The Romanians and the Turkic Nomads - Victor Spinei.326-379.pdf

CHAPTER FOURCONTACTS AND INTERACTIONS BETWEEN ROMANIANS AND TURKIC NOMADS The medieval ethnic and political structures in the Lower Danube area have attracted the attention of many specialists during the last few decades. Nonetheles, many aspects have remained unclarified or controversial. Unfortunately, certain conclusions have been coloured by nationalistic concerns and, although obviously biased, have spread widely. Consequently, replies to the point are necessary. Such things have been discussed elsewhere, but it is worth re-iterating the terms of the discussion, since, as Goethe put it, “it is necessary that truth be repeated again and again, because the error is advocated and propagated again and again, not only by one or another, but by very many people” (Und denn, man muss das Wahre immer wiederholen, weil auch der Irrtum um uns her immer wieder geprediget wird, und zwar nicht von einzelnen, sondern von der Masse).1 As a consequence of the fact that tribes of pastoralists from the Eurasian steppe lands took over the region north of the Danube Delta, the local population came into direct and lasting contact with the Turkic nomads Such contacts lasted several centuries. The Turkic communities that came to control the east-Carpathian area were heterogeneous, and consisted mainly of Pecheneg and Cuman tribes, although the Uzes, the Brodniks, and perhaps the Berendei must also be taken into consideration. The first Pecheneg incursion into the Lower Danube region, which is known from the sources, took place in 896, when the Pechenges drove away the Hungarians from Atelkuzu / Etelkuzu. Their occupation of the Bugeac and the Bărăgan appears to have been gradual, and they were followed by the Uzes, the Cumans and the Brodniks. The great Mongol invasion of 1236–1242 interrupted the independent development of the Turkic tribes in the region north of the Black and Caspian seas. Those who were not killed or did not flee to neighboring countries 1 Goethes Gespräche mit Eckermann, ed. F. Deibel (Leipzig, sine anno), p. 430. 308 chapter four had to accept the hegemony of the Golden Horde. As they were in close proximity to regions that could offer shelter, most Turkic nomads from the lowlands by the Danube departed. They were quickly replaced by others, a phenomenon clearly confirmed by archaeology. Following the Mongol take-over in eastern Europe, there is an obvious increase in the number of burial assemblages attributed to the nomads between the Volga and the Dniester. Some have explained this increase in terms of populations movements along the river Ros, especially of the Black Caps (черные клобуки). Their migration must have taken place with the accord or even at the initiative of the Golden Horde rulers. A few burial assemblages in the Bugeac (Novokamenka and Trapovca), which have analogies on the Ros, may also be attributed to such movements of populations. The available archaeological evidence strongly suggests that the Turkic nomads who lived between the Danube and the Dniester in the aftermath of the Mongol invasion, were newcomers to the region.2 It is even possible that some of the Cumans who fled in 1282 from Hungary to the regions controlled by the Mongols3 chose to settle temporarily in the steppe lands north of the Danube. There is therefore sufficient evidence to advance the idea that in the Bugeac, much like in the rest of Desht-i Qipchaq, a Turkic-Mongol symbiosis was on its way during the second half of the thirteenth century. In fact, artifacts of nomadic origin have been found in the fourteenth-century occupation layer at Orheiul Vechi (now Trebujeni, Orhei county, Republic of Moldova), a town founded by the rulers of the Golden Horde.4 The Mongols maintained their positions of power in south-eastern Moldavia until ca. 1370,5 and it is likely that the Turkic nomads under the rule of the Horde (i.e., without any independence of their own) remained in the Bugeac until that date. However, Robert 2 Fedorov-Davydov, Kochevniki, p. 152; A. O. Dobroliubskii, “Этнический состав кочевого населения Северо-Западного Причерноморья в золотоордынское время,” in Памятники римского и средневекового времени в Северо-Западном Причерноморье (Kiev, 1982), pp. 30–34; idem, “Черные клобуки в Поднестровье и Побужье,” in Древности степного Причерноморья и Крыма, I, eds. G. N. Toshchev, G. I. Shakhrov, G. I. Shapovalov (Zaporozh’e, 1990), pp. 153–159. 3 Chronici Hungarici composito saeculi XIV, ed. A. Domanovszki, in SRH, I, pp. 471–472; Chronicon Posoniense, ed. A. Domanovszki, in SRH, II, p. 44; CPict, pp. 97–98 and 221; Chronicon Hungarorum Posoniense Maius (Chronica Regni Hungariae), in Analecta monumentorum Hungariae historicorum literariorum maximum inedita, ed. F. Toldy (Pesthini, 1862), p. 56. 4 E. N. Abyzova, P. P. Bârnea, “Исследования в Старом Орхее в 1979–1980 гг.,” in AIM v 1979–1980 gg. (1983), p. 55. 5 Spinei, Moldova, pp. 326–327. contacts and interactions 309 Roesler’s idea of Cumans, either still pagan or converted to Islam, remaining in Moldavia until 14106 is not supported by any historical source, but has uncritically been adopted by other historians as well.7 The available evidence thus shows that the political status of the Turkic nomads in southern Moldavia changed at least between ca. 900 and ca. 1350. Regardless of such changes, the newcomers were always in direct contact to the Romanians, since they occupied the lowlands previously inhabited by them. The Turkic-Romanian contacts withered after 1241–1242, most likely because the Mongols eliminated any political independence of the Turkic nomads. An examination of the areas occupied by the two communities may illuminate the details of the problem. Most scholars dealing with the presence of the nomads in the east-Carpathian region have attempted to delineate their area of direct control along a west-east, invisible boundary. Many still believe that the nomads ruled everything all the way to the Trotu ,8 Oituz and Bârlad rivers,9 to Hârlău,10 or even Bucovina, and that they took their herds to the Carpathian Mountains during the summer.11 However, the distribution of burial assemblages that can be associated with the presence of the Turkic populations shows a clear concentration of the nomadic population in the lowlands of southern Moldavia. When moving northwards into central and northern Moldavia, they did so only seasonally and along the major rivers in the region, the Dniester, the Prut, and their tributaries: the Răut, the Botna, the Jijia, etc. (Fig. 4). Given that among burial assemblages in northern and central Moldavia, which could be attributed to the Turkic nomads, the majority appear to be Cuman (Corjova, Hâncău≥i, Holboca, Ivanovca, 6 R. Roesler, Romänische Studien. Untersuchungen zur älteren Geschichte Romäniens (Leipzig, 1871), p. 334. 7 G. Kuun, Codex Cumanicus bibliothecae ad templum divi Marci Venetiarum (Budapest, 1880), p. LXXXVI; J. Marquart, “Über das Volkstum der Komanen,” in W. Bang and J. Marquart, “Osttürkische Dialektstudien,” Abhandlungen der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, NF, 13 (1914), no. 1, p. 33; S. Balić, “Der Islam im mittelalterlichen Ungarn,” Südost-Forschungen 23 (1964), pp. 23 and 33. 8 C. S. Mironescu, “Hotarul între Moldova i Muntenia,” Anuar de geografie i antropogeografie 2 (1910–1911), p. 93. 9 A. Sacerdo≥eanu, “Guillaume de Rubrouck et les Roumains au milieu du XIIIe siècle,” Mélanges de l’École roumaine en France 2 (1929), p. 239. 10 C. C. Giurescu, Tîrguri sau ora e i cetă≥i moldovene din secolul al X-lea pînă la mijlocul secolului al XVI-lea (Bucharest, 1967), p. 32. 11 D. Rassovsky, “Половцы, III. Пределы ‘Поля Половецкаго’,” SK 10 (1938), p. 160. 310 chapter four Frumu ica, Pârte tii de Jos, and Seli te), it is likely that their expansion into the region took place especially before the Mongol invasion. Unlike the nomads, who preferred the lowlands and the everglades rich in grass, the settlements of the Romanian population may be found everywhere in the landscape of Moldavia, with the only exception of the mountain tops (Figs. 2–3). The latter was visited only periodically by shepherds and hunters. The old idea that Romanians were a mountain population, when not motivated by nationalistic views, may have been based on the undeniable fact that the Balkan Vlachs are indeed a mountain population. Moreover, several ancient historians regarded the Dacians as mountaineers. L. Annaeus Florus even claimed that the Dacians clung to the mountains (Daci montibus inhaerent).12 In reality, as archaeology has meanwhile demonstrated, Florus’ claim is just as exclusive as the above-mentioned opinion concerning Romanians. The densely forested highlands, especially the mountains, with a landscape, climate, and flora considerably different from those of the lowlands, were ill-suited for animal husbandry, especially for raising horses. The landscape of the highlands of the eastern Carpathians is therefore unfriendly to nomadic horsemen, who instead preferred the lowlands and the everglades. The zone of contact between natives and nomads did not remain the same over the 350 years of Turkic presence in the steppe lands north of the Danube Delta. The Pecheneg communities established between the late ninth and the late eleventh century in the Bugeac and the Bărăgan do not seem to have been too numerous, and, as a consequence, native settlements continued to exist in that region.13 Romanians began to withdraw from the low- into the forested highlands only when the number of nomads in the Lower Danube region began to increase. By the mid-eleventh century, most settlements of the Dridu culture in the lowlands had been abandoned. The majority of the population in the contact zone between low- and highlands, and even in some hilly regions of southern Moldavia, had moved out completely by the late twelfth century. Such radical changes in the demographic structure of FHDR, I, pp. 524–525 (Florus). I. Nestor, “Formarea poporului român,” in Istoria poporului român, ed. A. O≥etea (Bucharest, 1970), p. 111; Diaconu, Petchénègues, pp. 22–24; M. Sâmpetru, “Le région du Bas-Danube au Xe siècle de notre ère,” Dacia, NS, 18 (1974), pp. 254–262; E. Corbu, Sudul României în evul mediu timpuriu (secolele VIII–XI). Repere arheologice (Brăila, 2006), pp. 10–45 and 122–212. 12 13 contacts and interactions 311 the region were caused primarily by the incursions of the nomads, who in turn looked for an expansion of their pasture lands. The migration of the Pechenegs, the Cumans and the other Turkic groups created a climate of uncertainty for farmers and their families, who preferred to move away from the lands now controlled by the nomads. * * * The peculiar aspects of the Romanian-Turkic contacts are best illustrated by medieval place names and onomastics, as well as by old Turkic loans in Romanian. For decades, studies dedicated to this problem were based only on a number of acceptable, yet imprecise observations, a situation which Nicolae Iorga aptly defined as “new plaster over old walls” (tencuială nouă peste ziduri vechi).14 Ever since the nineteenth century, scholars have associated various ethnic names of Turkic origin with personal or place names in Romania, Russia, Ukraine, Hungary, Bulgaria, Serbia, Croatia, and Poland. The east-Carpathian area figures prominently among the regions with a significant number of place names of Turkic origin. Most of them appear to be of Cuman: Coman, Comănel, Comăne ti,15 and the like. The Uz and the Oituz,16 both tributaries of the Trotu river, as well as the Huzun,17 a tributary of the Prut, have been associated with Uzes. Similarly, the name of the village Berinde ti has been associated with the Berendei,18 that of the villae Borodniceni with the Brodniks,19 and N. Iorga, Cugetări, ed. B. Theodorescu (Bucharest, sine anno), p. 260. I. Gherghel, “Cercetări privitoare la istoria comanilor, II,” Revista Tinerimea română, SN, 3 (1899), p. 390; O. Densusianu, Histoire de la langue roumaine. I—Les origines; II—Le seizième siècle, ed. V. Rusu (Bucharest, 1997), p. 355; G. Poboran, “Cumanii-Comani,” Arhivele Olteniei 2 (1923), no. 5, p. 17; N. Drăganu, Românii în veacurile IX–XIV pe baza toponimiei i a onomasticii (Bucharest, 1933), p. 530; I. Iordan, Toponimia românească (Bucharest, 1963), pp. 269–270; H. F. Wendt, Die türkische Elemente im Rumänischen (Berlin, 1960), p. 172; L. Keller, “Qïpčaq, kuman, kun. Megjegyzések a polovecek önelnevezéséhez”, in Nomád népvándorlások, magyar honfoglalás, eds S. Felföldi, B. Sinkovics (Budapest, 2001), p. 143. 16 A. D. Xenopol, Une énigme historique. Les Roumains au Moyen Age (Paris, 1885), p. 149; C. Nec ulescu, “Năvălirea uzilor prin ˘ările Române în Imperiul bizantin,” RIR 9 (1939), p. 204; L. Rásonyi, Hidak a Dunán. A régi török népek a Dunánál (Budapest, 1981), pp. 93 and 99; M. A. Ekrem, Din istoria turcilor dobrogeni (Bucharest, 1994), p. 17. 17 I. Conea and I. Donat, “Contribution à l’étude de la toponymie petchénèguecomane de la Plaine Roumaine du Bas-Danube,” in Contributions onomastiques publiées à l’occasion du VIe Congrès international des sciences onomastiques à Munich du 24 au 28 août 1958, eds. I. Iordan, E. Petrovici, M. Sala (Bucharest, 1958), p. 158 with n. 1. 18 L. Rásonyi Nagy, “Der Volksname Берендей,” SK 6 (1933), p. 219. 19 M. Costăchescu, Documente moldovene ti de la tefan cel Mare (Ia i, 1933), p. 96. 14 15 42. 1. “Havaselve és Moldva népei a X–XII. 63 and 327. 25 Călători. Al.” RIR 1 (1931). 33. both place names have a very different. the name of a deserted village on the right bank of the river Siret. p. 23. Quirini). with the Pechenegs. two place names in northern and central Moldavia. Gheorghian. 1984). 2. 154. Capro u (Ia i. G. D. 1923). if less illustrious. Dragnev. 378. ed. 1889). However. Vitencu. 4: D. t. M. numerous place names have been associated with them.312 chapter four the place name Picegani. II. 24 T. Moldovanu (Ia i. 3. 1464–1740. 155–163. V. and 247–248. 728.A. Tezaurul toponimic al României. Philippide. Ghibănescu. Unită≥i simple (Localită≥i i mo ii). no. near Bârlad. I. p. Ia i county). II (1907). Nichitici. XVI. pp. pp. Uz and Oituz. M. V. 331. also lists Bă eni and Be ine ti. origin and nothing to do with the Pechenegs. L. Giurescu. first recorded in 1507. I. another deserted village on the Siret. IV. D. Gh. v. pp. p. Sovetov.25 Berindie ti. 1929). XXII. on the right bank of the river Suceava. p. 76. Vasilescu. 4. Regleanu. as well as Huzun and the Uzes. I. Nume de persoane i nume de locuri române ti (Bucharest. no. III. 1983). 1978). DRH.23 Equally Turkic is the are the names of Berindee ti. XVII. V (1908). p. 2005). Moldova în epoca feudalismului / Молдавия в эпоху феодализма.” Ethnographia népélet 46 (1935). 24. 251–252. II. 92. C. Toponimia Moldovei în cartografia europeană veche (cca 1395–1789) (Ia i. pp. Papadopul Calimach. Drăganu. pp.A. 9. II. and 501. eds. eds. Catalog de documente 1393–1849. Miron. 241. nos. p. Pătru≥. Moldovanu. Gh. 132. A-O. pp. L. which actually are not of Pecheneg origin.22 Equally doubtful are by now the associations between Borodniceni and the Brodniks. 235–236. near Heci (Lespezi commune. V. a deserted village on the 20 Al. nos. pp.A. Noti≥ă istorică despre Bârlad (Bârlad. DIR. 2005). I. V. M. Moldova. P. of an authentically Turkic origin is Berinde ti. 15. first recorded in 1597. 1991). 10–11. 22 Al. Picegani and the Pechenegs. eds. ed. pp. By contrast.A. VII. 4–7 and 23–27. pp. A. p. a deserted village at the mouth of Costâna (Suceava county). Din tezaurul documentar sucevean. nos. “O nouă sinteză a trecutului nostru. Românii. besenyö (Bessi. 40–42. 48. no. 192–193. Repertoriul istoric al unită≥ilor administrativ-teritoriale. 27–28. V. 269–270. I. C. IV. Originea românilor. I (Ia i. Berinde ti). Irimescu. 40 and 95. and 282. századbán. N. pp. which is first mentioned in the written sources in 1453. Irimescu (Bucharest. as deriving from the Hungarian word for Pecheneg. Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti din Arhiva Istorică Centrală a Statului. VI (Bucharest. 23 DRH. Documente bucovinene.21 Some have meanwhile raised doubts about any possible relation between the names of the two rivers. Tezaurul toponimic al României. Bălan. 364–370. v. Moldova.24 Berindee ti (Berendie ti. Surete i izvoade (Ia i). p. 1–4. I. 1. co-ord. Cherepnin (Kishinev. II. pp.20 Primarily because of a general tendency among historians to exaggerate the role of the Pechenegs in the political and military developments of the Romanian lands outside the Carpathian Mountains. Documente moldovene ti din Bucovina (offprint from Anuarul LIV al “Liceului Real Ortodox” din Cernău≥i) (Cernău≥i. 21 G. 510 with n. DIR. XXI (1929). Bisseni in Latin). I. p. 42 (B. Svetlichnaia. 1772–1988. 103 and 1092. Ceau u. Lükö. . near Săbăoani (Neam≥ county). 52 and 78. See also no. S. and the Uzes. 1942). 623. Neam≥ county). I. pp. 1. 116. 1999). 2004). 259. V. I. G. 232. 2006). I. 50–60. nos. 31 Tezaurul. I. 27 Tezaurul. V. 766. pp. Tezaurul. I. deserted in the 1700s. Catalog de documente din Arhivele Statului Ia i. near Tătăru i (Ia i county). XVI. no. Tezaurul. Bacău county). Stoica. recorded in 1497. first mentioned in the nineteenth century. 133–134.. a tributary of the Bârlad. Tezaurul.A. 1959). XXV. File de istorie.A. pp. 328. mentioned in 1404. G. near Bătrâne ti (Icu e ti commune. Colec≥ia de documente de la Filiala Arhivelor Statului. 2002). 28 DRH. 326–331. I. ed. L. 309–310.contacts and interactions 313 Vaslui. 1. DIR. 65. 120–121. 759. Dic≥ionarul istoric. DIR. Zaharia (Bucharest. V. 266. in the Tazlău valley. p. v.30 Comanul. near the village of Lunge ti (Gala≥i county).A. a hamlet included in Arbore (Suceava county).A. pp. 232. Dic≥ionarul istoric al localită≥ilor trotu ene (One ti. p. I. 29 DRH. 76. v. C. I. p. 1986). 14. 572–573. Documente bârlădene. and 978. Pilat. p. 20. 1476 and 1659. 203. mentioned in 1398 and 1404. Brătianu. Capro u. I. M. Isac (Bucharest. 32 I. Catalog de documente . co-ord. 331. G. Ciubotaru. 1. Suceava. Gh. 221. 1989).29 Comanul.A. Bacău county). 54. a deserted village on the Crasna. 18. nos. p. 33 DRH. 414. 66. 332. near Micle ti (Vaslui county). ed. Surete. 25). XXIV. Documente privitoare la istoria ora ului Ia i. 202. 1998). eds. I.t. 502–503. 1 (see above. 1332–1850. a place name in Bode ti. a village on the Turlui. IV (Bârlad. 169–170. 93. pp. Satele din parohia Săbăoani (secolele XVII–XVIII) (Bacău. 1989). first mentioned in 1618. I. XVII. 498. Stoica. Din tezaurul arhivistic vasluian. situated on the Jeravă≥ creek. C. DRH. an estate and subsequently (in the 1800s) a village. Comunită≥i tăcute. a village on the Rebricea. 145–146. no. on the left of the river Tazlău. 1398–1595.A. 34 DRH. p. 170. pp. Comanul. I. which is mentioned in charters dated to 1409. I. 2–3. 24). 266. 26 DIR. Valea Trotu ului. I. 38–39. III.26 Berinde ti. Antonovici. nos. 1939). 63. Moldova.33 Comăne ti (Comănial). II (see above. II. idem. Documentele mănăstirii Văratec (Chi inău. I. nos.27 Coman (Comana). no. I. p. 1. Bulat. G. 30 Gh. Istrate. Ceau u. nos. Tezaurul. and 177–182. pp. jude≥ul Bacău. an estate and hamlet. 1. no. IV. p. p. no. Tocilescu. 1388–1918. pp. 19. no. Irimescu (Bucharest. on the Coman creek. nos. idem (C. 767. Comăne ti). p. eds.31 Comăna (Comana. Toponimia Moldovei în documente scrise în limbi străine (exclusiv slavona). 1899). XXI. Valea Trotu ului. Bacău county). Catalog. no. a left-bank tributary of the Siret. Cojocaru. T. 104. Gh.A. XVIII. a hill in Tescani (Bere ti-Tazlău commune. n. Bacău county). I. attested in 1676. a mountain peak next to Schitu Frumoasa (Balcani commune. 418. 153. 76. no. Tezaurul toponimic al României. I. 92–93.A. Lahovari. v. Capro u and P. pp. Stoica). Miron. II (Bucharest. Moldova. 124–127. p. Duca (Bucharest. Zahariuc (Ia i. 419. I. M. n. 3.28 Coman (Sănduleni commune. D. 6. the territory of which is now incorporated into Gâ teni (Răcăciuni commune. Acte interne (1408–1660). Enciclopedie (One ti. Marele dic≥ionar geografic al României. Moldovanu (Ia i. 24. 1924). Ghibănescu. Gr.34 Comăne ti (Cavadine ti and D. eds. 1400–1864. XVI.32 Comănău≥i. Documente privitoare la istoria ora ului. II. ed. 1911). 35 DRH. I. 3. co-ord. 189 and 192. p. nos. p. Suceava county). ed. Tomescu. Th. Toponimie i continuitate în Moldova de Nord (Ia i. I. v.. SN. Crăciun. pp. Studiu de istorie socială. 216–217. Ciubotaru. pp. p. a village that merged with Suharău in 1968 (Boto ani county)—on the Ba eu—first mentioned in 1613. idem. pp. 1. pp. III. 1886). p. 29. 151. 1751–1774. Ciubotaru. 35). p. no. I. no. pp. Capro u (Ia i. 69. Dan. Toponimia minoră a Bucovinei. “Un sat dispărut: Comăne ti pe Rebricea. VIII (Ia i. v. 91. p. no. pp. 1103. pp.A. II (see above. 70. I. Capro u (Ia i.314 chapter four commune. 335. Dragnev. Documente bucovinene. I. Tezaurul.” p. IX). XVII. 381–382. in Uricarul. Inventar de documente. 1914). I. Onomastică (Ia i. VIII (Ia i. 144. Domeniul mănăstirilor din Bucovina în secolele XIV–XVIII. eds. Ceau u. N. I. I. XXVI. a tributary of the river Solone≥. D. XVII.-I. 1. no. no. 4 (see above. p. VII (Ia i. 2005). 428–429. G. idem. V. no. the village is now ˘igăne ti on Sărata rivulet. 466. 42. “Toponimia bazinului hidrografic Rebricea ( jud. 431–432. first recorded in 1459. 9. p. ed.” AIIA 29 (1992).A. 532–533. N. Din tezaurul documentar (see above. 35. nos. 36 DIR. 129. pp. Căr≥i domne ti i zapise (Moldova în epoca feudalismului.” CIs. 87. a deserted village in the former county (≥inut) of Vaslui. p. 12–13 (1981–1982). XVI. 1934). p. Chelcu (Ia i. D. Documente interne (Bucharest. a deserted village near Bol≥un (Ungheni county.A. near Fere ti (Vaslui county). Vaslui). C. Iorga. Svetlicinâi. 57. 213.35 Comăne ti. DIR.36 Comăne ti. 283. v. 539–540. VII. T. Studii i documente cu privire la istoria românilor. pp.A. III. ed. 135. 4. Republic of Moldova). Familia Onciul. Gr. 2007). 1939). 37 DIR. pp. Acte interne (1741–1755). pp. 267. 11–12. p. n. p. 2004). p. II (Cernău≥i. IV (Cernău≥i. 4 and 57–58. Ciubotaru. Popescu-Sireteanu (Rădău≥i. Documente privitoare la istoria ora ului Ia i. V. 196. 233–239. a village on the Horincea. 1927). Bociarov. 268. pp. I. nos. IV. 163. 24). I. no. XXI. 58. ed. Surete i izvoade. v. p. 169. 39. 2006). 25). no. Tezaurul. I. 29. Gh. Condica Abe≥edară (see above. 233–234. 106 and 161. 62. Grămadă.A. no. 352. 1986). 925. 24). C. n. no. Documente bucovinene. p.A. p. p. Gr. frequently mentioned beginning with 1601. Capro u (Ia i.” pp. no. 87–88. Din tezaurul documentar. v. XVI. 205–206. ed. M. I. at the mouth of Lăpu ni≥a. n. Dragnev (Chi inău. I. . Tezaurul. p. Gr. p. Bălan. “ tiri catagrafice din Biserica Moldovei în 1809. 83–84 and 119. Găne≥. 1. N. 67 G. 357. pp.A. XXIV. I. mentioned in a document of 1598. 490. 1886). 510. XXIV. V. Documente privitoare la istoria ˘ării Moldovei în secolul al XVIII-lea. pp.” AIIA 19 (1982). pp. n. 802. I. on the Lăpu na. and 1178. I. “Sate răză e ti în Moldova la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea. 540. eds. p. p.39 Comăne ti (Bacău (1399–1877). 1464–1740. 206–208.A. 1. Cronica liuzilor pe 1803. eds. a village situated on the Hotari. 68 A-L. Codrescu. IX (1800–1899). According to N. 38 DIR. IV. no.” Arhivele Basarabiei 3 (1931). 114. 2003). Tezaurul. 300. 35). Capro u (Ia i. VIII (1741–1799). Cronica liuzilor pe 1803 (see above. 1996). 2006). Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti. Ghibănescu. 251. Bălan. XVIII.t. IV. DRH. n. XVI. Comuna Vulture ti. Studiu i documente (Cernău≥i. pp. 268.38 Comăne ti. V (Cernău≥i. Ia i—jud. Gârnea≥ă (Bucharest. p. 1980). N. Perspectivă istorică (II). 115. pp. T. 590–591. recorded for the first time in 1546. I. in Uricarul. 2001). 1938). Crăciun. L. Condica Abe≥edară. E.37 Comăne ti (Boto ana commune. 4. DRH. Gala≥i county). Oiconimele. nos. M. 57. “Sate răză e ti. 49. “Un sat dispărut. 39 DIR. 95–100. M. 8–11. Soveja. Dic≥ionarul istoric. at the mouth of the Cneaja (Chineja). 317.contacts and interactions 315 county). IX. N. Capro u (Ia i. 676. IX. Moldovei i ˘ării Române ti. Condica lui Constantin Mavrocordat. no. 114. but a different name derived from the Ukrainian word for mosquito. Grămadă. P. VII. p. pp. Veress.A. “Condica visteriei Moldovei din anul 1816. Coman (a tributary of the Bistri≥a). 29). 1. no. VIII. 21. and C. pp. 57. no. 115–117. Marele dic≥ionar (see above. Stoica. 1908). and 788. mountain tributary of the Tazlău. 170–172. and 187. 172. 816 (B. 1976). M. p. VIII. Bălan. nos. Giorgini). pp. ed. and 790–793. 142. p. 39). Dic≥ionarul geografic al Bucovinei (Bucharest. Tomescu. 30). 1982). Repertoriul bibliografic al localită≥ilor i monumentelor medievale din Moldova (Bucharest. Supl. 19. no. 1934). no. pp. C. no. M. ed. Cronica copiată de Ioasaf Luca. 6–9. which is located on the Upper Siret river and was first recorded in the charters in 160742 is not the alteration by means rhotacism of the name Comăne ti. Călători. Zaharia. nos. pp. I. “ tiri catagrafice. no.41 The name of the village Comăre ti (now Komarivtsi. 35. 48. 247. N. nos.A. nos. Capro u. 132. XXVI. pp. and 156. G. Recensămîntul popula≥iei Moldovei din anii 1772–1773 i 1774. originating from the Go man Mountains). p. Istrati (Ia i. Neculce. Istrati. p. Dmitriev (Moldova în epoca feudalismului. recorded in a document of 1448. p. D. VII. 3. 93–95. Stoide. pp. XXVI. pp. 14. 180. 240 and 333. I. D. Comanac (a tributary of the Miletin). idem. 202. X. 41 DRH. 1975). Ciucă. p. 16–18. M. n. no. 781. 634. II (1899). 572 and 574. I (1898). 1993). Ukraine). pp. 179. 267. I. I. eds.” p. Din tezaurul documentar. pp. 264. 42 Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti din Direc≥ia Arhivelor Centrale. 54. idem. pp. “Vechile pece≥i săte ti bucovinene. and Uz (a right-hand tributary of the Trotu ). Weiss). Chiriacescu. 1453 and 1528. and 268.” Codrul Cosminului 10 (1936–1939). 89 (A. Tezaurul. II. 255. no. Grigorovitza. Supl. idem. 1783–1900. 267. 2) (Kishinev. 446. C. 221. eds. VII. nos. ed. XXV. 26. p. 117. G. 368. I. Coman (a right-bank. I (1979). 376. C. 46. A. Gala≥i county). Hacquet). Acte i scrisori (1602–1606) (Bucharest. Toponimia minoră. and P. p. Colec≥ia de documente de la Arhivele Statului Bacău (1424–1848). 60. p. 924. Letopise≥ul ˘ării Moldovei i o samă de cuvinte. as initially believed. eds. VII. I. Stoicescu. 1986). idem. Documente privitoare la istoria ora ului Ia i. no.A. Regleanu. 280. Familia Onciul (see above.40 Comăne tilor (Seli tea). and 75. Condica Abe≥edară. ed. XXV. 11. Birceanu (Bucharest. Cărămidaru (Bucharest. trempel (Bucharest. 209. Cernău≥i / Chernivtsi region. Mihail (Chi inău. 760. XXIII. 2005).43 40 A. Călători. p. 15 and 54. DRH. I. Tocilescu. p. n. 24. Documente bucovinene. C. 248. 1975). G. p.” AIIA. E. Documente privitoare la istoria Ardealului. I. Rela≥iile economice ale Bra ovului cu Moldova de la începutul secolului al XVIII-lea pînă la 1850 (Chi inău. Valea Trotu ului (see above. Of Turkic origin are also such river names as Berendi (a tributary of the Siret. Tinculescu. 1992). XXIV. 2. 146. 189–190 (I. pp. 154. 237. komar. a town that developed out of a a village in the Trotu valley. near Viile (Fâr≥ăne ti commune. 266. Acte interne (1771–1780). 227. DRH. 43 Lahovari. 1974). . 534. 4. Storojine≥ district. Em. n. near Tămă eni). nos. Brătianu. 679. 287 (Kományfalva). 120. pp. 70–71. 235. Opere. p. Z. I. 47 Place and river names such as these have matches across the Danube. N.44 Some of those villages were deserted in the early modern period. I. печеняга (Peceneaga Veche) and Р. Comăne ti (Brăila county). eds. 1621–1632.48 44 DRH. I. M.B. N. Mircea (Bucharest. XXI–XXV.46 etc. Indicele numelor de locuri. passim. now within the Olt county). Histoire de la langue roumaine (see above. Comăne ti (Mehedin≥i county). Berinde ti (Berende ti. 24–25 and 44. and M.45 There are place names in the Romanian Plain which recall the ethnic name of the Pechenegs. I. Duca-Tinculescu. M. XXIII. pp. Indicele numelor de locuri. v. Istoria medie a României. In all probability. 1601–1620. Originea i afirmarea lor (Bucharest. S. v. which in turn flows into the Buzău river) is older. Berinde ti (Berende ti. II. 1978). I. Soveja. 1956). Ghinea. p.B. Catalogul documentelor ˘ării Române ti din Arhivele Statului. 1985). Gh. p. S. нов. S.B. M. III. Caraca . печеняга (Peceneaga Nouă). Kandel (Bucharest. when other names of the same category were recorded and survived as such. 1947). Caraca .-R. Ciucă (Bucharest. 15). 56. sine anno]. Berindeasca. Comăne ti (Gorj county). A Russian map of 1835 indicates two creeks near Peceneaga in Tulcea county: Р. Gr. D. XIII–XVI. 46 Densusianu. in Dobrudja: Peceneaga (Tulcea county) and Pecineaga (Constan≥a county). 26. 45 Diaconu. 1993). IV 1633–1639 (Bucharest. Comanca (the former Romana≥i district. S. Comăneasa (Olt county). Duca-Tinculescu. Berindie ti) (Arge county). Catalogul documentelor ˘ării Române ti. стар. D. Comani (Mehedin≥i county). Vătafu-Găitan. n. Dragomir (Bucharest.316 chapter four A great number of fifteenth-seventeenth-century village and estate names in Wallachia (˘ara Românească. tefănescu. Coumans. eds. XI. Muntenia) derive from the ethnic names Berendei and Cumans: Berindei (Berindeni) (Olt county). XVII (1601–1625). Donat. Comana (Giurgiu county). 47 DRH. Ghinea. eds. Ciucă. t.-D. Cioran. 314. Rădulescu (Bucharest. . the name of the river Peceneaga (a tributary of the Slănic. C. Giurescu. 11 and 36. the Peceneaga village (Teleorman county). Comăne ti (the former Vla ca district). but such names appear significantly later in written documents: the Peceneaga forest (Brăila county). ed. no. V . Donat. passim. . eds. Sec≥ia istorică de la Arhivele Statului din Bucure ti. M. DIR.B. Popescu. D. 1369–1600. 1981). Duca-Tinculescu. 1960). and Th. Vătafu-Găitan (Bucharest. XXXI–XXXVII. 1640–1644 (Bucharest. Ciucă.-D. 1974). R. tiri despre popula≥ia românească a Dobrogei în hăr≥i medievale i moderne [Constan≥a. Kandel. 48 C. p. eds. 351. Comanca (Vâlcea county). Comani (Dolj county). p. M. Comani (Comanca) (Olt county). I–VIII. Berindeiasca (near Bucharest). and Comăni≥a (Comăni≥i) (Olt county). eds. Berendeasa) (Buzău county). 1991). VI. The first written record of the creek Peceneaga in north-eastern Wallachia appears to be from 1632.-D. 1645–1649. the Picineagul mountain (the former Muscel district). DIR. Principatele Române. pp. 19. G. 1. Gündisch. 2000). VI (1600–1601) (Bucharest. K. On the left bank of the Olt river. Kumanite (Kumaniti). Kumanovo (in Macedonia). История на изучаването на Codex Cumanicus. there is a village named Komani / Koman. appear frequently in written sources of the fifteenth to seventeenth century. eds. two villages with quasi-identical names. Kumanishnaia in the Tver region. IV. II. Veress. Schulz. 276. Acte i scrisori (1585–1592) (Bucharest. Kumaritza. Alsó Komana) and Comana de Sus (Kwman. etc. no. H. “Un document inedit din 1582 privind boierii români din ˘ara Făgăra ului. D. and R. 1976). 162. 3–4. J. кумано-печенежка антропонимика в българските земи през XV век (Sofia. Felsö Komana). I. 50 Stoianov. pp. 1933). 109. Koman / Kuman. Kumanič. 110. no. Siegmann (Wiesbaden. 287.50 Similar names may be found in east-Slavic territories: Koman. Coumans. Komanfalva. История. 192. Kuman’ in the Chernihiv (Chernigov) region.51 By contrast with Moldavia and Wallachia. 176. “Печенези и узи-кумани въ българската история. only a few place names derived from the name of the Cumans are known from Transylvania. eds. Kumanitza. p. D. p. 88. I. no. L. ed. ed. Memoire et patrimoine. Stoianov. Kumancie) in the vicinity of Vilnius (Lithuania). p. Gündisch (Bucharest. Kumanov. 1969). pp. In honorem emeritae Ligiae Bârzu. no. Urbariile ˘ării Făgăra ului. Kumantzi. which probably dates from the earlier modern period. in collab. n. Неславянска. 267. and another one. VI. 1981). 49 St. p. east of Făgăra . pp. 51 Russisches Geographisches Namenbuch. 3766. Prodan (Bucharest. Gündisch. 284. 26–27. Mladenov. There is also a village called Kumoniu (Kumantzy. 337 and 675. 101. Bulgaro-Turcica. Bulgaro-Turcica. etc.” in Timpul Istoriei. Nussbächer. 286. G. Kumanovči. V. pp. 121. co-ord. 1931). 130. 1651–1680. Ursu≥iu (Bucharest. Kumanova Čuka. Prinz. Komanitza and Komanov in the vicinity of Minsk.52 They still exist today.” Българска историческа библиотека. V. 89. pp. Bräuer.contacts and interactions 317 The name of the Cumans also appears in place names in the eastern and central Balkans. were recorded in documents. eds. 122. on the Drin. I. etc. pp. 4 (1931). Ursu≥iu and M. Kumaničevo. Komanovo and Kumanovo. 433. 3–4. Nistor. G. begründet von Max Vasmer. G. 191. Komanevo in the regions Vitebsk and Vologda. with H. Documente (see above.49 In addition.. p. Komanica (Komanitza). (all in Bulgaria). Kumanić. 256. Kumanovka near Kiev. and.. 1970). 40). as well as in Dobrudja: Comana (Constan≥a county). Ciho. in northern Albania. V. Komanowa near Tiraspol. Kumanich. 358. III. in the Mikhalovce region of Slovakia. Prodan. two villages. Memorie i patrimoniu / Le temps de l’Histoire. Kománya. I. 188. 195. M. 1932). Doerfer. Diaconu. 1601–1650. Comana de Jos (Kwmana. I. A. 188–189. near the city of Priština (Kosovo). Lukács. no. 52 Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der Deutschen in Siebenbürgen. 377–378. 259. Coper. Kumanovskaia Iuridika (Kumanówka) and Kumanovtzy (Kumanowce) in Podolia. The village Comandău (Covasna county). . V (1596–1599) (Bucharest. as early as the first half of the fourteenth century. Komanov and Komańcza in Galicia. 1998). Pecenegii i cumanii. V. Philippide. pp. Iordan. Câteva nume topice române ti de origine cumană (offprint from Anuarul Liceului Na≥ional din Ia i.” p. .53 In Cri ana. Jahresbericht des Institut für rumänische Sprache zu Leipzig (1921). 334. Giurescu. pp. I. Neagu (Brăila. eds. 1–10. 17). 109. 67. 163. pp. Sîrbu. Zaharia (Bucharest. Dic≥ionar. 2004).” in Contributions onomastiques (see above. Panaitescu. 1966). no. Ortvay. pp. Pesty (Temesvármegye és Temesvárváros története. I. 54 D. “Domenii ale pecenegilor i cumanilor în Banatul istoric. 198–201. Hotnog. 1896). ed. Originea românilor. p. 57 All those examples show that place names recalling the name of the Cumans appear within a vast area inhabited by Romanians. 53 Suciu. ˘eicu. Văsui) are of Turkic origin. Teleormanul. pp. See also O≥a. XIII. 1183–1430. I.” in Prinos lui Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani. Conea. 1947). 56 D. 736.C. Interpretări române ti (Bucharest. p. to the west from the Apuseni Mountains. “Domenii ale pecenegilor i cumanilor. 96–98. Gustav Weigand first put forward the idea that the names of the left-bank tributaries of the Danube ending in -ui (Bahlui.” 26. Ser. Vaslui. O≥a. 376.” AARMSI. C. ed. p. p.–29. 1997). XIII. pp. but instead appear in parts of the Europe to which they never went. p. 23 (1940–1941). 235. I. 28–29.58 The theory of the German philologist was embraced by almost everyone. Dic≥ionar istoric al localită≥ilor din Transilvania. as well as by other neighboring nations. no. III. Suhului. HomorodChemenfalău. 503. 1890). I. F. 1. The name of Comăne ti (Bra ov county) is even newer. I (Budapest. 57 DRH. DRH. no. Histoire. Gherasimov et al. 246–251. 62. 508. 55 Oklevelek Temesvármegye és Temesvárváros történetéhez.54 A village with the name of Comanfalva55 and another called Kunfalu56 were also mentioned in the fourteenth century as being in Banat.318 chapter four is located farther to the east. 89. 58 G. On the basis of names of rivers ending in -ui (meaning river or valley) which appear in great numbers in Siberia and central Asia.” Byzantinoslavica 9 (1947). D. 519. 59 Al. 42. 162–163. (Bucharest. Weigand. I. P.” Studii de istorie a Banatului 26–27 (2002–2003). I. p. 232. Csánki. 372–373 and 375. ed. 403. T.” in Monografia geografică a Republicii Populare Române. p. “Toponimia. Banatul montan în evul mediu (Timi oara. p. pp. “Revela≥ii toponimice pentru istoria ne tiută a românilor. “Popula≥ii nomade de stepă din Banat (secolele XI–XIV). I. Turlui. Teslui.C. P. as it replaced in the twentieth the old name. Iorga. It it quite obvious that such place names are not restricted to the area previously inhabited by Cumans. I (Bucharest. pp. n. M. P. p. Derehlui / Derlui. idem. Covurlui. I. nor do they appear exclusively within the regions they often raided. no. “Ursprung der südkarpatischen Flussnamen in Rumänien. 501. Krandjalov. T. 1932–1933). 68. Suciu. Magyarország történelmi földrajza a Hunyadiak korában. 343. See also S. “Sprachgeographisches aus dem Gebiete der rumänischen Toponomastik. Aspectele ei geografice. 520. II (Ia i. 110.59 and D. III. Geografia fizică. the village Comăne ti (Arad county) appears in documents in the 1400s as Komanyfalva. “Les noms Cahul et Cogalnic ne dérivent pas d’΄Όγγλος. where there were also two creeks called Komanpathak. idem. no. 1960). IV) (Pozsony. 1927). Urlui. Cândea. p. three creeks called Călmă≥ui. and in the region to the east from the Middle Prut Plain.contacts and interactions 319 after an initial hesitancy. Studiu de toponimie moldovenească (Chi inău. I. north of Leova. 1913). I (1931). etc. 1933). Documentele moldovene ti înainte de tefan cel Mare (Ia i). I. pp. Teslui for four. 16. 17). at the southern end of Lake Ialpug. A. Documente moldovene ti de la tefan cel Mare (Ia i. in the Covurlui Plain. 7. 31–32. Ivănescu.62 Tîrguri (see above. 1970). at Ostri≥a. 8. II (1932). 437. Suhurluiul cu Apă and Suhurluiul Sec. in the former Ismail county. They identified 47 names of rivers ending in -ui and -lui. in the Covurlui Plain. Ion Conea and Ion Donat have studied river names in the Romanian Plain with remarkable results. nos. the lake Cuhurlui (also called Covurlui or Cugurlui ). C. idem. Costăchescu. the Turlui. Documentele moldovene ti de la Bogdan voevod (1504–1517) (Bucharest.B. 61 DRH. 53. Documentele lui tefan cel Mare. in the former Ismail county. the possibility of nomadic burial assemblages being discovered on the right bank of the Olt River must not be excluded. Vaslui (Vaslui county). pp. 62 I. Călmă≥ui.” in Relations. C. a tributary of the Ciuluc. where there is even a “Ford of the Cumans”—Vadul Cumanilor (Коуманскыи Брод). which do not occur to the west from the Olt river. Some of those names also apply to villages established nearby: Bahluiu (Cotnari commune. the river and the lake Covurlui. 60 Conea and Donat. I. 1 (Bucharest. Călmă≥ui (Grivi≥a commune. p. II (Bucharest. Nume de locuri (Bucharest.61 Judging from such evidence. a tributary of the Tazlău. Călmă≥ui (Hânce ti district). 10). Diaconu. n. n. pp. 41–42. names ending -ui commonly apply to rivulets and creeks: the Bahlui. Nume de localită≥i. 198. p. C. Istoria limbii române (Ia i. with two tributaries. Eremia.60 Unlike the distribution of nomadic burial assemblages. and the Vaslui. 14. “Contribution” (see above. Coumans. Ia i county). D. Gala≥i county). 103. 143–152. as well as from historical sources pertaining to Turkic incursions to the west from the Romanian Plain. “The Romanians south of the Carpathians and the migratory peoples in the tenth–thirteenth centuries. In the Carpathian-Dniester region. a tributary of the Bârlad. 1972). a tributary of the Jijia. the Copcui. the Suhu(r)lui. p. recorded in documents in 1385 and in subsequent years. and many others. Turlui (a deserted village in the former Bacău county). 1980). etc. a tributary of the Prut. 1975). 1940). Bogdan. Documentele moldovene ti de la tefăni≥ă voevod . Al. the Der(eh)lui. all within the Călmă≥ui Plain. some of them repeated for different rivers: Călmă≥ui for eight different rivers. idem. pp. Donat. pp. river names of Turkic origin appear in great numbers in southern Oltenia. or Copcui (a deserted village situated in the former Ismail county). M. Băldălui and Urlui for three. Giurescu. Giurescu. 292–293. idem. the Perlui. G. Istoria românilor. 31–33. Graur. 22. Pashuto (Kishinev. Ciuhui. I (1898). Brătianu. Sagala.” Limba i literatura moldovenească. Ciobanu (Chi inău. ed. 67 N. a village in the Cahul county. P. ˘ăpurdei. Sovetov. 99 (reprint in idem. Tazlău. Tuzla. Din istoria Moldovei de Sud-Est până in anii ’30 ai sec. Gala≥i. Ichel. DIR. etc. n. Nume de localită≥i. Nichitici. Atachi. I–III. Ser. Tomescu. Chi inău. D. I. Z. P. p. Cunduc. naia. 8 (1927–28). Tuzora. Fălciu. V. 1982). Berechet. no. Căinari. Geografie 18 (1972). DRH. 41–43. V (1902). Bacău county). al XIX-lea (Chi inău. P. 1992)—eds. Borceac. Tarcău. It is possible that the river name Bahlui was formed on the basis of metathesis. Studii asupra evului mediu românesc. 63 Al. Eremia. pp. 86–95. 1948). P. L. Dragnev. pp. Tonguz(eni).” ASUI. L. Dragnev. P. Acui. Din tezaurul documentar (see above. Copciac. N. Caltabuga. I–V. Sovetov. Bociarov (Chi inău. E. V. Iorga. 1998). Sovetov. a hill near Băsă ti (Pârjol commune. Localită≥ile Moldovei în documente i căr≥i vechi. “Toponime de origine iranică i turcică. I. II (Chi inău. Sucmezeu. 1978). I. passim. II (see above.67 Delea. IV (Kishinev. 89–90. II (1988). v. Teban. V. in the former Tighina county. Hotin. Sobari. C. Documente i zapise moldovene ti de la Constantinopol (1607–1806) (Ia i. red. Marele dic≥ionar (see above. D. . Cahul. VI. III—eds. Alcedar. Chirtoagă. M. pp. I. XVI. n. Cuhure ti. VI (Chi inău. “Asupra hidronimelor Bahlui i Jijia. 1986). ed. 7 (1964). Bului.320 chapter four It is interesting to note that at Valea Zăbalei. Cupcui. Iagorlâc. pp. V (Kishinev. I–IV. II. Besides the names mentioned above. 1943). several philologists and historians have assigned an old Turkic origin to other place names in the Carpathian-Dniester region: Tocsăbeni. a village in the Vrancea region. 1999). Dragnev. V. Ciucur. red. Contribu≥ii la studiul istoriei românilor. E. L. red. 1928). 1937). III (1900).65 Bugeac. Sovetov. 1984). pp. I. M. t. P. Ciuluc. Berheci. eds. L. G. Tecuci. 59–60. Tocilescu. Vinderei. 362–376. 24). A. 44. N. 41–42. Raevskii. pp. Turla (= Dniester). Sinacău. III. M. red. (1517–1527) (Ia i. pp. M. A. V. 64 N. a hill near Belce ti (Ia i county). Dragnev. Bahlui. VIII—gen. Dmitriev. Dic≥ionarul geografic al Basarabiei (Bucharest. 30). 1904). Nichitici. Russev. P. 59). 67–71). n. a village in the former Lăpu na county. 1987). Ordă ei. D. XXI–XXVII. Puiu. L. .64 Bârlad. Nichitici. 1. I—eds. Istoria Basarabiei. N. 65 Philippide. “Imperiul cumanilor i domnia lui Băsărabă. Dragnev. Cherepnin (Kishinev. Corhană. eds. A. D. A. Cula. 1991).A. XVII.” AARMSI. V. t. Obreja. XVIII. Svetlichnaia. V. the term balhui was recorded with the meaning of “a deep place in the water”. Svetlicinîi. Un capitol din colabora≥ia româno-barbară în evul mediu. Sovetov. Chi lia (Mare and Mică). V. Nicu. Documente din Basarabia. a lost village near Căinari. L.63 There are also other place names ending in -ui: Acui. a hill near Măstăcani (Gala≥i county). c. Lahovari. V. IV (1901). D. Svetlich. Orhei. Originea. Sec≥. XIX. Svetlichnaia. Îndreptar bibliografic. Mihail. Dragnev. P. Moldova în epoca feudalismului / Молдавия в эпоху феодализма. p. 66 Boldur. Boldur. I (Chi inău.66 Dereneu. Tighina. II—eds. Tabac. D. Papacostea (Bucharest.A. 1961). Arbore. Pereschiv. V. v. M. V Cherepnin (Kishinev. Urmezeu. Istoria Basarabiei. Chi inău. pp. 70 M. 73 Idem. See D. For example. 2nd ed. Lingvistică 24 (1977). “Hidronimie românească. Nistru). 74 Idem. n. 31 (1986–1987). Tighina. idem.” A UI.g. Sec≥.69 Jijia. ˘ăpurdei. Tarcău. the name Tocsăbeni derives from a personal name. pp. Căinari. A. pp. “Turla—denumire străveche daco-getică a Nistrului. 43–44.” Tyragetia 6–7 (1998). Din istoria Moldovei (see above.contacts and interactions 321 Ialpug. III. Географические названия рассказывают. Tuzora. 137–138. Jijia. Eremia. Tazlău. pp.” pp. p. and Tiligul. 1990). it appears that no traces of settlements dated to the beginning of the second millennium have been found in any of the localities with names of supposedly Turkic origin. Judging from the available evidence. “Hidronime române ti de origine slavă. one needs to verify whether any settlement existed there at the time the Pechenegs and the Cumans ruled over the steppe lands. 142.71 According to Ion V.74 the Turkic name for the river Dniester (Rom. 101–102. (Kishinev.68 Bâc. Moldovanu. Orhei. 120–121. Tonguz(eni). or Vinderei) and river names (Bârlad. Idem. “Hidronimie românească (Basarabia i Transnistria). just as the name of the village Talabă (in the former Fălciu county) is in fact a personal name. the Cumans. which appear in Bessarabia. must have appeared only after the great Mongol invasion of 1241–1242. V. and river names such as Caltabuga. Tighina. Alcedar. all of which appear in sources between the fifteenth and the seventh century. 71 Chirtoagă. Cogîlnic and Cula in Bessarabia. Chi inău.73 But his arguments are not very convincing when attempting to derive from the language of the Geto-Dacians Turla. Dron. For all villages with names thought to be of Turkic origin. Hotin. 111–113. Atachi. Ciuluc. place names such as Alcedar.” Tyragetia 9 (1999). 1992). Hagidar. Nume de localită≥i (see above. 59). or the Ottoman Turks remains uncertain. pp. According to another opinion both Jijia and Bârlad are of Slavic origin. Lozbă. which appears as early as the tenth century in the work of Constantine Porphyrogenitus and was then recorded in Ottoman sources throughout the Late Middle Ages and the early modern period. n. “Sensul i originea unor vechi toponime dacoromâne. pp. the Tatars. e. Dron. Ia i. Tocsabă (Toxabă). 64). 44–45. It is worth mentioning that for many of the above-mentioned place (e. SN. 72 I. are also Old Turkic.72 The same author believes that the names Ciuhur.” Anuar de lingvistică i istorie literară. and Kunduk. 7. and 144. 68 69 . pp. It is therefore possible that such names are in fact no older than the Tatar occupation of the Bugeac..70 Delacău. Tazlău) the connection with the Pechenegs. 142–144. 291–301 and 308–312. Γагаузские географические названия (Территория Пруто-Днестровского междуречья) (Kishinev. was first recorded in 1597. where most river names ending in -ui (-lui ) appear in the lowlands. Moreover. .” Buletin istoric (Episcopia RomanoCatolică Ia i) 1 (2000). 170. A ezări. 20–24 mai 1998 [Bucharest. perhaps because such bodies of water were not sufficiently important to the locals to employ more than a generic name. 1998]. jud. n. 76 D. which can be safely attributed to the Turkic nomads.322 chapter four As the Turkic tribes were nomadic. 77 Zaharia etc. By contrast. eadem. Stoica. A ezări. for they served for orientation within the steppe lands otherwise devoid of any permanent markers in the landscape. Hordilă. Such rivers may have well had Romanian names as well. but not dated between the tenth and the thirteenth century. pp. 362. pp. Simlarly. p. Campania 1997. “Traian. “Câteva considera≥ii de ordin arheologic privind popula≥ia catolică din zona Romanului în secolele XIV–XIX. Sorting out place names clearly associated with Turkic nomads leads to some important conclusions. even of small creeks and rivulets. 75 V Spinei. 29). Valea Trotu ului. 362.. no native names existed. pp. were very important for groups involved in a seasonal migration within a certain area. Valea Trotu ului (see above. their contribution to the place names of region in which they lived must have been limited. River and place names ending in -ui cluster in southern Moldavia. The name of the village Berindee ti. as it is still the case today.” in Relations. 274–275. This is also the region with the largest number of burial assemblages. such as pârâu (creek). 70–74. p.76 No earlier occupation phase has been identified. 170. which could be dated to the centuries during which the Turkic nomads ruled the steppe lands. field surveys in Comăne ti (Bacău county)77 and Comăne ti (Gala≥i county)78 produced diagnostic material from several historical periods. In the steppe lands of both Eurasia steppes and the region outside the Carpathian Mountains there are many river names of Turkic origin. most place names derived from Turkic appellatives are to be found in southern Moldavia. p. Archaeological excavations in the area unearthed houses dated to the fourteenth and fifteenth century. 81–82. near Săbăoani (Neam≥ county). river names. 78 Zaharia etc. the region in which the nomads moved along river valleys from the grazing fields next to the sea to the rich pasture land in the north. Neam≥. A XXXII-a Sesiune na≥ională de rapoarte arheologice.75 The same situation may be noted in the Romanian Plain. “Relations of the local population of Moldavia with the nomad Turanian . tribes in the 10th–13th centuries.” in Cronica cercetărilor arheologice. Stoica. However. In certain cases. vale (valley) and gârlă (brook).. râu (river). Călăra i. the same is not true about river names. p. v. 104. DIR.A. a clear indication that at the origin of the village name is in fact the personal name of the founder. 221. 414. The distribution of river and place names obviously has no relationship to the territories once ruled by the nomads. which. Comăne ti on the Ba eu river also derives from a personal name. I. no. where no Turkic tribes have never lived. place names derived from the name of the Pechenegs appear in parts of Ukraine and Russia. no. “Знаки на керамике и кирпичах из Саркела-Велой Вежи.79 In reality. 165. 375. 81 DRH. A. the Berindei and the Uzes appear primarily in the highlands. The village Coman on the Turlui. Two thirds of them in fact appear in the region between the Carpathians and the Siret. 75 (Moscow–Leningrad. M. 84 DRH. at that particular time.83 while the name of the estate and hamlet Comana. p. Shcherbak.” SK 6 (1933). XVI. located on the Jeravă≥. v. торки и берендеи на Руси и въ Угріи.A. III. no. “Печенеги. Moreover. 33. who is mentioned in a document of 1495. 82 DRH.” MIA. p. In Wallachia. from whose names they are supposedly derived. to whom prince Alexander the Good granted land on the Ba eu in 1412 to set up a village. 502. but from personal names such as Coman and Berindei. without any participation of the Turkic tribes.contacts and interactions 323 The conclusion seems inescapable: all those villages were in fact established at a much later time. must have long disappeared from the region. I. VI. Coman. the son of Gali .A. recalls that of a certain Coman.A. place and river names derived from the names of the Cumans. Rassovsky. I. where no traces of the presence of Turkic nomads have so far been found. a personal name recorded in 149782 and 1546. A few examples can clarify the point. 398. 83 DIR. no. pp. the number of such place names decreases as one moves from the west to the east.A. which were quite common in the Romanian lands both in the Middle Ages and later. p. 80 DRH. II. . XVI.81 Comăne ti on the Rebricea derives from Comănel (Comănial).84 79 D. III. no. At a close examination. 1959). such place names appear both in high. which is first attested under Alexander the Good (Alexandru cel Bun) (prince of Moldavia between 1400–1432) appears as Seli tea lui Coman80 in the subsequent decades. Similarly. most place names such as Comăne ti or Berindee ti do not derive directly from ethnic names.and lowlands.A. 50–63. Ba . The influence of the Turkic nomads on the Romanian vocabulary thus appears as much more indirect than the initial analysis of place names would have predicted. Karača. Kuman / Koman.89 Burciul / Borcea. Basarab. Borcea. Čortan. Čomak. Cazan. SN. A. the conclusion can be that the people who named all those villages (Namengeber) were Romanians. Baba. Tivan. Korman. Iarcân. Panaitescu). 268–269.” Analele Brăilei. Buga. Buzdugan. Čakan. Šušman.91 Unfortunately. Toxabă. 89 C. p. Turcul (Petre P. Vuiupa. Buldur. the names appear to represent Transylvanian influences. Cantemir (Maria Lăzărescu-Zobian). pp. p. Kazan. Paiandur. erban (Constantin Cihodaru).87 Asan. Ulan. 1984). Talabă. Buzgan. A. 59). 167. * * * Many medieval and modern Romanian names have been regarded by various historians as of Turkic origin: Aslan. pp. 90 M. Borza. Urdobaš. I (Bucharest. 1935). A Festschrift in Honor of Tibor Halasi-Kun (= Journal of Turkish Studies 8. Balaban. Čolpan. Odobă. Diaconu.” Studii i cercetări tiin≥ifice. no. Bilik. Hungarians and Kipchaks. 87 Panaitescu. With no 85 L. Bučuk. Scorpan. Cihodaru. Toksoba. Balyk. 2. pp. La place des Roumains dans l’histoire universelle. Kaltabuka. 88 N. Constantinescu). Talabă. it is not clear what specific criteria have been used for the selection of those. 86 N. “Considera≥ii în legătură cu popula≥ia Moldovei din perioada premergătoare invaziei tătarilor (1241). Aslan.88 Udobă. Posoba. Togan (N. Dic≥ionar onomastic românesc (Bucharest. XLVI. Ia i. 1927). Dârman. “Valacho-turcica. 61. Caraba . Istorie.” in Turks.324 chapter four Taking into consideration the fact that most place names said to be of Turkic origin end in -e ti.86 Aga. Toxabă (Nicolae Iorga). Bulat. whereas others may have come from personal names of Cuman origin designating members of native communities who were not ethnic Cumans. 1963). 2 (1996). Basarab. no. Chertan. 85 Băsărabă. Iorga. Borcea. Interpretări (see above. Coteanu. Buga / Buka. Buzdugan. Olan.90 Agă . Colgeag. Čura. Hardalupa. Berindei. In at least a number of cases. Borčul. Zehan (Petre Diaconu). Constantinescu. and no other personal names as of Turkic origin. Burluc. Coman. “Cumania as the name of thirteenth-century Moldavia and eastern Wallachia: some aspects of Kipchak-Rumanian relations. Azgir. Lăzărescu-Zobian. Tâncabă. 2. 569–571. 14 (1963). 68–96. n.” in Aus den Forschungsarbeiten der Mitglieder des Ungarischen Instituts und des Collegium Hungaricum in Berlin dem Andenken Robert Graggers gewidmet (Berlin–Leipzig. Itul. 244. p. Toacxem. Dorman. Rásonyi-Nagy. Utmeš (László Rásonyi-Nagy). Taban. Du man. “Despre unele antroponime de origine cumană. Bolsun. Balaban. . Cioban. Tamrătaš. p. 91 P. Selte. F. ed. nos. ed. between 1435 and 1442. I. G. A stolnic (seneschal) called Berindei (Berendei ) appears several times as an important dignitary under Prince Ilia . 92 93 . XIV (Cracow. O istorie a lui tefan cel Mare (Putna. 106 and 141. III (Lwów.94 Among Stephen the Great’s rivals during the first years of his reign (1457–1504). 173. Boldur. the origin of the names therein remains uncertain. 1926).. mother. J. Secolul XIII–începutul secolului XVII. Gorovei. p. The first to be recorded was the name Pătru≥. in idem. 22). A. Przezdziecki. tefan cel Mare (Bucharest. 86). DRH. 168. 23). ed. paternal uncle. p. Densu ianu. 107. Princeps omni laude maior. Studii de istorie medievală i modernă. 241. Chelcu (Ia i. La place des Roumains (see above. 46–47. eds. father. ed. 97 I. pp. 19. II) (Cracow. t.97 The name Berindei also appears in Wallachia. Cândea. 2nd ed. there was a certain Berendey. 152. Rocznik Chotelskiego. elder sister. Opera omnia. . attempts to eliminate from the list of names of an undoubtedly Turkic origin such names as Berindei are simply wrong. ed. p. 1876). Axinte Uricariul. “Rela≥iile lui tefan cel Mare cu Ungaria. économiques et militaires en mer Noire (XIV e–XXIe siècles). 1878). Minea. p. Popescu (Brăila. Cronica Moldovei de la Cracovia.96 Others have rightly pointed out that Berendey and Petru Aron must have been two different persons. 860 ff. 1990). A. L. Ursu. 57–58. 95 Codicis epistolaris saeculi decimi quinti. This is certainly the case for Coman and Berindei. etc.92 Names ending in -aba. tefan cel Mare. Moldova în epoca feudalismului / Молдавия в эпоху феодализма. I. 2007). 159. I. C. 16–18. Studiu de istorie socială i politică. I. which appear with some consistency in Moldavian charters of the fourteenth and fifteenth century. 148. in Monumenta Poloniae Historica. pp. pp. grandfather. Székely.95 whom some historians have wrongly identified as the previous voivode named Petru Aron. 94 Hurmuzaki. 44 and 56. or midwife” in modern Turkic languages. pp. p. 1935). II (see above.. M. Arderea Tîrgului Floci i a Ialomi≥ei în 1470 (Ia i. no. and 149. voievod al Moldovei (1457–1504). 143 with n. A. elder brother. Szujski (Monumenta medii aevi historica res gestas Poloniae illustrantia. See also O. II. pp. ed. 69. 96 V. 158. n. Conversely. 2006). “Qui sons les ‘Togtocomans’?.93 have a good chance to be Pecheneg or Cuman. Clauson. V. Iorga. as early as 1389. Costăchescu. Bilici. 156. S. 132 with n. 1993). 103. Informa≥iile române ti ale cronicii lui Ian Dlugosz (Ia i. p. 1. Chelcu and M. Rezachevici (Bucharest. p. 5. trempel (Bucharest. G. paternal aunt. M. Pârvan. “Originea Basarabilor. 1925). 1878).contacts and interactions 325 specialists in Turkology expressing any opinion about those lists. n. 495. much like those derived from ethnic names. nos. Joannis Dlugossii seu Longini Historiae Polonicae libri XII. 142–145. Bielowski. Năsturel. M. with the meaning of “ancestor. Textul inedit al unui autor polon anonim. V.” in idem. p. p.” Grai i suflet 4 (1929). I. 24–26.. Études à la mémoire de Mihail Guboglu. 2. 214. 1972). grandmother. pp. 18. Cronica paralelă a ˘ării Române ti i a Moldovei. p. En Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish (Oxford. Nastasă (Bucharest. 2004). C. 2. eds. pp. Nume de persoane (see above. 167. 2005). 161–164. A.A. P. n. I. 16–18 with n.” in Enjeux politiques. 108 Stephen the Great also granted a village on the Jerăvă≥ River in 1495 to the sons of Coman.A. no. “The Gypsies in the Byzantine Empire and the Balkans in the Late Middle Ages.100 The name appears more frequently in fifteenth-century charters. is mentioned as a member of the princely council. were granted in 1487 by Stephen the Great ( tefan cel Mare) to the Bistri≥a Monastery.A. the first Coman appears in a charter of 1398: he was a boyar from Bucovina.-P. no. 33.A. 6. II.104 A boyar named Coman appears in 1435 and 1438 as a member of the princely council. Rochow. no.110 a Roma presence in the Romanian lands must have taken DRH.109 Half of all persons named Coman. Matschke. I. 103 DRH. who are mentioned in fourteenthto fifteenth-century Moldavian charters. 75. I. was granted land previously not inhabited in order to set up a village on the river Ba eu. I. I. nos.99 In Moldavia. Soulis.101 In 1428.A.A. 18. which was then confirmed in 1454 and. 110 G. I. In 1412 Coman. again. 104 DRH.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 15 (1961). 165. 107. the camp of one Gypsy slave named Danciul. appear to have been boyars. nos. no. III.A. is mentioned among the properties of the of the Neam≥ Monastery.103 A third Gypsy slave named Coman and his camp appears in a grant of 1434 for the Moldovi≥a Monastery. II. 106 DRH. no. 40. no. K. no. 17. 109 DRH. See also no. 102 DRH. 105 DRH.A. the son of Berindei. 104. 181. 100 DRH.A. the son of Gali . no. 138. who may have himself been a stolnic. Given the chronology of the Gypsy migration to the Byzantine Empire. both named Coman. no. III. I. while the other half includes only Gypsy slaves. son of Coman. 143–165. one Dragomir. 98 99 .105 while in 1462 Seli tea lui Coman (“Coman’s Camp”) is mentioned in the Bacău county. 19. no.98 In 1432. 73. III. 11.B.A.106 More Gypsy camps. I.107 In the same year. no. pp. 74. in 1458.102 Another Gypsy slave named Comanna and his camp (possibly the same as that of 1428) appears in the list of that same monastery’s properties. 107 DRH. C. I. 132. together with their respective camps are mentioned among the assets of the Bistri≥a Monastery. 108 DRH. DRH. II.326 chapter four of a Wallachian stolnic. 101 DRH. two Gypsy (Roma) slaves.A. including that of Comancea.B. IV. Ghibănescu. XVII.132 Ioni≥ă Comănaci in 1695. no. v. p. II (see above. but from the Romanians or.125 in 1685.126 and 1686. 133 Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti.“ Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 41 (l991). Capro u (Ia i. D.A. IV. VIII. Ghibănescu. 132 DIR. v.A. 934 and 1539. XVI.118 1617. 135 Ghibănescu. XXIV. pp. 414. III. eds. XVI. II. II. n. 2000). Surete. Documente tecucene. 896. 29). pp. XVII–XIX (Bârlad. Acte interne (1661–1690).128 Coman Basinschi in 1605. v. 138. 393. 410. no. 122. p.A. 115 DIR. 1927).117 1588. IV.112 Berindei in 1598. v. no.A. Ghibănescu. 233–239.124 between 1681 and 1693. 292. 575.114 Coman in 1507. 111. possibly. 122 Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti. v. 1970).133 Comănel in 1546. VI.115 1570. v.122 1673. 349–350. 240–241. C. 112 DIR. n. XVI. 126 Ibidem. VI. I. I.131 Coman Margelat in 1598. nos. 117 Gh. File de istorie (see above. v. no. p. 67. Surete. 498. 159–160. p. 9. 128 DRH. XVII. XVI. XVII. V. 127 Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti.116 1577. Vasilescu. IV. I.130 Coman Berchez in 1619. Stoide. XIX. Ghibănescu. I. 199. v.134 and Comănescu in 1699. p. 25). 222. no. 165. no.A. 116 DIR. 969. 34. IV. Sec. no. p.127 Comana in 1548. 134 DIR. XXII. pp. 124 C.113 as well as between 1601 and 1628. Regleanu.119 1628. p. Documente privitoare la istoria ora ului Ia i. 32.A. Solomon and C.111 Berendeai in 1584. n. 114 DIR.contacts and interactions 327 place long time after the Cumans had completely lost their hegemony in the steppe lands to the Mongols and had entered a long process of ethnic assimilation. 123 Suceava. Duca Tinculescu. p. A. pp. 340.A. IV. 433. 25). VIII. p.135 Judging from the „Neues zu den Zigeunern im byzantinischen Reich um die Wende vom 13. 792.123 1677. p. v. 125 Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti din Direc≥ia Arhivelor Centrale. no. no. no.129 Coman Băicescul in 1617. 1347. 129 DIR.A. 118 Catalog de documente din Arhivele Statului Ia i. XVI. there can be no doubt that the Roma did not get learn about the personal name Coman from the Cumans.A. v. DRH. 1758.120 1638. 113 DIR.A. IV. I. Jahrhundert. 120 DRH. IV. 130 DIR. p. 1938). 111 DRH. zum 14. nos. pp. I. 208. XVI. In other words. 131 DIR. Coman and Berendei appear much more frequently in charters of the sixteenth and seventeenth century: Berendeae in 1569. I.A. p.A. Surete. XVIII (Ia i. 352–353. M. 119 DIR. 102. 205. 203. 241–254. from other ethnic groups in the Balkans. II (see above. XVI. VI. 569 and 613.A.121 1648. pp. 215. Surete. V. ed.A. Moldova. 121 DRH. no. I. XVI. IV.A. v. . Negulescu (Bucharest. Surete i izvoade. p. pp.A. 145 Much like in Moldavia. no. no. More often than not. 598. see DRH. 1413–1508 (Bucharest. Documente i regeste privitoare la rela≥iile ˘ării Rumâne ti cu Bra ovul i Ungaria în secolul XV i XVI (Bucharest. 140 DRH. 52). no. For the subsequent period. 1369– 1600 (1947). p. passim.A.149 136 Recensămîntul (see above. 137 DRH. I. Bogdan.137 That Coman is probably the same person as the one mentioned in a document of 1418.B. 93. 40) (Moldova în epoca feudalismului. 225 and 261. VII. XXI–XXV. 571. IV (1981). no. XXII. An undated charter of Prince Mircea the Elder (Mircea cel Bătrân) between 1400 and 1403 mentions two brothers named Coman and Nanul. p. II. 182. XXXI–XXXVII. Comana. no. Catalogul documentelor ˘ării Române ti. Documentele privitoare la rela≥iile ˘ării Române ti cu Bra ovul i cu ˘ara Ungurească în sec.B. VII. DRH. 112.142 1501. 575. XXI.148 and in Moldavia in 1548.B. 1). is also attested. ed. I.B. 333. 21. VII. I. XI. the name first appears in the early 1400s. 139 DRH.140 Another boyar named Coman Kure appears in a diploma of 1460. Tocilescu (Bucharest. no. 580. 351. VI (see above.136 In Wallachia. 542. XXXII. 144 DRH. I. G. I. 549–551.B. 146 534 documente istorice slavo-române din ˘ara Românească i Moldova privitoare la legăturile cu Ardealul. 1346–1603. 63. Urkundenbuch. 41. 308. 3206. during Vlad Dracul’s reign. 138 DRH. 1931). 149 DIR. I. 349.B. n. 147 DRH. . no. 592. 345. no. pp. passim. IV. I.143 and 1539. II. no.139 Two Comans. 445. no. a boyar and a scribe. II–VIII. n.B. in Wallachia in 1509147 and 1519.XVI. Bogdan. pp. not family name.B. 141 I. who were the sons of Batea. 264. XV i XVI.138 Another Coman appears in 1441. I. V. 212. passim. are mentioned in a charter of Vladislav II dated to 1456. and 355.B. 2). the name Coman was more popular in the region between the Carpathian Mountains and the Prut.B. 320. n. no. 326. pp. no. III (1978). DRH. 5. 1902). but not in use between the Prut and the Dniester rivers.B. V (1985).141 A certain Coman Făgără anul is mentioned as master of the village Sălătruc in 1488. 327. 484.B. v. II.146 The feminine version. II (1974). 230.D. 353. it was employed as first. I.328 chapter four data of the 1772–1773 and 1774 census in Moldavia. 1905). 71. 143 DRH. passim. 145 DRH. 142 DRH. VI (1993) (see above. Catalogul documentelor ˘ării Române ti. ibidem (Moldova în epoca feudalismului. 77.144 Only one Gypsy named Coman appears in Wallachia in 1492 in a charter of Vlad the Monk (Vlad Călugărul). the name is much more frequently used in the 1500s and 1600s. 148 DRH. 483. I. 44). Gr. XXXIV–XXXVI. 204–205. 1900). D. However.152 in southern and southeastern Transylvania in 1453. Obile ti. p. Făurei. CLXXIII. V. Popa. Păte ti. 1993). Stoicescu (Bucharest. 23. the Hungarian kings introduced measures to encourage the colonization of large numbers of people. 70–82. pp.D. p. 128. 187. no. no. the name Coman is particularly popular in the Vrancea region. which. p. 1482–1496) and knezes (1424) to serfs (1586). Ureche ti and Vânători. . Hasan. 151 Hurmuzaki. 1913). 2. I. for many centuries. Guge ti. Martine ti. Vrancea. 157 I. II (1573–1584) (Bucharest. Oancea. Berindei. Suraia. Terche ti. 158 Veress. pp. eds. CLIV. Odobasca. is mentioned in 1574. Bornaz. Răstoaca. a name derived from the Romanian word for earring. In all those cases. 370. Mândre ti. Documente. 159 Veress. Magyarország történelmi földrajza a Hunyadiak korában. Jari tea. 141). such as Bude ti. Hamza. all of which are in eastern and south-eastern Vrancea. See also R. no. 155 Ibidem. the name was very popular in the Făgăra Land (˘ara Făgăra ului). Lacul Baban. 22. Documente. toponimie i terminologie geografică. but in more limited numbers: Bărăgan. The name Coman was also common in medieval Transylvania. there are a few cases in which the name Koman applied to Romanians. N. Conea. Risipi≥i. Diplome maramure ene din secolul XIV i XV (Sighet. cercel).153 1482. Csánki. Badea.159 By 1600. I. Geografie istorică.155 as well as in 1586 (Koman Cherchel. V (Budapest. p. 70 and 72. 108. p. mentioned as such in the Ha≥eg Land (˘ara Ha≥egului ) in 1404151 and 1418. Caraman.158 and Christof Koman in a report of 1598. n. Hurmuz. L.156 and in Maramure in the sixteenth to eighteenth century. 1930). 32. 321.contacts and interactions 329 Today. pp. 40). Several other Turkic-sounding names occur in that same region. 152 D. no. I. n. no. had been a fief of the Wallachian 150 I. pp. for after the conquest of Transylvania. Cioră ti. La începuturile evului mediu românesc. 486 and 639. III. 153 DRH. 154 Bogdan. Its most frequent use is in a group of villages. 156 Veress. Documente (see above. Caraca . Berendel. from priests (1453. 434. 208. no.157 Persons having that name belonged to various social groups. ˘ara Ha≥egului (Bucharest. p. Gologanu. Mihályi de Ap a. 1988).150 Such regional distribution is most likely not an accident. both as a family and as a first name. Slobozia. The family name Koman appears in the 1500s: Ioan Koman de Tartaria. etc. Gorgan.154 between 1482 and 1496. 156. Documentele privitoare la rela≥iile ˘ării Române ti (see above. It is not always possible to establish whether that name referred to Romanians or to other ethnic groups. Carabă. Koman was used as a first name. 288. I.165 and in the 1600s in Făgăra Land. 223. 163 A. 194. 216–230. I. Stanciu (Bucharest. Diplome. Stanciu. Beginning with the fourteenth century. pp. 1951). 1990). only a few as family name. Comănescu. N. Unlike the Romanians. C. nos. 341. 659. 196. 60–62. 271–278. D. ed. Mályusz (Budapest. passim. passim. Vini≥chi. 225. 165 Mihályi de Ap a. 289. C. Urbariile. 373. Cadasters for that region (Urbarien) recorded hundreds of people named Koman. 184. A. etc. Les Roumains et les Sicules. Suciu (Bucharest. both Coman and its derivatives were recorded between the sixteenth and the twentieth centuries: Comăna . p. eds. M. .. etc. pp. and was confirmed as such by kings of Hungary. I. V. 207–214. 71. Russu. 230. 535. II. Diplome. Danciu. 300–304. 189. V. XIII. R. A. Mihályi de Ap a. I. M. 161 Catalogul documentelor române ti din Arhivele Statului de la Ora ul Stalin. footnote 52. 244. 164 I. trans. C. Tomoiagă (Cluj–Napoca. 60. 160 Urbariile (see above. n. E. 201. 277. pp. 83. pp. 1998). 1936). eds. 52). Limona. Stoide. 232–241. and 668. and V. 254. idem. I.167 Hungarians have also used that as a family name. 364. which was inhabited primarily by Szeklers. II (see above. Opri . 209. p. Opri (Bucharest. Mu lea. 213. Comăni≥ă. D. 1993). Coman also appeared in the region of eastern Transylvania. Comănel. Barna. eds. 1999). Stoide. and 231. Românii i secuii. 1. A. 52). 1521–1799. 222.164 The name Berindei(i) was recorded more seldom west of the eastern Carpathians: in 1587 in Maramure . C. 475.161 Along the valley of the river Olt (˘ara Oltului). ˘ara Făgăra ului în evul mediu (Secolele XIII–XVI) (Bucharest. 89. nos. and 300. t. n.166 etc. Borsa (Budapest. 72. 202–204. Lukács. 74. 162 Catalogul documentelor române ti din Arhivele Statului Bra ov. 128. in almost every village of the region. 199. I (1387–1399). Pa ca. Făgăra is in southern Transylvania. 286.162 Situated in that region are also the villages Comana de Jos and Comana de Sus163 (Bra ov county). 167 Zsigmondkori oklevéltár. As such. Runceanu. pp. 306–308. and 792. I. passim. III (1411–1412). which the Szeklers borrowed from assimilated Romanians. a region in which the majority of the population was Romanian. E. Mályusz and I. pp. 563. 2000). Busuioc-von Hasselbach. An identical situation was recorded around the city of Bra ov. passim. that name appears frequently occured in written sources. During the modern age. 200.160 Most of them had that as first. Mănăstirea cisterciană Câr≥a (Cluj–Napoca.330 chapter four princes. I. Mu lea. E. 1975). I. 434. pp. II. Comănici. 69. t. p. Runceanu. Danciu. ˘ara Făgăra ului în secolul al XIII-lea. DRH. XII. Nume de persoane i nume de animale în ˘ara Oltului (Bucharest. 512. I. Comănică. 281–283. it is believed to be a name. pp. 599. ed.C. 166 Urbariile. Limona. 88. See also. 196. 273. 200. I. etc. 1955). D. 193. pp. 199. II (1800–1825). 246–249. Hungarians in both Transylvania and Hungary employed the Hungarian word for Cuman (Kun) as a name. 203–207. 126. ed. Az Árpád-kori Magyarország történeti földrajza. 229. “Ottoman data on Lesser Cumania: Keçkemet nahiyesi—varo -i hala —kariye-i ksökut. Abaujvár county. Györffy. 1941). no. 174 T. I (Budapest. 168 169 . Halasi-Kun. no. which appears in 1330 and. I. in the northern region of the Hungarian Kingdom. 373. Makkai (Budapest. no. 268. 175 Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der Deutschen in Siebenbürgen.contacts and interactions 331 and especially as a nickname: Petrus dictus de Kwn. Lukinich et adiuvante L. F. eds.C. 146. curante E. 327. in the former Nógrád county (1389). DRH. 341. Diplome. near Satu Mare (1364 and 1365). No clear understanding of the significance of Romanian personal names derived from those of Turkic tribes is possible without taking into account the distribution of such names in the neighbouring countries. in Maramure (1391 and 1392). in Galo petreu. near Oradea (1362). p. no. Werner (Hermannstadt. 189. no. 172 Mihályi de Ap a.170 Nicolaus dictus Kwn de Bechke (Becska). some of their leaders were called by determinative names. XII.C. 170 Documenta historiam Valachorum in Hungaria illustrantia usque ad annum 1400 p. A. 173 Gy. 171 Ibidem.176 Such names could eventually turn into patronyms.173 After the defeat at Mohács (1526) and the occupation of a good part of Hungary by the Ottoman Turks. for which there is better evidence.169 Franciscus dictus Kun de Kak. p. Among DRH.172 A rather bizarre example is also Kunchmannus [Cumanus?] dictus Tataar (or Thatar). 375. p. 193. the name Coman (and its many variants) was employed by different ethnic groups.168 Johannes dictus Cwn / Kun. respectively. Most revealing in this respect is the distribution in the Balkans.” AEMA 4 (1984). the family name Kwn / Kun) appears less frequently in certain regions. Zimmermann and C. 1892). XII. Gáldi. again. Within that region. For instance.171 or Lucas dictus Kun de Rosal (Rozsály). Christum. 1966). no. in 1331 in Szepsi. 376. 96. especially in the western regions of the peninsula. nos. Menk Comans and Arbuz Cumans were mentioned in documents of 1279175 and 1289. Fekete Nagy and L. near Satu Mare (1382). which during the Middle Ages was divided between different polities with often unstable boundaries. 89. no. While the Cumans were present in Hungarian Kingdom as mercenaries.174 a phenomenon interpreted as signaling the last phase in the process of assimilation of the Cumans in the Pannonian Plain. Documenta historiam Valachorum. XIII. which were meant to indicate their ethnic origin. eds. 176 Ibidem. Among them were also the Vlachs in Serbia. 377. 1282. 363–364 and 369. 341. 77.185 Not far from the Croatian town Čazma (Chasma).332 chapter four the 200 Vlachs (Власи) mentioned in a donation of king Stephen the First-Crowned (Prvovenčani ) (1217–1227/8) for the Žiča Monastery. ed. 1951). 156. 2. 178 Hurmuzaki. nos. 1329. pp. Čremošnik (Belgrade. 1281. ed. 1957). 177 Árpádkori új okmántytár. Croniche ulteriori di Ragusa.181 and Chumanin of Novo Brdo mentioned in 1436 and at some point after 1440. no. 17–19. mentioned in 1308. Prva knjiga kotorskih notara od god. 1001–1235 (Pest. such names bear no implications for the ethnic origin of the persons to whom they applied. 180 Monumenta historica archivi Ragusini.to fifteenth-century Dalmatia: Cumanus. Dalmatiae et Slavoniae. and 236. to the east from Zagreb. 185 Kotorski spomenici. 1910). 317. Monumenta historica Ragusina. A. 181 Codex diplomaticus. II. 222 (151 d). pp. 53 and 70. . ed. nos. See Giovanni di Marino Gondola (probabilmente). 1235. G. and 1301. and 473. 1. 109. 549. 1278–1282. A Dalmatian chronicler writing in the second half of the fifteenth century mentions a cave near Ragusa. mentioned in 1278. I (Belgrade. Hurmuzaki. Из Дубровачког архива. 1905). 1326–1335. a priest of Spalato. Notae et acta notarii Thomasini de Savero. 1932). 175. T. XXV. Mayer (Zagreb.180 Cumanus. 1959). 207. 1951). Acta cancellariae et notariae annorum 1278–1301. near Cattaro. I. VIII (Zagreb. 182 M. 138. p. Mayer (Zagreb. III (Zagreb. 321. Vlahii din nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în evul mediu (Bucharest. nos. is mentioned in a document of 1330. Scriptores. Near Cattaro (Kotor). pp. Smičiklas. which was called Cumano. no. Notae et acta cancellariae Ragusinae. Wenzel. G. 27. S. ed. I. there were three persons named Kuman (Коумань). 1332–1337. 797. I. Dragomir.184 The village of Comana.178 Cuman was also popular in thirteenth. 2. 1238. a certain Scime de Comana appears in 1326183 and another named Milloslaus de Comana in 1332. 19. 184 Kotorski spomenici. 212. 1237. in Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium. Prva knjiga. 1860). p.. 1981). I. Čremošnik (Zagreb. A. p. 3rd Ser. 1893). whose name appears to be a diminutive of Kuman. nos. no. 1300 a certain Kumanicz (Куманиць) appears.177 A donation charter of the Serbian king Stephen Uroš II Milutin (1282–1321) for the Hilandar Monastery dated to ca. See also S. mentioned in 1232. 353. 179 Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae. I.182 Since no colonization and no migration of Cumans to Dalmatia is known to have taken place. ed. 157. ed. and 380. 352.179 Dubroqualis Cumanus of Ragusa (Dubrovnik). 775. ed. later confirmed by prince Radoslav. Nodilo (Zagreb. 1 and 615. 136. no. 183 Kotorski spomenici. Dinić. no. 1234. and 1243. Druga knjiga kotorskih notara god. 452. 183. IV (Zagreb. a priest and notary of Spalato (Split). 1906). 45. G. Malingoudis. p. IV. no. 8. 191 Ibidem. Codex diplomaticus. 2.187 This is most likely the same person as a certain Cumanus Scudrin. D. pp. no. Oikonomidès.192 In the Byzantium Kómanos was usually used as a first name. Kritische Bemerkungen. VIII) (Paris. 189 Acta Albaniae Veneta saeculorum XIV et XV. nos.193 Between the twelfth and the fourteenth centuries the name Κόμανoς was repeatedly recorded in documents of several monasteries at Mount Athos. Similarly. Du milieu du XI e siècle à 1204. and 2158/62. South of Dalmatia. Zorzi) Cumanj (Comannj) of Belaj. 298.195 while Michael Komanos and John Komanos were a paroikos Codex diplomaticus. mentioned in 1248. Those names begin to appear shortly after the earliest Cuman incursions into the Balkans. Papachryssanthou.186 which probably connected Hungary to Dalmatia. 186 187 . Guillou. on the Albanian shore of the Adriatic Sea. ed. N. 424. 293–300. pp. 194 Actes d’Iviron. VIII. is mentioned in 1304 as paroikos of the Lavra Monastery of Gomatu. no. eds. II. 205. 195 Actes de Lavra. Lemerle. p. 2–3. 2106. no. pp. La façade maritime de l’Albanie au Moyen Age. 52. Ducellier.contacts and interactions 333 there was a so-called “road of the Cumans” (via dicta Kumanorum). no.188 Several documents of 1417 mention Georgius (Giorgi.189 Stefano Cuman of Egci190 and Giergi [George] Cumanj of Buzëzezi. in collab. John Komanos (Iωάννης ὁ Κόμανoς). 190 Ibidem. A. 188 Ibidem. 2107/26. “Les contacts médiévaux albano-comans reflétés par l’onomastique de Kosovo. The first attestation is inserted in a praktikon of January 6612 (= 1104) issued by John Comnenus. Métrévéli (AA. Kravari and H. N. Durazzo et Valona du XIe au XV e siècle (Thessalonike. with V. and his name derives from that of Scutari (Shkodra). D. Papachryssanthou (AA. 2158/60.” Balkan Studies 22 (1981). II. lists among the paroikoi of Saint Barbara belonging to the Iviron Monastery. Búlgaros and Rosos (the last one being also known as family names). 1990). Schütz. A contract of 1243 mentions the merchant Kur [kyr] Cumanus de Succotrino from Dyrrachion (Durazzo / Durrës). De 1204 à 1328. no. a certain George Komanos (Γε(ώ)ρ(γιoς) ὁ Κόμανoς). XVI) (Paris.194 probably as a nickname. 169. nos. A. eds. Lefort. Valentin (Munich.191 Personal names of supposedly Cuman region have been recorded in several parts of Albania. no. J.” AOH 40 (1986). 192 I. 243. no. 2158/67. 192–193 and 223 with n. the anthroponym Cuman was also recorded in medieval documents. J. 99. 256–257. 1977). P. 193 P. much like Vláchos. which was in the centre of the economic and political interests of Venice. 1970). Svoronos. Texte. “«Die Bulgaren im Byzantinischen Reich». 1981). Texte. emperor Alexius I’s nephew. II. 146. an estate of the Xenophon Monastery. Métrévéli (AA. 1956). pp. no. p. a very large social category made up of dependent peasants with hereditary properties. p. De 1204 à 1328. no. 142 ff. The archives at Mount Athos contain many documents mentioning locals in the theme Thessalonike (1290–1310). Karayannopulos. 91. Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire. 1994). 1964).206 A woman named Κoμάνκα lived in 1320 on the estate of the Iviron Monastery at Palaiokastron. Texte. pp. 14. Lefort (AA.334 chapter four and son-in-law of paroikos. V. 202 Ibidem. no. A Social and Demographic Study (Princeton. “Ein Problem der spätbyzantinischen Agrargeschichte. no. 247. 262. 106. p. 189. 16. pp. no. 245 and 264. III. 77. J. D. Laiou-Thomadakis. Papachryssanthou. 109. 114. Kravari. 75. no. 1973). p. 206 Actes de Xénophon. 1986). respectively. Texte. III. no. 201 Actes d’Esphigménou. 122.196 After 1300. p. 114. 198 Actes de Lavra. no. II. XV) (Paris. 143. Texte. D. That the name was sufficiently common by 1200 results from the Ibidem.” Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 30 (1981). J. ed. p. N. The former—Κoμάνα—is attested in 1318204 and 1320205 at Melintziane. 79. p. 216. with H. eds. appears in documents of 1318201 and 1321.. no. Komana and Komanka. p. Komanos appeared as a Christian first name in the Chalcidice (Khalkidike) Peninsula and in the neighbouring regions to the north. 205 Ibidem. the name Komanos applied to members of other social categories as well. John Komanitzes was recorded in 1316 for a paroikos of the Iviron Monastery at Radolibos. an estate of the Iviron Monastery. Texte. Lefort. and in 1338 at Stomion. 1300). also from Laimin. p. 200 Actes d’Iviron. 69.197 in the katepanikion Hierissos (ca. Quelques problèmes d’histoire de la paysannerie byzantine (Brussels. 8. VI) (Paris. turned out out to be paroikoi. A certain Komanos Tzankáres. III) (Paris. no. Oikonomidès. p. 18 A. E. 207 Actes d’Iviron. 1300). 25. ed. no. p.198 in the village Laimin (two inhabitants) (ca. XVIII) (Paris. p.200 all called Κόμανoς. 15.208 However. 204 Ibidem. 199 Actes d’Esphigménou. 196 197 . no. no. p. 74. 195. 77.207 Most people with names derived from that of the Cumans. in Byzantium. Ostrogorskij. J. A. ed.199 in Palaiokastron (1320). 1977). New Jersey. Actes de Xéropotamou. Papachryssanthou (AA. 214–216. in collab. who are mentioned in documents preserved in the archives at Holy Mount. III. 203 Actes d’Iviron. 245. 208 G. Bompaire (AA. 41–74.202 A diminutive form of the name. J.203 The name had also feminine variants. working the land of the Lavra (1321). . That the vast majority of such names appears in Chalcidice and on the Adriatic 209 L’estoire de Eracles empereur et de la conqueste de la terre d’Outremer. Texte. This is a further confirmation of the fact that that name and its variants was not in fact an indication of the ethnicity of the person to which it applied. 213 Actes de Saint-Pantéléèmôn.211 It may well be the same as the modern town of Kumanovo. Guillou.. to the north-east from Skopje. no. 341–345. in relation to disputes with the monks of the Lavra. типици. 1890). no. A. no. поменици. ed. 130–131.210 No such compound names are known to have made use of Komanos. confirmed previous land grants to the Monastery of Saint Panteleemôn. which appears in the agreement concluded between the Hilandar Monastery and Novo Selo in 1621. A place named Κoυμανόβεζ. P. Peasant Society. 1948). but only little information exists about them. which included a village named Kumaničevo. 1859). 214 Actes de Lavra. 1982). 65. compound names ending in -poulos are attested. II (Paris. 66.213 This is in fact the village by that same name still in existence on the right bank of the river Vardar.212 A charter of despot Jovan Dragaš and his brother Constantine. which referred to ethnicity (e. биографије. p. in Recueil des historiens des Croisades. N. Papachryssanthou (AA. 211 Стари српски хрисову и акти. Svoronos. S. Historiens occidentaux. L. pp. XIII. 170. not far from Kavadarci.. Lemerle.g. pp. in A. The Cumans. eds. XII) (Paris. p. A village named Komanovo was among those granted by tsar Stephen Uroš III Dečanski (1321–1331) to the Hilandar Monastery in 1327.214 Similar names must have been in existence in other parts of the Balkans as well. 25. eds. 44. but none can apparently be located in the Chalcidice Peninsula. Dagron. who were settled in the theme of Moglena may have well contributed to the proliferation of such personal and place names in Macedonia. pp. Those Turks are in fact specifically mentioned in 1181 and 1184. 1970). 334–341. The documents at Mount Athos contain many references to place names deriving from the ethnic name of the Cumans. 6. летописи.contacts and interactions 335 fact that a Crusade French chronicler referred to Theodore Comnenus as Todre le Commanos. 212 V. Lemerle. P. G. with D. p. Vlachopoulos or Armenopoulos). no. V) (Paris. dated between 1372 and 1375. pp. записи и др. Supplementa ad acta graeca Chilandarii (Ljubljana. in collab. 291–292. but at the most. Sovre. I.209 Under the Palaeologan emperors. III (Belgrade. Stojanović. 210 Laiou-Thomadakis. in Споменик Српска Краљевска Академија. of one of that person’s distant ancestors. ™irković (AA. Des origines à 1204. Mošin. 336 chapter four coast. 216 Il libro dei conti di Giacomo Badoer (Constantinopoli 1436–1440). Balard. 149. in Cyprus. 201. Économie et population. Among the inhabitants listed in the registers (defter). 1976). that is. 197. is simply an indication of source survival in the Venitian archives and in those at Mount Athos. no. the association with the name of the Cumans of such names as Nikola Kamanic and Yani Kamanic from the village of Limni. 396. pp. eds. in Famagosta. pp. 1299. given that in the third decade of the fourteenth century a detachment Duca di Candia.215 In this case Cumano appears to have been a nickname. in Dalmatia and Albania. 192. The Ottoman census of 1474 recorded many similar family and nicknames in several villages of Euboea (Negroponte). 219 Ibidem. much like in the case of Sanser Zorzi Chumano known to have been a Genoese merchant active in Constantinople in 1437 and 1438. By contrast. mentions a certain Ser Iohanes Caucho dictus Cumano. Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto (11 ottobre 1296–23 giugno 1299) (Genoa. Lemerle. N. Guillou. 1983). Nikola Komano of Kambiya. Papachryssanthou (AA.218 The origin of those family names is not difficult to establish. ed. 220 M.217 That church belonged to the Great Lavra at Mount Athos. Balta. X) (Paris. Bertelè (Rome.216 A dependent peasant mentioned in 1415 in an inventory of church property on Lemnos was also called Komanos. 634. 145. as a witness to an agreement between Catalan merchants and navigators. 215 . 135. Les registres de l’année 1474 (Athens. 287. 8. 1989). Notai genovesi in Oltremare. From the Balkans. 350. Svoronos. Texte. no. De 1329 à 1500. 8. U. in a place quite far from the continental part of south-eastern Europe.220 The presence of the name Komanos in Lemnos should not surprise. Yorgi Cumana of Mazaros and Yani Komano of Yidez. eds. mentions a certain Michael Comanus. Quaternus consiliorum (1340–1350). P. III. 168. no. A. and 635. the following names may be mentioned: Yani Komano of Ahladeri. p. 217 Actes de Lavra. 1979). where it appears between the fourteenth and the fifteenth century. D. Dorini and T. L’Eubée à la fin du XV e siècle. 218 E. and Kiriako Komeno from Yalotra219 remains uncertain. pp. p. 506. 164. P. 287 and 306. 267 and 271–273. A document written on May 16. and not a mirror of the demographic reality in the whole of the Balkan Peninsula. the name Coman spread to the islands in the Aegean Sea and even to the eastern Mediterranean. four years after they had conquered the island. R. 1956). Vidulich (Venice. A document written in 1341 at Candia—the most important centre of Crete. occupied by the Venetians after the Fourth Crusade—. XI. But the place name Comana in Tuscany cannot derive from the name of the Cumans. pp. C. 126. Margarita. Pellegrini.225 as well as in the western 221 Ioannis Cantacuzeni Historiarum libri IV. 1828). 259. L. Cuise. and 258. 58. 217 ff. v. DRH. 103. ed. 170). monastic holdings and the Byzantine state: ca. see Hurmuzaki.” in Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman Society. 24. as well as on two other islands of the Aegean Sea at the order of emperor Andronicus II Palaeologus (1282–1328). and 130. 224 R. Beigoba. 1937). “Lemnos. 255. In fact a black (?) slave of Cuman origin was sold in August 1301 in Famagosta. 1986). A. I (Bonn. eds. A migration of a large group of Cumans to Cyprus is also out of question.C. 175). His name was Tarabuga. p. 51. Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto (6 luglio–27 ottobre 1301) (Genoa. I. For names associated with the Uzes.221 The use of the nickname Cumano in Candia in 1341 may be explained in terms of the presence on the island of Crete of slaves of Cuman origin (de genere Cumm[an]orum / Cu[ma]nnurum / Cumanorum). 55. 201 and 283. p. and 117. 2. Notai genovesi in Oltremare. 1982).” in ibidem. . 54. 100. Marcato. 16.. Lowry (Birmingham–Washington. P.223 The same is true about the names attested on the eastern Adriatic coast. Morozzo della Rocca (Venice. Gündisch (Hermannstadt. n. Schopen. 98. whose fame has no spread all over the eastern Mediterranean. 17. G. G. However.224 While personal names derived from the ethnic name of the Pechenegs and the Uzes are rare in the Romanian lands outside the Carpathian Mountains. XII i XIII.C. Haldon. nos. although it is not impossible that slaves of Cuman origin were brought on to the markets in Famagosta and other places on the island. Pavoni. 222 Benvenuto de Brixano. Storia e significato dei nomi geografici italiani (Turin.222 No significant group of Cumans is known to have moved either to Euboea (Negroponte). Gasca Queirazza. no. 66–68. “Latins on Lemnos before and after 1453. 223 G. 29. See also J. R. and 140. Dizionario di toponomastica. IV. pp. Vida. nos. 1990). 220. 97. 231. given that that place name is first attested in the early ninth century. A. D. 164. 223. 178. there can be no doubt that the names in question derive from that of the Cumans.C. and 296. B. 1301–1302. Topping. ed. Bryer and H. 2166 and 2167. 225 For personal names associated with Pechenegs. with such names as Bersaba. n. Petrarcco Sicardi. 91. 25. p. G. nos. Documenta historiam Valachorum (see above. pp. 43. or to Crete. for after 1204 both islands were under Venitian control. ed. Rossebastiano. 1261–1453. XI. 1950). notaio in Candia. see DIR. XII.contacts and interactions 337 of Cumans had been moved there. Urkundenbuch (see above. 57. nos. p. they were relatively more frequent in the Kingdom of Hungary (including Transylvania). I. 178). 20. 69. Lučić (Zagreb. Such names were still used long after the assimilation of the Cumans into the local population. I. p. 266. and 403. which then turned into a family. and 178. p. 405. 184. 144. 231 Chronici Hungarici. 441. X (Cracow. 371. 1984).. 528.226 Neither their frequency. p. ed. nor their distribution can match that of names derived from the ethnic name of the Cumans. 1873). n. Monumenta historica archivi Ragusini. Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium. 69. . XXIX. J. in idem. E. 444. 309. 518. Cuman / Koman / Komanus was initially a nickname. 427. 170. 28. There is some evidence to support the idea that in Hungary and in the Balkans. 2. 230 Ibidem. 466. 35. 3). and 559. 200. II. 137. 179. 180). no. 12. 234. 180). 529. 368. p.231 Uzas was a “Sarmatian” 226 For place names associated with the Pechenegs. nos. J. Let.338 chapter four Balkans. III. 291. 95). CPict. Joannis Dlugossii seu Longini Historiae Polonicae libri XII. see Monumenta historica Ragusina. 275. Notae et acta notarii Thomasini de Sauere.Voskr. V. 178. 1897). Gelcich (Zagreb. see Codex diplomaticus (see above. since it is clear that non-Cumans were also called by that name. 1 (see above. 143. and only later into a first name. 3nd Ser. n. 164. CPict.230 Tatar was the commander of the Cuman detachment hired by the Hungarian king Stephen II (1116–1131). 44. Cuman or its variants applied only to persons of Cuman origin. ed. 400. 67. 353. in SRH. I. Travnik. Testamenta (1282–1284). p. Ibidem. individual Cumans were identified by nicknames pointing to their ethnic identity or background. 128. ed. II.227 Berendi of the Torki (Uzes) tribe is mentioned in 1097.228 Two Polovtsyan (Cuman) chieftains mentioned in 1096 and 1103 were called Kunui229 and Komana. 427. 243. Libri reformationum. Chronicon Henrici de Mügeln germanice conscriptum. Monumenta historica Ragusina (see above. 1909). pp. Opera omnia (see above. 10. 81. nos. 115. 228 PVL. etc. I. such names became patronymics for some of their descendants. nos. 2. 153. 1. 229 Ibidem. Diversa cancellariae I (1282–1284). 346. 12. For names associated with the Uzes. respectively. etc. 77. 39. 1282–1284. pp.. 123. p. Natives may have called persons of Cuman origin by a nickname referring to the ethnic background. no. 58. p. and 360. 401. 32. 227 Chronici Hungarici (see above. 173. 399. but it is equally possible that the nomads themselves applied such names to their own fellow tribesmen. 272. While living side by side with the locals. 399. it would be a gross mistake to assume that in all known cases. n. However. 472. n. pp. 447. Monumenta Ragusina. nos. 189. The name of a chieftain of a group of Pechenegs during the second half of the eleventh century was Kazar. 152. n. 165. VII (Zagreb. p. 210. nos. The adoption of such names by the population north of the Lower Danube and from the Balkans is undoubtedly due to direct contact with the Cumans. 549. 216. 9. Gradually. 87. IV. I. 34. in Recueil des historiens des Croisades. extraite de sa Chronique.alihi wa-auladihi. 3. 168.235 The name of a late twelfth-century Seljuq emir is ‘Izz ed-Dîn Hasan ben Ya’kub ben Kifdjak. himself a son of the great khan Ögödäi. pp. 99. 240 Rashid al-Din. 176. ed. 26–28. B. XX. ed. 426–429. 41–44. Autobiographie. celui de Nour ed-Dîn et celui de Salah ed-Dîn. 67. 122. E. 437–438. 140. 2 (Paris. Qalawun a . pp. 233 Monumenta Ecclesiae Strigoniensis. 237. 1998). Early Mamluk Syrian Historiography. J. pp. 235 Ibidem. Histoire des deux règnes. 157. Thackston (Harvard [Cambridge. p. 597–598. P. pp. F. Le livre des deux Jardins. 173–174. 236 Abou Chamah. pp. Leib (Paris. pp. II (1999). p. Historiens orientaux. 1 (Paris. 1920). III (1999). 134. pp. ed. trans. pp. 234 Ibn-Alatyr. Alexiade. Histoire des Atabecs de Mosul. . the governor of Shaubec. and 151–153. 1876). Boyle (New York–London. 1983).238 The governor of the Mamluk sultan in Syria in 1340–1341 was called Qif<aq. 1898). 602. 237 Taki-Eddin-Ahmed-Makrizi. and 377.239 Qipchaq was also the name of the son of the Mongol prince Kadan..contacts and interactions 339 mercenary in the late eleventh-century Byzantine army. ed. Mass. 393. Abou’l Fida. in Recueil des historiens des Croisades. 378–379. pp. II. Al-Jazari. I. XIV. IV (Paris. 238 Moufazzal ibn Abil-Fazaïl. Histoire des sultans mamlouks de l’Égypte. II. Hurmuzaki.). 120–121. trans. The Memoirs of a Syrian Prince. Al-Yūnīnī’s. pp. II (Strigonii. in Patrologia Orientalis. ed. 118. 50. 107–113. 1929). 65. 1872). 30. p. A History of the Mongols. 1845). Histoire des sultans mamlouks. A.233 A governor of Alep was called Cuman.237 The name of another Egyptian emir. trans. W. 77 and 102. ed. La chronique (années 689–698 H. F. and 77–79. 49–51. I. 36. R. 1949). and 625–626 ff. and 194. Historiens orientaux. Ibn el-Athîr. M. 43.] Quatremère. and the viceroy of Damascus in ca. II.]).236 while another in the service of the Mamluk sultan in 1298 was named Mubâriz-eddin-Avlia-ben-Kuman. 75. 370. I (1998). and ed. M. Djayl Mir’āt al-zamān.240 Qipchaq was also the great emir of Melik-Temür 232 Anne Comnène. 141. Graffin. 1985). 97. Sauvaget (Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études. pp. 1971). Tarih al-Malik an-Na ir Muhammad b. Hama. 310. J. pp. 39. Knauz. and 54–55. B. 31. 1943). Historiens orientaux. Nau (Paris. Rashiduddin Fazlullah’s Jami’u’t-tawarikh: Compendium of Chronicles. pp. and Alep. in Recueil des historiens des Croisades.234 and the son of the early twelfth-century Turkoman Arslan-Tash was called Captchac (Kafdjak). É. Abu’-Fida’ Sultan of Hamah (672–732/1273–1331). p. I (Paris. Schäfer (Wiesbaden. Blochet. etc. 294) (Paris. 239 Šams ad-Din aš-Šu<a’i. eds. Extrait de la chronique intitulée Kamel-Altevarykh.232 Uzuz (Vzur / Uzur) was one of the chieftains of the Cumans settled in Hungary in the thirteenth century. The Successors of Genghis Khan. and 204. in Recueil des historiens des Croisades. Holt (Wiesbaden. 520 and 522. 28. I. ed. 1882). II. pp. Li Guo (Leiden– Boston–Cologne. 2 (Paris. 1300 was Saif ad-Din Kiptchak al Mansuri (Qipchaq al-Man ūrī ). 121. Historiens orientaux. 609. p. [M. 117. 1501. Al. relatively common names in Moldavia were such names as Armeanu. mentions the sons of one Stoica. Coman Băicescu (1617).and sixteenth-century Wallachian charters: Coman Kure (1460). which Romanians used as first name. Coman and Michael (Mihai ). Bulgaru. passim. Coman Făgără anul (1488. I (1975). or Coman Cre≥u (1505). red. ˘igan. 287 and 308. 25. 113. alov (from the Romanian word for pike perch. Unlike Coman. and later turned into family names.242 As mentioned above. Coman has been used among Romanians almost exclusively as a family name. v.340 chapter four and the son of Kökechü. 243 DIR. The adoption of those names by Romanians must have been made according to a fashion of the time.A. For example. The same is true for the instances of that name in fifteenth. Coman Basinschi (1605). XIV–XVII (1384–1625). Sârbu. II (1959). pp. Romanians often adopted the ethnic names of their neighbors as personal names. The use of family names was still rare before 1600 for boyars and almost unknown for commoners. Capro u (Bucharest. III (1969). I. Indicele numelor de persoane. In documents of the fourteenth-fifteenth centuries Coman was used as a first name. That the name appears to have applied to Gypsies in the fifteenth century indicates that the name was so common as to have had no ethnic connotation whatsoever. Rusu. Grecu. A document dated between 1400 and 1403 gives the names of the two sons of a certain Batea. I. Successors. Tătaru. Turcu. Supl. much like other Europeans. Frâncu. IV (1970). His other brothers all had common Romanian names such as Rashid al-Din. Indeed. and 125). In more recent times. 42. Rusnac.241 Finally the name of a mid-fourteenthcentury Mamluk emir was Baibuga Tatar. 1995). Leahu. Gon≥a. Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti (see above. I (1957). alău). the earliest Romanian attestations of the personal names Coman and Berindei applied to either boyars or Gypsy slaves. n. dated to 1441. p. Lipovanu. ed. That Coman was used in Moldavia as a first. Mid-fourteenth-century royal Hungarian diplomas mention Tatar as one of the many sons of Giula of Giule ti (Maramure ). and 1539). not family name is quite clear in such cases as Coman Margelat (a name mentioned in a diploma of 1598). which was probably a nickname.243 All such names were undoubtedly used initially as nicknames. Another. Neam≥u. Coman and Nanul. and Ungureanu. But Coman was not the only ethnic name of a nomadic group. In only one case (1438) did the name appear together with a family name. they were rarely used as first names. Sas. erban. or Coman Berchez (1619). Šams ad-Din aš-Šu<a’i. 241 242 . I (Rome. C. 1863). the name never appears as a family. and 639. A. Zimmermann. In fact. tefan. Drăganu. 58. “Besenyök és magyarok.245 In fourteenth-century Transylvania. 150 and 335. 248 Исторические связи народов СССР и Румынии в XV-начале XVIII в. Coman was never used in the oldest charters and diplomas in Moldavia.247 It is clear from such examples that Tatar was in no way an indication of Mongol ethnic identity. 250 Rassovsky. 1408–1632. Müller (Hermannstadt. A. XIII. L. It is even possible that some of those individuals with such names as Berindei and Coman may have come to Moldavia from Maramure and Transylvania. 1902). no. XI. more personal and place names are of Turkic origin in Hungary than in any of the neighboring regions. F. Cherepnin (Moscow. 246 A. 79). 529–530. 24–26. Berendei. nos. Документы и материалы. 245 Mihályi de Ap a. 486. pp. the envoy of king Sigismund I to Vlad I. Diplome. Werner and G. no. 175). Wallachia. 53.244 Tatar was also used as a first name by the early fifteenth-century inhabitants of Giule ti. Cumans) who had settled in Arpadian state over the first two centuries of that kingdom’s existence. That the name was used by Romanians was not so much a result of the assimilation of Cumans. pp. In fact. торки и берендеи” (see above. Pechenegs. in 1396. Novoselski. 344. 489. In conclusion. pp. 157). 15). A. no. 165–166. n. eds. like Coman. Tatar was not a name attached to any particular ethnic group. Grosul. Dragomir. Diplome. p.” Körösi Csoma-Archivum. DRH. 80. 145. 1933.C. as it was an indirect indication of the Cuman influence in the Romanians lands outside the Carpathian Mountains. DRH. the envoy of Stephen the Great to the court of the Polish king Casimir IV (1444–1492). X. n. 563. Diplome (see above. 249 Mihályi de Ap a. nos. pp. Gy.249 It is possible also that the Romanian names in Transylvania were influence by the onomastic practice in Hungary. . eds. 27 and 33. 1965). Györffy. prince Stephen’s envoy to a Christian king could not obviously have been a Turk.contacts and interactions 341 Drago . I. Ia. Theiner. Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia. 485.250 244 Mihályi de Ap a. XI. I. 370. only as a nickname. III. This is also true for John (Ioan) Turcul. 63. O≥etea. Românii (see above. where the names were in use among Romanians. specifically by the use of ethnic names derived from those of the Turkic groups (Kabars. prince of Wallachia. 1379. S. pp. V. “Печенеги.248 At a time of increasing hostility between the Moldavia and the Ottomans. and 241. pp. 247 Urkundenbuch (see above. Costea and Miroslav. p. Ergänzungsband (1939). X. C. Uzes.C. 264–265.246 This is clearly the case of Johannes Tatar. no. n. and Transylvania in an ethnic sense. n. 254 Theoretically. История (see above. Shishman. Balul. Chakăr. Dogan. Barso. and Kragui (all meaning hawk or falcon). Kuman (with the variants Kumanin. Balik. 253 Ibidem. Balaban.253 Some of the names of Turkic origin derive from Turkic words for animals: Barak (dog). n. Balvan. pp. Iranian. or Arabic origin have been found among the non-Slavic. it is more likely that the Turkic names mentioned above originated from the nomads in the steppe lands north of the Black and Caspian seas.251 From among the numerous names of Bulgarian taxpayers. the variants Kumanin and Kumano appear four and three times. the Uzes. Most fifteenth-century personal names of Turkic origin must therefore be of Pecheneg and Cuman-Qipchaq origin. as evidenced by fifteenth-century Ottoman tax rolls. Balin. Tatul. Dushman. Boil. Turkhan. Iarul. Chakăr. Kurt (wolf ). Karabash. which are certainly of Turkic origin. Koch (ram). 299. Derman (Durman). Bako. 397–500. non-Greek. Negoi. one cannot explain this phenomenon as a mere influence of Ottoman Turkish onomastics. Karaman. 252 Ibidem. Karadzha (roe). Bakhadyr. p. Kitan. Hilfsvölker und Grenzwächter im mittelalterlichen Ungarn (Wiesbaden. Dogan. p. Kuno). Given that the earliest tax-rolls post-date by just a few decades the Ottoman conquest of the north-eastern area of the Balkan Peninsula. Kumano). Koyan (hare). etc. Balaban. Malak.342 chapter four An equally large number personal names of Turkic origin were in existence in Bulgaria. 3–4. Koian. (Kurt. Göckenjan. 251 Stoianov. although such an influence have been surmised for the later evidence. Kuni. However. no. 1972). Balush. 179–183. Kurd. Kosha. Ugrin. Kara. Kunbek (Kune.252 The most common of all is Kuman. Bulgaro-Turcica. 184–297. 190. 3. 235–239. Khamza. respectively. pp. Tugrul. the following are worth mentioning: Asen. pp. pp. Bakl’o. H. Several hundreds of names of Turkic. Gogul. In addition. such names could have well been adopted by at least one or perhaps even two generations. Kragui. Buchak. Kabal. Karadzha. Khali. which appears 69 times in the Ottoman rolls. Barak. Kurte). Malak (buffalo). one should not exclude completely the possibility that the Ottoman Turks introduced ancient Turkic names to the Balkans. Baio. 49). Borcho. . and non-Christian names of thousands of tax-payers from the Bulgarian lands. 254 Ibidem. although for some of them a possible Proto-Bulgar origin cannot be excluded either. especially from the Pechenegs. Sari. Tarla. During the first fifty years of Ottoman occupation of Bulgaria. Thompson. T. pp. “Origins and possible Cuman affiliations of the Asen dynasty. 317. pp. I.” Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historische Classe der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 95 (1879). S.” in The Turks. 105–106. C. The Nomads of Balkans. J. no. Scharlipp (Berlin. Güzel. Stoyanov. II). 259–261. A. However. Inalcik (Ankara. der Asaniden. chief of the ed. 1186–1257. O<uz. no. Oriental Military in the Pre-Ottoman Balkans. 113 and 116–117. Die Walachen als Begründer des zweiten bulgarischen Reiches. “A contribution to the study of the Bulgarian medieval Turkic language heritage. 682–683. Attempts by Lazăr ăineanu and Heinz F. board Y. L. nos. 1972). H. Dimitrov. with the assist. Tatars and Russians in the 13th–16th Centuries [Variorum Collected Studies Series] [Aldershot–Burlington. 233–237 and 244. Asen / Asan. no.256 others of Proto-Bulgar origin. Wace and M. In this respect.contacts and interactions 343 and especially the Cumans. Ein romanisches Volk im Herzen des Balkans. 2002). 38–42. eds. In addition. Roemer. pp. 1. C. pp. of W. “Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete der slavischen Geschichte. ăineanu 255 C. 1–4. “Kumans in Bulgarian history (eleventh–fourteenth centuries). The Vlachs: The History of a Balkan People (New York. Among lexemes of Cuman origin.-E. A. O. 4. V. 2005). and have been rejected even by most scholars. advisor H.” Études balkaniques 36 (2000). Halaço<lu. B.” Europa Ethnica 25 (1968). v. 357–365. 2000). 83–88. . 257 S. distinguishing those words from much later Tatar or Ottoman Turkish loans is very difficult. Wendt to establish a chronology of Turkic loans into Romanian are not very convincing. Hilckman.” Archivum Ottomanicum 13 (1993–1994). idem. nor Cuman are preserved. “Die Nachrichten des Niketas Choniates über die Entstehung des Zweiten Bulgarischen Staates. pp. 315. Southeastern Europe. Ouzes et Qiptschaqs et leurs rapports avec les Hongrois).257 * * * As a result of the lasting contacts between natives and nomad. 335–345 (reprint in idem. pp. R. Cumans and Tatars. p. Some believe it to be of Romanian255 or Cuman. even those without any expertise in Turkology. “Turcs non-islamisés en Occident (Pétchénègues. An Account of Life and Customs Among the Vlachs of Northern Pindus (London–New York. Rásonyi. Vásáry. “Die Aromunen. Höfler. pp. 2007]. and the existence in Codex Comanicus of words matching others attested in Romanian is no proof that the latter are Cuman loans. ed. many common words were adopted by speakers of Romanian from the Turkic idioms spoken by Pechenegs and Cumans. p. 1987). I. J. 3. Malingoudis. Curta. it is important to mention that historians have not reached an agreement as to the origin of the name of the Vlach dynasty of the Second Bulgarian Tsardom. Karatay. Winnifrith.” Byzantina 10 (1980). R. 256 Ph. ed. H. because little evidence exists of what the Romanian language looked like between the ninth and the thirteenth century. 147. Early Ages. and 434. pp. Turks. pp.” in History of the Turkic Peoples in the Pre-Islamic Period / Histoire des Peoples Turcs à l’Époque Pré-Islamique. 1185–1365 (Cambridge. neither Pecheneg. Istoria. “Notes sur le bir.344 chapter four listed beci (cellar). 86. 359. 105 and 208. or sarai. Gh. Kuen (Bucharest. duium (host). buzdugan (mace). scrum (ashes). De la latină la română (Bucharest. oium / uium (tithe). 258 . du man (enemy). p. Sala. Giurescu. p. and toi (climax). Coteanu. 437. p. “Împrumuturi cumane în limba română: odaie i cioban. such as fanar. 205–214. A. Istoria (see above. “Sprachgeographisches” (see above. idem. cioltor / oltar (a blanket used under the saddle). n.261 odaie (room). 266 N. bir (tribute). pp. cinel (riddle-me-ree).. Coumans. Iordan.264 zăgan (falcon). I. XVIII–XIX. II. XVI) (Bucharest.259 most scholars continued to take them as pre-Ottoman Turkic loans. p. I (Bucharest. 1976). Formarea poporului român (Craiova. Geschichte und Philologie (1889). Originea. 59). Dan (Bucharest. 259 Philippide. Privire generală. p. colibă (hut). medean (square). olat (land). XVI–XVII. Histoire.262 gorgan (hillock). S. Ivănescu. sowie über die Völkerschaften der sogennanten Gagauzi und Surguči im heutigen Bulgarien. casap L. p. Limba română. 23. 403. 263 G. Pecenegii i cumanii din ˘ara Lovi tei (Aalborg. see C. Beldiceanu and I. “Einige Bemerkungen über die Überreste der Petschenegen und Kumanen. 71. 59). Heinz F. sorli≥ă (falcon). n. 1973). On Bărăgan as a Turanian toponym. Pu cariu. C. 41. 96. butuc (log). 1997). Essays presented to Halil Inalcik on his Seventienth Birthday by his Colleagues and Students (= Journal of Turkish Studies 10. n. on the other hand. les esclaves Tatars et quelques charges dans les Pays roumains.” BSRG 31 (1910). X—începutul sec. I. pp. n. “Condi≥iile istorice de dezvoltare a feudalismului timpuriu în secolele XI–XIII. 314. Die rumänische Sprache. 29. Dic≥ionar al limbii române vechi (sfîr itul sec. 23–24.266 and others. Beldiceanu-Steinherr. 1994). pp. 1987). “Influen≥a orientală în toponimia românească. pp. 1900). 262 C. 11.260 Others have the following to the list of words of Pecheneg-Cuman origin: bărăgan (vast plain). 260 Boldur. p. 31–33.” Studii i cercetări lingvistice 12 (1961). pp. pp. buzdugan (mace). the following Romanian words may be regarded as of Pecheneg origin: boier (boyard). 143. went even farther when separating Pecheneg from Cumans. 62). p. böhmischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. 261 Iorga.” Sitzungsberichte der königl. Pascu. See also pp. 1998). 135. 1974). cioban (shepherd). M. no. H. and both from Cuman-Tatar loans. caia (horse shoe nail). Mihăilă. Influen≥a orientală asupra limbii i culturii române. p.263 buzdugan (mace). ed. Wendt. bunduc / bondoc (chunk). 2. II (see above. He also listed the following words as of Cuman origin: agă (agha). fotă (kind of peasant’s skirt) and schingi (torture). ăineanu.265 bir (tribute). caravană (caravan). bălăban (falcon). p. maidan.Rom. du man (enemy). Istoria Basarabiei (see above. Classe für Philosophie. with a list of other words. no. 264 Ivănescu. In his opinion. p.” in Raiyyet Rüsûmu. 437. 2. Jireček. 59). curgan (hillock). 265 Diaconu. taman. t. p. trans. Pandrea. habar. Sala. idem. III. M.” in Ist.258 In spite of Alexandru Philippide’s critique of the criteria. p. Etimologia i limba română (Bucharest. I. p. 1986). which Lazăr ăineanu had used to analyze those words. Popescu-Ciocănel. 8–10. the problem of the ancient Turkic loans in Romanian as an indication of the language contact between Romanians and the Turkic nomads has been thoroughly studied by Alexander Coman. dulap. iurtă (yurt). sufragerie (dining-room). n. tălmaci (interpreter). cioban (shepherd). said (tacked seam). lămâie (lemon). a se tolăni (to lie down). 1980). filde (ivory). dulap (cupboard). cârmâziu (crimson). scrum (ashes). cislă (chatter).269 However. tutun (tabacco). copper). duium (host). conac (manor). cloth mantle). 15). maimu≥ă (monkey). ili (wheat tax). sucman (homespun peasant coat). pp. toiag (staff ). han (khan). mascară (buffoon). saca (water cask). chi leac (curds). lefegiu (hireling). ovăz (oats). abacă (embroidery). vătă el (bailiff ). 269 Ibidem. murdar (dirty). dughiană (shop). mahala (suburb). dovleac (pumpkin). who regards the following words as of Pecheneg or Cuman origin: boier. naht (cash). 536–541. maramă (headkerchief ). cobză (traditional string instrument). topuz (bludgeon). and zarzără (apricot). teanc (heap). 267 Wendt. horă (round dance). cucă (cap with ostrich feathers). tolbă (quiver). năut (chick peas). tulbent (bride veil). bălăban (falcon). pp. pil (whip). siric (oar). and others.267 Recently. butuc (log). liman (liman). maidan (waste ground). cazan (boiler. cobuz (shepherd’s pipe). Die türkische Elemente (see above. Zur Geschichte und Sprachgeschichte Südosteuropas vom IX. tălmaci (interpreter). spanac (spinach). 268 A. chihlimbar (amber). ceaun (cast-iron kettle). bostan (pumpkin). vătaf.–XX. dulamă (homespun coat. leafă (wages). toi (climax). bairam (carousal). chirpici (adobe). 177–178. talan (anthrax). Jhd. . teas (tray). fanar (lantern). pazmangiu. lac (lake). haraci (tribute). sultan (sultan). maidan (wasteland). odaie (room). 1998). i lic (fur cap). suliman (rouge). bir. ghiol (salt lake). călimară (ink-pot). du man. andrama (shed). baltag (battle-axe). market stall). sacnasiu (small waiting room). Rumänen. dugheană (booth). R. hamal (porter). colibă. guzgan (rat). calfă. cer etor (beggar). catâr (mule). ciorbă (sour soup. fortified house). pp. durbac (wine press handle). Kumanen. olac. nor Turkish. 552–558. ciob (potsherd). surlă (fife). boia (dye). tulipan. Osmanen. du man (enemy). cadână (woman). magiun ( jam). tarabă (counter. târnăcop (pick-axe). Coman. irmezea (pollard). sârmă (wire). ecpaia (stuff of a high official). iaz (pond). Einführung in die Balkanlinguistik mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des Substrats und des Balkanlateinischen (Darmstadt. 164–168. tălmaci. chibrit (match). hambar (barn). mahramă / maramă (very thin raw silk). beci (cellar). borsch). harbuz (water melon). it appears that many such words on Alexander Coman’s list are neither Turkic. See also G. tărâm (realm).268 According to Coman. culă / hulă (vault. (Fulda–Hermannstadt. Solta. pa ă / ba ă (pasha-basha). more than 250 words in Romanian have clear correspondents in the language of the Cumans: bac i (tip). catifea (velvet).contacts and interactions 345 (butcher). torbă (purse). 266). It seems illogical to assume that Romanians north Ibidem. administration. but also in Bulgarian and Serbian. 1888). It is unlikely. A. 537–538. In fact. 272 F. 2002). and 204.” AM 19 (1996). pp. and Cuman-Tartar origin respectively.and silver-plated artifact decorated with Arabic script elements (Fig. p. fabrics and spiritual life from the Pechenegs or the Cumans. a gold. cânepă (hemp). This is a unique piece for the entire east and south-east European area. for example. they were certainly not borrowed by speakers of Romanian from communities of nomads with little.270 Other words on Coman’s “Turkic” lists are also demonstrably Greek or Slavic loans. Hauge.346 chapter four For instance. 270 271 . Miklosich. the idea of separating lexical elements of Pecheneg.273 True. 9–10. p. the Bulgarians. which appears in Romanian. if any experience in horticulture and arboriculture. Grannes. whatever their origin. 25/9). A Dictionary of Turkisms in Bulgarian (Oslo. n. and purice (flea) have all a demonstrable Latin origin. respectively. pp. Moreover. 192. as the archaeological evidence clearly shows that the nomads rarely used maces in battle and never shoed their horses.272 a word most likely derived from the Turkish verb bérmek / vérmek (to give). as they derive from cerasius. cire (cherry-tree). Die türkischen Elemente in der südost. 273 Beldiceanu and Beldiceanu-Steinherr. R. Süleymano<lu. 540. spanac (spinach) and zarzără (apricot). that language contact with the Turkic nomads may have been responsible for such loans as buzdugan (mace) and caia (horseshoe nail). and most probably originated in the Near East. figs. K. lămâie (lemon).or early fourteenth-century burial assemblage found in a barrow in Bălăbani (Cahul county. E. If one adopts the principles of the Wörter und Sachen (words-and-things) approach to language contact. Sava.271 As for such words as bostan (pumpkin). it is unlikely that Romanians would have borrowed words referring to trade. Cuman. The same thing can be said about such terms as bir (tribute). pp. 7/1 and 8. 32.und osteuropäischen Sprachen (Vienna. Republic of Moldova). 87. 203. and pulicem. cannabis. there is only one mace head in a late thirteenth. H. “Notes sur le bir” (see above. as well as the Romanians in the lands outside the Carpathian Mountains may have well paid tribute to the Turkic nomads for quite some time. furniture. who were subject only to the Ottoman rule. “Necropola tumulară Bălăbani—II. dovleac (pumpkin). and of distinguishing all of them from Turkish-Ottoman loans must be treated with extreme suspicion. But the same cannot be true for the Serbs. Histoire. p. and not from the Turkic languages spoken by the nomads north of the Black Sea. Some proper names recorded in Codex Comanicus have therefore been given a Romanian origin. Turkish kylavuz ‘guide’. guide. 275 G. 276 L.276 Language contact implies a two-way street model of transmission. csòdör (stallion). kalóz (helmsman). Bárczi. had it from the Ottomans. corresponding Romanian coboacă ‘skull’ or coboc ‘goblet’. Oghuz. corresponding Romanian ciocan ‘hammer’). p. In reality. trans. It is perhaps worth mentioning in this context that terms in Romanian said to be of Pecheneg or Cuman origin rarely have corresponding matches in Hungarian. Romanian cobuz ‘traditional string instrument’). komondor (a breed of dogs). Neo-Greek kalouzis ‘guide’). Spinei.277 Although the possibility of some 274 V. Tamás. Zur Kunde der Hämus-Halbinsel (Vienna. “Aspecte controversate ale contactelor românilor cu turanicii în secolele X–XIII. as well as Ukrainian kobok ‘goblet’). while Serbs.” AM 19 (1996). Etymologisch-historisches Wörterbuch der ungarischen Elemente im Rumänischen (unter Berücksichtigung der Mundartwörter) (London–The Hague–Paris [Budapest]. 272–273. 1967). csökönyös (restive). Geschichte der ungarischen Sprache. 1882). kalauz (conductor. there are still many unsolved problems regarding the language contact between speakers of Romanian and of preOttoman Turkic languages. buzogány (mace). 74. csòsz (field-watchman). According to Géza Bárczi. Equally Turkic are the ethnic names besenyò (Pecheneg). . A.contacts and interactions 347 of the Danube adopted the word bir (= tribute) from the Pechenegs and the Cumans. koboz (sound. briceag). Hungarian words that appear to have been adopted from Pecheneg and Cuman mercenaries in the royal army include the following: bicsak (penknife. pickaxe. pp. ködmön (leather jacket). but with Hungarian. p. or Cumans. 2001). corresponding to Romanian bri că. corresponding Romanian baltag ‘battle-axe’). kun (Cuman).274 A number of other terms of Turkic origin. Tomaschek. 174. 157–158. csákány (hack. kobak (skull. 51.275 Lajos Tamás even believes that the Romanian word călăuză was adopted as a consequence of contact not with Turkic idioms spoken by Pechenegs. Iorga. corresponding Romanian călăuză ‘guide’. III. pp. and probably örmény (Armenian). in which Romanian words were also borrowed by speakers of Turkic idioms. Friedrich (Innsbruck. with whom the Romanians had many lingistic affinities. and possibly balta (axe. which appear in both Romanian and South Slavic languages may have equally been borrowed from Ottoman Turkish. 277 W. The traditional interpretation of the relations between natives and nomads maintained that the latter were a semi-parasitical society. Written sources often mention plundering expedition. . at the same time. the evidence presented so far for that case is not very convincing. during which they occupied the lands of the sedentary agriculturists in the Bugeac and the Bărăgan. since the Turkic nomads often lived at a considerable distance from farming communities. even without a massive occupation of the area. This is in fact the explanation for the westward movement of the nomads of the Eurasian steppes. which they coerced into accepting all sorts of exactions. from horsemanship. the nomads may have indeed imposed the payment of a tribute on the local population. However. They must have therefore intermittently affected by the movements of various Turkic groups. to pastoralism and warlike nomadism. Romanians had to put up with plundering expeditions and enslavement. either of goods or of slaves. unable to survive without food taken from sedentary communities. By contrast.348 chapter four Romanian influence on Turkic idioms cannot of course be discounted. The famers’ life and activities must have been disturbed by the cyclic migrations of the nomads towards summer pasture lands. However. which indicate that the nomads produced their own food. Most significant for cultural contacts seem to have been the typical features of the Turkic way of life. as well as violence as means of extracting dues. enslavement is rarely mentioned and seems to have been a much later in the development of nomad society. disturbed even more the life of the local population. True. ensuring grazing grounds and water was a vital problem for them. Removing the agricultural communities from that region was a long-drawn process. A substantial presence of the nomads in the area depended upon weather and vegetation. the frequent raids of the nomads against native settlements must have procured supplements for their subsistence economy and. * * * Contacts between Turkic nomads and Romanians during the long period of the former’s control of the Carpathian-Dniester region were not restricted to language. Raids on such communities were meant to procure a surplus. such an interpretation is contradicted by contemporary testimonies. A semi-parasitical existence is actually inconceivable. Given the emphasis the nomads placed on pastoralism. 280 Of all those cases. 56 and 71. no. p. N. Li coteanca and Râmnicelu in eastern Wallachia.281 At Cârnă≥eni. p.” in DPM. the evidence suggests that more than not burials post-dated settlements.” SCIV 22 (1971). G. only in Curcani was a burial assemblage attributed to a nomadic horseman found in a pit dug through the occupation layer of a Dridu settlement. I. Gura Bâcului. no. 209–210. 173–182.279 In addition. Băneasa and Bârlad. Chebotarenko.). 325 and 328–329. Sâmpetru and D.” Istros 1 (1980). Suvorovo. Demchenko. 3. both settlements and “nomadic” burial assemblages were found on one and the same site. 96 and 103. pp. 443. N. erbănescu. Nudel’man.” Germania 18 (1934). pp. pp. an observation which has led to the conclusion that the settlement was earlier than the grave. SN. but no relative chronology could be established. fragments of clay kettles found in the burial mound suggest that the grave co-existed with a Răducăneni settlements. “Погребения кочевников в курганах нижнего Поднестровья. Abyzova (Kishinev. pp. 216–218. 96. Bârlad. Strumoc. 1. eds. V Rosetti. 280 V. Chebotarenko. idem.” CIs. both Dridu settlements and burial assemblages attributed to the Turkic nomads have been found in Banca. N. P. 3. F. and 228–229.” SCIV 19 (1968). “Siedlungen der Kaiserzeit und der Völkerwanderungszeit bei Buka. Curcani. Olteni≥a. Although the possibility cannot be excluded that in certain cases burial assemblages and settlements coincided in time. F. Tudora and Umbrăre ti in southern Moldavia. Etulia.” in Средневековые памятники Днестровско-Прутского междуречья. pp. For example. pp. Statornicie. S. Tel’nov.” Jilava. Bârnea (gen. Chebotarenko.” in AIM (1972 g. G. “Mormîntul de călăre≥ nomad descoperit la Curcani. pp. “Preliminarii la repertoriul arheologic al jude≥ului Brăila. A. “Материалы к археологической карте памятников VIII–X вв. “Поселение Этулия VI. 279 D.282 Almost all other burial assemblages have been assigned the same dates as those applying to Dridu and Răducăneni settlements. 1988). Spinei. P. Răducăneni settlements have been found in Banca. “Cercetări arheologice în împrejurimile ora ului Olteni≥a (1958–1967). Ionescu. . 12–13 (1981–1982). 224. P. Har≥uche. F. rest. E. Morintz and B. 278 G. Coste ti. южной части Пруто-Днестровского междуречья. 282 T. Coman. 281 M. ed. “Considera≥ii cu privire la popula≥ia locală din zona centrală i meridională a Moldovei în secolele XI–XII.contacts and interactions 349 In order to understand the directions and consequences of the migration of the Turkic nomads. Purcari. no.278 as well as Bucharest-Lacul Tei. 176–179. it is necessary to correlate the chronology of the settlements of the Dridu and Răducăneni cultures with that of burial assemblages attributed to the nomads. Ogorodnoe. In many cases.) (1974). Olăne ti. A. The Hungarians. Italy and even in France during the first half of the tenth century. Because of the incursions of the nomads. 344. A. the destruction in that region must have been that much greater. L. and 404–405 (maps 30–31). Tabuncic. 67–83. Smilenko. Polevoi. S. south of the Cogâlnic Plateau. were capable of spreading terror in Germany. the villages in Moldavia attested in the earliest charters of the late fourteenth and early fifteenth century (722 in total) have a very different distribution: there almost no such settlements in the Bugeac. A. Gh. Ninth. “Карта сельских поселений Молдавии XV века. who had been defeated by the Pechenegs. Civiliza≥ia medievală timpurie din spa≥iul pruto-nistrean (secolele V–XIII) (Bucharest. 62–95. pp.” Revista de Istorie a Moldovei (1998). t. pp. 3–4 (35–36).283 By contrast. 125–127.350 chapter four The most important aspect of the relations between Romanians and Turkic nomads appears to have political. Очерки исторической географии Молдавии XIII–XV вв. pp.” PGM 1.э. 350. Spinei. Olteanu. while Byzantium lost for many years the control over the northern Balkan provinces. Byzantium. As the Turkic nomads appear to have been quite a threat for the region to the east of the Carpathian Mountains. 1987). (Kiev. the Pechenegs.284 Judging by 283 Fedorov. In their turn. 112–119. for whatever military capacity the Romanians may have had. 2 and 5. P. pp. 348. The principality led by Gelou in central Transylvania was attacked by Pechenegs at the time Gelou had to deal also with the Hungarian incursions from Pannonia. 2007). T. and in the Covurlui Plain. Moldova. in addition. 1979). н. the Băl≥i Plain. who had managed to keep all the neighbouring states at bay. 380–383 (maps 6–9). (Kishinev. idem. pp. “Habitatul rural din .” in ДнестроДунайские междуречье в I-начале II тыс. Kozlovskii. 83–91 and figs. Chebotarenko. 100–108. 1983). Societatea românească la cumpănă de milenii (secolele VIII–XI) (Bucharest. Postică. pp. 2). nos. 1966. Pamiatniki. Bârnea. There is no indication of any attempt to organize a resistance.to eleventh-century settlements in the region outside the Carpathian Mountains cluster in the lowlands and in the hills (Fig. and Bulgaria. the Uzes and the Cumans wrought havoc in Russia. pp. 18–27. the southern frontiers of the Rus’ principalities shifted many miles to the north. “Средневековые поселения в приморской части Днестро-Дунайского междуречья. and were primarily responsible for the delayed formation of local political entities. 284 P. The nomads had a considerably negative influence on local society. 325–326. “Satele din răsăritul ˘ării Moldovei din secolele XIV–XV în lumina izvoarelor diplomatice interne. A. 24–25 (map) and 223–227. fewer villages existed in Bessarabia than in the region between the Prut River and the Carpathian Mountains. Hungary. it was hopeless in the face of the much greater military prowess of the steppe horsemen. See also L. Between ca. the local society was also seriously affected economically. Contacts between Romanians and nomads were not restricted to the displacement of the former. the transhumant practices of the local pastoralists were interrupted. The economic stagnation caused by nomads had profound effects on the development of the local society and seem to have contributed to a delay of the social stratification. Also interrupted were the traditional trade and cultural relations with the Byzantine Empire. though offering protection in densely forested areas. but also involved exactions in the form of tribute payments. By contrast. as well as on the valleys of the Dniester and Prut rivers and on those of their major tributaries (Fig. p. Народонаселение Молдавии (Kishinev. who regarded them as potential threats. 1400 and ca. ed.e. 4). In honorem Demir Dragnev. Dmitriev. 2006). which could be more precisely dated to the twelfth and thirteenth century. were nevertheless not as good for agriculture.to fifteenth-century villages in Moldavia are precisely those. 1000 and ca.and the ninth. i. the nomads brought under their control the hilly regions of the eastern half of the CarpathianDniester region. With the lowlands north of the Danube and the Black Sea now occupied by nomads. oglindit în izvoarele arheologice. which had no forest cover. L. which was of course sought after by nomadic pastoralists. 1400.contacts and interactions 351 the data from the census of 1772–1774 and from other sources. therefore. Any attempts at building stable polities were most likely nipped in the bud by the neighboring nomads. otherwise famous for their chernozem soils.. . 34–47. The Turkic nomads had a strong impact first and foremost upon the lowlands of southern Moldavia. No surprise. The native population forced to move out from the lowlands had to put up with the limited resources of the hilly and mountain regions to which it fled and which.” in Civiliza≥ia medievală i modernă în Moldova. the lowlands and hilly areas of Moldavia.285 the settlement pattern did not change much between ca. G. pp. there is a distinct difference between the fourteenth.to fifteenth. 285 P. Moving northwards along those valleys. 1973). Moreover. that the blank spots on the map of fourteenth. the lowlands of southern Moldavia witnessed a complete demographic collapse.to eleventh-century settlement patterns. The only protection against them was offered in the răsăritul ˘ării Moldovei în secolele XIV–XVI. Besides the demographic losses. 39 ff. no natural protection for the human habitat. 1800. have also the grazing fields richest in grass. Zabolotnâi (Chi inău. n. pp. Uzes. Caucasus).286 This may be the indirect result of the late migrations of the Turkic nomads. 286 287 . the during the second half of the thirteenth century. For a correction of Iorga’s views on this matter. no. 4. the Carpathian Mountains may have offered protection during foreign invasions.352 chapter four densely forested areas of the hilly and mountain regions of northern and western Moldavia. 460–462. and Cumans) were vulnerable to attacks by stronger neighbors. 64). see t. Indeed. 64). pp. “Imperiul cumanilor” (see above.” in Iorga. a phenomenon which. Khazars. H. pp. pp. idem. “Începuturile statelor române ti în viziunea lui Nicolae Iorga.” RIs 24 (1971). thus effectively escaping the control of the Byzantine administration for a few decades at the end of the eleventh century. The contrast between the lowlands in southern Moldavia and the hilly or mountainous regions in northern-central Moldavia is underlined also by the linguistic difference between the sub-dialects of Romanian spoken in those two regions.287 Iorga’s interpretation was most likely influenced by developments in the Balkans. . where the natives co-operated with the Pechenegs. strengthened the local elite and encouraged the creation of the political entities in the region between the Carpathian Mountains. Studii asupra evului mediu românesc (see above. n. thus preventing the extermination or assimilation of the local population. 418–420. tefănescu. Istoria (see above. Pyrenees. especially from a phonetical and lexical point of view. Nicolae Iorga believed that the relations between Romanians and nomads were of cooperation. Local rulers in fourteenth-century Dobrudja—Balica Ivănescu. Papacostea. Balkans. While the northern-central sub-dialect shows strong similarities with that of Transylvania. Similarly. the lowlands offered no protection and no possibility to organize a military resistance. 1972). By the same token. the Cumans appear to have had a significant role in the creation of the Second Bulgarian Tsardom under the Asenid dynasty. pp. and the Danube River. 97–103. Pechenegs. 59). Bulgarian tsars were members of the Terter dynasty of Cuman origin. Much like other mountain ranges of Europe (Alps. pp. H. Iorga. to Huns. Stahl. Studii de sociologie istorică (Bucharest. Avars. n. 673–681. Histoire. III. the one in southern Moldavia is closer to the sub-dialect of Wallachia. “Nicolae Iorga i evul mediu românesc. 54–55. most peoples inhabiting the lowlands exclusively (from Scythians and Sarmatians. which had led to drastic demographic changes within the region inhabited primarily by Romanians. 34–44 and 68–74. which the nomads had no desire to control. the Black Sea. By contrast. according to him. Iorga’s interpretation found support in the putative Turkic origin of Basarab(a). pp. Bla koviç (Kumano<lu).288 However. pp. It is therefore difficult to accept the idea that the Turkic nomads may have had a significant role in the rise of the medieval Romanian states and in their internal political development. idem. Vásáry. 188). 1966). “Une hypothèse concernant l’origine du voïévode valaque Jean Basarab (env. Györffy. pp. Boyars serving at the Moldavian or Wallachian courts. Without excluding the possibility that some Cumans may have been assimilated into the ruling class of the local society. N. La façade maritime (see above. Thocomerius—Negru Vodă. See Ducellier. nos. p. 1971). no. “Originea stemelor ˘ărilor Române. pp. nos. Turkic groups north of the Lower Danube had completely lost their political independence. 2007). The name Basarab appears in Slovakia. p. “Adatok a románok XIII.” Történelmi szemle 7 (1964). n. Almos.289 regions which the Turkic nomads rarely. 193. 349. as in the case of the earliest recorded Hungarian chieftains (Arpad. 150–151. n. pp. This is substantiated by the fact that after the great Mongol invasion of 1236–1242.” Études balkaniques 36 (2000). “Çekoslovakya topraklarinda eski t//. L’origine des Basaraba. Hidak a Dunán (see above. 520–527.” AECO 1 (1935). the name of the first voivode of independent Wallachia. appear only occasionally in documents. 543–544. whose names are clearly Turkic. many historians therefore assumed that the leading dynasty of Wallachia was of Cuman origin. “Contributions à l’histoire des premières cristalisations d’État des Roumains. századi történetéhez és a román állam kezdeteihez (II). 160–166. he certainly regarded himself as a member of the Romanian political elite of Wallachia. It also appears in place names often associated with high-altitude mountains.contacts and interactions 353 (Balyk-?) and Dobrotich—were also of Turkic origin. judging by the existing evidence. L. pp. 1–4. 2nd ed. un voivod de origine cumană la începuturile ˘ării Române ti. Veress. See Y. 3–4.urklerin izleri. Românii (see above. Names of Turkic origin are also found in the lower strata of society. Cumans and Tatars (see above. pp. Tarihte T//. 289 Drăganu. if ever. was also a distorted version of Basaraba. See also A. it is important to note in this respect that. n. n. Among those named Coman during the 288 L. It is quite possible that the name of Martinus Basababa. 256). who had names of Turkic origin. 108–116. 2.” RIR 1 (1931).uk (Ankara. 141–142. Zoltan). Even if the ancestors of Basarab “the Founder” were of Turkic origin. the number of boyars of undoubtedly Turkic origin is very small. 16).urkl//. p. Gy. pp. 1324–1352). idem. the name Basarab is no indication that the voivode with that name was a Cuman. Basarab was a fairly common name among Romanians of medieval Transylvania and Wallachia. Djuvara. 243–253. Following Iorga. no. 151–155. 4. . (Bucharest. a merchant of Durazzo mentioned in a document of 1249. Rásonyi. 230. Krăstev. visited.” in Re id Rahmeti Arat için (Ankara. 15). Rus’.354 chapter four fourteenth and fifteenth century. It is also very unlikely that the names of Tatar slaves appearing in fifteenth-century documents referred to persons who were not only of Tatar. 143–144. 291 P. Golden. pp. If personal names were an indication of ethnic background—an otherwise questionable assumption—then it appears that most Cumans were slaves. and seem to have been perceived by both sides as mutually profitable.” in idem. but they certainly were not as extended as in the Bulgarian or Rus’ case. pp. Biliarsky. Hungary. “К вопросу о русско-половецких матримониальных связях. 4. 283–288. P. nos. “Cumanii i originea familiei lui Dobroti≥ă. G. 97 ff. V. 292 V. “Eastern influences: The Turkic nobility in medieval Russia. almost half were Gypsy slaves. Trepavlov. pp. Beldiceanu and Beldiceanu-Steinherr.” Донская археология 2 (1999). Satul în Moldova medievală. I. in Споменик Српска Краљевска Академија. 9–16. p. 149. “Notes sur le bir” (see above. for many more boyars. 312. p. V.” Byzantinobulgarica 9 (1995). pp. Institui≥iile (Bucharest. “The Bulgarian apocryphal chronicle and Bulgarian ethnic history. 266). especially those serving at the princely court. 190–193. Stojanović. 1890). “The despots of mediaeval Bulgaria. Gurkin. In Bulgaria. 294 Сказанїе Исаїе пророка како вьзнесень дысть аггеломь до з-го невесы.293 That to the author of an apocryphal chronicle written in eastern Bulgaria during the second half of the twelfth century. B. but also of Cuman origin. L. P.291 Marrying into the Cuman aristocracy seems to have been a relatively common practice in Rus’292 and Bulgaria.” Études balkaniques 29 (1993). no. 150–151. Al. Gon≥a. A.” AEMA 7 (1987–1991). Studii de lingvistică i filologie. In the early 290 B.” Coexistence 32 (1995). were mentioned in the documents than commoners or Gypsy slaves. 3–4. I. 146. 1986). “Cetatea Neam≥ul. 72–73. Tolochko. pp. and Georgia. n. 40–50. 295 S. ed. Diaconu.290 Comparisons between the co-existence of natives and nomads in the region outside the Carpathian Mountains with the situation in the neighboring areas have proved to be irrelevant. and 154. pp. P. 1999). 152. it is of course possible that similar relations of cooperation existed between Romanians and Turkic nomads. . Dimitrov.295 In principle. pp. 293 P. ed. pp.” Revista istorică 5 (1994). This is of course no mirror of social reality. 12–14.294 Bulgarians and Cumans were alike simply reflects the significance of the Turkic involvement in the political developments in the Balkans. “Nomads and their sedentary neighbors in pre-Činggisid Eurasia. Hasdeu. 1988). Кочевые народы степей и Киевская Русь (Kiev. 1. III (Belgrade. pp. not boyars. as well as the existence of close ties between the Cuman and the Bulgarian aristocracies. S. the relations between natives and nomads were often strengthened by dynastic alliances. Brâncu (Bucharest. to eleventh-century settlements. the emerging Romanian elites could not have gained much from any form of political cooperation with them. artifacts produced by nomads have been found on local settlement site: an iron snaffle-bit with a rigid-bar mouth-piece and movable rings in Simila (Vaslui county) (Fig. However. later. Conversely.contacts and interactions 355 eleventh century. By contrast. the other artifacts were found during field survey signaling the existence on those respective sites of tenth. It is also possible to imagine cooperation between Romanians and newly converted Cumans in the Cuman Bishopric. very similar to that from Brăhă e ti. it was only natural for them to have also established exchange relations between them. etc. contacts between Romanians and Turkic nomads were not limited to violence and exaction of tribute. but of the conservatism of burial customs. and no Romanian polities are known to have been created in their vicinity. when the Cumans and other Turkic groups submitted to the Golden Horde. That no artifacts of native. Romanians (Blökumenn) are known to have fought side by side with Pechenegs against Iaroslav the Wise. Moreover. rulers of the Second Bulgarian Empire. 7/1). and an oval antler pendant with open-work decoration in Murgeni (Vaslui county) (Romania). if one leaves aside the possibility that Lazarus. They must have also involved mutual. The iron snaffle-bit and the antler pendant may be regarded as local replicas of nomadic artifacts. the chieftain mentioned in the context of the Byzantine expedition against the Cumans north of the Danube was in fact a Romanian. . The nomadic aristocracy must therefore have not regarded any alliance with the local natives as particularly profitable. True. local origin have so far been found in burial assemblages attributed to the nomads is an indication not of the absence of such relations. at a time when the Turkic nomads controlled the steppe corridor north of the Black and Caspian seas. the prince of Kiev. was discovered on a Dridu settlement site excavated in Bucharest (suburb of Străule ti). advantageous and peaceful relations. A bronze pendant. there is plenty of evidence for the military assistance the Cumans offered to the Asenid rebels and. a bronze bladed pendant in Brăhă e ti (Gala≥i county). which were not controlled from Sarai. Prior to the Mongol invasion. No evidence exists of a similar military cooperation between Romanians and Cumans. it is unlikely that the Mongols would have tolerated any special arrangements between subject populations. Since both Romanians and nomads were engaged in trade with the neighboring polities. The bridle bit was found during excavations. Romanians were forced into political submission. As Friedrich Ratzel once noted. This contrast must have had a significant influence upon contacts between natives and nomads in the area north of the Danube Delta. An important issue pertaining to the problem of the relations between nomads and natives is that of the sedentized Turkic groups which were later absorbed into the local population.356 chapter four but the bronze bladed pendants were without any doubt produced by the nomads. could not have encouraged peaceful exchange relations with the natives. von wir ihn beobachten können. There is no agreement among historians as to the nature and degree of that assimilation process. and Bulgaria. it is difficult to find any similarity between the developments to those societies and that of the Romanian in the Carpathian-Danube area. Kievan Rus’. when not exacting tribute from them. tribal chieftains in the lands to the west from the Dnieper river were much poorer then their counterparts ruling to the east of that river: very few gold or silver artifacts. Judging from the archaeological evidence of burial assemblages. Nor can it be assumed. n. on the other hand. 296 Spinei. However. no Runic inscriptions. “Relations” (see above. given the subsistence character of the local economy. and only a very small number of stone statues. arrow heads and other artifacts. pp. to some extent. that the society of the Turkic nomads in the steppe lands to the west from the Dnieper was identical to that of the nomads in central Asia or in the area between the Volga and the Dnieper rivers. the number of artifacts of alleged Turkic origin found on local. the abandonment of the nomadic way of lie in favor of sedentarization was nowhere a spontaneous process or even one willingly initiated by nomads themselves (Der Übergang vom Nomadismus zur Ansässigkeit ist nirgends. By contrast. Romanian settlement sites is thus small. which have initially been regarded as evidence of contact with the nomads. One persistent stereotype among historians of eastern European countries is that the civilization of the sedentary populations was superior to that of the more primitive nomads.296 are now interpreted as of local origin. The very existence within local communities of a surplus destined for exchange remains doubtful. and cannot be cited as evidence of either extensive or permananent contacts between natives and nomads. All in all. . That nomads often preferred to raid local communities. 75). be true about Byzantium. This may. 271–273. 104. 1950). Pope Gregory IX reminded the 297 F. they stubbornly clung to nomadism and opposed any attempts at sedentization. Byzantium and the Latin Empire. III) (Vatican. 298 Hurmuzaki. Acta Honorii III (1216–1227) et Gregorii IX (1227–1241) e registris Vaticanis aliisque fontibus collegit A. When considering the possibility of sedentization of Turkic nomads in the lands north of the Lower Danube. 4th ed. p. It is important to note that all known cases post-date the Mongol invasion and its dramatic consequences for the deterioration of the economic well-being of certain nomadic communities in the steppe. Anthropogeographie. where at stake was the survival of impoverished small communities. a sedentary form of life. sedentary form of life at the same time as their conversion to Christianity. Nomadic groups were forced to accept a semi-sedentary and. pp. (Stuttgart. I. Fontes. only when they detached themselves completely from the world of the steppes and when under pressure from the states to which they had fled in the first place. I. The Cumans in the Cuman Bishopric who had accepted to convert to Christianity must have also been expected to adopt. Ratzel. Tăutu (Pontificia commissio ad redigendum codicem iuris canonici orientalis. Grundzüge der Anwendung der Erdkunde auf die Geschichte. 111. p. This changed suddenly during the second quarter of the thirteenth century.297 This is also true for the Turkic nomads of the steppe lands to the north from the Black and Caspian seas.”298 in other words to abandon nomadism. Series III. at least in part. 1921). Nor the internal developments of the nomadic society leading to any such development. This is true for the Pechenegs who migrated to Byzantium and for the Cumans who went to Hungary. one must therefore take into account the obstinate rejection of any other forms of life than traditional nomadism. together with the Hungarian encroachment into the region outside the Carpathian Mountains and the concurrent dissolution of the Cuman tribal confederacies. later. no political force existed in the area. L. . As long as a tribal union maintained its autonomy and control over pasture lands sufficiently large for the survival of its members. Six years later. which could have forced them to abandon nomadism and adopt a sedentary mode of life. a shift to agriculture and a semi-nomadic lifestyle is known to have taken place only in a few cases. The papal letters of 1228 mention that they had expressed a wish to build “towns and villages. Even when groups of nomads were forced to abandon their lands in the steppe by stronger neighbors. In the western steppe lands of Eurasia. 208–209.contacts and interactions 357 freiwillig). Up to 1200. there no incentive to switch to a different lifestyle. eadem. For the Cuman integration in Hungary. p. 2001).” in The Medieval World. pp. N. 248–275. idem. pp. 1953). A. no. 77–92. V. 299 300 . 1300 (Cambridge. M. Surrey. the Mongol invasion. “Половцы в Венгрии и Золотая Орда во второй половине XIII в. 255–262.” AOH 27 (1973). Jassen. Berend. Грузия.” Folia Archaeologica 26. Shusharin. 1994). idem. idem. pp. Gy. Jews. no. 111–120. 1989). Székely (Budapest. P. 283–284. A. M. Petchenegen. Studies in honour of Julius Néméth. idem. those Cumans who did flee away from the Mongols fell under their rule. “A Lászlófalván 1969–1974—ben végzett régészeti ásatások eredményei. L. idem. 173–183. 1000–c. Pálóczi-Horváth. Acta Honorii III. pp. 2001). Hagyományok. No emigration from the lands under the control of the Golden Horde was tolerated by the khans. 1998). 183–190.” in Nomads in the Sedentary World. and fearing Mongol reprisals. 76–83. eadem. kapcsolatok és hatásek a kunok régészeti kultúrájában (Karcag. eds. 5–47 and 61–99. a few years later. “Angaben und Gesichtspunkte zur archäologischen Forschung nach den Kumanen im Komitat Szolnok. ed. A. D. B. L.. P. pp. Kumanen. (1975). idem. I. pp. archaeological excavations of Cuman cemeteries have well documented the gradual transition from paganism and nomadism to Christianity and sedentary life. “Bericht über die Ausgrabung des mittelalterlichen Dorfes Szentkirály. pp. which have Hurmuzaki. The non-Christian features of burials excavated in Hansca. “A kunok feudalizálódása. pp. 2003). században. pp. there is no indication of such a shift in the region outside the Carpathian Mountains. Selmeczi.300 By contrast. pp. 244–267. Nelson (London– New York. pp. Linehan and J. their neighbors refused to accept any significant number of refugees from the Mongol territories. must have effectively prevented the completion of the process. ed. Muslims and “Pagans” in Medieval Hungary. “The settlement structure of the Cumanian settlers in the Nagykunság. P.299 a promise which the prince would only later fulfill. Khazanov and A. ed. idem. After the Mongol conquest of Desht-i Qipchaq. see also Gy. pp. 201–209. “Cuman integration in Hungary. “Situation des recherches archéologiques sur les Comans en Hongrie.” in Hungaro-Turcica. 1992). G. Archaeologia (1972). In Hungary. Malyshev.” Cumania 1. Even if all Cumans would have been willing to give up nomadism. 2.” in Tanulmányok a parasztság történeténez Magyarországon a 14. pp. 187–197. Murguliia. c. eds. Régészeti—néprajzi tanulmányok a jászokról és a kunokról (Debrecen. pp. 103–127. Steppenvölker im mittelalterlichen Ungarn (Budapest. pp. M. At the Gate of Christendom. “A felsöszentkirályi kun sírlelet. 2.358 chapter four heir to the Hungarian throne of his promise to build a church for the Cumans. Nasilov (Moscow. Archaeologia (1976). Русь и Венгрия в XII–XIII веках (Moscow. 131.” A Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve (1971) [1974]. Káldy-Nagy (Budapest. Györffy. 2001).” Cumania 4. “How many medieval Europas? The ‘pagans’ in Hungary and regional diversity in Christendom.” in Дешт-и-Кипчак и Золотая Орда в становлении культуры евразийских народов. Wink (Richmond. 275–309. given that the Cumans had not in fact completely abandon a nomadic mode of life. Половцы. 177–204. 1976). their occupations and social structure. Despite more than four hundred years of of co-habitation within the Carpathian-Dniester region. This is also to be explained in terms of the conservatism of the nomadic society. . the nomads were ready to offer military protection to the natives. 56. however. Chebotarenko. an influence to which the Mongols. but as shepherds and warriors. Население центральной части Днестровско-Прутского междуречья в X–XII вв. but in fact did not intermingle very much. Kochevniki. Judging by the existing evidence. The settlement of Turks among the natives did not involve large groups. F. 45–48. To some extent. pp. Given the violence of contact. may have lived in relatively close quarters. but not on its structure.302 The Romanian influence on the Turkic nomads was even less marked.contacts and interactions 359 been attributed to the nomads. 302 Stahl. p. Those two ethnic communities. the nomads had a certain negative influence upon the development of the Romanian society. provided that the latter continued to produce goods to pay their tribute. without any attempt to alter the traditional organization of the natives. G. it was not as artisans or artists. This in fact explains why one of the only direct influences upon Romanians was a form of warfare dominated by light cavalry. Perhaps the conservatism of the Romanian society may also be responsible for the relative lack of influence of the nomads on the natives. n. economic system and sociopolitical organization. therefore. If the Turkic nomads exercised any influence on the natives worth considering. so different from each other from an ethnic. must have contributed as well. 1982). 285). 263. but. the number of nomads who became sedentary among the Romanian communities was small. perhaps. (Kishinev. as well as in regards to their way of life. Studii de sociologie istorică (see above. The alterity of the nomadic form of life made it impossible for the natives to adopt any sustainable models of social organization from their Turkic neighbors. religious and cultural point of view. there was no real symbiosis between Romanians and Turkic nomads. only isolated families. whose assimilation took place within a relatively short time. The nomads were content with plundering and exacting tribute. p. as well as a consequence of the relative short period any one 301 Fedorov-Davydov. which lived in close proximity to native communities and were on their way to complete sedentization. They also seem to have tolerated the lifestyle and the religion of their subject people.301 are more likely an indication of populations of eastern origin. who. Such circumstances could not possibly stimulate the intruders to join the Romanians in any way. often took refuge in the Balkans or in the Pannonian Plain. The local communities were thus forced into a precarious mode of life. which the nomads did not control politically. contact with all those groups must have been the same. Though for many centuries. the lowlands of the Lower Danube were not particulary favorable to nomadic pastoralists. when pushed by other steppe nomads. marked by lack of political stability and impoverishment. given that they all shared in the same mode of life. no symbiosis with the sedentary agricultural populations took place. Paradoxically. as a result of repeated invasions. . such a symbiosis did occur in regions. There they found more or less favourable conditions.360 chapter four of the Turkic groups spent in the steppes north of the Lower Danube before moving farther. From a Romanian point of view. The lowlands outside the Carpathian Mountains were abandoned by defeated hordes as soon as new stronger nomads approached. various groups of nomadic horsemen came to control the lowlands north of the river Danube. At the western end of the Eurasian steppe corridor. and there they turned sedentary and were eventually assimilated by natives by virtue of a true symbiosis.