The MOE was nominated to start and promote wind bands in schools. The instructors from the in-service band director courses were given the task to drive this movement. Schools at the time had fnancial and technical constraints due to a shortage and mishandling of instruments. In order to improve the bands’ standards and qualities, the MOE initiated an annual indoor-cum-outdoor competition from 1969. The initial secondary school bands in Singapore were mainly brass bands, and primary school bands were bugle and ffe bands. The frst pioneering school brass bands formed The Crescent Girls’ School Brass Band performing at the 1971 National Day Parade. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 257 The Revolution of Wind Bands from pre-1965 to 1995 after post-independence included Victoria School and New Town Secondary School. As the in-service band directors were still undergoing training, these bands were led by R. J. Wright and R. A. Parker respectively. Between 1967 and 1969, several new brass bands were formed. They were from Tanglin Secondary School, New Town Secondary School, Saint Gabriel’s School, Saint Andrew’s School, Buona Vista Secondary School, Chinese High School and National Junior College. With assistance from the music industry, including Swee Lee Music Company and Yamaha Music (Asia) Private Limited, a new range of brass and woodwind instruments were made available for purchase. Besides bringing in new instruments, these music companies also brought in band scores, sponsored band workshops and organised brass and woodwind festivals. With the government’s fnancial support, the budget for bands improved and a better and wider range of instruments could be acquired. As a result, brass bands were gradually converted to semi-military bands with the introduction of woodwind instruments. The instrumentation of primary school bands was upgraded from bugle and ffe to include brass bands too. This led to a sharp increase in memberships and bands gradually started to give indoor performances and organise regular concert series. By the 1980s, the instrumentation, membership and standard of most bands had reached new heights and bands were able to start playing more challenging repertoires. This allowed bands to convert from military to symphonic bands. As more bands converted to symphonic bands focusing mainly on concert repertoire and performances, the number of marching bands started to decline drastically. Meanwhile, annual concert series were becoming popular among school bands. With the sharp increase in the number of school bands and band members, there were greater demands for these former band members to The Tanjong Katong Secondary School band performing in the pre-parade segment of the 2004 National Day Parade preview. MITA collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 258 Singapore Soundscape develop their skills. Alumni bands were formed, creating a base for ex-band members to continue maintaining a close association with their alma mater after graduation. Tertiary Bands In addition to the school and junior college bands, polytechnics and other tertiary institutions also started forming wind bands. Among these, the National University of Singapore (NUS) was the frst to form a band. The university marching band was started by then vice-chancellor of the University, Toh Chin Chye in August 1968. Eighty percent of the band members had no musical background. Foot drills, music theory and practical lessons had to be taught from the basics under the directorship of Gerry Soliano. In 1972, the university’s music department took over the responsibility for the band as part of its extra-curricular activities programme. The band also recruited more experienced and trained musicians, which allowed the band to attempt more challenging repertoires. This allowed the band to convert from a marching band to a concert band. After Gerry Soliano’s retirement, Joseph Peters took over the band temporarily before Mamerto Parafna arrived from the Philippines in 1974 to conduct the band until 1983. Chan Seck Chee, an instructor from the Extra Curricular Activity Centre, then led the band on a part- time basis. In 1993, the band celebrated its 25th anniversary with concerts and exhibitions at the Singapore Conference Hall. The National Institute of Education Symphonic Band (NIESB), formerly known as the Institute of Education and National Junior College Alumni Concert Band, was formed in 1975 under the directorship of Ho Hwee Long. The band started of with 68 members and its membership has gradually increased over the years. As it is a tertiary band, most of its members are 18 years old and above. The band also served as a training base for trainee music teachers. Like the other bands, NIESB also organises an annual concert series, participates in international band festivals and performs for numerous university functions. Similar to the NIESB, the Nanyang Technological University Symphonic Band was known as the Nanyang Technological Institute Symphonic Band (NTI) until June 1990, before the institution was upgraded to university status. The band is a sub-club of the NTU Cultural Activities Club (CAC). The band’s frst conductor, Luk Hoi Yui, conducted the band from 1985 to 2005, before handing the position over to Takehiro Oura. The band has also participated in several international festivals. Among the fve polytechnics in Singapore, the oldest polytechnic band is the Singapore Polytechnic Concert Band, formed as a brass band with just six members in 1972 by Michael Hogan and Ang Tok Meng. Most of the members were recruited even though they did not have musical knowledge and both Ho Hwee Long and Teo Khye Bend were invited to conduct the training. The band grew and progressed rapidly over the years and won numerous awards at both local and international festivals. The Ngee Ann Polytechnic Concert Band was proposed by its fourth principal, Chen Hung, in 1983 to stimulate interest in music in the campus. By the 1980s, there were more trained band members graduating from secondary school bands, allowing the band to recruit 20 members with instrumental skills. The Nanyang Polytechnic Wind Orchestra originated from the Nanyang Polytechnic Symphonic Band and was formed in 1995 with 40 members recruited from all faculties. The band started to tour the following year with the guidance of their frst conductor, Png Boon Teck. The Temasek Polytechnic Symphonic Band was also founded in the same year. Following these new bands, more were established in the 2000s, including the Republic Polytechnic Wind Symphony, the Singapore Management University Symphonia, the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts Symphonic Wind Ensemble, the Mus’Art Wind Orchestra and the Philharmonic Winds. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 259 The Revolution of Wind Bands from pre-1965 to 1995 Service Bands Besides the blossoming of school bands, service bands also fourished following Singapore’s independence. Assistant Superintendent of Police Ridzwan Salmy bin Mulok started consolidating the Special Constabulary Band in January 1966 and 60 new members, consisting mainly of members from former school cadet corps bands, were recruited in October 1966. After Ridzwan’s retirement from the Singapore Police Force (SPF) Band, the directorship was taken over by the Deputy Superintendent of Police Idris Mohd. Yusok. The band’s membership had also increased to 90 by then. Other than the military band, the SPF Band also formed a concert band, a quintet, a choir, a combo band, the Herald Trumpeters, a brass quintet, a big band, a saxophone quartet, a few woodwind ensembles, the Gurkha Contingent Pipes and Drums and the Women’s Police Pipes and Drums. Like the SPF Band, the Singapore Infantry Regiment (SIR) Band also broke new ground. The band had shifted several times and was renamed according to the band’s location but later reverted to the Singapore Infantry Regiment (SIR) Band. Besides these changes, there were also several changes of band directors. The baton was passed from Captain Abdullah Ahmad to Captain Terry Seah Cheong Lock (1981–1994) and later to Captain Samuel Tan when the band was ofcially renamed as SAF Parade Band ‘A’. Like the SPF Band, the band also formed a corp of drums band, a combo band, a stage band and a dance band. The Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) Band was formed in 1969 and housed in Beach Road Camp. Each time the band shifted, it was renamed according to where the band was housed. The band was ofcially renamed the Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF) Band in 1982. In February 1994, Second Lieutenant Philip Tng took over the position as the band’s director of music until the re-organisation of all the SAF Bands. Another well-known band was the Second Singapore Infantry Brigade (2SIB) Band. The band was ofcially renamed the Republic of Singapore Navy (RSN) Band after it had relocated to the School of Naval Training at Sembawang Camp. Besides the main band, which came under the direction of Second Lieutenant Tonni Wei in 1977, the RSN Band also formed a combo band in 1981. The Singapore Armed Forces Training Institute (SAFTI) Band was initiated by Captain Joseph Sim Chek Kwang, a dental ofcer who had led the practice sessions once a week since its founding in late 1975. In November 1988, the Singapore Armed Forces Symphonic Wind Band was formed and came under the baton of Major E. Dragon, Captain Peter Yan and Lieutenant Seah Cheong Lock from the RSAF Band, RSN Band and SIR Band respectively. Musicians for this band were specially selected from the three bands and were expected to perform more challenging wind band repertoires. With increasing demands for the bands’ appearances at SAF functions and to achieve world standards, there was a need to re-deploy and merge band members from the three service bands. This led to the birth of the SAF Central Band on 12 April 1994. ‘In Harmony I’, the band’s inaugural performance at the Victoria Concert Hall, featured renowned guest conductor Frank Renton. While the SAF Central Band had focused on stage performances, the SAF Parade Bands ‘A’ and ‘B’ stood in for SAF ceremonies and parades, which included the SAF Day and National Day parades. Band ‘A’ was located in Jurong at the site of the former SIR Band while Band ‘B’ was based at the Tengah Air Base, which had housed the former RSAF Band. In the 1960s and 1970s, there was also an increase in overseas services. These military bands were part of the British, New Zealand, and Australian Armed Forces stationed in Singapore. These band members were fully-trained, highly-skilled musicians. Their presence contributed signifcantly to the development of the Singapore band movement. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 260 Singapore Soundscape These bands included the Royal New Zealand Infantry Regiment Band, Military Band of the First Gordon Highlanders, ANZUK Symphonic Band, Royal Highland Fusiliers Band, Royal Highlanders Band, Royal Marines Band (Far East) of United Kingdom, Australian Air Force Band and Royal Artillery Band. Besides these bands, the 14-piece United States Seventh Fleet Band also visited Singapore regularly. Community Bands In addition to the formation of alumni bands, community bands began to grow as well. In line with the drive to start school bands after independence, the People’s Association Military Band was set up in March 1965. The band was considered a professional band only because all 80 members were paid for their services. Consequently, only experienced and skilled players were employed. The head of the Royal Marine Band, Lieutenant A. D. Haigh, was employed as the band’s frst music director before Lim Tiat Seng ofcially took over in November 1965. With more amateur musicians and community centres forming bands, the demand for performances by the People’s Association Military Band reduced. The management then decided to dissolve the band on 26 November 1997. The Singapore Wind Symphony (SWS), formerly known as National Theatre Symphonic Band (NTSB), was founded in January 1977. The band was fnanced by the National Theatre Trust with the assistance of Yamaha Music (Asia) Co. Ltd. The NTSB was the frst of Singapore’s community symphonic bands to enhance Singapore’s cultural development. School leavers aged 18 and above were invited by the National Theatre Trust for auditions on 30 November 1976. The membership came from all walks of life, including students, national servicemen, clerks, designers, a school principal, technicians, lecturers and managers, as well as several professional musicians. The band was based in a studio at Yamaha Music School due to the limited space available at National Theatre. Ho Hwee Long was the band’s frst resident conductor and Khoo Hong Guan was the assistant conductor. Later, Mitsuo Nonami, chief instructor of the Yamaha Music Foundation in Tokyo, was invited to be the band’s guest conductor and helped to train the less experienced players. The band was also conducted by Samuel Leong and Luk Hoi Yui. Over the next 15 years, the band had also set up a stage band and big band, playing music of the 1960s. Besides its regular concert series, the band also toured Malaysia in December 1979, led by Ho Hwee Long, and Hong Kong in June 1987, led by Luk Hoi Yui. Unfortunately, the National Theatre Trust was dissolved in 1992 and merged with the National Arts Council (NAC). With the merger, the band received grants from the NAC instead. After coming under the auspices of the NAC, the NTSB was re-registered as the Singapore Wind Symphony (SWS) on 1 April 1992. Besides giving three concerts annually, the SWS plays a fundamental role in promoting band music and education. The band also provides opportunities for its members to be exposed to a wide range of works by internationally renowned composers. They also have many opportunities to perform under numerous professional conductors and soloists. In his opening speech for the First School Band Directors’ Convention on 29 August 1990, the late Dr. Tay Eng Soon, then Senior Minister of State for Education, suggested that the community centres should start their own bands. This would ensure that ex-school band members could continue to put their instrumental skills to use. By 1993, fve community centre wind bands were formed. These bands are the Kim Seng Wind Symphony (Kim Seng Community Centre), the Moulmein Wind Ensemble (Moulmein Community Centre), West Wind (Bukit Batok Community Centre), the Sembawang Community Centre Symphonic Band (Sembawang Community Centre) and Audio Image (Siglap Community Centre). The community band members come from all walks of life, including professionals and All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 261 The Revolution of Wind Bands from pre-1965 to 1995 amateurs. Apart from service and community bands, there were also a company band and an association band. Unfortunately these two bands – the Singapore SOKA Association Symphonic Band and the Singapore Airlines Group Band – have since ceased practice. Association Band The Singapore SOKA Association (SSA) Symphonic Band was part of SSA cultural groups. The association believes that culture is, in itself, an expression of peace. The Symphonic Band membership comprised SOKA musical divisions, which included Man Division Drum Group, Youth Man Division Brass Band and Young Women Division Fife and Drums Corps. The band was established in 1991 and had 40 members, with ages ranging from as young as 13 to over 50. The band gave many successful performances in conjunction with the association’s events. It was sad to fnd out that the band had stopped rehearsals and has been converted into the SOKA New Century Orchestra, although its ffe and drums corps is still functioning. Industry Band The Singapore Airlines (SIA) Group Band was the only industry band in Singapore. The ensemble started as a marching band in 1978 with only brass and percussion instruments. The frst recruitment drive received an overwhelming response: 150 staf from SIA and its subsidiaries as well as their family members showed up for the audition. The band could only recruit staf and family members because when the band travelled, all expenses were paid by the airline. As the band room was housed in Airline House, band members needed to hold airport passes before they could enter the restricted zone. By September 1978, the band selection was completed with 90 staf members aged from 18 to 45. On 12 February 1978, the band members had their frst training with Irene Joseph, then an ECAC instructor. By 1979, the band had gone on its frst overseas trip to participate in the Aloha Festival Parade in Honolulu, Hawaii. Subsequently, the band travelled annually to various parts of the world, including Canada, Japan and the United States. The band employed bandmasters from the Royal New Zealand Infantry Regiment Band to train the players: Roger Carter, Russell Boyle, Eugene Puochaotaua and Russell Ofcer, who had coached the band for two years before returning to New Zealand in 1981. Like other airlines’ bands – such as Malaysia Airlines, British Airways, Scandinavian Airlines, Finnair and Swissair – the main duties of the SIA Group’s band was to perform at the company’s functions. The band also had opportunities to hold combined concerts with the Malaysia Airlines’ band and also performed several fundraising and charity concerts for the Down’s Syndrome Support Group, at old folks’ homes and at the Wataboshi Music Festival in Singapore. Note 1 A large portion of the data and resources in this chapter is derived from my Master of Arts dissertation at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore (1998) entitled: ‘The Historical Studies of Symphonic Bands and Related Ensembles in Singapore’. The dissertation included a pioneering collection of Singapore band movements, focusing on wind band developments from 1965 to 1995. As this is a historical article, most of the data collected came from interviewing pioneer wind band instructors. Therefore, the information provided was mainly through word of mouth and recollections of their All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 262 Singapore Soundscape past experiences. I would like to take this opportunity to make tributes to the founders of the Singapore wind band movement for their contributions and perseverance, which has lead to the fourishing of today’s wind bands. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 263 The History of Music on Radio and Television The History of Music on Radio and Television CHAPTER 18 Mark Emmanuel & Joanna Tan All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 264 Singapore Soundscape M usic was an integral part of Singapore’s soundscape even prior to the introduction of radio and television. It was deeply embedded within the rich cultural heritage of the various communities that migrated to Singapore and major cultural performances like bangsawan (a traditional Malay opera derived from Parsi theatre), Chinese street theatre (wayang performances), Indian dance theatre and even wandering kronchong (or heroncong, a ukulele-like instrument) street musicians inundated the soundscape with music from a wide variety of cultures (Lockard 1998: 212–13). As the colony developed, the entertainment scene grew in complexity by mimicking as well as incorporating Western infuences into the musical environment of Singapore. Music was still a prime form of entertainment, and heavily infuenced by popular entertainment from the West, particularly from America. New genres of music, like the soundtracks of Hollywood movies, proliferated from cabarets and dance halls into hotels and amusement parks from the 1920s. 1 At the start of the 20th century, new technology in the form of the gramophone further broadened the musical oferings in the colony, bringing both Western music and local recordings of popular local and regional songs to a wider audience, many of them produced from bangsawan performances. Most of the music heard on the radio came from gramophone recordings. As early as 1903, the Gramophone Company of London owned 1,700 discs of Indian, Burmese, Siamese, Malay, Javanese, Chinese and Japanese music. Locally, the same company had made 121 recordings by 1921, most of which were bangsawan pieces and Malay ronggeng music. Most of these were vocal pieces from bangsawan performances, but also included dance music like polkas, waltzes, marches and mazurkas (Chua 2007: 221–22). The introduction of radio and television added a new dimension to Singapore’s soundscape. It made it possible for music to be transmitted to every place that had Customers at the music and electronics section of Mulchands Departmental Store at Bras Basah Road in 1970. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 265 The History of Music on Radio and Television a receiver or a TV. Audiences no longer had to commute to a performance venue; instead, music and entertainment found their way into homes, and later into ofces, shopping centres and other public places. More than that, radio and television provided an immediacy that was revolutionary for its time. While newspapers and other forms of communication were often delayed, news from around the British Empire and the world was immediately heard in homes through radio and TV. Private enthusiasts rather than the British colonial government aired the frst radio transmissions in Singapore. At the end of 1924, the Amateur Wireless Society of Malaya (AWSM) began transmitting, albeit in a limited fashion because of the lack of government support. Music was a feature of these frst transmissions, comprising mainly recordings from HMV gramophone records but also some live broadcasts, the most popular of which was Roy Minjoot and his Scamps, a live band. However, the AWSM was shortlived and made its fnal transmission on 28 January 1928 (McDaniel 1994: 24–25). Although Singapore did not have its own radio station for some time, radio transmissions were available from other sources, particularly the Netherlands East Indies (NEI). Listeners who owned receivers could tune in to the Bandung Radio Society station, which had a daily broadcast in 1932 featuring several hours of live music from the Preanger Hotel, usually Western music (McDaniel 1994: 33). Paul Abisheganaden, a Cultural Medallion winner and considered the ‘Grand Old Man of Music’, recalls listening eagerly to classical music played by the orchestra of the NIROM (Netherlands Indisch Radio Omroep Mastschappij) based in Batavia, Java. There were also 30-minute broadcasts of kronchong music on Wednesday nights (Abisheganaden 2005: 78–79). The soundscape in Singapore was not merely local in character but also open to international broadcasting, even in the early 1930s when radio was just beginning to take root. Listeners were able to receive Indonesian stations, such as PLE and PMY from Bandung, and other stations from Batavia, Surabaya, Medan and Jogjakarta. From further afeld, Singapore listeners could receive Radio Saigon, Radio Roma, Pontoise (a Paris station), and Zessen (from Germany), as well as radio stations from Nairobi, New York, Moscow, Khabarovsk in Russia, Melbourne and Sydney (Chua 2007: 210). Regular advertisements in newspapers announced radio broadcasts, providing a window to the music of the world. There were also broadcasts from the Kuala Lumpur Amateur Radio Society, which included news, but also importantly, music programmes in Malay, Tamil, Hokkien and Cantonese (McDaniel 1994: 42). Later, radio stations such as Radio ZHI, founded on 3 May 1933, also followed the formula of broadcasting music, but catered only to the European community in the initial years. 2 Like its predecessors, Radio ZHI began with both recorded and live music for European listeners. There was gramophone music, and regular Monday concerts organised by pianist Felicia Dietz. The station relayed Sunday church services from the Orchard Road Presbyterian Church, as well as musical performances from the church’s Tomlinson Hall. It also relayed music performed by the Straits Settlements Police Band at the Waterloo Street bandstand, and dance music from the Rafes Hotel (Chua 2007: 185–87). The European community, although small, was the only one that could aford expensive wireless sets at this time. 3 However, there was a growing realisation among radio enthusiasts that in order for radio to become more widespread in Malaysia and Singapore, it was important to have more local content that could attract local listeners (Chua 2007: 193). By 1935, ZHI was hiring locals to assist with producing local content, and Malay, Chinese and Indian music became a permanent feature of the ZHI broadcasting schedule that year (McDaniel 1994: 35). The following year, local content became important enough that transmissions during the week began with 30–45 minutes of kronchong music. When All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 266 Singapore Soundscape the government-funded radio station British Malaya Broadcasting Corporation (BMBC) began operations with Radio ZHL in 1937, there were at least two hours of programming in local languages. The day often began with Chinese, Tamil or Malay music, and there were also broadcasts of children’s shows in Cantonese and Mandarin. Transmissions of local content increased to the point that, by 1941, the BMBC was airing recordings of Malay, Hindustani, Tamil, Arabic, Hawaiian, kronchong, tango, rumba and band music (Chua 2007: 201). Radio Orchestras and Live Music on Radio As radio became more widespread, it inspired people to take up music – to learn it, perform it and even adapt it for local tastes. The format of the amateur musical group, Harmonicats, was instructive. Radio broadcasts of Larry Adler’s mouth organ performances inspired a group of young boys from St Andrew’s School to take up the harmonica. They taught themselves to play the instrument and eventually formed a harmonica ensemble called the Harmonicats, which entered and won music competitions at various amusement parks (Abisheganaden 2005: 75–76). Paul Abisheganaden also recalls in his book that Malay amateur musicians were constantly innovating as a result of access to gramophone records, flms and radio broadcasts. Malay performers experimented with Latin-American and Hindustani rhythms and melodies. Sometimes, they combined the two infuences to create new types of music for their audiences (Abisheganaden 2005: 33). Moreover, radio became a medium for the promotion of local musical talent. By the late 1930s, the content of radio transmissions was already changing to become more local in character, and the demand for more music made it possible for talented young musicians and bands to emerge. Radio provided an opportunity to be discovered, and also to gain status as a premier performer (Abisheganaden 2005: 89–94). It provided exposure for amateur and professional musicians and performers, as well as free advertising for the establishments in which they performed. Professional dance bands that played in amusement parks, made up of Goanese and Filipino musicians like the Victor Celestre Trio, were featured regularly in radio broadcasts. Radio stations themselves became employers of musical talent through the establishment of radio orchestras. The frst local orchestra to be heard on radio was the Singapore Musical Society. Paul Abisheganaden recalls that the orchestra was stafed mainly by Europeans, but this talent pool was small and local players were soon inducted into the society, including Tay Lian Teck, leader of the Chia Keng Tai Orchestra, and viola players Goh Sin Ee and a Singhalese man, Mr. Gunasekara (Chua 2007: 199–200). In the post-war years, Radio Malaya flled the gap in public entertainment when it was established in 1946. The station’s Music for Everybody radio broadcast featured, as its name suggests, a variety of music, including light classical music as well as favourites performed by the Radio Malaya Orchestra. The programme was so popular that the orchestra made the leap from radio to its frst public appearance on 6 September 1946 under conductor David Apel at a concert of the same title. 4 The concert was well-received, and the 10-piece orchestra continued its popular fortnightly public performances under the leadership of Apel and, later, Cor Ryf. 5 To encourage music appreciation among school children, the orchestra also held weekly concerts in Singapore schools that were recorded for broadcast. 6 Radio Malaya’s frst magazine programme, Radio Roundabout, also featured the orchestra. 7 In January 1949, a new dance orchestra was created under the leadership of Bert Read to play dance music specially arranged by him. 8 In February 1951, the Radio Malaya orchestra was re-organised into fve new combinations for greater practicality and All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 267 The History of Music on Radio and Television versatility. These new orchestras were the Radio Sextet led by Gerry Soliano; the Radio Ensemble, a string orchestra, and the Augmented Radio Orchestra, playing light classical music, both led by Cor Ryf; the Radio Malaya Trio; and the Radio Orchestra. 9 Even at the height of its popularity, however, the Radio Malaya Orchestra was at the centre of a public debate over whether Malaya was a ‘cultural desert’. 10 Critics blamed the lack of a developed cultural life on the inability to muster enough talent or support for a full symphony orchestra, so that the public had to content itself with broadcasts and performances by the Radio Malaya Orchestra. As the infuence of jazz and swing music from America grew in Singapore at the start of the 1950s, however, the debate became one between classical music on one side and jazz, swing and other growing forms of popular music on the other. With the sounds of jazz, swing and rhythm & blues from America fltering into Singapore, radio programmes began featuring the vocal harmonies and acoustic sounds of duos such as the Everly Brothers, as well as mainstream pop from singers such as Buddy Holly and Paul Anka. The invention of the frst solid-body electric guitar by Les Paul in 1952 and the Stratocaster guitar by Leo Fender the following year introduced the electric guitar sound that was to mark what came to be known as rock ‘n’ roll music, brought to mass audiences by pioneers such as Chuck Berry and Elvis Presley. The release in 1953 of ‘Crazy Man Crazy’ by Bill Haley, the frst rock ‘n’ roll single to enter the Billboard chart, took America by storm, reportedly causing a frenzy of mob violence among American and British youth. 11 Radio was crucial in introducing these new musical infuences into the Singapore soundscape. By the mid-1950s, Radio Malaya programmes, such as Music of Les Paul, 12 Radio Dance Club and Music Shop Review, were bringing the sounds of jazz, swing and rhythm & blues from America to Singapore, although such music met with comparatively greater calm from the local audience. 13 Rediffusion – Music for the Masses During this period, the Redifusion radio service began playing rock ‘n’ roll singles on its Platter Parade programme. 14 Music of this genre became so popular that by the late 1950s and early 1960s, Redifusion was the leading radio service on the local music scene. 15 First granted a licence to operate in Singapore in January 1948, Redifusion was a wired radio service that relied on subscribers who paid a monthly fee of several dollars to listen to radio programmes through loudspeaker reproduction equipment in their homes connected directly to the station. 16 As an independent service, the service was allowed to broadcast any programmes of its choice, including sponsored programmes and commercial advertisements. It was obliged to give a government spokesman 15 minutes of air time as part of its licence to operate, but no advertising could be associated with any material broadcast by the government. 17 Such a free hand to shape programming allowed Redifusion to broadcast a variety of music that attracted listeners. On 5 January 1959, Radio Singapore was replaced by the Pan-Malayan Broadcasting Department. In the inaugural broadcast, Chief Minister Lim Yew Hock launched the new service with the slogan ‘Anika budaya tunggal suara’ (‘from many cultures one voice’). In his fve-minute speech on air, he declared: ‘We must no longer be a mirror passively refecting ideas and cultures from outside. We must originate our own ideas and cultures to build something new and distinctive.’ 18 This declaration of the need to develop a local culture seemed to be a sign of things to come, as several months later, the People’s Action Party (PAP) swept to power in the historic general election of 30 May 1959. Convinced that Singapore’s survival as an independent state depended on being a part of Malaya, the new government began a push for a merger between Singapore and Malaya. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 268 Singapore Soundscape Based on the view that the ‘political and economic revolution started by the PAP must be supported by a cultural revolution’, the need to create a unifed ‘Malayan culture’ quickly became a priority of the new government. 19 Believing that this nascent Malayan identity was threatened by degenerate cultural infuences from the West, the government began introducing prohibitions to eliminate agents of what was known as ‘yellow culture’. 20 Within barely a fortnight of the PAP’s electoral victory, Minister for Culture S. Rajaratnam introduced the frst of a slew of cultural policies, including the stipulation that Radio Singapore programming should henceforth favour ‘serious programmes with a Malayan emphasis’. 21 In line with the policy, Controller of Programmes Derek Cooper announced that requests for ‘depraved type of juke-box music’ would be bypassed in favour of programmes that were more ‘serious’ but not ‘dull’. 22 Jukeboxes, banned from cofeeshops in 1957 by city councillors, also came under a government ban. 23 Pin- table saloons were prohibited soon after. 24 The following year, the government ordered Redifusion to stop broadcasting all rock ‘n’ roll music. 25 The spread of popular music via the Redifusion service and the government bans on negative external cultural infuences created conditions that were ripe for the emergence of local talent. The tipping point came when British singer Clif Richard performed in Singapore over several nights in November 1961. Given the limited access to other Western music and performers, the Clif Richard performances were considered a turning point, prompting the creation of numerous young imitators who enthusiastically began forming bands. These youths emulated the sound and style of Western bands, but also created much original material incorporating local infuences. Indeed, the 1960s were a high point in the development of the Singapore soundscape (Tan 2011: 10–15). Lee Dai Soh performing in Shi Hou Ji, a Cantonese opera show that was organised by Yu Gu Music and Theatre and broadcast on television in 1970. Lee Dai Soh collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 269 The History of Music on Radio and Television Recording of a special 1958 Easter television programme at Radio Television Singapore (RTS), featuring a group playing Dixieland music, with (from left) Anthony J. Danker on guitar, Eddie Fernandez on drums, Jimmy Gan on bass, and Malcolm Hyder at the microphone. Anthony John Danker collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. Television and Transformation The Singapore soundscape underwent a dramatic transformation when television made its debut in Singapore on 15 February 1963, with the establishment of Television Singapura. From the start, television played a signifcant role in promoting and developing local music on television. By April 1966, Hon Sui Sen, chairman of the Economic Development Board, estimated that one in every six homes in Singapore owned a television set, and that Singapore had the highest number of television sets per capita in Southeast Asia. 26 State-controlled from its inception, the advent of television in Singapore gave the government an opportunity to control and shape the industry for national purposes. With Television Singapura emphasising Singapore and Malaysian afairs, television helped to accelerate the development of music on television with programmes such as Pop Inn and Talentime, which featured promising local bands and singers as well as visiting acts. Television Singapura even started classes to groom promising singers, teaching them how to read music and dress for the stage, as well as other skills of showmanship. 27 Government control of the media also presented an opportunity to censor the programme content and artists who appeared on television. Segments of programmes showing undesirable performers, such as the pop band The Beach Boys, were sometimes abruptly cut out of broadcasts, leaving viewers confused and often irate. 28 As the drive to build national identity took on greater importance in the late 1970s, television presented a ready medium for broadcasting ofcial content for the purposes of nation building. In 1980, as part of a quest for what was referred to as a ‘national song’, SBC began broadcasting musical interludes on television of two popular Malay songs, ‘Di Tanjong Katong’ and ‘Chan Mali Chan’. 29 Several versions of ‘Di Tanjong Katong’ were All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 270 Singapore Soundscape recorded, including a pop version sung as a duet by popular Malay singers Rahimah Rahim and Halil Chik, as well as another version by the Cedar Girls’ School Choir. Other songs were later recorded in English, Chinese and Tamil. A popular English ditty was ‘Singapura, Oh Singapura’, with versions performed separately by the Peter Low Choir and popular singer Anita Sarawak. 30 Talentime and Other Quests on Radio and TV Radio and television provided an opportunity for new local talent to be discovered. Early radio programmes actively sought new talent from the entertainment scene, whether they were professional musicians or amateur performers who were winners of contests at clubs and at the amusement parks known as the Worlds. One of the most prominent avenues for new talent was the programme known as Talentime, a radio phenomenon that leapt onto TV and remained on the Singapore entertainment scene until the early years of the 21st century. Record of 1969 Talentime fnalists. Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 271 The History of Music on Radio and Television When Radio Malaya conducted a questionnaire survey in January 1949 in its frst systematic attempt to learn more about listener preferences, the survey results indicated that the majority of local listeners wanted programmes featuring music requests from listeners, light music and variety shows with local talent, and were much less in favour of news bulletins and chamber music. 31 As a result, Radio Malaya proposed a fortnightly variety show ‘by the public for the public’, showcasing amateur local talent and with members of the live audience acting as judges. The show would welcome a variety of talents, from singers and instrumentalists to comedians and impersonators, with the winning performance of each broadcast receiving a cash prize. 32 The brainchild of Kingsley Morrando, a radio personality at Radio Malaya, the programme was also hosted by him. Radio Malaya held the frst Talentime show on 18 February 1949 as a way of spotting new talent in Singapore. 33 Freddie Jansen, described as a ‘Eurasian crooner’, won the frst fnals, which were held at the British Council Hall at Stamford Road, and his winning performance was later broadcast over the radio almost a week later. 34 Talentime was so well received that all 1,000 seats for the fnal round of competition in August 1949 were fully booked, with thousands more spectators turned away. Shortly after, Radio Malaya made plans to extend the search for talent to the rest of the Federation. 35 In August 1949, Morrando, the person most associated with the success of Talentime, went to key Malayan cities, such as Kuala Lumpur and Penang, to conduct auditions for spots on the show. 36 The Cavarelle were a six-member female group that emerged winners for the vocal group category in Radio Television Singapore’s Talentime 1978 fnals. The Straits Times © Singapore Press Holdings Limited. Reprinted with permission. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 272 Singapore Soundscape Talentime gave individuals from all walks of life a way to break out of their everyday existence and to experience the celebrity that comes with the popular recognition of talent. For many of the early Talentime contestants, it was the thrill of performing on radio and TV. For professional musicians, it was a platform that gave them exposure and greater visibility on the entertainment scene. Having the audience determine the winning performance gave spectators a direct role in the outcome of the contest, creating greater interest and emotional investment in the progress and culmination of the competition. Most of all, it was a stage for everyday folk to live their dreams – it introduced into the popular imagination the idea that local musical talent lay undiscovered, and that the next star could be a spectator or a neighbour. Countless individuals from all walks of life sought their moment of fame and glory through Talentime. Throughout the history of the show, students, clerks, factory workers, housewives, hairdressers, salesmen, drivers and others participated. The Talentime fnals in 1949 included 10-year-old Errol Neubronner as well as two young boys, Vernon Martinus and Derrick Newman, who played swing numbers on the piano. 37 Even as late as the 1980s, there was always a democratic and aspirational feel to the competition. In 1986, among the fnalists were students, hairdressers, clerks, ex-salesmen, and even a draughtsman. 38 In the early years, Talentime attracted all manner of talent from vocalists to groups to instrumental soloists, including a man playing a saw and another who whistled like a bird during a song. 39 While some of the participants faded into obscurity after their brief moment of glory, others became icons of the Singapore entertainment scene. Cultural Medallion winner and international artiste Dick Lee was also a stalwart of the Talentime production line. He took part in the 1973 show with a group a friends called The Harmony. Although they fnished eighth overall, Lee went on to play for a Redifusion show called Ready, Steady, Folk. There, he was talent-spotted by Ross Barnett from the EMI recording company. 40 Jacintha Abisheganaden, arguably one of Singapore’s fnest and most successful female artistes, was a Talentime winner in 1976. Household names like The Quests and The Crescendos were also a part of the Talentime alumni. In many ways, it was the switch in medium from radio to TV that transformed the show. Talentime debuted on TV in 1964, a year after TV frst began. 41 The new medium added a new dimension to the show, enabling people to see the contestants for the frst time and exciting viewers in a way that transcended listening to the radio. Followers of the show had previously only been able to imagine what the contestants looked like, but TV with its visual element electrifed audiences with the sight and sound of the artistes and their performances. It made the experience all the more dynamic, entertaining and real. Audiences spent hours poring over every detail of the performances, from the music to the clothes and the performers’ movements on stage. As one journalist recounted: ‘Talentime used to be the most exciting television event of the year, when whole families would sit riveted to the TV screen, week after week, trying to pick out the winners. Then, days after the grand fnal, the talk on the street would be of the fnalists and their performance.’ 42 Another journalist wrote that Talentime was a rare commodity that allowed the public to see local faces on the screen after being inundated with foreign faces, because of the great proportion of foreign-made content on TV. 43 The 1970s saw some changes to the Talentime format to keep it fresh. In 1973, Talentime moved to a multi-lingual format with performances in English, Chinese and Tamil, but these proved unpopular, and it reverted to the existing English format. Two years later, after complaints that it was always the same faces on the show, the organisers All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 273 The History of Music on Radio and Television made it a purely vocal group contest. The show was renamed the Make It Together Quest, and actively encouraged new talent to come forward. The Talentime format eventually petered out at the start of the 21st century, with the last contest held in 2001. The variety of entertainment options as well as the growth of home-grown media meant that this local institution had less cachet with the television-watching public. The Talentime shows had been running on radio and TV for more than 50 years, and there was a sense of fatigue with the concept. Nonetheless, local TV continued to hold local contests in order to unearth new talents. Non-English talent shows, such as the Malay talent show Anugerah, began to take of at the start of the 21st century. The growth of the Chinese-speaking audience for Channel 8 programmes, as well as local content, spawned new talent shows in 2005, such as Star Idol (to fnd new actors) and Super Host (to search for potential TV hosts for local shows). 44 Chinese viewers were also able to root for their favourites on Project Superstar, a programme that debuted in the same year. Organised by the new TV station Channel U, the auditions for the show attracted 5,000 people. When the TV station launched Campus Superstar, a singing competition for students, about 4,000 young people aged between 13 and 18 years turned up. 45 Similarly, Vasantham Star was launched in 2005 by Medicorp TV12’s Vasantham channel, which catered to the Tamil-speaking community. 46 Like the other talent quests, its aim was to encourage tertiary-level students to demonstrate their talent in drama, dance and song. 47 The numbers were small at frst: 50 auditioned for the singing category, 20 for dance, and only six groups for the drama category. The fnals saw six individuals or groups in each of the three categories. Winners of Television Talent Shows, 2003 to 2009 Singapore Idol – Reformation? Curiously, it was during this period that the Talentime television format seemed to experience a reformation, due not to changes within Singapore but through external infuences. In the early 2000s, Western television shows, such as Survivor and Big Brother, became wildly popular, giving rise to a new breed of TV programming billed as ‘reality TV’. Among the crop of reality TV shows to emerge from the United States was American Idol, a talent show in search of singing stars. Aspiring singers had to audition and pass through several Year Anugerah Singapore Idol Project Superstar Vasantham Star 2003 Eka Marina 2004 Taufk Batisah 2005 Hyrul Anuar Kelvin Tan Wei Lian Shabir Tabare Alam 2006 Hady Mirza Daren Tan Sze Wei 2007 Ebi Shankara 2008 2009 Sarah Aqilah Sezairi Sezali Vikneshwaran All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 274 Singapore Soundscape rounds of judging before entering the fnal rounds, where they performed for several weeks before a panel of celebrity judges, a live studio audience, as well as a vast but unseen home audience. While the panel of judges provided critiques of performances and advice on how to improve, the studio and home viewers voted for their favourite Idol contestants. American Idol was franchised and brought to Singapore in the form of Singapore Idol, making its debut in 2004. It was immensely popular from the start and created a frenzy that had not been seen since the mid-1960s. 48 Like Talentime, Idol represented the chance for the man in the street to rise to previously unattainable heights. 49 While Singapore Idol appears strikingly similar to Talentime, it is in fact markedly diferent due to the impact of modern technology. During the radio era, when the search for talent was determined by a live but select studio audience that voted for its favourite contestants, the listening home audience had no impact on the outcome. When Talentime made the transition from radio to TV, the show retained the formula of having live studio audiences but judging was left to a panel of professional judges. The visual medium made a big impression on home audiences, but they were only able to view the proceedings, again without the ability determine the outcome. However, Idol exploited modern technology in the form of computers and mobile phones, thus enabling home viewers to join in the voting, and extending the ability of music on television to reach a huge audience beyond the studios. In this context, the visual element has taken on a greater signifcance for aspiring singers on television. The inaugural Singapore Idol in 2004 was instructive in this respect – there was much public debate over which of the two fnalists, Taufk Batisah and Sylvester Sim, was the better performer and more marketable. 50 The debate was cast as one between talent and pop appeal, a distinction that has become sharper as the search for talent has become frmly ensconced Singapore Idol contestants at the grand fnale of season one in 2004. Image courtesy of Mediacorp Pte Ltd. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 275 The History of Music on Radio and Television in the visual medium. Music on television has for some years been not just about what viewers hear but also about what they see, and this is now truer than ever before. Conclusion Music was very much a part of the cultural fabric even prior to colonial intervention but the arrival of radio and TV transformed the way in which music was performed and transmitted, as well as the way in which audiences received and enjoyed it. The soundscape was re- made by these new mediums because they brought music, entertainment and news into private spaces, becoming a part of the fabric of every home that could aford a radio, a TV or even a Redifusion box, and with an immediacy that was difcult to match. These were all democratising mediums. Cutting across class boundaries, radio, TV and Redifusion ofered people from every walk of life the ability to listen to and enjoy music, but also inspired people to learn and perform. In turn, this spurred a generation of artistes and fuelled the growth of the local music industry. It provided new outlets, like radio orchestras for musicians; and new mechanisms, like Talentime, to fnd new talent for the entertainment and recording industries. TV and radio nurtured their celebrity status and contributed to the creation of a cadre of successful local artistes, some of whom became successful beyond Singapore. In some cases, this success was only possible abroad because the state began to move against what it regarded as a degenerate culture eroding the traditional bedrock of society. The soundscape became politicised to serve the national need for a new and unifying identity and music was seen as serving this purpose. The unintended consequence was the stunting of the lively local music scene of the 1960s; although the state later relaxed its grip on the soundscape, the local music scene did not immediately spring back. Today, the transformation of Singapore into a cultural and entertainment hub is regenerating the local music scene; perhaps in years to come, TV and radio will again play a role in remaking the soundscape with local voices, tunes and talent. Notes 1 There were three major amusement parks in Singapore: New World, Happy World and Great World. See Wong and Tan 2004. 2 Radio ZHI was owned by the Radio Service Company of Malaya. It broadcast in order to service its primary business, which was selling wireless receivers and related equipment at No. 4 Orchard Road. The radio station was located next door at No. 2 Orchard Road and was called Broadcast House. 3 Chua states that a budget set cost about $80 in 1930 and luxury sets were about $125–235 in 1936. Annual salaries for clerical workers and schoolteachers were only $50–$150 during this time. 4 ‘“Music For Everybody” A Great Success’, The Straits Times, 7 September 1946, 3. 5 His last name also appears in newspaper articles as Rejf and Rijf. ‘Music For Everybody’, The Straits Times, 12 October 1946, 3; ‘Victoria Concert Hall’, The Straits Times, 10 November 1946, 5; ‘Radio orchestra concert tonight’, The Straits Times, 5 January 1947, 7. 6 Radio orchestra visits school’, The Straits Times, 24 September 1949, 5. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 276 Singapore Soundscape 7 ‘Radio Experiment Is Success’, The Straits Times, 12 October 1947, 5. 8 ‘New Orchestra on Radio Malaya’, The Straits Times, 4 January 1949, 5. 9 ‘Radio Malaya now has 5 orchestras’, The Straits Times, 8 February 1951, 4. 10 ‘Is this an oasis in Malaya’s cultural desert?’, The Straits Times, 8 September 1946, 6; ‘A municipal orchestra’, The Straits Times, 29 March 1948, 4. 11 ‘Take cover – here’s rock ‘n’ roll’, The Straits Times, 11 September 1956, 7. 12 ‘Today’s radio programme for Singapore’, The Singapore Free Press, 29 July 1959, 7. 13 ‘Radio programme for Singapore’, The Singapore Free Press, 8 August 1957, 7. 14 Redifusion (Singapore) was a subsidiary of Relay Broadcast Services, a British company that held the license in the United Kingdom to broadcast British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) programmes via a wired service. The name is a contraction of ‘radio difusion’. See ‘Redifusion in Malaya’, The Straits Times, 15 January 1949, 6. 15 ‘Rock ‘n’ roll – this is it’, The Straits Times, 13 September 1956, 1. 16 ‘Entertainment on tap’, The Straits Times, 21 January 1948, 5. 17 ‘New radio plan not monopoly’, The Straits Times, 13 February 1949, 7; ‘Government Welcomes Redifusion, But Has No Shares’, The Straits Times, 17 February 1949, 5. 18 ‘Voice of Singapore is born from many a culture’, The Straits Times, 5 January 1959, 7. 19 ‘One Malayan nation – the No. 1 task of the Government’, The Straits Times, 22 July 1959, 2. 20 The term ‘yellow culture’ is a translation of the Chinese term used to describe the decadent behaviour found in 19th-century China, such as corruption, opium-smoking, gambling and prostitution, which were seen as contributing to the fall of the Middle Kingdom. 21 ‘Radio: The new order’, The Straits Times, 10 June 1959, 1; ‘The rock music goes of the air’, The Straits Times, 17 June 1959, 9. 22 ‘Radio Singapore to be serious but not dull’, The Singapore Free Press, 17 June 1959, 7. 23 ‘Colony jukeboxes: Govt. gets touch’, The Straits Times, 13 March 1957, 5; ‘Juke box ban is too drastic’, The Singapore Free Press, 8 May 1957, 5; ‘Juke boxes: Action soon in Singapore’, The Straits Times, 11 June 1959, 9. 24 ‘Peril of pin-table culture – by Home Minister’, The Straits Times, 25 June 1959, 1. 25 Redifusion was also told to stop broadcasting horse racing reports and commentaries. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 277 The History of Music on Radio and Television Besides clamping down on music, the government also introduced bans on American and British pin-up magazines featuring pictures of scantily clad women; striptease shows; and comic books, with the suggestion that publishers should instead produce ‘healthy chain story picture books in Chinese based on Malayan folklore to help create a Malayan consciousness’. See ‘Redifusion told to stop all rock ‘n’ roll music’, The Straits Times, 19 March 1960, 1; ‘Singapore government bans 18 pin-up magazines’, The Straits Times, 27 June 1959, 9; ‘Chain story picture book ban gets a welcome’, The Straits Times, 4 July 1960, 12; and ‘Radio: The new order’, The Straits Times, 10 June 1959, 1. 26 ‘How television came to Singapore’, The Straits Times, 1 March 1963, 2. ‘One home in six has TV’, The Straits Times, 28 April 1966, 15. 27 ‘Grooming the pop singers: Lessons by Television Singapore’, The Straits Times, 13 February 1969, 6. 28 ‘Of juke boxes and those teenage fads’, The Straits Times, 26 January 1971, 21. 29 ‘Quest for national song goes on’, The Straits Times, 12 June 1980, 6. 30 ‘“Singapura” to be one of our national songs?’, The Straits Times, 23 May 1980, 1. 31 ‘Malayan Listeners State Their Fancy’, The Straits Times, 5 January 1949, 6. 32 ‘Radio Malaya seeks talent’, The Straits Times, 23 January 1949, 7. 33 ‘He won the loudest cheers’, The Straits Times, 19 February 1949, 7. 34 Ibid. 35 ‘Talentime for Federation’, The Singapore Free Press, 23 August 1949, 5. 36 Ibid. 37 ‘New talent at Talentime’, The Straits Times, 18 June 1949, 7. 38 ‘First-timers and pros gear up for Talentime’, The Straits Times, 31 August 1986, 7. 39 ‘Remember when Talentime was new?’, The Straits Times, 17 August 1982, 1. 40 ‘One mad life story’, Today, 26 October 2005, 46. 41 ‘Remember when Talentime was new?’, The Straits Times, 17 August 1982, 1. 42 ‘Talentime falls short of expectations’, The Straits Times, 10 October 1986, 3. 43 ‘Talentime: A coming of age’, The Straits Times, 16 October 1983, 17. 44 ‘Reality Bites’, Today, 19 December 2005, 38. 45 ‘I want to be famous’, The Straits Times, 12 February 2006, 42. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 278 Singapore Soundscape 46 Mediacorp 12 was later divided into Okto (mainly children’s programmes in English), Suria (Malay programming) and Vasantham (Tamil programming). 47 ‘Vasantham unearths artistic talent among Indian youth’, The Straits Times, 25 January 2005. 48 ‘Idol frenzy reaches fever pitch in S’pore’, The Straits Times, 1 December 2004, 1. 49 ‘Looking for a hero’, The Straits Times, 22 May 2005, 12. 50 ‘Pop appeal v talent: The winner is...’, The Straits Times, 2 December 2004, 4. References Abisheganaden, Paul. Notes Across the Years: Anecdotes from a Musical Life. Singapore: Unipress, Centre for the Arts, NUS, 2005. Chua, Ai Lin. ‘Modernity, Popular Culture and Urban Life: Anglophone Asians in Colonial Singapore, 1920–1940.’ Ph.D. Thesis, Department of History, Cambridge University, 2007. Lockard, Craig A. Dance of Life: Popular Music and Politics in Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998. McDaniel, Drew O. Broadcasting in the Malay World: Radio, Television and Video in Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. New Jersey, New York: Ablex Publishing Corporation, 1994. Tan, Joanna. ‘Popular Music in 1960s Singapore’, BiblioAsia 7(1), 2011, 10–15. http:// libguides.nl.sg/content.php?pid=200204&sid=1680512 (last accessed 8 August 2012) Wong, Yunn Chi and Tan Kar Lin. ‘Emergence of Cosmopolitan Space for Culture and Consumption: the New World Amusement Park in Singapore (1923–70) in the Inter War Years’, Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 5(2), 2004, 279–304. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 279 New Media Music-scapes New Media Music-scapes CHAPTER 19 Tan Shzr Ee All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 280 Singapore Soundscape D igital musicking in Singapore has in recent years come to be an important and groundbreaking facet of the republic’s cultural and economic profle. With more than $20 million (Industry Gamers 2010; Channel NewsAsia 2011) in government funds pumped into a new media and games industry that, according to ofcial statistics, grew by almost 100 percent from $12.7b in 2000 to $22.4b in 2008 (Gov Monitor 2010), Singapore has been aggressively positioning itself as a media hub in Southeast Asia. Yet even as state authorities have been heavily investing in research and development schemes alongside the construction of sprawling media and design parks, the large-scale availability of Internet and digital resources in a country already reputed for its technologically- enabled citizenry has meant that alternative cultural discourses – platformed through digital musical media – have been fowering alongside ofcial mandates. Such manifestations of culture-making and consumption range from the widespread accessing of music through international streaming sites and peer-to-peer fle-sharing to the Facebook and Twitter campaigns of local musical organisations to the development of civil society via politico-musical parodies circulated through non-mainstream channels over the Internet. This chapter provides a basic overview of diferent strands of musical activity practised on new media platforms in Singapore, and tracks the roles of government bodies, ordinary music consumers and alternative discourse makers. MDA, Fusionopolis and Government-led Drives Over the past decade, much has been made in mainstream media of government initiatives to spearhead new media industries in Singapore. A landmark development can be said to have been the formation of the Media Development Authority (MDA) in 2003, which saw the inauguration of a new government body that aimed to transform Singapore into a ‘Global Media City’. The agency sought to harness and push forward the latest advancements in the digital era, initiating developments in flm, video, television, radio, publishing, games, animation, media services, interactive digital content and, fnally, music. Key to these strategies was the encouragement of big Western media companies to invest and establish themselves in the island-city, forging local and transnational ties. Alongside this fostering of a business and technologically-enabled environment, the MDA was also responsible for censoring media content produced as well as accessed in Singapore. As I will demonstrate in the fnal part of this chapter, this was a role that proved somewhat counter to the MDA’s longer-term aims of spearheading new media development and the creative industries in Singapore. While the MDA continues to pursue a diverse portfolio, one of its more recent and high profle projects was the establishment of a new business park, Fusionopolis, in the south of the island, the frst phase of which was inaugurated in 2008. Upon completion, the hub will be home to various international media, computer and research labs, performance venues, and a host of shopping-oriented facilities, including food and beverage outlets. How the MDA’s technology-oriented developments will directly impact on developing music sectors in Singapore remains to be seen, however. This can be understood from the government’s greater emphasis on cross-sector collaborations in its recognising of ‘the music industry’s potential to enhance business and creative developments across the broadcast, flm, games and animation industries’ (MDA 2011). Indeed, anecdotal evidence from interviews conducted by myself have demonstrated a tendency among Singapore musicians to view the state as happier to fund foreign- led media partnerships in the arenas of flm, animation, interactive learning and ancillary services, instead of discrete musical content creation and individual artists or groups. Still, the MDA has in the recent past also categorically supported local TV programmes showcasing Singaporean indie bands, as well as children’s music programmes. In its All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 281 New Media Music-scapes blueprint for positioning Singapore as ‘a digital music hub for Asia’ (MDA 2011), the state has also pledged to establish companies providing professional music services in ‘songwriting, scoring, performing, producing, arranging, publishing and licensing for media content.’ Digital Arms of Music Organisations: an Alternative Virtualscape? Whether music organisations in Singapore have benefted directly from government-led and cross-industry fed mandates, local groups have been no less quick to embrace the technologies of new media and Internet platforms for their own use. Organisations from national institutions (the state conservatory, state orchestras and national arts centres), to state radio stations, broadcast corporations, indie bands, a cappella choirs, traditional music societies, performing rights societies, special interest groups, commercial music schools, venues, concert promoters and studios have individually and collectively set up web presences as a matter of course. These have appeared in the form of anything from ofcial domains to blogs, e-services, gig listings, discussion forums and foreign-hosted music sites such as MySpace – even as groups and individuals have learnt to take advantage of YouTube’s low-resolution video hosting facilities in the hope of generating viral advertisements and other content. The collective picture that these organisations and users of their sites paint of musical activity in Singapore is often more than a scene where real-life bodies stake out parallel representation space in the virtual sphere. Instead, it is where elements of social networking and virtual musicking also interact to produce actual consumption and/or creation of bona fde aural experiences over the Internet and other mobile media platforms. Music in Singapore is today not simply heard live in concert halls, sacred temples, underground bars or rehearsal rooms, or played from a CD/car radio, or mediated through a karaoke machine. Music is also (re)consumed in radically diferent experiential modes. This includes the direct and personalised audition of music from one’s ofce PC or home laptop, with musical elements delivered incidentally through pop-up sound samples showcased on the sites of music groups and other outfts employing a music-embedded front-page. It also strongly features the appreciation of low-res YouTube videos – whether in the form of bootleg gig recordings uploaded from mobile-phone footage, old and new archived music videos, or viral gimmicks. Finally, a signifcant proportion of music consumption in Singapore is also experienced while in transit, of portable MP3 players and other mobile devices. Often, the audition process is incidental to larger experiences, such as watching a video, commuting to and from work or surfng the Internet. To paraphrase performance theorist Richard Schechner (2003), an increasing amount of music is experienced by Singapore’s wired-up populace in ‘selective inattention’, where the tuned-in-and-out background listening experience is not a deliberately dedicated aural undertaking. A point to observe of the organically-developed music-scapes of these emerging communities, where the virtual is becoming tightly-integrated with the real, is that individual music ‘scenes’ have not necessarily fowered along state-endorsed and state-created power hierarchies. These, in turn, have caused the industry at large to be carved up in terms of diferent nationally-funded institutions, or have caused musical genres to be artifcially organised and administered into prescribed Chinese, Indian, Malay and ‘Other’ ethnic categories. Instead, emerging virtual music-scapes in Singapore are kaleidoscopic, multifarious, overlapping, transient, adaptable and ultimately also supremely efective at hosting channels for alternative, counter-cultural musical fows. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 282 Singapore Soundscape The Struggle of Independent Voices on the Internet One obvious development – if no more specifc to Singapore than any other Internet- enabled city – has been the ability of independent, local musicians to showcase their wares virtually and generate greater awareness of their work among a wider public. Sites such as MySpace, while waning in popularity in recent years, continue to be heavily used by Singaporean indie bands, old and new (Humpback Oak, Monster Cat and Lunarin, among hundreds of others) as local and international shop-fronts for the display of musical wares. To be sure, web interfaces do not so much replace word-of-mouth publicity or the visceral quality of live events, than work in tandem with existing arenas to create cults and communities around scenes that would otherwise be considered esoteric or hard to access. Dedicated Facebook fan groups and their event-notifcation facilities have been aggressively employed by local concert promoters, even as struggling or rising Singaporean and Singapore-based musicians upload home videos of their performances onto YouTube. These are in turn re-posted and re-circulated through sprawling and non-linear networks unpenetrated by mainstream media. On the one hand, the apparently limitless and wondrous nature of digital platforming – in Singapore or elsewhere – has also to be understood as yet another kind of free market economy no less susceptible to commercially or oligopolistically-imposed forces. Even as rising groups might make an initial splash with a viral video or accidentally attract a wandering virtual visitor, the false sense of democracy engendered by Internet musical platforms does not give new musicians any edge over commercial studios or distributors, who can now invest as heavily in fancy, fash-animated websites and dedicated teams of Internet commentators as they might have poured money into traditional advertising campaigns. Many Singapore music groups have pointed out that the Internet functions not so much as a ‘ticket to fame’ than, simply, a back door to the industry. One producer and promoter of made-in-Singapore rap observes: ‘There’s more and more noise on Facebook these days … the Internet helps us local musicians lift barriers and make the music more accessible – but we still need to be “in people’s way and vision” to be noticed. Otherwise, being online is like getting included and put on a shelf of a big-ass library … unless someone looks for us specifcally, we’ll be just in storage’ (Syaheed 2011). On the other hand, Singaporean musicians continue to negotiate the relatively inexpensive and easy-to-use pathways of new media platforms, if only to keep up with the latest technologies and take full advantage of all that the globalised music and media industry has to ofer. What can be said is that while the metaphor of a ‘big-ass library’ might still hold, this library’s catalogue-and-request system is by far much easier to use today compared with the past. While generating awareness and interest might continue to be a struggle for independent musicians, accessibility appears to be no longer a problem, at least from the standpoint of the music consumer. Indeed, interviews among several dedicated Internet music communities and fan groups have shown that members of the separate and overlapping cults around diferent Singaporean and overseas acts have never been more hungry and curious for music. Milking the full potential of instant access (not to mention instant gratifcation) and taste development (in playlist exchanges and shared links, for example), they negotiate and revel in the digital pathways that have organically sprung around healthily niche subcultures. Who’s Listening to What in Singapore? Of course, one question remains to be asked about the generation of Singapore-produced Internet music content: who are its listeners, how important are they, and what do their tastes, experiences and methods of acquiring and consuming music tell us? More All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 283 New Media Music-scapes pertinently, might there also be a disconnect arising between the tastes of the ‘average Singaporean virtual music consumer’ (if such a category can even be pinned down) and that of the non-existing ‘average virtual Singaporean musician’ on the Internet? Potential answers betray deceptively interesting fndings in terms of demographics. To begin with, a combination of factors, including Singapore’s longer colonial history in Southeast Asia, the republic’s large Chinese diaspora, the state’s post-1950s language policies that saw the artifcial privileging of English (as a frst language) over Mandarin (as a second language) against a backdrop of a much more linguistically (and culturally) diverse scene, as well as more recent government campaigns to position Singapore as a globalised and cosmopolitan (as opposed to Southeast Asian/local) metropolis – eventually led to the development of two distinct ‘mainstream’ fows in the arena of local music consumption (as opposed to local music production). Today, these musico-cultural streams have come to be dominated chiefy by Anglo- American rock, followed by the Hong Kong-Taiwan-oriented worlds of Mandopop and Cantopop. It is only in whatever space left in the remaining fraction of the Singaporean listening market that a small but growing sector of classical music enthusiasts (borne of school music programmes and the private education opportunities of a rising middle class), as well as an emerging community of jazz fans, have been able to establish some marginal presence. The appreciation and consumption of locally-produced music, which albeit overlaps slightly with a few of the above categories, arguably take up the fnal slivers of the listening pie. The longer story of how such a music consumption profle has come to be developed in Singapore is beyond the scope of this chapter, but its manifestation in similar patterns in the realms of new media is noticeable, if skewed by an additional factor of the commonly- encountered ‘digital divide’ found across emerging Internet-enabled economies. Anecdotal surveys conducted by myself, for example, have shown that Singaporean listeners in the 35-year-old and above bracket tended to prefer the ‘old-school’ format of CDs. Self-identifying audiophiles and connoisseurs, on the other hand, appeared to skip the entire earlier generation of cassettes completely and move directly into collecting retro-valued vinyls. The vast majority of those between their teenage years and early thirties, however, preferred to buy, store (or convert) their music libraries on anything from 20–300 gigabytes of space in computers, external hard disks and/or mobile phones/ mobile MP3 players. If this latter demographic of young and increasingly globalised communities can be thought of as the critical mass of new media music consumers in Singapore, then their tastes also reveal listening habits that refect the aforementioned rap producer’s comments on the ‘big-ass library’ of musical representation on the Internet: a realm conspicuously unconstrained by international borders. Many of my Singaporean interviewees who were happy to be called regular Internet music users – spending anything from 30 minutes to three hours a day downloading free MP3, fle-sharing, blogging about music, checking out new bands on YouTube and other streaming sites – admitted that the bulk of their music collections were of Anglo-American provenance. At the same time, they were also eager to demonstrate their hunger for exploring new genres and new artists ‘from all around the world … now that the Internet brings you all these options and listening opportunities with a single click’ (Ling 2011). Globalisation, Newness and Nostalgia Indeed – apart from newsfeeds, playlists or recommended links that have come to be individually tailored or fltered through personalised usage patterns on interfaces such as YouTube, Vimeo, Twitter and Facebook, an emerging group of Singaporean consumers All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 284 Singapore Soundscape popularly titled ‘Generation Y’ have proven to be adept at surfng and cruising multiple networks for the latest – sometimes, bespoke – new media platforms, ofering everything from the resiliently countercultural to unabashedly plebeian. Sites favoured by Singaporean music fans and heavy Internet users range from overseas-originated music libraries (sometimes accessed via proxy servers) to band sites, radio operations (Last FM, Spotify, Grooveshark, SoundCloud, NPR, BBC Radio 6 Music, Soma.fm, 8tracks.com and Pitchfork) and more niche blogs and music community-run news pages (wakingupto.wordpress.com, ghostly.com, Paris DJs, All Things Go, Old Kentucky – to name a few). This does not include a whole range of mobile device applications, such as the song-identifying application, Shazam, as well as mobile DJ and tune-making applications available worldwide, which have since become increasingly common features on the mobile phones of many Singaporeans. The international (if predominantly Anglo-American) profle of music sites and new media applications used by this emerging group speak for the globalising powers of the Internet, much as it also demonstrates Singaporean consumers’ cosmopolitan tastes. How such information might represent the formation of ‘borderless’ international or discretely local communities is a slightly diferent matter, however. This can be understood in how virtual sites are inherently ephemeral in construction. Websites, forums, commentary boards – not to mention day-to-day playlists and search results – are changeable and collapsible as they are easily assembled and (re)adapted with the simple handling of html code. The digital communities engineered in their wake are no less transient. Indeed, Singaporean music fans continue to stress that while cross-border interactions do take place on the Internet, and that local Internet communities do form around blogs, ‘making new friends at live gigs is the best’ (Chng 2011). Blogs have been known to shut down, migrate, or become upgraded into yet newer kinds of media formats (some turn into brick-and-mortar shops), even as a number of virtual communities have quickly dissipated with the imposition of commercial interest (such as the fallout of listeners with new playtime restrictions on Spotify, or the subscription charge on Last FM). Beyond the facilitation of channels for musical exploration, social networking and showcasing of the ‘newest’ and ‘latest’ of the industry, the Internet has also come to play an important archival role in the consumption of musical nostalgia. Some Singaporeans have hailed interfaces like YouTube for its hosting of ‘MTV videos of yesteryear’ uploaded by fans around the world, and, specifc to Singapore, ‘those classic SBC TV serial theme songs you don’t hear anymore’. One frequent user of Soma FM and Grooveshark puts it this way: ‘The only way I can access those old xinyao songs is through dodgy YouTube videos’ (Chng 2011). Alternative Discourses Platformed through Virtual Musicking Indeed, if the Internet can be thought of as an endless library of information, hosting content of any and every persuasion today, Singaporean musicians and music enthusiasts alike have joyously milked the World Wide Web for its maximum potential in the course of culture-making and consumption, even as the dividing lines between consumer and user have become increasingly blurred. Factors such as the Internet’s inexpensive and instantaneous dissemination technology, in partnership with the World Wide Web’s largely uncensored and unlimited accessibility and improved methods for digital content creation, have led to emerging communities in Singapore taking full advantage of virtual technologies to platform alternative discourses on politics and civil society. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 285 New Media Music-scapes Singapore-originated (if not always Singapore-hosted) sites such as yawningbread.org, TalkingCock.com, theonlinecitizen.com and mrbrown.com’s satirical podcasts have come to enjoy huge local and transnational fan-bases in the virtual realm, if only for their ability to address issues not discussed in state-controlled mainstream media. A number of such content generators have used music to mediate politically- sensitive cultural fows. One good example in 2004 can be found in the Internet- facilitated case of the ‘My humps’ viral video, which saw a speech by Prime Minister Lee Hsien-Loong on censorship being sampled and remixed by various parties over a chain of mediated Internet reactions to create a series of satirical videos addressing the issue of censorship itself (Tan 2011). Elsewhere, musico-theatrical performances by performer Dick Lee and comedian Kumar, among others, parodying subjects deemed sensitive by the state, have been recorded by ordinary audiences in the theatre and uploaded onto YouTube, gaining far more spectators – and generating discussion and debate – on alternate and virtual, but by far larger playing felds. Finally, beyond the platform of politics, the odd Singaporean has also taken the Internet music video to extreme manifestation in the creation of counter- cultural blog posts, as with the case of retiree Lao Zhabor’s bizarrely-intended rap musings on the realities of growing old in the island-state (Laozhabor’s Rap 2007). The liminal quality of these virtual articulations – by nature of their ephemeral availability only on new media channels as opposed to mainstream platforms – have perhaps rendered them successful only in terms of the very same qualities that have made them defcient in the ‘real’ world: what is the impact of ‘My Hump’s’ musical parody in the world of realpolitik? Media watchers have pointed out that while changes are never efected overnight, the gradual and sustained galvanising of sentiment and generation of political awareness – spilling from the Internet into ofine realms or catalysed by provocative music campaigns or otherwise – have begun to turn the political tide. Indeed, as the role of social media in fundamentally altering political landscapes has shown in the 2011 General ‘FaceBook’ Elections, the artifcial divide between ‘real’ and ‘virtual’ continues to be challenged every day. To be sure, the rising place of new media and music in determining political and cultural discourses has not gone unnoticed and unharnessed by the state, not least by the then Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts (MICA), and by the Media Development Authority (MDA) itself. Social campaigns taking the form of national song projects such as ‘Sing Singapore’ have entered the Internet, alongside the annual National Day Parade’s musico-theatrical pageants. These have been aggressively represented as a matter of course – whether in ofcial government websites or in the form of YouTube uploads by Internet-savvy fans. The efcacy and reach of these eforts continue to be debated. To a certain extent, the blatantly nationalistic agenda of not a few classic national songs have come to be appreciated as ironic kitsch and enjoyed on YouTube’s extensive archive as ‘retro’ viral videos (Tan 2010). Elsewhere, however, ofcial eforts have proven to be counter-productive but at the same time, ironically and unwittingly efective, as seen in the MDA’s own state-produced promotional rap video of 2007 (MDA Upper Management ‘Rap’ 2007). This Internet- mediated performance, which featured a line-up of civil servants ‘walking the talk’ in a slickly-packaged but clumsily-performed hip-hop paean to state media policy, has come to be both denigrated and celebrated by Singaporeans and Singapore-watchers alike in virtual and real worlds as an example of public imaging via the Internet gone right and wrong – and right again. Despite MDA’s work to push boundaries in the world of communications, it has misjudged context in the transference of music aesthetics from ofine to online platforms. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 286 Singapore Soundscape Yet, counter-reactions to the initial backlash began to turn the tide of criticisms into one of celebrating the uncool for its own sake, never mind MDA’s embarrassing debut. Today, the MDA continues to thrive, receiving and disbursing government funds in the name of spearheading new media projects. However, the jury is still out on where and how the agency will continue to manage the disconnections between state policy, censorship and the increasingly free-thinking communities of music and new media in Singapore. References Brightman, James. ‘Games Industry in Singapore Getting $14.6 Million Boost’, Industry Gamers, 23 April 2010. http://www.industrygamers.com/news/games-industry-in- singapore-getting-146-million-boost/ Channel NewsAsia. ‘MDA looking to co-invest in globally marketable flms’, 15 February 2011. http://news.xin.msn.com/en/singapore/article.aspx?cp-documentid=4643871 Gov Monitor. ‘Singapore Shines as Global Media Hub’, 2 June 2010. http://www. thegovmonitor.com/world_news/asia/singapore-shines-as-global-asia-media-hub-32574. html ‘Laozhabor’s Rap’, 2007. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sqC9Nvx3QUA (accessed 5 May 2011). ‘MDA Upper Management “Rap”’, 2007. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nngYqmulLJI (accessed 5 May 2011). MDA (Media Development Authority). Industry’s Overview: Singapore’s Music Industry. 2011. http://www.mda.gov.sg/Industry/Music/IndustryOverview/Pages/IndustryOverview. aspx (accessed 30 April 2011). Schechner, Richard. Performance Theory. New York: Routledge, 2003. Tan, Shzr Ee. ‘“Harmless” and “hump-less” Political Podcasts: Censorship and Internet Resistance in Singapore’, Music, Sound and the Moving Image 5(1), 2011, 39–70. Tan, Shzr Ee. National Songs Revisited. S/PORES 6, 2010. http://s-pores.com/2010/03/national-songs-revisited/ (accessed 15 May 2011). Interviews N. R. Chng, music enthusiast and researcher, 22 April 2011. Syaheed, music producer and music strategist, 24 April 2011. T. S. Ling, music enthusiast and media worker, 18 March 2011. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 287 Globalising the Renaissance City Jun Zubillaga-Pow Globalising the Renaissance City: Music in the 21st Century CHAPTER 20 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 288 Singapore Soundscape ‘Why should not some of [the Straits Chinese] form themselves into a dramatic company and act popular English pieces, translated into fairly good and intelligible Malay to start with? They will not do so, because they are too independent and dislike anything that demands a constant mental strain. I may be wrong in venturing this statement, but that is my honest impression.’ – Shaik Othman bin Sallim (1898) I n his observations, the eminent Malaysian sociologist Syed Hussein Alatas dispels the colonial myth that Malayan natives were more indolent in labour and less productive than their foreign counterparts during the 19th century. He deems it unreasonable to label the natives as lazy and unwilling to work, for they were subjected to the very exploitative conditions of the colonial rulers (Alatas 1977: 106). The same analogy can be applied to Singapore, for the country was alleged to be a ‘cultural desert’; and because the governing parties had considered the arts less important, and at times decadent, the arts did not have its place and identity during the early decades of independence. However, there were still artists and musicians vying for their freedom of expression. Singaporean artists were not at all lazy or incapable, but the cultural politics of our era have not been conducive to artistic inspiration and endeavour, which resulted in the seepage of potential artists overseas, or into the business and engineering vocations so demanded by the industrialising state. Renaissance City Plan The state’s management of the arts became more rigorous at the turn of the millennium with the direction to nurture artists ‘from cradle to grave’, building audiences with the hardware and ‘heartware’, as well as maintaining an artistic ecosystem within the international creative industries. There began major policy changes in arts development, nurturing talent and increasing funding from both the public and private sectors. In 2000, the Ministry of Information and the Arts (MITA) released the Renaissance City Report and laid out its vision for the future of the cultural and creative industries in Singapore. With an implicit desire to increase ‘the attractiveness of our country’, arts and cultural activities are expected to ‘attract both local and foreign talents to contribute to the dynamism and growth of our economy and society’ (5). Two revised versions have since been published, in 2002 and 2008, and by comparing the main objectives of the ministry in setting the cultural and artistic thresholds of the nation state, it is evident that the government’s vision has gradually shifted from a passive localisation to an active outreach and absorption of foreign infuences. In 2000, the policy makers had wanted to ‘position Singapore as a key city in the Asian renaissance of the 21st century and a cultural centre in the globalised world’ (4), while their goal for 2015 is more ambitious by endeavouring for Singapore to become a ‘vibrant magnet for international talent, consistently ranking highly in live-ability indices due to its winning combination of frst-world infrastructure, as well as its distinctive multi-cultural and forward-looking identity’ (Renaissance City Plan III: 17). One can observe the extension of the qualifers, from ‘cultural’ to ‘multi-cultural’ and ‘key’ to ‘forward-looking’. The ministry has taken on a stance that is more dynamic and momentous. Already in the frst report, the ministry wants ‘an active citizen who … is not just a mere actor in a vast nameless play, but a co-writer of the Singapore Story, with the latitude and responsibility to input his own distinctive ideas’ (Renaissance City Report: 39). The political scientist Terence Lee allegorises that ‘the creative and innovative Singaporean must be one who ‘participates’ in enhancing the economic competitiveness of Singapore by industrialising his or her artistic and creative talents’ (Lee 2007: 53–54; my emphasis). The agencies within the ministry decided to ‘shift away from the “arts for arts’ sake” mindset All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 289 Globalising the Renaissance City to look at the development of arts [sic] from a holistic perspective, to contribute towards the development of the creative industries as well as our nation’s social development’ (Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts, 2002: 14). Several government initiatives are exemplary. As part of the National Arts Council, the Malay Music Development Committee was convened in 1999 to promote various forms of Malay musical genres by organising activities and publishing books. In 2005, ‘Noise Singapore’ was started by the National Arts Council to groom new talent in popular songwriting and bands, featuring them in community outreach concerts and mentorship schemes. In November 2009, the National Library Board announced plans to launch MusicSG, a digital archive for music related to Singapore. By 2011, the National Piano and Violin Competition also included a new component inviting Singaporean composers to submit their creative output to be interpreted by fnalists of the competition. The last time this occurred was in 1988 when the Cultural Medallion recipient Leong Yoon Pin composed Prelude Orientale for the 11 fnalists of the solo piano category. Music Education The Ministry of Education further revamped the Music Elective Programme and increased the number of schools ofering the programme to 10 by 2009. There are also more musical Co-Curriculum Activities in government schools and polytechnics, with several schools identifying music as one of their niche areas of expertise. The Singapore Youth Festival continues to attract more students and child participants over the frst decade of the 21st century. The Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music was set up with assistance from the Peabody Conservatory in 2001, under the charge of the National University of Singapore. The late Dr. Steven Baxter was hired from the United States as director of the tertiary institution, before passing on the baton to Professor Bernard Lansky in 2008. The private education institution, Singapore Rafes Music College, was established in 2006. Under the directorship of Professor Nelson Kwei, the college ofers diplomas with validation from the London College of Music. In 2008, MICA (previously known as MITA) initiated the School of the Arts (SOTA), providing secondary education to artistically inclining teenagers. Steered by its founding principal Rebecca Chew, SOTA was subsequently housed in a new building on 1 Zubir Said Drive. In the same year, Timbre Music Academy was established as one of the more successful pop music schools, nurturing a breed of young musicians. Timbre also collaborated with the National Arts Council in the nation-wide project, Noise Singapore, to mentor newfound pop musical talents. In April 2011, the music department of the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts managed a bilateral agreement of conferring music degrees with the Royal College of Music, whereby all diploma holders of the academy can now study for a few more years to obtain validation by the British conservatory. In July 2011, the Ministry of Education’s Singapore Teachers’ Academy for the Arts was launched alongside the magazine, Music Education Singapore, which is supported by Music Education UK. National Day Parade Theme Songs For the past 14 years, there has been a theme song for each National Day Parade, sometimes coupled with its Mandarin translation or rendition. The songs would be broadcast on both radio and television, and also played in schools, civil and military institutions and recently on public transport. So signifcant and memorable was the 1998 theme song ‘Home’, written by Dick Lee, that the Ministry of Defence decided to adopt it for the Total Defence campaign in 2011. The audio and video versions were graced by many young and veteran All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 290 Singapore Soundscape singers and musicians in Singapore’s music history: A Do, Alemay Fernandez, Ann Hussein, Christopher Toh, Claressa Monteiro, Dawn Yip, Dick Lee, Hady Mirza, Hong Shao Xuan, Jacintha Abisheganaden, Jeremy Monteiro, Jimmy Ye, J. J. Lin Jun Jie, John Molina, Joi Chua, Kaira Gong, Kelvin Tan, Kit Chan, Lee Wei Song, Maggie Teng, Max Surin, Moses Vadham, Olivia Ong, Rahimah Rahim, Ramli Sarip, Sani Singam, Shabir, Sheikh Haikel, Stefanie Sun, Tanya Chua, Taufk Batisah, Vernon Cornelius, Vocaluptuous and Wu Jia Ming, accompanied by the Singapore Symphony Orchestra under Darrell Ang. Year Song(s) Singer(s) 1998 Home / 家 Kit Chan 1999 Together / 心连心 Evelyn Tan and Dreamz FM 2000 Shine on Me Jai Wahab 星月 Mavis Hee 2001 Where I Belong / 属于 Tanya Chua 2002 We Will Get There / 一起走到 Stefanie Sun 2003 One United People /全心全意 Stefanie Sun 2004 Home / 家 Kit Chan and J. J. Lin 2005 Reach Out for the Skies Taufk Batisah 勇敢向前飞 Rui En 2006 My Island Home / 幸福的图形 Kaira Gong 2007 There’s No Place I’d Rather Be Kit Chan Will You Various Artistes 2008 Shine For Singapore Hady Mirza 晴空万里 Joi Chua 2009 What Do You See Electrico 就在这里 Kelvin Tan Wei Lian 2010 Song for Singapore Corrinne May 2011 In a Heartbeat Sylvia Ratonel 2012 Love At First Sight Olivia Ong and Natanya Tan 2013 One Singapore Sing A Nation Choir President’s Young Performers Concert This annual afair with the Singapore Symphony Orchestra was supported by the late President Ong Teng Cheong from 1994 to 1999 and was subsequently graced in the following years by Singapore’s the next president, S. R. Nathan, and the First Lady until 2011. All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 291 Globalising the Renaissance City Year Performer Work 2001 Keegan Ng Mozart’s Piano Concerto No. 21 Lim Chun Walton’s Viola Concerto 2002 Grace Lee Glazunov’s Violin Concerto Lim Yan Rachmaninov’s Rhapsody on a Theme by Paganini 2003 Abigail Sin Mozart’s Piano Concerto No. 13 Chan Yoong Han Lalo’s Symphonie Espagnole 2004 Seah Huan Yuh John Adam’s Violin Concerto Kim Forster Saint-Saëns’ Piano Concerto No. 2 2005 Amanda Low Lalo’s Symphonie Espagnole Darrell Ang Tchaikovsky’s Romeo and Juliet Fantasy-Overture 2006 Pan Yi An Mozart’s Piano Concerto No. 17 Jonathan Lim Shostakovich’s Piano Concerto No. 2 2007 Jin Yujia Greig’s Piano Concerto 2008 Lee Shi Mei Korngold’s Violin Concerto Albert Lin Rimsky-Korsakov’s Piano Concerto 2009 Mervyn Lee Haydn’s Piano Concerto in D Major Anisa Kureishi Mahler’s Fourth Symphony 2010 Jonathan Shin Franck’s Variations Symphoniques 2011 Azariah Tan Gershwin’s Rhapsody in Blue Loh Jun Hong Wieniawski’s Faust Fantasy Joshua Tan Kang Ming Barber’s Second Essay and Sibelius’s Karelia Suite 2012 Jonathan Chua Yu Jing Saint-Saëns’ The Carnival of the Animals Gavin Jared Bala Yang Shuxiang Chausson’s Poeme 2013 Li Churen Beethoven’s Piano Concerto No. 2 Gabriel Ng Mozart’s Violin Concerto No. 1 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 292 Singapore Soundscape Multifarious Developments In their respective genres, the choral and Chinese orchestral musicians have made signifcant progress in both artistic standards and public relations. Over the past decade, the formerly provincial mindset of community music-making has morphed into a world- making attitude of internationalising one’s professional profle. Festivals and competitions held in the frst decade of the 21st century inevitably took on an ‘international’ appellation, regardless of how few or many real foreign groups had been amassed. This can be observed from the International A Cappella Festival and Championships and the Chinese Choral Festival, organised by The A Cappella Society and the Choral Association of Singapore respectively. Similar initiatives were embarked upon as evident from the Singapore Chinese Orchestra’s International Competition for Chinese Orchestral Composition and the fve-year-old Ding Yi Music Company’s chic-sounding Composium. Innovation and ‘glocalisation’ were some of the discursive strategies employed by some of these music organisations, ranging from the eclectic SYC Ensemble Singers to the fringy Singapore Men’s Chorus, from the borders-crossing Teng Company to the revolutionary Ding Xiaoyan Ruan Ensemble Society, the last of which occupies pride of place as a distinct product of the Tampines East Community Centre. The new millennium may be associated uncannily with an Islamic revival within and without the musical domains. In the oral tradition, where Islamic values and verses are set to music as a form of didactic reiteration for Muslims to strengthen their faith and maintain good conduct, the art of singing the Nasyid in Singapore gained prominence among the Muslim communities, young and old. In 2000, the group Nur Irsyad was formed by students of the Madrasah Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiah. They not only performed at the mosques, but also recorded an album that sold 15,000 copies in Singapore and Malaysia. The proceeds from the sales subsequently went toward the construction of a new building for their alma mater. Shortly, the singers of sacred music set themselves on the commercial path with their own company, NI Inspirations, and launched their fourth album Nazam Hakikat in 2010. Irsyadee, another group from the same madrasah, gained accolades when their song ‘Taubat Seorang Hamba’ (‘Atonement of a Human Being’) successfully entered Malaysia’s Carta Nasyid (Nasyid Chart) in 2008. Within the secular domains, the ensemble Sri Mahligai has come a long way since its humble beginnings in 2000 to impose a strong reign over other similar groups in the area of traditional Malay music performance. Hip hop and R&B music have also caught on with the Malay-speaking community, with the foursome Ahli Fiqir and duo Sleeq debuting in 2004 and 2005 respectively. While the former specialises in rap songs, mostly about the underclass, such as ‘Samseng’ (‘Gangster’), the latter present themselves as sleek and talented singer-rappers, and attracted the attention of the veteran actor Aaron Aziz and the rapper Sheikh Haikal. In addition, the three winners of Singapore Idol have also been tasked to belt out classical and modern Malay ditties, like ‘Teman Istimewa’ (‘A Special Someone’) and ‘Sesuatu Janji’ (‘A Promise’) for Taufk Batisah, and ‘Lagenda’ (‘A Legend’) and ‘Angkasa’ (‘The Spaces in the Skies’) by Hady Mirza. These musicians were also given exposure on local radio and television programmes, such as Pop Agenda hosted by Najip Ali, and Anugerah Planet Muzik, which is organised jointly by the two Malay-language radio stations, RIA 89.7FM and WARNA 94.2FM. Other diverse scions worth watching out for include the ethnic-jazz band Tze and Looking Glass, the trippy blues combo Top Hat, the drum and bass DJ Cherry Chan, the singer-songwriter Inch Chua and the Malay reggae band Bushmen. Last, but not least, are the musical productions staged by Dream Academy from 2000 to 2011. Helmed by Selena Tan, Pamela Ooi, the late Emma Yong, Hossan Leong, Sebastian Tan, Robin Goh and Kumar, more than 30 of their themed shows have bedazzled and tickled audiences, who All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 293 Globalising the Renaissance City thronged in great numbers to catch Broadway Beng or the Dim Sum Dollies, or indulged in the jocular slapsticks of The Hossan Leong Show, Kumar’s Amazing Race and the Crazy Christmas series. And if you have missed any of the music and musicians mentioned in this book, they can be accessed instantly at the click of a mouse via YouTube, Myspace, Facebook or the National Library Board’s MusicSG digital archives. Happy listening! References Alatas, Hussein Syed. The Myth of the Lazy Native: A Study of the Image of the Malays, Filipinos and Javanese from the 16th to the 20th Century and its Function in the Ideology of Colonial Capitalism. London: Cass, 1977. Lee, Terence. ‘Industrialising Creativity and Innovation’ in Kenneth Paul Tan (ed.), Renaissance Singapore: Economy, Culture, and Politics. Singapore: NUS Press, 2007, 45-67. Ministry of Information and the Arts. Renaissance City Report: Culture and the Arts in Renaissance Singapore, 2000. Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts. Chapter Two: Renaissance City 2.0, 2002. Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts. Renaissance City Plan III, 2008. Shaik Othman bin Sallim. 1898; quoted in Eugene Dairianathan, ‘Musical Practices: Bangsawan’. http://music.nl.sg/article/list.aspx (accessed 21 December 2012) All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 294 Singapore Soundscape 玖健 岁月的歌 APPENDIX All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 295 Appendix: 岁月的歌 中文流行音乐是新加坡20年来唯一成功的文化产业输出。 今天在世界上最多人使用的语言，中文世界里头，年轻的主力消费群（从15岁到35 岁），无人不知晓孙燕姿、林俊杰、阿杜。但是否也有人记得在这一批胜利军发热发光之 前，在新加坡中文流行乐坛默默耕耘数十载，甚至曾经闪亮过的本地歌手和音乐人。对一 向被动的国人而言，我不肯定国人会否热衷于了解或认为值得去探讨我们这年轻岛国的中 文流行音乐的发源，发展过程甚至是瞻望新加坡中文流行音乐产业的将来。 但身为一名新 加坡音乐人我觉得更重要的是别人怎么从我们这小红点的中文流行音乐文化背景进而了解 我们的民俗风情。当我和来自美国费城的专业歌唱家和音乐工作者分享着梁文福创作的中 文音乐剧“雨季”（新加坡首部原创中文音乐剧）等作品时，从他们惊讶和好奇的眼神， 到细心学唱“在沙漠的第七天”（1999年台湾词曲创作协会十大单曲之一）并和我同台演 唱这些新加坡中文原创时所显现的满足感，我确定新加坡也能够拥有属于自己独特魅力的 中文流行音乐文化。 根据现年72岁的乐手及粤曲指导老师胡德昌先生口述，新加坡的中文流行音乐环境 在二战之后就开始建立。当年兴起的歌台就酝酿了本地大批早年的歌手。但是三，四十年 代，我们的乐坛并没有自己的创作，只有来自中国上海的流行时代曲。当时中国，上海是 中文流行音乐的中心。上海百代唱片是创建中文流行音乐工业最早的唱片公司之一，50年 代转移至新加坡，开始了新加坡自己的中文流行唱片工业。那时流行的黑胶唱片，播放器 是一台48转和78转的古老的留声机。第二次世界大战后漂洋过海在本地扎根的艺人不少， 白言和妻子叶青算是元老级的早期全能艺人。那个年代的歌坛的歌手就已经必须具备能歌 善舞，还要演话剧，甚至耍杂技，变魔术等才华。跟现今歌坛其实最大的不同点是我们多 了自己的创作，也孕育了不少幕后的创作精英。但或许很多人对本地流行音乐的创作只停 留在80年代的新谣时期。但其实从60年代起上官流云就已相当活跃，不止创作了多首福 建，广东歌曲，流传至今的华语作品《午夜香吻》等都出自他手笔。50，60年代的流行音 乐人还包括田鸣恩。虽然从30至70年代，本土创作还是很少，却不乏流行歌手，一眼望过 去就有百多位：陈美光、符舒云、华怡保、雄莉莉、王沙、野峰到今年还偶尔会出席慈善 演出的庄雪芳和潘秀琼，都是当时得令的本地歌手。在这些垦荒前辈之后，具有代表性的 唱片歌手也不计其数，张小英，黄清元，陈洁，凌霄，樱花，林竹君和红透中港台的邓妙 华等歌手也都是家喻户晓的名字。 80年代，本地电视台举行近十多届的《斗歌竞艺》和从校园发起的新谣为本地中文流 行音乐注入新气象，各领风骚，百花齐放。新谣音乐具有民谣特征，没有太花俏，但是旋 律和歌词都富有人文色彩，比较经得起时间的考验，也比一般流行歌曲轮廓分明。经历十 多届的《斗歌竞艺》就可以媲美当今的美国偶像歌唱大赛。当时就让叶佩芬，岳雷，陈彼 得等歌王歌后走进每家每户。连同时在新谣圈子里异军突起的合唱小组“水草三重唱”也 是为了参加当年的《斗歌竞艺》小组歌唱比赛而组成的，主要成员就是陈洁仪，林俊杰， 阿杜等杰出本地歌手的幕后推手许环良（海蝶音乐艺人与产品定位总监）。他与另一已故 成员黄元成等人打造了海蝶唱片和大石音乐版权私人有限公司，为新加坡建立了更完整的 中文流行音乐版权体系。从一开始的好玩心态，到专业和之后发展成跨国际的音乐公司， 许环良说“没有料到会这么一步一步的走过来。1985年，水草三重唱受邀到台北参加《 明天会更好》的大合唱，认识了当时台湾流行音乐与70年代校园民歌的主要人物，听他 们的经历被激发了，就决定成立新加坡人自己的音乐公司，全职地投入推广新谣的继续发 展。” 新谣鼎盛时期让梁文福、巫启贤、黎沸挥、黄宏墨等创做音乐人的音乐成为本地流行 音乐的一股清流。他们的努力也将新加坡的原创音乐搬上了世界的版图，让新加坡的歌手与 新加坡中文流行原创音乐在中港台地区开始崭露头角。横跨三个年代，至今依然倍受海内外 尊重的新谣代表之一梁文福博士早期的作品经常融合本地各种族的乐器，形成了强烈的本地 风味。也因为梁博士的歌词主题涵概历史变迁和社会批判，又有个人成长和集体回忆，所以 能牵动国人的感情认同。当被问及如何让创作长久以来保有新鲜度，梁博士说：“结合不同 的艺术元素，让已经令人印象深刻的作品注入新的生命，也是“保鲜”之道。例如在新的世 纪，通过音乐剧《天冷就回来》的创作，将上个世纪我写的新谣和流行歌曲以音乐剧歌曲的 形式，再度展现在新旧听众和观众面前，可说相当成功地让过去的流行经典以更具艺术内涵 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 296 Singapore Soundscape 的形式保鲜。《雨季》在14年后重演，许多旧歌经过重编，有了扩展和伸延，张力强大许 多，这说明了音乐固然帮助了戏剧，戏剧也可以丰富音乐。此外，近年来我将旧作和新歌以 纯音乐演奏的形式出版唱片，又让大家在不受歌词的影响下，以新的感受来接触原来已经很 熟悉的歌曲，无论是钢琴或华乐的演绎，都赋予歌曲新的生命。” 因新谣崛起而引起共鸣的新谣歌手还包括潘盈、洪邵轩、颜黎明、郑展伦、跳动律 等，他们都是新谣队伍里的中坚分子。新谣圈子以外同样交出亮眼成绩的本地音乐人还有 李伟松、李思松、吴庆康、叶良俊与陈佳明。就连不为本地华人所熟悉的音乐才子李迪文 （Dick Lee）也先后在日本和香港获得相当的肯定，与多位知名歌手如张学友，林忆莲和 已故的梅艳芳，张国荣等巨星合作。这些本地音乐人都是让新加坡的中文流行音乐在全球 大放异彩的原动力。 从80年代开始，无论是民间发起的新谣或是电视台制作的《斗歌竞艺》，都关键性地 影响了本地中文流行歌曲的发展。加上电视和电台都是当时的主要媒体，因此也起着互相 扶持的作用，为本地中文流行音乐台前幕后的工作者制造了不少建立基础与发挥的空间。 当时推荐中文流行歌曲的节目《龙虎榜》在新加坡广播电台第三广播网（95.8城市频道前 身）首播，创榜主持人是林子惠。《龙虎榜》的高收听率和影响力和同一时期推出的《歌 韵新声》都成为那个年代本地中文流行歌曲和新谣的摇篮。 1990年新加坡成立了第一家华文音乐台93.3（现今Y.E.S.93.3），由《龙虎榜》创榜 主持人林子惠担任节目经理。《龙虎榜》也在这时转移到93.3发扬光大并成为其旗舰节 目。93.3当时得天独厚的优势，配合《龙虎榜》也造就了本地乐坛盛事《新加坡金曲奖》 。至今依然被华人地区乐迷、媒体、音乐人及唱片公司视为新加坡市场最重要指标。 90年代的新加坡中文流行音乐因为有了前辈带路，加上新加坡的特殊地域与人文色 彩，造就了一些气质各异的新声代。陈洁仪与许美静就是同一时期让新加坡中文流行音乐 进一步巩固其在亚洲区域指标的歌手。尤以陈洁仪更是堪称国宝级才艺型女歌手，从专 辑，电视转战音乐剧到电影都一再突显其超然地位。 进入21世纪全球受到网络科技，P2P、MP3等新技术下载的影响，包括华语流行音乐 在内的各种音乐工业在2000年代既获得了新的发展良机，同时又不同程度地面临着极大的 挑战。世界宏观经济形势的变迁也影响了各地中文流行音乐工业。虽然全球中文流行音乐 依然以台湾为主，但随着经济的快速增长，中国电视与电影工业和娱乐业的突飞猛进，也 促进了整个中文流行音乐的发展。 在美国偶像歌唱大赛的全球效应下，各种歌唱选秀节目应运而生。新加坡在2005– 2007年就一连推出了三届的绝对 SUPER STAR，校园 SUPER STAR 和 两届非 SUPER BAND 等歌唱比赛选秀节目。不仅让这些年轻人短时间内成为家喻户晓的名字也造就了陈伟联、 洪俊扬、何维健、潘嘉丽、石欣卉、陈世维、陈迪雅等一批新声代。 除了一些顺应潮流的歌唱选秀节目，新传媒更在2008年推出自成立以来最大型的自 制音乐节目。长达五个月的音乐盛会“S-POP”指的是新加坡流行音乐，除了介绍本地杰 出歌手、词曲创作人、音乐制作人、音乐工作者，邀请海内外曾经唱过新加坡创作歌曲的 歌手出席之外，更举办空前盛大的歌曲创作大赛《S-POP万岁！之创作大赛》，让有志于 音乐创作的新人们有发表作品的舞台。过关斩将进入半决赛的创作歌曲不但会邀请歌手演 绎，还将拍成音乐录影带在电视上播出！除了专业评判之外，观众也能参与评选，选出最 受大家喜好的歌曲。如此全民参与的大规模的本地中文流行音乐制作在新加坡堪称前无古 人，后无来者，成为本地中文流行音乐的一段佳话！ 至今本地中文流行音乐市场虽然仍无法与中港台比拟，但在每一个阶段都会有些异军 凸起。独立品牌歌手也开始拥有自己的一片天空。虽然没有强大的唱片公司作为后盾，一 些较有潜质的独立品牌歌手在不受约束的情况下也创出了属于自己的一片天空。邱意淋就 凭自己的创作才华在《E-乐大赏》获得最佳新人奖，也因此获得S2S唱片公司的肯定而网罗 为旗下歌手。虽然这类例子属于异数，但至少为一些认真做自己的音乐且具备条件的本地 音乐人打开多一道通往中文流行音乐的门槛。 21世纪另一个间接带动了本地中文流行乐坛的现象就数华语音乐剧所掀起的一股热 浪。虽然跟一般华语剧场制作比较下相对更具挑战性，但自从2007年《天冷就回来》缔造 了前所未有的佳绩之后，在2009重演依然常红，就开始让本地观众对本地中文音乐剧有了 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 297 Appendix: 岁月的歌 更多期待。基于音乐剧一般都以合家共享，娱乐大众为大方向，夹着西方音乐剧的强力攻 势与具有音乐剧元素的年轻人电视剧集热潮，让中文剧场观众群逐渐发现音乐剧的独特魅 力。中文音乐剧《再见。爱》、《摇滚聊斋》、《雨季》、《881》、《记得说再见》等制 作无疑为本地华文剧场的观众提供了更多元化的选择。更重要的是，这股风潮也间接成为 推动本地中文流行音乐歌手，原创及制作的另一平台。毕竟中文音乐剧的演员一般都得具 备能歌善舞兼好演技的多方面才艺。一些优秀的歌手，创作人也同时在这新领域里获得一 个更好的磨炼与展现才华与实力的机会。 能抓紧民众感官与走在时代潮流前端的各类流行音乐节目的诞生和强而有力的宣传固 然重要，但最终还是得回归到优良的音乐成品和歌手为重。虽然新加坡的中文流行歌曲作 品及歌手在华人世界乐坛早已获得肯定，民间也不乏培育新人的流行音乐学院，然而近十 年来的本地歌词写作，始终是本地创作中最弱的环节，写词人有青黄不接的现象，已是公 认的事实。流行歌曲的歌词可说是当代社会最为普及的文学文本，歌词作品的用语和意识 对社会大众影响深远。有感于此，为了加强本地人对中文歌词的认识，提高对中文流行歌 词的鉴赏、分析和写作能力，从而培养本地写词新人，新加坡词曲版权协会也和南洋理工 大学孔子学院联合开办了超过五届的“中文流行歌词创作班”。 以细腻的手法与文字刻画都市人，尤其是城市女性的爱情观的本地优秀女作词人小 寒，在培育本地作词人的工作也一样不遗余力。除了开班传授作词的技巧与窍门，栽培有 潜质的初学者成为下一代的乐坛接班人，也到学校开办讲座与学生分享写好词所需要的元 素。“有人归咎於日渐下降的中文程度，我则认为是机会和现因素造成的。我一直都努力 地在栽培和寻找写词人才，有肯定是有的，只是他们都不能（我也劝他不要，除非做好挨 饿的心理准备）“专心”。不能专心，自然就不能将写词当作“专业” 。” 小寒对于自己如何持续热诚与实力，表示“我的热诚来自于音乐支持者给予那首歌词 的评论与给我的鼓励，还有当然，我对中文文字的热爱。低潮期每个人都会有。但我基本 上尽量不让自己降温，每天都在Facebook、微博写一些字句，多练习。更重要的是，要 去钻研其他写词人的作品，才知道现在流行什么，自己可以改进的地方在哪里。” 虽然21世纪网络数位化革命時代的到来让全球的中文流行音乐市场受到了很大的冲 击，因为盗版猖獗，中文流行音乐可以轻易从网络下载，CD销量也因此大大退減，很难恢 复到80、90年代中文流行音乐唱片大卖的光景。面对全球唱片工业的转型，许环良说：“ 世上唯一不变的真理就是：变幻是永恒，所以海蝶与大石也得变。传统的唱片公司已经走到 夕阳，大部分的依赖传统发行网路的国际四大唱片公司在亚洲，尤其是中国纷纷倒下、缩 编，EMI 卖给金牌大风、华纳转手俄罗斯人。。。海蝶反而扩张，现在全亚洲已经150人分 布六个华人世界的城市。具体计划就是转型：变成一个以数位音乐为主导的音乐公司。” 对于新加坡中文流行歌曲的前景，许环良认为：“艺人只是整个音乐团队的“脸”， 要不是整个新加坡音乐人的努力，新加坡的歌曲不会在那么大的一个社群里占有影响力。 可是，在未来，我们不一定持续具备这样的优势。双文化教育的口号，喊了几年，落实到 学生群的时候，效果并不见显著；关键是要如何利用中文流行音乐的元素，去让老师先去 体会中文的“活用”，而不是让学生觉得老师跟社会“脱节”。随着新加坡社会在快速的 变幻着，包括人种的比例，一方面新加坡作为国际大都会，多元文化还是会持续发展；但 是另一方面，过于“物化”的价值观，让年轻一代倍感压力，视野越来越窄，相较于90 后出生的中国年轻人，对于世界资讯的渴望却越来越大。我不确定，会不会在未来的十年 后，新加坡人在区域性的竞争力，是否依然？”他建议由新谣或是中文流行音乐，让年轻 人觉得中文是一个“有趣、时尚、活着”的文化、语言，那么未来我们的双文化政策才可 以实现。当使用华文的人持续更多的时候，本地的中文流行音乐才会持续有发展。 前93.3华文音乐台节目经理林子惠则认为从小处到大处，本地流行乐坛业者能否着眼 于集体利益，而不单只是顾及各自的销售量与盈利。奖掖后进，不断培训新人，才能壮大 声势并拓展本地中文流行乐坛。 在新加坡中文流行音乐史上，出色的台前幕后中文流行音乐人有如繁星，当我们继续 期待王俪婷、何维健、黄靖伦、插班声、龚芝怡等新声代将新加坡中文流行音乐发扬光大 的同时，更期望新加坡中文流行音乐能继续重质量，求隽永。 (Please refer to Chapter 9 for the English translation of this article.) All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 298 Singapore Soundscape A a cappella, 58, 59, 60, 61, 113 A Cappella Society, 292 A Do, 290 Aaron Aziz, 292 Abdul Rahman, 110 Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj, Tunku, 205 Abdullah, S., 110 Abdullah Ahmad, 259 Abel, Dick, 183 Abisheganaden, Alex, 38, 51, 111, 122, 219 Abisheganaden, Jacintha, 272, 290 Abisheganaden, Paul, 38, 45, 53, 56, 201, 202, 205, 208, 265, 266 Absolute Superstar, 144 Abu Bakar bin Zainulabidin, 111–12 Act 3, 172, 177 Advisory Council on Culture and the Arts Report, 172, 210–211 Ah Boy, 135 Ah Du, 141, 142 Ahli Fiqir, 292 Ahmad Ali, 100 Ahmad Daud, 103, 113 Ahmad Jaafar, 108, 112, 188 Ahmad Jais, 113 Ahmad Mattar, 224 Ahmad Pateh, 187 Ahmad Yusoh, 111 Ai Hwa Old Boys’ Band, 254 Ai Tong Alumni, 79; choir, 67, 82 Ai Tong Primary School band, 254 Aisha Akbar, 38, 56, 57 Akaki Maro, 223 Al-Wehdah Al-Arabiah Bi Singhafura, 111, 159 Alano, Caesar, 183 Alatas, Syed Hussein, 288 Alexandra Hall, 116 Ali Rahman, 112 Ali Taib, 102 Alliance Française: auditorium, 180; mixed choir, 57 Alphonso Soliano’s Swing Band, 188 alternative music, 135, 151 Amar Singh, 158, 161, 162 Amateur Musical Society, 26, 30, 56 Amateur Wireless Society of Malaya (AWSM), 265 Amazon.com, 39 American Guild of Organists Singapore Chapter, 51 American Idol, 144, 273–4 Analog Girl, 137 Anand Centre of Fine Arts, 120 Anciano, Marcello, 42 Anciano family, 189 Aneka Ragam Ra’ayat, 204, 217 Ang, Darrell, 47, 48, 49, 290 Ang, Peter, 143 Ang, Stephen, 48 Ang Tok Meng, 258 angklung, 111, 202, 239 Anglo-Chinese Junior College Choir, 59 Anglo-Chinese School: bugle and ffe band, 254; instruments, 245; MEP, 247 Anita Sarawak, 113, 270 Anka, Paul, 267 Ann Kway Association, 72 Anugerah, 273 Anugerah Planet Muzik, 292 ANZUK Symphonic Band, 260 Apel, David, 266 Apelbaum, David, 201 Appau, Edmund, 117, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166 Apsaras Arts, 120, 121–2 Arab Association of Singapore, see Al-Wehdah Al-Arabiah Bi Singhafura Ariken, Philip, 163 Armenian Church, 56 Armstrong, Louis, 189 Army Children’s School choir, 61 Art Star Arts Society, 72 Artreach, 223 Arts Council, 215 Arts Funds, 73 Arts House, 53 Arts House Living Room and Chamber, 41 Arts Housing Scheme, 209 Arts Magazine, 53 Artsylum Quartet, 39 ASEAN Festival, 122 ASEAN Youth Music Workshop, 59 Asia-Pacifc Jazz Network, 183, 185, 188 Asian Arts Festival, 86 Asian Idol, 138 aspidistrafy, 137 Associate Board of the Royal Schools of Music (ABRSM), 43, 236–7 Association of Composers (Singapore), 52 Audio Image, 260 Australian-Indian Ocean music festival, 86 Augmented Radio Orchestra, 267 Australian Air Force Band, 260 Australian String Quartet, 230 Australian Youth Music Festival, 122 AV-Connections, 165 Awakenings, 223 Ayob Taib, 102 Azmi, R., 108 B B-Quartet, 137 Bacsafra, B. A., 201 Bacsafra family, 187 Bai Rayvee, 166 Bai Yan, 142 Balakrishna Narayan Rao, 107 Balakrishnan Veerapan, 158, 159 Balasingamchow, Yu-Mei, 222 band: competitions, 157–8, 162; instructors’ course, 255; music, 116, 117 bandstands, 41 Bang Wenfu, 180 bangsawan, 103, 106–7, 108, 112, 264 Banuthasam, 159, 163 barbershop quartets, 57 Barker, E. W., 122 Barnett, Ross, 272 Barock Music, 40 Bass Ordnance Depot, 130 Batvia Symphony Orchestra, 38 Baxter, Steven, 289 Beach Boys, 269 Beatles, 152, 162, 204 Beatnik, 136 Beauty World, 172, 173, 174, 177–8, 220, 224 Beethoven Music House, 40 Beijing Music Festival, 90 Beng, Mervin, 38, 230 Benny Singers, 57 Berry, Chuck, 129, 267 Bezerovsky, Boris, 231 bharatanatyam, 120 Bhaskar’s Academy of Dance, 118, 204 Big Bang!, 178 BigO, 134, 135, 137, 151 Bistro Toulouse Lautrec, 190, 191 Bjork being, 134 Black Sabbath, 150, 153, 168 blogs, 284–5 Blu Jaz Café, 192 blues rock, 131, 134 Boal, Augusto, 106 Boh Teck Keong, 51 Booth, Gregory, 116 Borders, 39 Borephucks, 137 Bosito, Carlos, 187 Boulanger, Nadia, 63, 69 Bowlly, Al, 37 Boyle, J. E., 253 Boyle, Russell, 261 Braddell Community Centre, 165 Braddell Heights Community Club, 49 Braddell Heights Symphony Orchestra, 49 Brass and Woodwind Festival, 51 British Army military bands, 252 British in Singapore, 23–4 British Malaya Broadcasting Corporation (BMBC), 266 British military administration, 202 British Military Hospital NCO Club, 163 British music examining boards, 236–7 Britten, Benjamin, 38, 52 BronzAge Gamelan, 106 Brown, Edwin Arthur, 23, 24, 26, 27, 29–30, 31, 37 Brown, G. H., 32 Brown, Jason Robert, 174 Buckley, Charles Burton, 23, 25–6, 27, 29, 30 Budak Pantai, 61 Budapest Spring Festival, 90, Bukit Batok Community Centre, 260 Bukit Batok Community Club, 165 Bukit Panjang Government School’s musical band, 243 Bunga Tanjong nightclub, 110 Buona Vista Secondary School band, 257 Bushmen, 292 C Caddy, Florence, 24 Calcutta Blues Experiment, 134 Calhoun, Bill, 179 Camerata Quartet, 39 Cameron, John, 24 Camoens, Carolyn, 176 Campus Superstar, 144, 273 Canton Clan Association, 254 Cantopop, 283 Carlton Night Club, 187 Carnatic music, 116, 120, 156 Carter, Roger, 261 Casey, Catherine, 179 Casey, Peter, 179 Casteels, Robert, 52 Castillo, Don, 189 Castillo, Louis, 190 Castillo, Tony, 189, 192, 194 Castillo family, 189 Cathay-Keris, 107, 108, 152 Cathay Restaurant, 188 Cathedral of the Good Shepherd, 37, 56 Catholic High School Orchestra, 48, 50 Cavarelle, 271 CD-RAMA, 39 Cedar Girls’ School, 255; choir, 270 Cells Unlimited, 131 censorship, 172, 206, 210, 268, 269, 280 Central Cultural Board Chinese Orchestra, 81, 91 Centre of Activity and Recreation for the Elders Choir, 72 Chae Keng Song, 75 chamber orchestras, 45 Chamber Players, 38, 209, 230 Chamber Sounds, 49 Chan, Cherry, 292 Chan, Kit, 138, 142, 143–4, 290 Chan, Rose, 110 Chan Chee Seng, 206 Chan Peck Suan, 51 Chan Seck Chee, 258 Chan Tze Law, 49, 209 Chan Wei Shing, 49 Chan Yong Shing Chamber Orchestra, 47–8 Chan Zhuomin, 51, 52 Chandiniraat, 159–60, 162 Chandran, E.S.J., 159 Chandran, Joe, 163 Chandran, R., 177 Chang and Eng, 173, 174, 178 Chang Tou Chuang, 219, 224 Chang Tou Liang, 53, 231 Channel U, 273 Chap Singa, 110 Charlie Lazaroo Octette, 183 Chayang (Dapu) Clan Association Male Chorus, 72 Cheah, Michael, 151 Cheah, Philip, 137, 151 Checkmates, 131 Chee Kong Tet, 45 Chen, David, 189 Chen, Margaret, 51 Chen, Peter, 142 Chen Hung, 258 Chen Jia Ming, 143 Chen Jie, 142 Chen Mei Guang, 142 Chen Zhangyi, 52 Chen Zhi Hui, 69 Cheng, Louise, 38, 50 Cheng Cheng Musical Association, 204 Cheong, Simplicius, 208 Cheung, Jacky, 143 Cheung, Leslie, 143 Chew, Rebecca, 289 Chia, Henry, 131 Chia Keng Tai Orchestra, 45, 266 Chiang, Michael, 177 Chiew Keng Hoon, 52, 70 children’s orchestras, 36, 47 Chin Kang Huay Kuan, 80 Chin Kang Wui Kuan Chinese orchestra, 86 China: choral singing, 65–6 China Folk Song and Dance Troupe, 82 Chinese, 24, 55, 79; choirs, 57, 61, 62, 64–75; churches, 65; clan association bands, 252, 254; clan associations, 78–9, 85, 92; ensembles, 79–80; folk music, 78–9; music competitions, Index All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 299 Index 81; musicals, 144–5, 174–5; opera, 152, 268; orchestras, 78, 80–94; popular music, 141–6 Chinese Choral Festival, 292 Chinese High School, 70; band, 257; Chinese ensemble, 80 Chinese Methodist Church, 57 Chinese Star Music Society, 72 Chinese Youth Orchestra, 208 Chisholm, Erik, 202 Chitra, 157 Chng Kai Jin, 53 Choi, Lionel, 53, 231 choirs, 55–63 Chong, Maria 42 Chong, Simplicius, 208 Chong, Sylvia, 242 Chong Shoo Mei, Samantha, 51 Chongqing Music and Dance Theatre, 86 Choo, Lilian, 208 Choo Hoey, 48 Choo Hwee Lim, 38, 56 Choral Association (Singapore), 65, 72–4, 292 choral concerts, 56–9, 61 Choral Excellence Programme, 59, 63 Choral Festival for Chinese Choirs, 72 Chorale Musicale, 57 Choy, Siva, 131, 135 Choy brothers, 131 Chu, Cecilia, 70 Chua, George, 137 Chua, Inch, 292 Chua, Joi, 290 Chua, Tanya, 290 Chua Joo Huat, 133 Chua Lik Wuk, 51 Chung Cheng High School, 70, 92; alumni, 72 church: choirs, 65; music, 37; organs, 37 Church of Our Lady of Lourdes, 166 Church of Saints Peter and Paul, 37, 56 Church of the Risen Christ, 61 churches, 56–7, 61 City Chinese Orchestra, 94 City Choir, 70, 72 Civil Service Choir, 59 Clans, 113 Clapton, Eric, 131 Clare, Maurice, 52, 53 Clark, Stephen, 174, 178, 179 classical Indian music, 116–23 Clementi, Sir Cecil, 37 Cockpit Hotel, 187 Coke-light, 219 Columbia Straits Echo, 109 Combo Rayuan Sukma, 103 Comfort Choir, 72 Commandos, 101, 113 community: bands, 260–1; centres, 79, 82, 84, 164 composers, 51–2, 63, 68, 69, 85, 106, 133–4, 174; Indian music, 159 Composers and Authors Society of Singapore, 73 Composers and Songwriters Society (COMPASS), 145 Composers’ Association, 58, 69 Composium, 292 concert halls, 30, 41 concerts: 19th century, 25–8, 30–1, 36; 20th century, 36–53 Contrado, Connie, 187 Convent of the Holy Infant Jesus music class, 236, 241 Cooper, Derek, 268 Cornelius, Vernon, 131, 290 corporate and government sponsors, 53 Corporate Toil, 136 Cortot, Alfred, 38 Craig, John F., 36 Crescendos, 129, 130, 205, 272 Crescent Girls’ School band, 255, 256, 257 Cricket Club, 23 Cristofori, 43 Crowcroft, Edward, 254 Cubin, Professor, 229 Cultural Centre, 41, 209 Cyclones, 131 D D’Almeida, Edward, 27, 32 D’Almeida, Jose, 32 D’Almeida family, 27, 29 D’Silva, 187 Dada Records, 133 Dairakudakan, 223 dance bands, 266 Danker, Tony, 109, 130, 269 Dark Funeral, 151 Daroya, Ernesto, 189, 192 Daroya family, 189 David, 130 David, Wilson, 129 David Lincoln Orchestra, 109–10 Daze, 136 DBS Auditorium, 41, 228 de Kontski, Antoine, 30 De Sa, M. A., 201 de Sa, Sebastian, 202 De Silva, 201 de Silva, Alicia, 52 de Souza (née Wong), Dixie, 51 de Souza, John, 255 Debu Chaudhuri, 207 December Rains, 174, 175 Deep Purple, 153 Deepavali Festival Village, 122 Del Mar, Norman, 47 Demidenko, Nikolai, 231 Deng Miao Hua, 142 Denman, P. D., 254 Devi, Susheela, 38 Dexing Company, 79 Dexing Gongsi, see Dexing Company Dexter, Steven, 174, 178 Dietz, Felicia, 265 digital music, 280–5 dikir barat, 55, 62, 103 Ding Xiaoyan Ruan Ensemble Society, 292 Ding Yi Music Company, 292 Disc Dynamics, 40, 133 disc jockeys, 132, 134, 136 Disc Place, 40 Doggett, Victor, 38, 42, 53 dondang sayang, 109, 110, 111 Dondang Sayang Club, 110 Dorai, T. T., 166 Dragon, E., 259 Drama Box, 174 Drama Centre, 174, 177 Dream Academy, 292 Drewe, Anthony, 174 Duke and Duchess of York, 31 Dulsori, 223 Dunman Government High School, 70, 81, 92, 94 E E-Music Awards, 144 E. S. Isaac Co, 39 East Coast Park, 111 Echo Angklung Group, 69 Echo Children’s Choir, 69 Echo Philharmonic Society, 72 Echo Women’s Choir, 69 Edinburgh Festival, 90 Edmund, Christina, 117, 159, 161, 162–3 Edmund, Hermann, 163 Edmund, Jesson, 163 Edmund, Lawrence, 163 Edmund Appau Orchestra, 164 Edmund Joseph Music Party, 164 Edmund Music Party, 164 education system, 237–8 Eibon, 153 Ekachai Uekrongtham, 178 Electrico, 138 Eleven Choirs, 71–2, 71 Ellery, Mike, 206 EMI, 112, 130, 131, 132, 142, 145 Emmanuel, Georgina, 53 Empire Theatre, 29 English-language popular music, 129–38 Er Yenn Chwen, 52 Esplanade Theatres, 41, 53, 72, 74, 90, 122, 137, 172, 179, 180, 227, 230, 232–3 Esquires, 163 Ess, Iris, 42 Establishment, 130 Eurasians, 24 European musicians, 184 Europeans in Singapore, 23–4, 37, 55, 65, 183, 185–6 Everly Brothers, 267 experimental music, 121 Experimentum Mundi, 222 F Facebook, 280, 282, 283 Faddilah, 110 Far East Air Force Band (FEAF), 254 Far Eastern Music School, 42 Faridah Jamal, 111 Fatimah M. Amin, 113 Febra, 157, 161, 166 Fentum, George B., 26–9 Fernandez, Alemay, 290 Fernandez, Cecil, 187 Fernandez, Eddie, 269 Fernando, Bertie, 157 Festival of Music and Dance, 214, 216, 217 festival sponsors, 219 Fiddlers on the Loose, 242 Filipino musicians, 183, 186–9, 191–2, 266 Finlayson, John, 36 frewalking ceremony, 156 First Gordon Highlanders Military Band, 260 Flute Festival, 51 Flute Studio, 51 Fong, Otto, 174 Foo Chen Loong, 53 Foo Say Meng, 38 Foorman’s Music Studios, 43 Forbidden City, 174, 179 Forced Vomit, 137 Fort Canning, 223 Fort Canning Park bandstand, 41 Fragile, 132 Francisco, Celio, 186 Francisco family, 189 Fraser & Neave Hall, 113 Freshman, 146 Fried Ice, 131 Fried Rice Paradise, 178 Fritz Quartet, 39, Frost, M. R., 222 Fu Shu Yun, 142 Fullerton, Robert, 105 Fusionopolis, 280 G Galaura, Olympia, 183, 192 gambus, 111–12 gamelan, 55, 152; ensembles, 105–6, 109 Gamelan Asmaradana, 106 Gamelan Singamurti, 106 Gamma Rays, 106 Gan, Jimmy, 188, 269 Ganda, Sergeant, 253 Gani Abdul Karim, 178 Gay World, 201 Geisha, 223 Gemini, 162 Georgette, 176, 180 Gerentser, Paul, 201 Gesieking, Walter, 38 getais, 141 ghazal, 111 Goanese musicians, 192, 266 Goddard, Arabella, 30 Goehr, Alexander, 52 Goh, Americ, 52 Goh, Robin, 292 Goh, Vincent, 51 Goh, Vivien, 47 Goh Boon Teck, 175 Goh Ching Lee, 217, 220, 222, 224, 228 Goh Chok Tong, 87, 225 Goh Ek Meng, 85 Goh Say Meng, 57, 70, 255 Goh Sin Ee, 38, 266 Goh Soon Tioe, 38, 53 Goh Soon Tioe String Orchestra, 47, 52, 209 Goh Tiong Eng, 51 Goh Toh Chai, Zechariah, 52 Goh Yew Lin, 53, 231 Golden Star Song and Dance Ensemble, 79 Golden Typhoon, 145 Golden Venus, 131, 134, 189, 191 Gong, Kaira, 290 Goodwood Hall, 50 Gospel Melody Makers, 57 government: cultural committees, 172; policy on arts, 152, 153, 201–11, 219, 288; subsidies, 173 Gramercy Music, 40 Gramophone, 39 Gramophone Company of London, 264 gramophone recordings, 264 Great Spy Experiment, 137 Great World Cabaret, 183, 187 Gunasekara, Mr., 266 Gunung Sayang Association, 111 Gurkha Contingent Pipes and Drums, 259 Gurusamy, M. P., 116, 122 Guyue gesheng, see Sounds of Drum and Voice Guzman, Amanda de, 219–20 H H is for Hantu, 180 Hackmayer, Harry, 187 Hadrah and Kompang programme, 102–3 Hady Mirza, 138, 290, 292 Haigh, A. D., 255, 260 Haley, Bill, 267 Halil Chik, 270 Halim Marican, 160 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 300 Singapore Soundscape Hameed, S., 108, 113 Hamelin, Marc-Andre, 231 Han Vo Ta, 51 Handel’s Messiah, 26, 37, 56 Happy Days pub, 167 Happy World Cabaret, 110, 183, 187, 191–2 Happy World Stadium, 80, 110, 113, 118, 129, 157 hardcore, 150 Harmonic Afcionados Society, 51 harmonica, 51 Harmonica Party, 162 Harmonicats, 266 Harmony, 272 Harry’s Bar at Boat Quay, 190 Harvest Festival see Tamil Festival, 118 Hasnah Karan, 111 Hawley’s Italian Opera Company, 49 Hayes, Catherine 25 heavy metal, 150 Hebdige, Dick, 149 Hee, Mavis, 143 Hendrix, Jimi, 131 Herald Trumpeters, 259 Herald’s Choral Society, 58, 65, 67, 68–9, 71 Herald’s Youth Choir, 69 Heritage, 132, 133, 134 Hewitt, Angela, 231 Hill, Norman and Beard, 37 Hindi: bands, 158, 160, 161, 162; movies, 108; songs, 160, 161 Hindu temples, 118, 156, 166 Hindustani songs, 159 hip hop, 292 Hitch, J., 253 HMV, 39, 112 Ho, Chris, 133, 134, 135, 137 Ho, Edward, 47 Ho, X’, see Ho, Chris Ho Chee Kong, 52, 63 Ho Chong Wing, 51 Ho Hwee Long, 255, 258, 260 Ho Minfong, 178 Hock Lee bus riots, 201 Hoermann, Deanna, 243 Hogan, Michael, 258 Hoh, Derrick, 144, 146 Hoh Chung Shih, 52 Hoisington, Agnes, 51 Hoisington, Vincent, 51 Hokkien Clan Association, 254 Hokkien Huay Kuan’s Choir, 72 Hole, W., 27 Hollowell, Arthur Edward, 254 Holly, Buddy, 267 Home Club, 137 Hon Sui Sen, 219, 269 Hong Jun Yang, 144 Hong Kong Arts Festival, 122, 219 Hong Kong Children’s Choir, 209 Hong Kong Chinese Orchestra, 85 Hong Leong Foundation, 73 Hong Shao Xuan, 290 Hooks, 113 Hopkin, Dan, 184 Hot Stompers, 187 House, R. E., 253 Howard, John, 52 Hu Bingxu, 88, 89 Hua Yi Pao, 142 hua yue, see Chinese orchestra Huang Hong Mo, 142 Huang Qing Yuan, 142 Huang Yuan Cheng, 142 Huayi Arts Festival, 90 Hugo, 163 Humble Origin, 132 Humpback Oak, 136, 282 Hungry Ghost Festival, 141 Hussein, Ann, 290 Hussein Sarmu, 187 Hwa Chong Junior College, 92 Hwa Yi Secondary School, 70 Hyder, Malcolm, 269 hymn-singing, 56, 61 I I Am David Sparkle, 137 Iburg, I. C. H., 28 Idris Mohd. Yusok, 259 If There’re Seasons, 174 IGTA, 134 IMG Artists, 90 Impian Batik, 113 Impiety, 137 independent/alternative music, 135–7 Indian: dance, 116, 118, 120; dance-drama productions, 120–1; dance theatre, 264; dramas, 116, 117; flm music, 157–62, 164; flms, 117–18; heavy metal, 168; musical activity, 62; mythological tales, 117; processions, 116; semi-classical music, 116 Indians, 24, 55, 116 Indonesian radio stations, 265 Industrial and Commercial Old Boys Association choir, 67 Institute of Education, 255 Institute of Education and National Junior College Alumni Concert Band, 258 Instrumental Night of the Arts Festival, 51 International A Cappella Festival and Championships, 292 International Clarinet Society Singapore Chapter, 51 International Competition for Chinese Orchestral Composition, 292 International Opera Company of Singapore, 29 International Youth Festival, 93 Internet music downloads, 145, 280 –5 Irsyadee, 292 Iskandar Ismail, 174, 179 Ismail, M., 113 Ismail, R., 111 Ismail Haron, 113 Ismail Kassim, 108 Ismailia International Folklore Festival, 89 Istomin, Eugene, 38 J Jade Quartet, 39 Jansen, Freddie, 271 Jantan, 187 Japanese government, 48 Japanese Occupation, 57, 67, 79, 201–202 Japanese Universiade Festival, 86 Jawi Peranakan Theatrical Company, 104 jazz, 37, 183–92, 267 Jazz at Southbridge, 190 Jeevans, 160, 165 Jefridin, 113 Jek Yuen Thong, 82, 205–6, 210 Jimei Girls’ School performance, 240 Jimmy Lequime Orchestra, 184, 191 Jing Wong, 146 Jinxing Gewu Tuan, see Golden Star Song and Dance Ensemble Jockey Pub, 189 joget, 108, 110 John, Elton, 133 Jones, Betty, 159 Joseph, Irene, 261 Judas Priest, 150 jukeboxes, 206, 268 Julia, 108 Jurong Secondary School Chinese Orchestra Alumni, 93 K Kala Mandir, 121 Kalai Nigalchi, 116 Kalf, Dirk, 38, 201 Kallang Community Centre Youth Orchestra, 122 Kallang Indoor Stadium, 179 Kallang Theatre, 178 Kam Kee Yong, 52, 208 Kamisah, J., 113 Kampong Kembangan Community Club, 110; gamelan orchestra, 105 Kandang Kerbau police division’s string orchestra, 112 Kang Le Music Society, 67, 79, 82 Kantor, Chappie, 201 Karan, 116 Kartini, 110 Kassim Masdor, 108, 113 Kassim Selamat, 113 katak, 120 katakali, 120 Kathakali drama, 116 Katong Park bandstand, 41 Kavingnar Ka Perumal, 159 Kawai, 43 keroncong, 109–10, 264, 265 Kesenian Tarian Kuda Kepang Putra Putri Tunggal Wenang, 105 Kesenian Tedja Timur, 106 Khalsa Association, 162 Khalsa Dharmak Sabha Temple, 120 Khoo, Benjamin, 38, 56, 57, 58, 255 Khoo, Bervlyn, 144 Khoo, George, 201 Khoo, Harry, 48 Khoo Hong Guan, 260 Khor, Christine, 53 Kim Seng Community Centre, 260 Kim Seng Wind Symphony, 260 Kineya Katsumatsu, 223 King, B. B., 131 King Edward VII coronation concert, 31 Kintex Studios, 159, 163 Kirtan Darbar, 120 Kittapa, A., 117 Kleinman, Jean, 185 Knight, 32 Koh, Emily, 52 Koh, Joyce Beetuan, 52, 63 Koh Chieng Mun, 53 Koh Hoon Teck, 111 Kohler, Heinrich, 30 Kok Heng Leun, 174 Kong, Lily, 151–2 Kong Chang Chen, 40 Kool and the Gang, 164, 167 Koong, Serene, 146 Krempl, Feri, 38, 201 Krygsman, Charlie, 187 Ku Lap Man, 86–7 Kuala Lumpur Amateur Radio Society, 265 Kuda Kepang, 105 kugiran, 101, 153 Kumar, 285, 292 kumpulan gitar rancak, see kugiran Kuo Jian Hong, 174 Kuo Pao Kun, 174, 224 Kwan Sai Kheong, 255 Kwei, Nelson, 59, 289 L Lachica, Renaldo, 183, 188, 194 Lachica family, 189 lagu nasib, 109 Lai, Jason, 49 Laila Majnun, 108 Lakshmi, Seetha, 118 Lam, Sandy, 136, 143 Lan Shui, 48 Lansky, Bernard, 289 Lao Jiu, 174, 224 Lao Zhabor, 285 LASALLE College of the Arts, 40, 43, 177; gamelan ensemble, 105 LASALLE Singapore Airlines Theatre, 41 Law, Beat, 143 Lazaroo, Charlie, 183, 218–19, 238 Le Yue Chamber Choir, 70, 71 Led Zeppelin, 150 Lee, Bernard, 52 Lee, Dennis, 230 Lee, Dick, 133–4, 136, 138, 143, 174, 177–8, 179, 224, 272, 285, 289, 290 Lee, Grace, 230 Lee, Hahn, 39 Lee, John, 183, 187 Lee, Terence, 288 Lee Boon Yang, 122 Lee Dai Soh, 268 Lee Foundation, 53, 73 Lee Howe, 67, 69, 70, 71 Lee Howe Choral Society, 58, 67, 69, 71, 204 Lee Hsien Loong, 87–8, 285 Lee Huei Min, 230 Lee Kee Hoi, 51 Lee Khoon Choy, 81, 205 Lee Kuan Yew, 164, 252, 254–5 Lee Kuen Ngian, 208 Lee Kum Sing, 205, 229 Lee Ngo Wah, 70 Lee Pan Hon, 43 Lee Seck Chiang, 255 Lee Shiao Yin, 68 Lee Siow Meng, 215 Lee Soo Bee, Mabel, 42, 51 Lee Tack Fah, 52 Lee Wai Kin, 219, 224 Lee Wei Song, 290 Lee Yuk Chuan, 52, 58, 68, 69, 70, 73, 75, 81, 203 Lee Yuk Chuan String Orchestra, 47 Lei, Tecy, 111 Lena, Ali Aziz, 113 Lenn, Paul, 66 Lent, John, 160 Leong, Hossan, 292 Leong, Samuel, 242, 260 Leong Yoon Pin, 38, 47, 50, 52, 57, 61, 63, 67, 68, 69, 205, 243, 289 Leow Saik Fah, 50 Les Fentones 100 Les Kafla’s, 113 Li, Jeremiah, 52 Li Fei Hui, 142 Li Lie Gang, 52 Li Si Song, 143 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 301 Index Li Wei Song, 143 Li Xueling, 82, 84–5, 93 Li Yeqi, 79 Liang Wern Fook, 141, 142, 143, 174, 175 Lianhe Zaobao, 53 Liao Zhai Rocks!, 174 Libio, Fred, 186 Library@Esplanade, 40 Lido Restaurant, 187 Liedertafel, 26, 28, 56 Liew, Robert, 51, 215 Lilliputian Opera Company, 49 Lily Zubaidah Rahim, 150 Lim, Andrew, 53 Lim, Cerise, 227 Lim, Christopher, 215 Lim, David, 58, 227, 255 Lim, Evelyn, 51 Lim, Jonathan, 179, 180 Lim, Martin, 48 Lim, Terry, 53 Lim Ai Hooi, 59 Lim Heng Tow, 205 Lim Lay Ngoh, 74 Lim Mee Lian, 208 Lim Peng Ann, 53 Lim Siam Kim, 206 Lim Siew Yong, 208 Lim Soon Lee, 47 Lim Tiap Guan, 52, 86 Lim Tiat Seng, 260 Lim Tze Sian harmonica, 51 Lim Yau, 47, 48, 49, 60 Lim Yew Hock, 216, 267 Lim Yi, Benjamin, 52 Lin, JJ, 141, 142 Lin, Vivienne, 179 Lin Ah Leck, 52 Lin Jun Jie, J. J., 290 Lin Yayu, 85 Lin Zhu Jun, 142 Lin Zi Hui, 143, 146 Lincoln Centre Festival, 223 Ling Kim Swee, 208 Ling Xiao, 142 Liok, Grace, 51 Liong Kit Yeng, 52 Liter, Monia, 37, 184 Little Richard, 129, 132 Liu Bin, 52 local Chinese musicians, 45 local music talents, 43–5 Lockard, Craig, 152 Loh Sin Yee, 53 Loke Siew Khuen, 51 London College of Music, 289 long hair: discrimination against, 150 Los Angeles Philharmonic Orchestra, 38 Low, Ken, 178–9 Low Kee Hong, 224, 233 Lui Chun Seng, 68 Luk Hoi Yui, 258, 260 Lum Yan Sing, 89 Lumsden, Alan, 229 Lunarin, 137, 282 Luse, Robert, 51 Lyen, Kenneth, 178, 179 lyricists, 145 lyrics writing classes, 145 M Ma Wen, 84 Macarthur, J. R., 27 Macatangay, Robin, 190 Macau International Music Festival, 90 Macvicar, Neil, 26 Madras Corporation Band, 116 Madrasah Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiah, 292 Magnetic Band, 41, 49 Mahalingam, T. R., 117 Makanplace, 172, 176, 177 Make It Together Quest, 273 Malacca Fiddlers, 26 Malay: bands, 161; flms, 108, 159, 160, 161–2; musicians, 148–53; songs, 108, 269–70 Malay Film Productions, 108, 112, 202 Malay Music Development Committee, 289 Malays, 24, 55, 148–9 Malinger, Dodo, 201 Mammen, John, 161 Mandopop, 283 Mann, Manfred, 131 Manning, 187 Manuel, Peter, 158 Mao Zedong, 57 Maria Bachok, 103, 106, 108 Mariam, S., 102 Mariati Abdul Rahman, 101, 103, 106, 108 Marlowe, Sylvia, 38 Marsiling Community Centre, 165 Martin, Placido, 186 Martin family, 189 Martinez, Billy, 189, 193 Martinez, Harry, 193 Martinus, Paul, 186 Martinus, Vernon, 272 Maru Malarchi, 160–1, 165, 166, 167 Masoni, Vincenti Tito, 25, 29 Mat Rock, 148–53 Mat Tarzan, 100, 110 Maxin’s Nightclub, 130 Mayhem, 151 Md Ysop bin Hj Ahmad, 148 Meaningful Music, 209 media and games industry, 280 Media Development Authority (MDA), 280–1, 285–6 MediaCorp, 138, 144, 273 Medley of Lovers and Fortune’s Frolic, 26 Melo Art Choir, 58, 70, 71, 72, 73 Mendoza family, 189 Merdeka, 112 Merlion Quartet, 39 Merrilads, 192 Merry Cabaret, 188 Meterfeld Music Choir, 73 Methodist Church, 56 Methodist Girls’ School, 247 Metro Philharmonic Society, 37, 50, 57, 61, 67, 68, 69, 71, 73, 74 Meyer, Charles, 130 Meyer, William E., 202 Mialaret, Jean Pierre, 241 military bands, 259–60 Millennial Orchestra, 49 Millennium concert 2000, 89 Min Huifen, 89 Ministry of Culture, 58, 70, 82, 107, 111, 203–11, 227 Ministry of Education (MOE), 58–9, 89, 92, 93, 102, 106, 122, 209, 225–6, 227, 240, 242, 243, 246, 255–7, 289 Ministry of Finance, 205 Ministry of Information and the Arts, 288 Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts, 219, 285, 289 Minjoot, Roy, 265 Minns, F. E., 252 Minns, M. F., 112 Minto Road Community Centre, 101 minus-one shows, 165, 166, 167 missionary school bands, 252 Mitchell, Joni, 133 Mitsuo Nonami, 260 Mobil Singapore, 219 mobile music devices, 281, 283–4 MOE Teachers’ Orchestra, 48 Moey, Desmond, 178, 179 Mohammed Ali Nilavu, 156 Mohd Wan Yet, 103 Mohd. Bagushair, 159 Mohd. Noh, 164 Mohd. Noor Saman, 178 Mohd. Rafee, 157, 159, 160–1, 163, 164, 167–8 Molina, John, 290 Momo Latif, 108, 112 Monster Cat, 282 Monteiro, Claressa, 290 Monteiro, Jeremy, 189, 190, 233, 290 Moo, Eric, 142 Mood, 113 Moody, James, 233 Moore, Donald, 38 Moorthy, Shanthini, 53 Morrando, Kingsley, 271 Morton, Jock, 130 Mosaic Music Festival, 190, 232–3 Moulmein Community Centre, 260 Moulmein Wind Ensemble, 260 Movie News, 158 Moyser, Louis, 38 Mr. Beng, 174 Mui, Anita, 143 Mujum orchestra, 160 Mulchands Departmental Store, 264 Musa Fazal, 176 Mus’Art Wind Orchestra, 258 Music and Drama Company, 133 Music and Dramatic Society, 116 music: competitions, 42, 218–33; education, 42; examinations, 42–3; festivals, 214–34; reporters and reviewers, 53; school programme, 236–49, 289; schools, 28; teachers, 240–1, 242–3, 247 Music Education Singapore, 289 Music Education UK, 289 Music Elective Programme (MEP), 247–8, 289 Music Essentials, 40 Music for Everyone, 208–9 Music of Les Paul, 267 Music Shop Review, 267 Music Space, 41 Music, Song and Dance Ensemble, 79 Musica Viva, 37 musical: comedy, 135; parties, 192; societies, 26 Musical Theatre Live!, 175–6 Musical Theatre Ltd, 180 Musical Theatre Society, 175–6 musicals, 49, 50, 56, 134, 136, 172–80 MusicSG, 289 MySpace, 281, 282 N NAFA Lee Foundation Theatre, 41 Nagraland, 174 Najip Ali, 113, 177, 292 Nan Hua Girls’ School, 204 Nanchiao Alumni Choir, 73 Nantah Alumni Choir, 73 Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts, 43, 93, 289; Chinese orchestra, 93; library, 40; symphonic wind ensemble, 258 Nanyang Fang Shee Association, 85 Nanyang Girls’ Alumni Choir, 73 Nanyang Girls’ High School, 70, 92 Nanyang Khek Community Guild Chorus, 73 Nanyang Polytechnic: symphonic band, 258; wind orchestra, 258 Nanyang Technological Institute Symphonic Band (NTI), 258 Nanyang Technological University Confucius Institute, 145 Nanyang Technological University Symphonic Band, 258 Nanyang University Alumni 1995 Nantah Night Dinner, 71 Nanyang University fund-raising concert, 67, 68 Napalm Death, 134 Narasimha, 168 Nasir P. Ramlee, 101, 102, 103, 108 Nasyid, 292 Nathan, J. P., 233 Nathan, S. R., 290 national anthem, 48,152, 240 National Arts Council (NAC), 42, 53, 73, 122, 172, 209–10, 211, 219, 221, 223, 230, 260, 289 National Cheo Theatre, 223 National Chinese Music Competition, 209, 227, 229 National Day: concert, 90;, 84, 90, 138, 215, 218, 256, 257, 285; Parade theme songs, 289– 90; programmes, 166; rally, 253 National Heritage Board, 211 National Heritage Trail, 227 National Indian Music Competition, 209 National Institute of Education: library, 40; symphonic band, 258 National Junior College band, 257 National Library Board, 211, 289 National Music Competition, 209, 227–30 National Piano and Violin Competition, 209, 227, 228, 229, 230, 289 National Service Association, 202 National Theatre, 41, 92, 113, 131, 132, 204, 205, 207, 221; arts troupe, 82; Chinese orchestra, 81, 82–4, 91; chorus, 70, 82; club choir, 70, 71, 73; symphonic band, 260 National Theatre Trust, 47, 52, 70, 71, 82, 205, 207–9, 260 National University of Singapore, 43, 289; marching band, 258 Naujahan Music Parties, 162 Navarattiri, 156, 166 Nawaz Mirajkar, 176 Neubronner, Errol, 272 New Indian Amateur Orchestra, 117, 123, 156, 164 New Music Ensemble, 49 New Music Forum, 52 New School Rock, 135 New Town Secondary School band, 257 New World Amusement Park 100, 110, 112, 117 New World Cabaret, 183, 186, 191–2 New York Philharmonic Orchestra, 41, 207 Newman, Derrick, 272 Newman, W. G., 202 Newton, Lilian, 23 Newton Bharath, 162 Ng, Dorothy, 42 Ng, Rebecca, 59 Ng Eng Kee, 68 Ng King Kang, 143 Ng Siew Eng, 53 Ng Tai Kong, 85–6 Ng Yi-Sheng, 176, 180 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 302 Singapore Soundscape Ngee Ann Kongsi Library, 40 Ngee Ann Polytechnic Concert Band, 258 NI Inspirations, 292 No Names, 136 Nobutoki Kiyoshi, 202 Noise Singapore, 289 Nona Asiah, 108 Nonoi, Sayzon, 183 Noor Aishah, 104 Norman, Henry, 24 Noryani Sulaiman, 111 Nrityalaya Aesthetics Society, 120, 121 Nunsex, 136 Nur Irsyad, 292 Nyman, Michael, 90 O Observatory, 137 Ocean Butterfies, 142, 145–6 Octmented, 61 Oddfellows, 136 Odeon, 188 odissi, 120 Ofcer, Russell, 261 Oh, Adrian, 178 Oh Lock Chee, 66 Okko Kamu, 48 Oliveiro, Claude, 185, 193 Omar, 160 Omar bin Abu Bakar, 51 Omar Rojik, 103–4, 103 Omniform, 232 One Man Nation, 137 Ong Haw Tee, 187 Ong Keng Sen, 177, 220, 223 Ong Kim Kiat, 254 Ong Pang Boon, 73 Ong Teng Cheong, 172, 209, 210, 290 Ong, Olivia, 146, 290 Ong, Rene, 174 Ooh Tak Cheong, 141 Ooi, Edmund, 179 Ooi, Pamela, 292 Oon, Violet, 208 Oothayha Githam, 165, 166 Opera Yap Chow Tong, 112 operas, 49–50 Opposition Party, 136, 151 Orchard Hotel, 131, 189 Orchard Road Presbyterian Church, 37, 56, 61 Orchestra of Music Makers, 49 orchestras: 19th century, 26–9; 20th century, 45–52 Orkes Aslirama, 110 Orkes Suara Baru, 113 Orkestra Melayu Singapura, 106, 121 Ortega, Richard, 189, 192 Ortega, Valentine, 183, 189 Ortega family, 187 Osman, M., 100, 113 Osman Ahmad, 112 Osman Pateh, 187 Othman Hamzah, 113 Overseas-Chinese Baptist Church, 66 Oxley Quartet, 39 P Pachitan Gamelan Orchestra, 110 Padres, 136 Pagans, 136 Pak Kasur, 111, 204 Pak Malim Osman, 110–11 Palmer, Ken, 56 Pan Jia Li, 144 Pan Xiu Qiong, 142 Pan Ying, 143 Pan-Malayan Broadcasting Department, 267 Pancaragam Al-Waseh Al-Maleh, 113 Pancaragam Aneka, 162 Pancaragam Kampung Glam, 162 Pancaragam Melati Putih, 113, 161 Pancha Sitara, 113 Pandit M. Ramalingam, 159 Pangrawit Anyar Gamelan Ensemble, 106 Panji Semerang, 103–4 pantun, 110 Parafna, Mamerto, 258 Parker, R. A., 257 Parkway Music Centre, 40 Parkway Parade, 223 Pathé Records, 112 Paya Lebar Church Choir, 56 Peabody Conservatory, 289 Peabody Institute of Music, 231 Pears, Peter, 38 Peel, John, 134 Peicai Secondary School music lesson, 244 People’s Action Party (PAP), 149, 237, 267–8 People’s Association (PA), 84, 121, 122; band, 218; Chinese orchestra, 82, 83, 84–6, 91; choir, 70; military band, 260; pop orchestra, 208; youth Chinese orchestra, 121 People’s Variety Shows, see Aneka Ragam Ra’ayat Peralta family, 187 Pest Infested, 131 Pesta Belia, 226 Pesum Padam, 158 Peter, Francissca, 112 Peter Low Choir, 270 Peters, Joseph, 52, 119, 122, 208, 258 Petito, Tony, 174 Phan Ming Yen, 53, 228, 229 Philharmonic Chamber Orchestra, 49 Philharmonic Chorus, 60, 62 Philharmonic Orchestra, 49 Philharmonic Winds, 258 Philippine Youth Orchestra, 209 Philips, 130, 131, 132 Phoon Yew Tien, 52, 63, 69, 85, 89 Phra Rajahvarmthr, 112 Phua Chu Kang, 179 Picket, Philip, 223 Platter Parade, 267 Platters, 113 Png Boon Teck, 258 Poh Choon Ann, 73, 75 Poh Tiong Choon Logistics Ltd, 53 Police Rock Concerts, 210 Pollard, James Joseph, 49 Pong Kar Chau, 66 Pongal Festival, see Tamil Festival, 118 Pookkulittal, 119 Pop Agenda, 292 Pop Inn, 269 Pop Yeh Yeh, 101, 113, 152–3, 162 Presbyterian Church, Orchard Road, 56 Presbyterian Youth Fellowship, 57 President’s Young Performers Concert, 290 Presley, Elvis, 129, 132, 206, 267 Price, Jonathan, 174 Primary School Instrumental Ensemble competition, 46 Prisms, 51 Pro-Arte Chamber Orchestra, 48 Project Superstar, 273 Puah, Benson, 233 Public Service Commission, 205 punk, 134, 150 Puochaotaua, Eugene, 261 Purushothaman, Venka, 233 Pushi Indera Bangsawan, 104 Q Qasim, 107 Qu Chun Quan, 87, 88–9 Qu Xiao Song, 223 Quanxin Zhongxue Yishu Yanjiu Hui, see Singapore Middle School Arts Society Queenstown Community Centre, 164–5, 166 Quek Yong Siu, 52 Quests, 113, 129, 131, 164, 272 R Raden Suparti Raden Emam, 105 radio, 264–75; band competitions, 158; Tamil songs, 159, 161, 163; variety shows, 162–3 Radio Dance Club, 267 Radio Ensemble, 267 Radio Malaya, 266–7, 271; orchestra, 266–7; studio, 39; trio, 267 Radio Orchestra, 267 radio orchestras, 266–7 radio presenters, 53 Radio Roundabout, 266 Radio Sextet, 267 Radio Singapore, 103, 157, 204–5, 209, 267–8; orchestra, 38 Radio Television Singapore, 107, 269 Radio ZHI, 265–6 Rafes, Stamford, 23, 55 Rafes Girls’ Primary School violin players, 242 Rafes Girls’ School, 248, 255; angklung- kulintang ensemble, 111 Rafes Hotel, 36–7, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187; Jubilee Hall, 41 Rafes Institution: band, 254; student orchestra, 45 Rafes Library, 40 raga, 116 Rahimah Rahim, 113, 270, 290 Rahmah Rahmat, 100 Rahman, A., 108 Rahman, A. R., 159, 168 Rahman Onn, A., 113 Rainbow Theatre, 179 Rajamani Francis, 159, Rajaratnam, S., 201, 202–5, 210, 211, 216, 222, 268 Rajullah, 116 Ramachandran, V., 159 Ramalingam, Pandit, 116, 122 Ramasamy, K., 117 Ramayana, 121 Ramdas, 163 Ramlee, P., 113, 152, 153, 160 Ramli Sarip, 153, 290 Ramli Sharif, 190 Ramlie, A., 102, 103, 113 Ravi Shanker, 159, 160, 162, 166–7 Rayman, Walter, 37, 201 Raymond and Errol, 167 Re:mix ensemble, 38 Read, Bert, 266 Ready, Steady, Folk, 272 record: companies, 130; shops, 39–40, 133 recorded music, 39 Redifusion Singapore, 68, 134, 135, 137, 162, 267–8; youth choir, 57, 67, 68 reggae, 134 Remedios, Titus, 201 Remenyi, Ede, 30 Ren Guang, 67 Ren Guangchang, 79 Renaissance City Report, 288 Renton, Frank, 259 Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF) Band, 259 Republic of Singapore Navy (RSN) Band, 259 Republic Polytechnic Wind Symphony, 258 Reyes family, 187 rhythm & blues, 131, 267, 292 Rhythm Masala, 167 Richard, Clif, 113, 129, 162, 268 Ridzwan Salmy bin Mulok, 253, 259 riots, 164–5 Ritchie, George, 255 River Valley High School, 70 Robertson, J. H., 27, 32 Rochester, Marc, 53 rock ‘n’ roll, 129–30, 131, 132, 206, 267, 268, 283 Roge, Pascal, 231 Rolling Stones, 113, 131, 132, 153, 162 ronggeng, 108, 112, 264 Ronly-Riklis, Shalom, 47 Roshni Jeevans, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162 Rosley Samad, 103 Rosyth School, 91 Roxy Disc House, 40 Roxy Music, 133 Roy, Frederick William, 254 Royal Air Force: band, 202; festival of music, 202 Royal Artillery Band, 254, 260 Royal College of Music, 289 Royal Highland Fusiliers Band, 260 Royal Highlanders Band, 260 Royal Malaysia Band, 253 Royal Marines Band (Far East), 254, 260 Royal Music Centre, 40 Royal New Zealand Infantry Regiment Band, 260, 261 Rudra, 151, 168 Rufus, Stephen, 189 Rukmani, 159 Russian Grand Opera, 50 Russian Imperial Light Orchestra Company, 50 Russian Opera Company, 50 Ryf, Cor, 266, 267 Rythmn Boys, 101–2, 113 S S-Pop, 144 S-Pop Hurray!, 144 S2S Music Company, 144 Saedah Samat, 177 Said, Edward, 221, 231 Saint Andrew’s School band, 257 Saint Clair, William Graeme, 36 Saint Gabriel’s School band, 257 Saint Joseph Institution band, 254 Saint Patrick’s School band, 254 Salahuddin, Sultan, 111 Salmah Ahmad, 107 Saloma, 103, 107, 111, 112 Salzmann, Edward, 28, 30, 31, 32 Samra al’ Fan, 160 Sani Singam, 290 Sanisah Huri, 101 Sarangapani, 118, 157, 162 Sathyalingam, S., 121–2 Savage Club, 26 Scamps, 265 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 303 Index Sceneshifters, 57 Schechner, Richard, 281 school: angklung-kulintang ensembles, 111; bands, 255–7; Chinese orchestras, 92; choirs, 58, 70; gamelan ensembles, 106; music programmes, 236–49, 289; orchestras, 48 School of the Arts (SOTA), 122, 289; concert hall, 41 Sea View Hotel, 37 Seagrave, Sterling, 179 Seah Cheong Lock, Terry, 259 Seah Kar Heng, 48 Second Singapore Infantry Brigade (2SIB) Band, 259 See, Charlie, 187 See Ian Ike, 230 Sembawang Community Centre Symphonic Band, 260 Sembawang Music, 39 Serangoon District Boys’ Choir, 57 service bands, 252 Sezairi Sezali, 138 Sha’ari bin Tadin, 208 Shabir, 290 Shadows, 129, 162 Shah Jehan, 160, 162 Shaik Othman bin Sallim, 104 Shalwend Isorath, 153 Shangguan Liuyun, 142 Shanghai International Arts Festival, 90 Sharpley, John, 50, 52, 106 Shaw, Run Run, 111, 112 Shaw Brothers, 107, 108, 110, 159 Shaw Foundation, 219; Symphony Stage, 41 She Stoops to Conquer, 26 Sheikh Haikal, 290, 292 Sheikh Hussein Bakhshir, 111 Sheikh Omar Bakhshir, 111 Shen Bing Guang, 52 Sheng, Bright, 229 Sherwin, Amy, 30 Shi Hou Ji, 268 Shi Xin Hui, 144 Shi Yan Choir, 73 Siglap Community Centre, 260 Siglap Five, 101, 113 Silambu, 116 Sim, Sylvester, 274 Sim Chek Kwang, Joseph, 259 Simon, Jasmin Samat, 177 Sing Music Palace, 40 Sing Sheng Philharmonic Chorus, 58, 70, 71 Sing Singapore, 60, 63, 285 Sing to the Dawn, 174, 178 Singa Nglaras Gamelan Ensemble, 106 Singapore Airlines (SIA) Group Band, 261 Singapore Amateur Musical Society (S.A.M.S.), 26–7, 28–9 Singapore Armed Forces (SAF), 133 Singapore Armed Forces Band, 259 Singapore Armed Forces Central Band, 259 Singapore Armed Forces Men’s Choir, 59; Singapore Armed Forces Music and Drama Company, 209 Singapore Armed Forces Parade Bands, 259 Singapore Armed Forces Reservists’ Association: Chinese orchestra, 86; choir, 71 Singapore Armed Forces Symphonic Wind Band, 259 Singapore Armed Forces Training Institute (SAFTI) Band, 259 Singapore Arts Festival, 49, 90, 121, 210, 214– 24, 229 Singapore Badminton Hall, 113, 131, 132 Singapore Botanic Gardens bandstand, 40, 41 Singapore Broadcasting Corporation (SBC), 81–2, 103, 143, 177; choir, 70, 71, 210; Chinese orchestra, 93 Singapore Chamber Ensemble, 37, 38, 45 Singapore Chamber Ensemble Players, 56 Singapore Chamber Music Festival, 230–1 Singapore Children’s Orchestra, 47 Singapore Chinese Orchestra (SCO), 78, 86–91, 223, 292 Singapore Chronicle, 26, 119 Singapore Classical Guitar Society, 51 Singapore Composers’ Circle, 52 Singapore Conference Hall, 41, 47, 48, 51, 85, 89, 206 Singapore Daily Times, 28–9 Singapore Dance Theatre, 223 Singapore Dikir Barat Federation, 103 Singapore Festival Orchestra, 49 Singapore Free Press, 23, 26–7, 28, 31, 36 Singapore Gramophone Society, 37 Singapore Guard Regiment Society of Musical Friends, 57 Singapore Guitar Festival, 51 Singapore Guitar Quartet, 51 Singapore Harp Festival, 51 Singapore history, 23, 24, 55 Singapore Hit Awards, 143 Singapore Idol, 138, 142, 274, 292 Singapore Indian Artistes Association, 117 Singapore Indian Fine Arts Society, 118, 119–20 Singapore Indian Orchestra, 62, 121; choir, 62, 121 Singapore Indian Students Orchestra, 157 Singapore Indians Music Party (SIMP), 122, 156, 157, 159, 161, 163, 164, 165, 166 Singapore Indians Music Party III, 164, 165, 167, 168 Singapore Indoor Stadium, 89 Singapore Infantry Regiment (SIR) Band, 254, 259 Singapore Institution, 28 Singapore Institution School, 56 Singapore International Chinese Choral Festival, 72 Singapore International Competition for Chinese Orchestral Composition, 90 Singapore International Jazz Festival, 189 Singapore International Piano Festival, 231–2 Singapore International Vocal Competition, 72 Singapore Junior Symphony Orchestra, 47 Singapore Lyric Theatre/Opera, 50, 53; orchestra, 49 Singapore Management University Symphonia, 258 Singapore Men’s Chorus, 292 Singapore Middle School Arts Society, 79 Singapore Military Forces (SMF) Band, 253, 254 Singapore Music Institute, 39 Singapore Music Teachers Association (SMTA), 42 Singapore Musical Society (SMS), 37, 38, 56, 209, 227; orchestra, 266; string quartet, 38 Singapore National Orchestra, 41, 47, 82 Singapore National Youth Orchestra, 121, 227 Singapore Philharmonic Orchestra, 41, 45, 47, 48 Singapore Philharmonic Society, 31–2, 36, 37, 45 Singapore Police Band, 253–4 Singapore Police Force (SPF) Band, 253, 259 Singapore Polytechnic Concert Band, 258 Singapore pop, 134 Singapore Rafes Music College, 43, 289 Singapore Repertory Theatre, 178 Singapore River Hongpao ceremony, 87 Singapore SOKA Association (SSA) Symphonic Band, 261 Singapore Sun Festival, 90 Singapore Symphonia Co Ltd, 51, 53, 231 Singapore Symphony Orchestra, 38, 41, 45, 48, 52, 59, 152, 209, 231, 290 Singapore Teachers’ Academy for the Arts, 289 Singapore Teachers’ Choir, 70 Singapore Teachers’ Military Band (STMB), 255–6 Singapore Vienna Choir, 57 Singapore Wind Symphony, 121 260 Singapore Youth Chinese Orchestra (SYCO), 93 Singapore Youth Choir (SYC), 41, 58 Singapore Youth Festival (SYF), 59, 62–3, 93, 106, 122, 224–7, 229–30, 289 Singapore Youth Orchestra, 47, 53, 228 Singapore-Malaysia Vocal Competition, 72 Singapura Hotel, 187 singing competitions, 138, 144 Sinniah, V., 117 sitar, 120 Sivam, S., 160, 161, 162–3, 164–5, 166 ska, 150 slam-dancing, 150 Sleeq, 292 Small, Christopher, 30 Smith, 188 Smith, Sir Cecil Clementi, 31, 36, 45 Soh, Diana, 52 Soh Kay Cheng, 52, 69 Soh Yen Ching, 70 SOKA New Century Orchestra, 261 Soliano, Alphonso, 185, 192 Soliano, Frisco, 188 Soliano, Gerry, 38, 187, 188, 192, 258, 267 Soliano, Louis, 188, 192 Soliano, Paul, 185, 187 Soliano, Rufno, 188, 192 Soliano family, 187 Som Said, 103, 106, 108 Somerset Bar, 189 Sondheim, Stephen, 174 Song Lovers Choral Society, 67, 73 Sounds of Drum and Voice, 83 South By Southwest, 137 South Indian pop music, 156 South Winds Hotel, 187 South-East Asia Cultural Festival, 205, 210 Southern Arts Society, 73 Southern Cabaret, 187 Soy Kay Cheng, 205 Special Constabulary Band, 259 Spoleto Festival USA, 223 Sri Mahligai, 292 Sri Mariamman Temple, 116, 122 Sri Pemuda Harmonium Parti, 162 Sri Warisan company, 103 Sriwana, 107 St Andrew’s Cathedral, 26, 27, 32, 37, 56 St Clair, 28 St. Joseph Portuguese Mission, 37 St. Nicholas Secondary School, 248 Stages, 180 Stanley’s Opera Company, 49 Star Idol, 273 Stimpl, Joseph, 149 Stokes, Noreen, 38 Stompin’ Ground, 136, 153 Straits Music and Arts Society, 73 Straits Settlement Police Band, 112, 252–3, 265 Straits Times, 27, 31, 53 Straw Trio, 142 Straydogs, 131 string ensembles, 38–9, 47–8 Suara Bahru, 161 Suara Perindu, 101 Suara Ria Singapura 100, 239 Suara Singapore Singers, 57 Suarez, Joyce, 185 Substation, 41, 135 Sudarmaji, S., 108 Sudbin, Yevgeny, 231 Suede, 134 Suhami Subandi, 153 Sullivan, Michael, 215 Sultan Jazz Club, 190 Sun, Stephanie, 141, 290 Super Band, 144 Super Host, 273 Supreme Record Centre, 40 Surin, Max, 290 Susskind, Walter, 38 Swallows, 101, 113 Swami, the Cow and the Spaceman, The, 176 Swee Lee Music, 40, 257 Sweet Charity, 132, 153 Sweet Classics, 40 swing, 267 Swing Singapore, 210 Swiss Club, 186, 191 SYC Ensemble Singers, 292 Synwin Enterprises, 40 Syonan Kokaido Orchestra 37, 201 Syonan Tokubetu-Si Orchestra, 37, 41, 45 T T.M.A. Ltd, 39 tabla, 120, 152 Taipei Traditional Arts Festival, 86, 89 Tairof, Slava, 183, 201 Taj nightclub, 167 Take 5 piano quintet, 39 Takehiro Oura, 258 talent quests, 269, 270–3 Talentime, 113, 142, 143, 269, 270, 272–3 Tamil: bands, 157, 160, 161, 165, 167; language, 122; music parties, 157; plays, 117; records, 159, 163, 164 Tamil Festival, 118, 157, 162 Tamil Methodist Church, 57 Tamils, 118 Tamils Representative Council, 118 Tampines East Community Centre, 292 Tan, Adeline, 179 Tan, Arnold, 255 Tan, Bernard, 52, 209, 224 Tan, Douglas, 38 Tan, Harry, 57 Tan, Jean, 53 Tan, Jocelyn, 51 Tan, Julie, 42 Tan, Katryna, 51 Tan, Kelvin, 290 Tan, Leslie, 231 Tan, Marcia, 53 Tan, Melvyn, 42 Tan, Pamela, 48 Tan, Philip, 52 Tan, Richard, 177 Tan, Royston, 175 Tan, Samuel, 259 Tan, Sebastian, 292 Tan, Selena, 292 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore 304 Singapore Soundscape Tan, Stephen 151 Tan, William, 111 Tan Beng Tian, 174 Tan Chan Boon, 52 Tan Di Ya, 144 Tan Dun, 229 Tan Hwee Hwee, 219 Tan Joo Lai (Julai Tan), 42 Tan Kang Ming, Joshua, 49 Tan Kim Swee, 53 Tan Peng Tow, 48 Tan Peng Tuan, 38, 201 Tan Shzr Ee, 53 Tan Siok Sun, 206 Tan Siong Hock, 243 Tan Soh Hwa, 51 Tan Swie Hian, 90 Tan Sze Wei, Daren, 144 Tan Tuan Hao, 52 Tan Wei Lian, Kelvin, 144 Tang, Kelly, 52, 63, 227 T’ang Quartet, 39, 53, 230, 231 Tang Tee Khoon, 230 Tanglewood, 222 Tanglin Club, 23, 186, 191 Tanglin Secondary School band, 257 Tanjong Katong Girls’ School, 247 Tanjong Katong Secondary School band, 255, 257 Tanjong Pagar Community Club Senior Citizen Choir, 73 Tanjore Band, 116 Taorong Music Association, 79, 80–1 Taorong Ruyue She, see Taorong Music Association, 79 Taufk Batisah, 138, 274, 290 Tay, Terry, 189 Tay Eng Soon, 59, 260 Tay Lee Howe, 58 Tay Lian Teck, 45, 266 Tay Teow Kiat, 82, 93–4 Teachers’ Training College, 50 television, 158–9, 162–3, 265, 269–70, 272–5, 280 Television Singapura, 269 Telok Kurau East School orchestra, 36 Temasek Polytechnic Symphonic Band, 258 Temple of Fine Arts, 120, 121 Temptations, 179 Teng, Maggie, 290 Teng Company, 292 Teo, Adeleine, 51 Teo Chin Huat, 42 Teo Khye Bend, 258 Teutonia Club, 23, 26, 28, 186, 191 Thaipusam, 119, 121, 122 Tham, Jennifer, 59 Tham Ee Lian, 208 Thamizhar Thirunal, 118 Thanaletchumi, S., 159, 163 That CD Shop, 39 Theatre Practice, 174 Theatre Royal, 104 TheatreWorks, 90, 172, 177, 220 Thiagaraja Bhagavathar, 117 Thomson Shin Min Public School performance, 242 Tian Min En, 70 Tien Ming En, 142 Timbre Music Academy, 289 Ting Chu San, Samuel, 52, 58, 67, 68, 69, 70 Titoudao, 224 TNA Records, 159, 163 Tng, Philip, 259 TNT studio, 135 Toh, Christopher, 290 Toh, Lily, 111 Toh Ban Sheng, 59 Toh Chin Chye, 258 Tokyo Square, 134, 135 Tommy, 163 Tongluo Music Society, 66, 79 Tongluo Yinyue Hui, see Tongluo Music Society Top Hat, 292 Toru Yamanaka, 223 Touch Music Publishing, 142, 145 Tower Records, 39 Town Hall, 24–5, 30, 31, 32, 41 Toy Factory Productions, 175 Trinity College of Music examinations, 42 Trinity Theological College, 57 Tryner, John, 45 Tsao Chieh, 51, 52 Tua Peh Kong temple, 78 Tupaz, William, 186, 189 Tupaz family, 189 Turnbull, Mary, 218, 222, 224 Turner, Victor, 217 Turof, Bob, 178 Twist of Fate, A, 174 Twitter, 280, 283 Tze and Looking Glass, 292 U Uma Rajan, 159 Undag, Terry, 190 Unit 4+2+1, 131 United Overseas Bank, 48, 83 United States Seventh Fleet Band, 260 United World College Choir, 59 University Cultural Centre, 41 University Madrigal Singers, 59 University of Singapore Symphony Orchestra, 47, 49 Usha Music and Dramatic Society, 122 V Vadham, Moses, 290 Vaidyanathan, Lalitha, 62, 121 Valentine record shops, 133 van Hien, Gordon, 38, 45, 56 Vasantham Star, 273 Vedic Metal, 151 Veerapan, Balakrishnan, 117 Ventura, Bebop, 183 Ventures, 162 Venus Music Party, 161, 162, 163, 164–5 Verghese, Reggie, 131, 164 Vickery, Lindsay, 52 Victor Celestre Trio, 266 Victor Doggett Music Studios, 42 Victoria Concert Hall, 183, 209, 259 Victoria Junior College Choir, 59 Victoria Memorial Hall, 30, 32, 37, 41, 80, 201, 202, 209, 239 Victoria School band, 254, 257 Victoria Theatre, 24, 30, 32, 51, 100, 103, 104, 117, 166, 177, 202, 218 Vienna Boys Choir, 219 Vigilante Corps Choir, 71 Vimeo, 283 Viva Opera, 50 Vocal Consort, 121 Vocaluptuous, 61, 290 W Wally, 130 Wandly Yazi, 108 Wang, Lucien, 52 Wang, Yuja, 231 Wang Bin, 70 Wang Chen Wei, 52 Wang Jiahe, 79 Wang Jianzhong, 229 Wang Sha, 142 Wang Ya-Hui, 49 Wanshun Company, 79 Wanshun Gongsi, see Wanshun Company Wataboshi Music Festival, 261 Watanabe Makoto, 37, 201 Watchmen, 136 Waterloo Street bandstand, 41 Watson, Eric James, 52, 106 wayang, 201, 264 WEA Records, 134 Wee, C. J. W.L., 219 Wee, Horace, 102, 104, 188 Wee Bee Hoon, 73 Wee Choon Seng, 254 Wei, Tonni, 259 Wesley Methodist Church, 57, 61 West Coast Community Centre, 165 West Wind, 260 Western: choral music, 55; classical music, 36– 41, 152; music, 48; musicals, 172 Westin Hotel, 191 Westminster Choir, 38 Whampoa Community Club, 89 Whampoa High School, 70 Willard Opera Company, 36, 49 wind bands, 116, 252–61 WOMAD (World of Music, Arts and Dance) Festival, 122 Women’s Police Pipes and Drums, 259 Wong, Ming, 178 Wong, Sean, 176 Wong Kah Chun, 52 Woo Mun Ngan, 53 World Trade Centre Amphitheatre, 135, 174, 177 Worlds concerts, 217 Wright, R. J., 257 Wu Baoxing, 83 Wu Jia Ming, 290 Wu Jiabi, 93 Wu Shiming, 92, 93 Wu Shunchu, 93 Wu Xi, 174 Wuhan Chorus, 66 X X’periments, 163 Xia Feiyun, 89 Xiao Han, 145, 174 Xing Hai Arts Society, 70 xinyao, 71, 142–3, 146, 174, 175 Xiong Li Li, 142 Xu Huan Liang, 142, 145, 146 Xu Li Fang, 85 Y Yamaha Music, 40, 43, 51, 257, 260 Yan, Peter, 259 Yan, Stephen, 178 Yan Li Ming, 143 Yan Yin Wing, 49 Yang, Clement, 176, 180 Yang Qian, 174 Ye, Jimmy, 143, 175, 290 Ye Feng, 142 Ye Pei Fen, 142 Ye Qing, 142 Yeh, Tsung, 90 yellow culture, 268 Yellow Music, 57 Yeo, Benjamin, 52 Yeo, Elaine, 51 Yeo, Robert, 50 Yeo Siew Wee, 85 Yet, 187 Yeung Ching Primary School band, 254 Yew Hong Jen, 51 Ying Hua, 142 Yinyue Gewu Tuan, see Music, Song and Dance Ensemble, 79 Yip, Dawn, 290 Yip Yuan Kit, 48 YMCA, 57 Yock Eng High School, 70 Yong, Emma, 292 Yong Phew Kheng, 85 Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music, 40, 41, 43, 49, 152, 231, 289 Yong Yuk Cheun, 66 Yoshinao Osawa, 47, 48 Young, Neil, 133 Young Lovers, 113 Young Musicians’ Society, 46, 49, 51, 58, 93, 218, 219, 227 Young Musicians’ Society Arts Centre, 41 Young People’s Orchestra, 47 Young Voices, 71 Youth Festival Music and Dance, 221 YouTube, 281, 282, 283–5 Yu Chun Chao, 48, 50 Yu Gu Music and Theatre, 268 Yuan Peiying, 52 Yue Lei, 142 Yusnor Ef, 113, 160, 162 Yusof B., 112 Yuying School Alumni Choir, 73 Yuyu Music Association, 79 Yuyu Ruyue She, see Yuyu Music Association, 79 Z Zai Kuning, 137–8 Zain Mahmood, 205 zapin, 111 Zarak, 113 Zee, Tony, 190 Zhang Xian, 174 Zhang Xiao Ying, 142 Zhang Zhengquan, 82 Zheng Sisen, 82, 93 Zheng Zhan Lun, 143 Zhonghua Alumni Choir, 73 Zhou Bixia, 85 Zhuang Xue Fang, 142 Ziquan Music Society, 93 Zircon Lounge, 134 Zouk, 136 Zubillaga-Pow, Jun, 52 Zubir Said, 108, 111, 112, 152, 153, 240 All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore Singapore Soundscape: Musical Renaissance of a Global City is a comprehensive cultural history of traditional and popular music in the cosmopolitan city-state. Musical activities in Singapore have been part of everyday life since the middle of the 19th century. Immigrant labour through the decades has brought along with it a potpourri of new cultures and customs, transforming the island’s musical arts into a vibrant soundscape. From high-browed Western classical symphony to the raucous street opera of Chinese wayang, Singapore gradually became filled with the exotic sounds from myriad lands. The nation’s musical cultures evolved alongside larger political and economic change and became more diverse after its independence in 1965. Written by a team of 19 writers, all experts in their fields, Singapore Soundscape tells the remarkable story of Singapore music and all its genres in broad brushstrokes. Interspersed with anecdotes and recollections, this book is a significant and welcome contribution to the history of music in Singapore. At long last, here is a compact but comprehensive history of the Singapore musical scene… From the British Colonial era, through years of independence and nation building to the present... These have been fastidiously covered by a distinguished local panel of scholars, academics and most vitally, artists and practitioners. Dr. Chang Tou Liang Music Reviewer, The Straits Times An evocative and inclusive musical history of Singapore’s cosmopolitan and diverse communites, Singapore Soundscape exposes readers to the main classical, folk, popular and institutionalised genres and brings to life discourses about musical change and interaction resulting from transformations in society and media technology… This book represents the most wide-ranging reference work on Singapore’s musical cultures written from local perspectives. Prof. Tan Sooi Beng Department of Music School of the Arts Universiti Sains Malaysia The personalities and topics in this book cover the classical, artistic, traditional, modern and popular. From the 1930s to the present, the essays illustrate the musical contributions of this generation, as well as their influence on society and national culture. This… book is worthy to be read and referenced. Lee Yuk Chuan President of Choral Association and Musicians Society of Singapore Honorary President of Composers Society Musical Renaissance of a Global City Edited by JUN ZUBILLAGA-POW & HO CHEE KONG SINGAPORE SOUNDSCAPE ISBN: 978-981-07-9268-8 9 789810 792688 S I N G A P O R E S O U N D S C A P E : M u s i c a l R e n a i s s a n c e o f a G l o b a l C i t y All Rights Reserved, National Library Board, Singapore