The Concord Review Issue #95

THECONCORD REVIEW I am simply one who loves the past and is diligent in investigating it. K’ung-fu-tzu (551-479 BC) The Analects A Quarterly Review of Essays by Students of History Volume 23, Number Two $15.00 Winter 2012 Caesar Augustus Katherine Rosenberg Horace Greeley High School, Chappaqua, New York The New York Times Gabriel Grand Horace Mann School, Bronx, New York Tuberculosis Theresa L. Rager Summit Country Day School, Cincinnati, Ohio Commercial Revolution Gabriel Kelly Franklin Regional High School, Murrysville, Pennsylvania Miscegenation Malini Gandhi Newton North High School, Newtonville, Massachusetts Eugenics in Massachusetts Reid Grinspoon Gann Academy, Waltham, Massachusetts Boss Tweed Kaitavjeet Chowdhary Glastonbury High School, Glastonbury, Connecticut Mughal Empire Aleezé Qadir University of Chicago Laboratory High School, Chicago, Illinois U.S.–U.K in WWII Andrew Burton Upper Canada College, Toronto, Ontario Conditions for Democracy Edyt Dickstein Rae Kushner Yeshiva High School, Livingston, New Jersey Children’s Literature Anna Elizabeth Blech Hunter College High School, Manhattan Island, New York Editor and Publisher Will Fitzhugh E-MAIL: fi[email protected] WEBSITE: http://www.tcr.org/blog NEWSLETTER: Click here to register for email updates. The Winter 2012 issue of The Concord Review is Volume Twenty-Three, Number Two. Partial funding was provided by: Subscribers, and the Consortium for Varsity Academics® ©2012, by The Concord Review, Inc., 730 Boston Post Road, Suite 24, Sudbury, Massachusetts 01776, USA. All rights reserved. This issue was typeset on an iMac, using Adobe InDesign, and fonts from Adobe. EDITORIAL OFFICES: The Concord Review, 730 Boston Post Road, Suite 24, Sudbury, Massachusetts 01776 USA [1-800-331-5007] The Concord Review (ISSN #0895-0539), founded in 1987, is published quarterly by The Concord Review, Inc., a non-profit, tax-exempt, 501(c)(3) Massachusetts corporation. Subscription rates: $40 for one year online. Orders for 26 or more subscriptions (class sets) will receive a 40% discount. Subscription orders must be paid in advance, and change-of-address information must be sent in writing to: TCR SUBSCRIPTIONS: Use PayPal on www.tcr.org, or 730 Boston Post Road, Suite 24, Sudbury, MA 01776 USA; email: fi[email protected] The Editor will consider all manuscripts received, but can assume no respon- sibility regarding them. All submitted manuscripts become the property of The Concord Review for one year from the date of receipt. Essays may be on any historical topic, should generally be 4,000-6,000 words or more, with Turabian (Chicago) endnotes and bibliography, may be submitted in hard copy and in RTF format in Microsoft Word, with a submission form and a check for $40 (or through PayPal). Essays in the Review are the sole property of the Review and, as provided by Article One, Section Eight, of the Constitution of the United States, “to promote the progress of the useful arts,” may not be republished, photo- copied, or reproduced without the express written permission of The Concord Review, Inc. Authors will be notified the month before their essay is published. Volume Twenty-Three, Number Two Winter 2012 THE CONCORD REVIEW 1 Katherine Rosenberg Caesar Augustus 21 Gabriel Grand The New York Times 49 Theresa L. Rager History of Tuberculosis 101 Gabriel Kelly Commercial Revolution 129 Malini Gandhi Miscegenation 147 Reid Grinspoon Eugenics in Masschusetts 173 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary Boss Tweed 199 Aleezé Qadir Mughal Empire 211 Andrew Burton U.S.–UK Relations in WWII 231 Edyt Dickstein Conditions for Democracy 261 Anna Elizabeth Blech Children’s Literature 282 Notes on Contributors Since 1987, The Concord Review has published 1,044 history research papers, averaging 6,000 words, on a wide variety of historical topics by high school students in thirty- nine countries. We have sent these essays to our subscribers in thirty-two countries. This quarterly, the only one in the world for the academic work of secondary students, is tax-exempt and non-profit, and relies on subscriptions to support itself. The cost of a yearly subscription is $40. Orders for 26 or more [class sets] will receive a 40% discount. Schools in California, Connecticut, Georgia, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, Singapore, Thailand, Vermont, and Virginia now have class sets, and we hope you will consider ordering one. We are listed with the major subscription services, and you can also place your order for issues online through them. VARSITY ACADEMICS ® Subscribe at www.tcr.org [visit our website/blog at http://www.tcr.org/blog] We are a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt Massachusetts corporation. DONATE TCR is the only journal in the world to publish the academic research papers of secondary students. A donation now in any amount will help us continue to recognize exemplary academic work. Click here to contribute. 1 THE CONCORD REVIEW Copyright 2012, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved Katherine Rosenberg is a Junior at Horace Greeley High School in Chappaqua, New York, where she wrote this paper for Robert Zambernardi’s Advanced Placement European History course in the 2011/2012 academic year. EXPLOITER OF TRADITION: AUGUSTUS’S MANIPULATION OF ROMAN RELIGION FOR POLITICAL POWER Katherine Rosenberg In establishing an empire in Rome, Augustus claimed to preserve old Republican institutions when in fact he was destroy- ing them. To achieve his political ends, Augustus was similarly deceptive with regard to Rome’s religious traditions. In order to gain and maintain political power, Augustus manipulated religion under the pretense of reviving it. Despite claims to be preserving established religion customs, Augustus followed tradition only when it suited him. When it was to his advantage, he subtly and cleverly altered and arranged religious themes almost beyond recognition. Through such manipulation, Augustus connected himself with the legendary founders of Rome and even the gods themselves. In this way, he created a persuasive justification for his actions that enabled him to gain popular support and assume an unprecedented level of power. 2 Katherine Rosenberg Before the Empire Before the 31 B.C. naval Battle of Actium, Augustus 1 and Marc Antony were vying for power. During this competition, Antony issued coins depicting Sol, the sun god, with Antony’s own features. With this display of divine imitation, Antony explicitly stated that he was godlike. Augustus however was more careful not to alien- ate holders of republican ideals, and he did not officially portray himself as a god. 2 Instead, Augustus adopted a more original, less offensive method of expressing a divine relationship. In 42 BC, at the Ludi Victoriae Caesaris (the celebration of Caesar’s victories) a comet appeared in the sky, and the people declared it a sign that Caesar’s soul had been made a god. 3 Augustus jumped at this chance and officially deified his adoptive father, thereby achieving three important goals for himself. The first was to neutralize Caesar’s unpopularity: Caesar the dictator was disliked by the people, a fact that harmed Augustus’s own standing. With the deification of Julius Caesar, Augustus was able to focus the minds of the people on the Julium Sidus, Caesar’s soul, which had been purged of any earthly taint and supported Augustus’s bid for power. 4 Even more importantly, Augustus could now claim a close familial relationship to a god. While Antony was minting coins showing a god with features similar to his own, Augustus issued coins bearing the inscription Divi Iuli F (short for Divi Iuli Filius, or “son of the Divine Julius”). 5 By doing so, he managed to give himself divine attributes without portraying himself as divine (which might offend traditional values and be seen as the obvious bid for power that it was). Additionally, his relationship to Caesar gave Augustus an excuse to fight for power: pietas. 6 As the religious value of family loyalty, pietas was the perfect reason for Augustus to fight Brutus and insist on vengeance, thus legitimizing his military claims. Pietas even gave an excuse for Augustus to fight Antony, who had been disloyal to Caesar by agreeing to work with his as- sassins. 7 Now Augustus could claim that he did not actually want power; he was merely fulfilling his obligation to avenge his father 3 THE CONCORD REVIEW and save his country. Without ever explicitly saying so, Augustus clearly delivered the message that he was not just like one of the gods, and did not just have the support of the gods: he was one step away from being a god. In order to gain support after he won the Battle of Actium, Augustus needed to make the people forget that the conflict between Augustus and Antony had been a civil war. To achieve this goal, Augustus portrayed Actium in official myth as a contest between East and West, with Rome and its gods on one side and Egypt and “the bestial divinities of the Nile” on the other. 8 Not only did this erase the idea of a civil war, but it also showed Augustus having divine favor. Augustus’s defeat of Antony, who was depicted as Egyptian, was ordered by the gods, not merely a personal bid for power. In suppressing Egyptian cults in Rome, Augustus aided his elimination of all things related to Antony while claiming that he “strove in every way to restore the old spirit of firm, dignified, and decent worship of Roman gods.” 9 Augustus expanded upon this declared religious obligation and devotion as he strengthened his imperial power, and it became an integral part of his rule. Use of the Aeneid There has been much debate in recent times over whether Vergil’s Aeneid was originally written as Augustan propaganda. However, Vergil’s intent was largely irrelevant, as Vergil died be- fore he could edit and publish the epic. Augustus made clear his own purpose when, despite Vergil’s dying wish that the Aeneid be burned, Augustus ordered it to be published, claiming that such a great work must not be destroyed. 10 Whatever Vergil intended, Augustus clearly recognized the great potential the epic had to express his own message. Aeneas, from whom Augustus claimed descent, was portrayed as a “fate-driven wanderer” 11 acting against his own desires while obeying the will of the gods. Although extremely valiant and patriotic, Aeneas’s devotion and actions reminded the reader of those of a priest. 12 He had incredible faith 4 Katherine Rosenberg in his mission and trust in divine guidance, striving to found the city of Rome because he had been told to by the gods. Addition- ally, Aeneas’s main virtue, the reason for everything he did, was pietas. 13 If the names and specific events were overlooked, these attributes could also describe the official image that Augustus sought to project: divinely guided, reluctant to take power, deeply devout, and driven by pietas. For Augustus, the other important aspect of the Aeneid was its many instances of prophecy, which Augustus used to support his regime. These predictions were never made in Vergil’s own voice, but were instead offered by gods or spirits, giving them greater authority. 14 When Aeneas went to the Underworld, he met the souls of his father Anchises and his former lover Dido, as well as the souls of those who would be born again as heroes of Rome: Romulus, Numa, Brutus, Caesar, Pompey, the Gracchi, and many others—including Augustus himself. 15 Whatever Vergil’s reasons, he included Augustus in the line of Roman heroes and reminded the reader that Augustus was a descendant of Aeneas through Caesar, and therefore a descendant of the gods (Aeneas’s mother was Venus). Jupiter promised that Rome would establish an empire without limit, 16 and that Rome would continue conquering until an heir of Aeneas came to power, when at last peace would reign. 17 This prophecy, along with a similar one by Apollo’s oracle, justified not only Augustus’s rule, but also the wars he had fought, and it now promised peace to the war-weary people. Augustus’s reign was shown as the Golden Age to which Rome had been progressing, and Augustus as destined to become a god. 18 The Aeneid also proved useful to Augustus in its descrip- tion of the shield given to Aeneas by Venus. On the shield were 12 important scenes from the future of Rome, such as Remus and Romulus with the she-wolf. Four of these events were from the time of Augustus, including the Battle of Actium, which was once again portrayed as a battle between the gods of Rome and Egypt. 19 The reader was reminded once again of Augustus’s con- nection to Aeneas, but this time there was a reminder that he was also descended from Romulus (and therefore Mars). By placing 5 THE CONCORD REVIEW the victory at Actium on the shield with Remus and Romulus, Vergil had accorded to the battle an importance equal to that of the founding of Rome. Whatever Vergil’s actual intent for the Aeneid, the very fact that it was not obvious propaganda made it a more effective vehicle for Augustus to use in his campaign of self-aggrandizement and justification. Building of Religious Temples Augustus justifiably proclaimed his own devotion to build- ing public works; however, he did not note the particular promi- nence he accorded to religious structures. Although Augustus did restructure the city and create secular buildings as well as religious ones, his crowning architectural achievements were all religious. Of the 35 articles in his Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 20 in which Augustus listed what he believed were the most noteworthy aspects of his life, 13 gave significant mention to his religious achievements. Among such achievements were restoration or construction of many temples, including those of Mars Ultor, Apollo, divus Julius, and Quirinus. 21 Augustus restored 82 temples in the year 28 BC alone, as well as at least 14 others in the rest of his reign. 22 This might signal incredible religious devotion, but it went far beyond what was necessary for restoration, and had a more cynical reason behind it. While Augustus was building all these temples, no one else was, even though it had been the custom for victorious gener- als and others to build public works (both secular and religious) on their return from battle. Other people continued building secular monuments, but the erection of temples was reserved for Augustus and his family. 23 This monopoly increased Augustus’s importance even more by making him unique, but it also allowed him to spread messages to the people, and the messages he chose to send were about his own power. All the public temples built at the time were directly or indirectly related to Augustus; some were dedicated to his victories, others to imperial values, and still others to divine ancestors. 24 Augustus may not officially have dei- fied himself, but in practice he came very close to doing so. 6 Katherine Rosenberg Of the at least 96 temples with which Augustus was associ- ated, the Temple of Apollo and the Temple of Mars Ultor were two of the most important. Apollo, whom Augustus had claimed as his patron god and who was also rumored to be Augustus’s fa- ther, 25 was supposed to have helped Augustus overcome Antony and Cleopatra at the battle of Actium. 26 In thanks, Augustus built a new temple for Apollo on the Palatine Hill, and in the process greatly changed Apollo’s prominence and significance. Before the construction of the new temple, which was built on land adjacent to Augustus’s home that had been the private land of Augustus, the previous temple of Apollo had been outside of the pomerium, the sacred boundary of Rome. By building a new temple, Augus- tus brought Apollo not only into the city, but practically into his own house. Now, according to Ovid, “a single house [held] three eternal gods”: Vesta, Apollo, and Augustus. 27 Augustus still did not claim divinity outright, but when he placed two gods in his own household, the implication was quite clear. In addition to building a new temple for Apollo, Augustus built a new image for the god. Before Augustus moved Apollo’s temple, the latter had been mainly a rather unimportant healing god. Now, however, he became the supporter of Augustus’s rule, the maker of an empire. The iconography of the temple recalled Augustus’s establishment of the empire. The doors also showed Apollo punishing those who had disobeyed him, recalling his aid in Actium, where Apollo helped Augustus to punish his op- ponents. 28 In justifying his own rule, Augustus transformed the role of Apollo from minor healing god to important guardian of righteousness, a rectifier of wrongs, and a supporter of the new monarchy. The Temple of Mars Ultor, the Avenger, was also the first temple of Mars inside the pomerium. 29 It too was built on Augustus’s personal property, 30 and it too served to commemorate Augustus’s victories. Augustus had vowed after killing his adoptive father’s assassins to build a temple to Mars Ultor; he dedicated it 40 years later after he had defeated the Parthians and regained the lost standards from them. 31 (The standards, which represented the 7 THE CONCORD REVIEW Roman army, had been lost by Crassus, a great disgrace to all of Rome. 32 ) The recovery was important enough that Augustus mentioned it in his Res Gestae, and he placed the standards in the new Temple of Mars Ultor, 33 thereby proclaiming that the god had helped him to avenge both Caesar’s death and Rome’s disgrace at the hands of the Parthians. The Temple of Mars contained statues of three gods: Mars (next to the standards), Venus, and Divus Iulius (Julius Caesar deified), 34 Augustus’s three divine ancestors. The references to Augustus’s godly ancestry did not end there. The porticoes on either side of the temple were filled with two series of statues. On one side was Aeneas, who represented both Augustus’s filial piety and his descent from Venus; with him were his descendants, includ- ing the kings of Alba Longa (the civilization prior to Rome) and the Julii (the family of Augustus). The other side held the statue of Romulus surrounded by figures of republican history famed for their military prowess, 35 reminding the viewer of Augustus’s military victories. Together the 108 statues, which stretched back to Aeneas and Romulus, and through them to Venus and Mars, 36 heralded both Augustus’s virtues and his near divinity, providing his rule with both support and legitimacy. The representation of Mars himself, like that of Apollo, changed greatly with his move to the Forum. Previously depicted as youthful, wild, 37 and often a sower of strife, Augustus redefined Mars’s image, showing him as a dignified fatherly figure. 38 A statue of Eros was shown giving Mars’s sword to Venus, representing the peace that followed the war, 39 and his breastplate was full of imagery that referred to Mars as the guardian of peace. The stan- dards were placed at the base of Mars’s statue, showing that he was responsible for the recovered glory. 40 Augustus made it clear that Mars had helped him in his victories, which would mean that his cause was just. Rather than remind people of the terrible civil war that had occurred, which might breed discontent, Augustus called to mind the glory these wars had made possible. Augustus emphasized the peace he had created, and reminded them that all of this was thanks to Mars. Rome’s current peace and prosper- ity were not despite Augustus’s wars, but because of them. 8 Katherine Rosenberg Manipulation of Traditional Religious Institutions In the Res Gestae, Augustus described his revival of the tra- ditional religion. In doing so, Augustus listed his priestly roles: he was the pontifex maximus, an augur, a quindecimvir sacris faciundis, a septemvir epulonum, a member of the Arval Brotherhood, one of the Titii sodales, and a fetalis. 41 His many priesthoods were empha- sized during his reign, and he issued coins with the signs of all four major priesthoods on it, 42 showing that his devotion to the traditional religion was so great that he was a member of seven priesthoods. Similarly, Augustus was often depicted veiled and in a toga, the attire of religious sacrifice. 43 Despite his professed desire to restore tradition, however, that Augustus was a member of so many priesthoods was in fact very untraditional. Before this time, it was deemed inappropriate for one man to hold more than one major priesthood, 44 but it suited Augustus’s needs to be seen as a man so devout that he held four of them. Augustus was offered the position of pontifex maximus, the highest priesthood, while his predecessor was still in office. However, he declined the position until he could be elected to it after Lepidus, his predecessor, died in 13 BC. 45 Augustus wanted to be able to say that he had assumed the post legitimately, unlike Lepidus, who had been given it as a political gift. 46 Having so vis- ibly expressed his devotion to tradition, Augustus was now more able to deviate greatly from ritual, while still claiming to respect it. Until this time, the post of pontifex maximus had been an elected one, without power over any of the other colleges or religion in general. 47 However, upon gaining the position via election, Augustus began to change and expand the power of the pontifex maximus so that he had control over the entire Roman religion, and after Augustus’s election to the post, it became customary for the emperor to become pontifex maximus on assuming the throne. Additionally, tradition required the pontifex maximus to live in a public building in the Forum adjacent to the temple of 9 THE CONCORD REVIEW Vesta. This arrangement did not please Augustus, who did not want to leave his home on the Palatine hill. Instead, he nominally satisfied the obligation by making part of his house public; within two months of becoming pontifex maximus he dedicated a shrine to Vesta in his house. The old shrine remained in the Forum with its sacred flame and the Vestal Virgins, 48 but in moving the seat of the pontifex maximus and building a shrine to Vesta in his own home, Augustus inextricably linked himself with Vesta. The sacred flame, an important symbol of Rome’s eternity and safety, 49 represented the public hearth, so Augustus had closely linked his own hearth to the public one of Rome. 50 Augustus’s personal health and safety were now one and the same as those of Rome. With this move, Augustus enabled himself to stand for the state; any harm to him was also harm to Rome, and vice versa. Moving the home of the pontifex maximus was only the be- ginning of Augustus’s policy of restructuring Rome’s many cults in order to fit his own needs. Under the guise of restoring the old traditions, Augustus was able to make many major changes. Unsurprisingly, given that he had created a shrine to Vesta in his own home, Augustus devoted much energy to the restoration of the cult of Vesta and the Vestal Virgins. When there was a problem appointing new Vestal Virgins (as most Romans did not want to give up their daughters for 30 years of devotion to the goddess), Augustus attempted to make the position more popular. He gave increased privileges to the Vestals, and declared that if his own daughters or granddaughters were the right age, he would have put them forward for candidacy without hesitation. 51 While this seemed to show dedication to the religion, Augustus was once again showing dedication mainly to himself. When he brought Vesta under his own roof, Augustus had brought himself under the protection of Vesta. Now he needed to make sure that Vesta was strong and popular, so that he would be too. One of the reasons Augustus had intentionally linked himself with this particular cult was that the Temple of Vesta was home to the Palladium, a statue said to protect the state, which had been brought to Rome by Aeneas. Aeneas had saved the 10 Katherine Rosenberg statue once, and now his descendant Augustus was doing it again by preserving the state 52 and saving its guardians, the Vestals. In saving the cult that housed the Palladium, as well as the sacred fire that protected Rome, Augustus established his claim to the role of savior of the state. By modifying the duty of the Vestals, Augustus was able to claim his role as the state. Among other changes, it was established that the Vestal Virgins, guardians of Rome, would make a yearly sacrifice in honor of Augustus on the new holiday known as Augustalia 53 and a different yearly sacrifice at the Ara Pacis Augustae, the altar of Augustan Peace. 54 Additionally, the Vestal Virgins were put in charge of the cult of Livia, Augustus’s wife. 55 By devoting the Vestals to his life and that of his family, Augustus was making a bold statement. The Vestals were caretakers of the state; if they were sacrificing to Augustus and overseeing the cult of Livia, then Augustus and Livia must be the state. The senatorial priesthoods were among the few aspects of religious life that did actually continue more or less as they had before the empire. However, this was not done out of Augustus’s desire to follow tradition, but out of his recognition that the existing system required little manipulation to fit his purposes. The senatorial priesthoods had always been the subject of intense competition; they were prestigious positions that were held for life, and there were a limited number of them, which meant that not many senators could obtain the desired honor. 56 Augustus capitalized on this tradition, encouraging the competition as a way to garner support for his own policies. Since the priesthoods were now at least partly appointed by the emperor, the senators vying for priestly positions had to compete for imperial favor. 57 Augustus used this to his advantage, granting posts not necessarily to the most devout or the most worthy, but to the most supportive of his regime. The granting of a priesthood became a political favor, rather than a religious honor. 58 In this way, Augustus strengthened his position greatly; no one who wanted a priesthood dared anger him, which allowed the emperor to institute his changes with less opposition than there otherwise might have been. At the same time, he weakened the religious system, as such positions came to be nothing more than social and political distinctions. Despite 11 THE CONCORD REVIEW his claimed desire to strengthen religion, Augustus felt no qualms about weakening it in instances when weakening religion meant strengthening his own power. One of the great religious traditions that Augustus claimed to revive was the Saecular Games, a three day religious festival to mark the beginning of a new saeculum (era), which Augustus called the Golden Age. 59 While such games had been held in the past, they had not been held in a long time, and many of the customs associated with them had been lost. 60 This provided the perfect chance for Augustus to make as many changes as he felt necessary and further whatever point he desired, all under the pretense of following tradition. The main sources for the rituals of Augustus’s Saecular Games were the Sibylline Books. 61 These books were supposed to contain prophecies concerning the future of Rome, and should have been a reputable source. However, Au- gustus had previously collected over 20,000 prophetic works and burned them; he kept only the Sibylline Books, which he edited before moving them to Apollo’s temple. 62 Having destroyed the works of other oracles that might contradict the new content in the Sibylline Books, Augustus was now able to supply a prophetic justification for all his actions. He “found” a passage saying that the Golden Age could only be reached after conquering the Parthians 63 (which both justified his war and signified that the Golden Age had come); having now done so, Augustus heralded the arrival of this new Golden Age with the Saecular Games. Despite using rituals ostensibly found in the Sibylline Books, the Saecular Games were remarkably Augustan 64 and very differ- ent from what little was known about previous Saecular Games. Although the original Saecular Games honored the Underworld gods Dis Pater and Proserpina, Augustus’s games made no men- tion of either. Instead, the new Games emphasized the Fates, the Goddesses of Childbirth, Terra Mater (the goddess of fertility), Jupiter, Juno, Apollo, and Diana. The emphasis on the gods of the Underworld in tradition had marked the passing of a previ- ous era; the emphasis in the new version marked the beginning of a new one. 65 Instead of recalling an era of bloodshed, in which 12 Katherine Rosenberg Augustus himself was not wholly innocent, he oriented people’s minds forward to the beneficial age he had brought about. The Saecular Games had practically nothing to do with their namesake, but they very effectively served Augustus’s purpose, justifying the past and looking toward a positive future built by Augustus. Imperial Construction Another of Augustus’s important building projects that he deemed worthy of mentioning in his list of accomplishments was the Ara Pacis Augustae, the Altar of Augustan Peace, which was commissioned by the Senate in honor of one of Augustus’s victories in the provinces. 66 The altar itself depicted an anonymous animal sacrifice to Pax (the goddess of peace), as well as repre- sentations of the provinces. This was fitting, since the purpose of the altar was to celebrate the peace that now reigned throughout the empire, including the recently pacified provinces. 67 However, the most impressive part of the altar was on the four precinct walls surrounding it. The two long walls showed the procession of the imperial family when Augustus became pontifex maximus. 68 Augustus was easy to recognize, as was the rest of his family, all of whom were present among the crowd of priests. 69 Augustus was portrayed not as divine, but as a humble mediator between gods and men, 70 a different, equally important status. Unsurprisingly, however, Augustus’s association with the divine was not ignored. On the shorter walls were four smaller scenes. In one of these Mars was shown with the infants Remus and Romulus, recalling both Mars’s support of Augustus’s cam- paigns, and Augustus’s descent from the founder of Rome. 71 Another showed Aeneas in the act of sacrifice to the Penates (household gods) with his son Julus Ascanius, a scene taken from the description in the Aeneid. Aeneas was shown in a very similar position to that of Augustus in the procession, highlighting their relationship, and the presence of his son reminded the viewer of Aeneas’s descendants, the Julii (whose name came from that of 13 THE CONCORD REVIEW Julus Ascanius). 72 The other two panels showed an unidentified goddess surrounded by symbols of prosperity, to show the benefits of peace, and the goddess Roma seated with weapons, 73 remind- ing the viewer that Augustus’s wars were necessary and just. Pax herself is not shown on the altar, because all the images that are there combine to represent the Pax Augusta more completely than the goddess herself would. 74 Augustus, the bringer of peace, was thereby able to link himself with yet another on a long list of divinities. At least once every year, the people would be reminded of the Ara Pacis Augustae and what it represented. The altar was not alone in the Campus Martius but part of a complex that contained a sundial, with the shadow cast by a giant obelisk imported from Augustus’s Egyptian conquests. The obelisk was positioned so that on Augustus’s birthday, the shadow it cast would fall directly on the altar. 75 In this way, the viewer was reminded not only of the peace and prosperity brought by Augustus, but also of how that had been accomplished. The obelisk was a spoil of war; Egypt had been turned from enemy into colony, and through such wars, peace had been achieved. 76 The wars could not be condemned, therefore, because they were necessary to bring about the current Golden Age that Augustus claimed was in place. Even Augustus’s restructuring of the city contributed to his association with the state religion and subsequent additional power. Rome had long been divided into different districts and wards, with shrines to the Lares (deified spirits of the dead) at each crossroad. When Augustus restructured the districts and wards in 7 BC, he also changed the shrines. Instead of being devoted to the public Lares, the cults were now shrines to the Lares Augusti (Augustus’s ancestors) and the Genius Augusti (the divine spirit of Augustus.) A new holiday for the worship of Augustus’s genius was also added to supplement the traditional celebration of the Lares. The shrines, which had been devoted to the ancestors of the city, were now devoted to the ancestors of Augustus. 77 Although he had not called for actual worship of the emperor, Augustus was coming ever closer. His ancestors were now the ancestors of 14 Katherine Rosenberg the people, his spirit was as important as those of the gods, and Augustus himself was now uniquely connected to both the people and the gods. Augustus’s revival of religion had little to do with a love of tradition. Despite his claims otherwise, he used his religious influ- ence as he used his military influence: to achieve and maintain power. On the rare occasions that Augustus actually followed cus- tom, it was because doing so happened to benefit him. Much more common was his tendency of claiming to preserve and strengthen religious tradition while actually manipulating it, sometimes chang- ing customs beyond recognition. Just as he purported to preserve the Republic but actually replaced it with the Empire, Augustus claimed to preserve ancient religion but actually replaced it with his own version in order to expand his power. 15 THE CONCORD REVIEW Notes 1 At the time of the Battle of Actium, Augustus was still known by his birth name of Octavian. “Augustus” was actually the title granted to Octavian by the Senate when the Roman Empire was founded in 27 BC. To avoid confusion, all references in this paper will be to Augustus. 2 J. Pollini, “Man or God: Divine Assimilation and Imitation in the Late Republic and Early Principate,” in Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and His Principate ed. Kurt Raaflaub and Mark Toher (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990) p. 336 3 Ronald Syme, The Roman Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1939) p. 117 4 Ibid., p. 318 5 Pollini, p. 346 6 Syme, p. 157 7 Ibid., p. 157 8 Ibid., p. 448 9 Ibid., p. 448 10 Richard J. Tarrant, “Poetry and Power: Virgil’s Poetry in Contemporary Context,” in The Cambridge Companion to Virgil ed. Charles Martindale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) p. 186 11 Wendell Clausen, “An Interpretation of the Aeneid,” in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. 68 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964) p. 139 12 Ibid., p. 141 13 Syme, p. 462 14 Tarrant, p. 178 15 Clausen, p. 145 16 E. S. Gruen, “The Imperial Policy of Augustus,” in Raaflaub and Toher, p. 395 17 Mabel G. Murphy, “Vergil as a Propagandist,” The Classical Weekly (April 12, 1926) http://www.jstor.org/stable/ info/4388771?&Search=yes&searchText=“Mabel+Gant+Murp hy”&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery=au% 3“Mabel+Gant+Murphy”%26wc=on-bibInfo, p. 173 (accessed April 6, 2012) 18 Ibid., p. 172 19 Ibid., p. 172 20 Meaning “The Deeds of the Divine Augustus,” the “Res Gestae Divi Augusti” was Augustus’s list of his own 16 Katherine Rosenberg accomplishments, which was carved into two bronze pillars next to his mausoleum. 21 Augustus, “Res Gestae Divi Augusti [The Deeds of the Divine Augustus],” trans. Thomas Bushnell, http://classics.mit. edu/Augustus/deeds.html (accessed June 1, 2012) 22 Mary Beard, Simon Price, and John North, “The Re- placing of Roman Religion,” in Religions of Rome vol. I: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) p. 196 23 Ibid., p. 196 24 Ibid., p. 197 25 Pollini, p. 350 26 Syme, p. 448 27 Beard, Price, and North, p. 198 28 Ibid., p. 199 29 Ibid., p. 199 30 Paul Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1988) p. 195 31 Ibid., p. 194 32 Ibid., p. 175 33 Augustus, “Res Gestae Divi Augusti” 34 Syme, p. 471 35 Beard, Price, and North, p. 200 36 Ibid., p. 200 37 Zanker, p. 199 38 Ibid., p. 198 39 Ibid., p. 196 40 Ibid., p. 200 41 Augustus, “Res Gestae Divi Augusti” 42 Beard, Price, and North, p. 186 43 Ibid., p. 186 44 Ibid., p. 188 45 G. W. Bowersock, “The Pontificate of Augustus,” in Raaflaub and Toner, p. 380 46 Ibid., p. 382 47 Beard, Price, and North, p. 191 48 Ibid., p. 189 49 Bowersock, p. 383 50 Beard, Price, and North, p. 191 51 Ibid., p. 193 52 Zanker, p. 208 53 Augustus, “Res Gestae Divi Augusti” 54 Ibid. 55 Beard, Price, and North, p. 194 17 THE CONCORD REVIEW 56 Ibid., p. 192 57 Ibid., p. 192 58 Syme, p. 381 59 Zanker, p. 167 60 Beard, Price, and North, p. 205 61 Ibid., p. 205 62 Gaius Tranquillus Suetonius, “Augustus,” in Lives of the Twelve Caesars trans. Robert Graves (New York: Welcome Rain Publishers, 2001) p. 63 63 Zanker, p. 176 64 Beard, Price, and North, p. 205 65 Ibid., p. 203 66 Augustus, “Res Gestae Divi Augusti” 67 Kleiner E.E Diana, “The Ara Pacis Augustae,” in Roman Sculpture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992) p. 90 68 Bowersock, p. 392 69 Kleiner, p. 92 70 Pollini, p. 337 71 Kleiner, p. 96 72 Ibid., p. 93 73 Ibid., p. 96 74 Ibid., p. 99 75 Bowersock, p. 386 76 Ibid., p. 393 77 Beard, Price, and North, p. 185 Bibliography Augustus. “Res Gestae Divi Augusti (The Deeds of the Divine Augustus),” translated by Thomas Bushnell, (accessed June 1, 2012) http://classics.mit.edu/Augustus/deeds.html Beard, Mary, Simon Price, and John North, “The Re-placing of Roman Religion,” in Religions of Rome, pp. 181–210, Vol. I: A History, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998 Bowersock, G. W., “The Pontificate of Augustus,” in Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and His Principate edited by Kurt Raaflaub and Mark Toher, pp. 380–394, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990 18 Katherine Rosenberg Clark, Mark E., “Spes in the Early Imperial Cult: ‘the Hope of Augustus’” Numen 30, no. 1 (July 1983): 80–105, (accessed April 9, 2012) doi:10.1163/156852783X00168 Clausen, Wendell, “An Interpretation of the Aeneid,” in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, pp. 139–147, Vol. 68, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964 Diana, Kleiner E.E., “The Ara Pacis Augustae,” in Roman Sculpture, pp. 90–99, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992 Gibbon, Edward, “Of the Constitution of the Roman Empire, in the Age of the Antonines,” in The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, pp. 65–91, Vol. I, London: Methuen & Co., 1914 Grant, Michael, “Augustus,” in The Twelve Caesars, pp. 52–80, New York: Charles Scriber’s Sons, 1975 Gruen, E. S., “The Imperial Policy of Augustus,” in Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and His Principate edited by Kurt Raaflaub and Mark Toher, pp. 395–416, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990 Kellum, B.A., “Display at the Aedes Concordiae Augustae,” in Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and His Principate edited by Kurt Raaflaub and Mark Toher, pp. 276–307, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990 Murphy, Mabel G., “Vergil as a Propagandist,” The Classical Weekly (April 12, 1926) http://www.jstor.org/stable/info/4388 771?&Search=yes&searchText=“Mabel+Gant+Murphy”&search Uri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery=au%3A“Mabel+G ant+Murphy”%26wc=on-bibInfo (accessed April 6, 2012) Pollini, J., “Man or God: Divine Assimilation and Imitation in the Late Republic and Early Principate,” in Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and His Principate edited by Kurt Raaflaub and Mark Toher, pp. 334–363, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990 19 THE CONCORD REVIEW Suetonius, Gaius Tranquillus, “Augustus,” in Lives of the Twelve Caesars translated by Robert Graves, pp. 47–98, New York: Welcome Rain Publishers, 2001 Syme, Ronald, The Roman Revolution New York: Oxford University Press, 1939 Tarrant, Richard J., “Poetry and Power: Virgil’s Poetry in Contemporary Context,” in The Cambridge Companion to Virgil edited by Charles Martindale, pp. 169–187, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997 Virgil, Eclogue I translated by Alexander Hollmann, 2009 Williams, G., “Augustan Literary Patronage,” in Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and His Principate edited by Kurt Raaflaub and Mark Toher, pp. 258–275, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990 Zanker, Paul, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1988 20 Katherine Rosenberg Charles O. Hucker, China to 1850 Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975, p. 68 In historiography the Han official Ssu-ma Ch’ien (145-87 B.C.?) was China’s first identifiable major figure, and he has won recognition as one of the greatest, most innovative, and most influential historians the world has produced. Inheriting his father’s court post as Lord Grand Astrologer, which gave him access to court archives, he carried to completion a project initiated by his father—a history of the world up to his time (the world known to him and to China, of course). The resulting work, called the Historical Records (Shih-chi) is a masterpiece of both organization and style. Its 130 chapters include, in addition to a chronology of important events from the legendary Yellow Emperor down into Emperor Wu’s reign, chronological tables for easy reference, historical treatises on topics such as music, the calendar, and waterways, and most important, hundreds of biographies of prominent or interesting people, the notorious as well as the famous. Ssu-ma Ch’ien established a pattern for organizing historical data that was used subsequently in a series of so- called dynastic histories, which preserve the history of imperial China in unsurpassed detail and uniquely systematic order. Moreover, Ssu-ma’s lively style made his work a literary monument that has been read with delight by educated classes throughout East Asia. 21 THE CONCORD REVIEW Copyright 2012, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved Gabriel Grand is a Senior at the Horace Mann School in the Bronx, New York, where he wrote this paper for Dr. Dominique Padurano’s Advanced Placement U.S. History course in the 2011/2012 academic year. THE NEW YORK TIMES, THE HOLOCAUST, AND A CONFLICT OF JEWISH IDENTITY, 1939–1945 Gabriel Grand I. All the News Unfit for Print: How The New York Times Quietly Obscured the Holocaust. November 26, 1940. To the average American, sitting at the breakfast table and reading the morning edition of The New York Times, it was a typical day in the news—if any day could be considered typical with the storm clouds of World War II loom- ing to the East. Although it was just over a year until the United States would officially join the worldwide conflict, the country was already brimming with patriotism, eager to hear the latest news of the war. On the front page, the Greeks were making progress against Italian forces in Southern Albania, the British city of Bris- tol had just fallen victim to a German bombing run, and the first wave of Army recruits was off to training camps throughout the nation. 1 Inside the newspaper, the upcoming Army-Navy football game had sold out Municipal Stadium in Philadelphia, while the Broadway play, “The Corn is Green,” starring Ethel Barrymore, was starting its run at the National Theater. 2 Only a particularly committed reader would have noticed on page eight, tucked away below the fold, the headline “Walls Will Enclose Warsaw 22 Gabriel Grand Jews Today; 500,000 Begin ‘New Life’ in Nazi-Built Ghetto.” 3 The following article, written not by a New York Times reporter but by the Associated Press, revealed that Warsaw’s Jews had been “re- quired to take up residence in the ghetto” by the Nazis, “with as many as seven persons living in one room in some buildings.” 4 This 10-sentence piece was easy to miss among the dozen other stories that appeared on page eight that day. The placement of the Warsaw ghetto story was not an isolated incident. Instead, it is representative of the way in which The New York Times regularly treated stories about Jewish suffering during the Holocaust as second-tier news, choosing to place them not on the front page, but rather to allow them to be buried on the inside pages of the newspaper among the flood of other war- time articles. Many historians, with a few notable exceptions, are content to excuse the Times and other American media by insisting that information about Hitler’s Final Solution was not available during World War II, that it was unreliable, or that newspapers simply were not able to see the trend of Jewish persecution until it was too late. 5 Yet The New York Times alone published 1,186 articles that dealt with the Holocaust between September 1939 and May 1945. 6 The real issue is not that there was a lack of information, or even that the information was suspected to be inaccurate and therefore was not published, but that only 26 of these stories ap- peared on the front page of the Times, and all but six obscured the fact that the primary victims were Jews. 7 The main reason that The New York Times failed to ad- equately draw attention to the Holocaust is directly related to the newspaper’s origins and lineage. At its core, the Times was created, published, and owned by a family of German Jewish descent whose members wanted to both cultivate and preserve the perception that the newspaper was unbiased and to assimilate into American society. In doing so, they often avoided publishing stories that were too favorable to Jews so that the Times would never be seen as a “Jewish newspaper.” As a result, between 1939 and 1945, The New York Times consistently downplayed Jewish suffering during the Holocaust in an effort to distance itself from its Jewish heri- 23 THE CONCORD REVIEW tage and to maintain an image of impartiality in the eyes of the American public. In examining how the Times obscured news of the Ho- locaust, it is important to understand the crucial role that the front page played (and continues to play) in the dissemination of information for a newspaper. It is the goal of a newspaper to publish headlines that catch a reader’s attention. As a result, it has always been the practice of newspaper editors to pay special attention to what appears on each edition’s front page, a practice to which the Times’ staff during the late 1930s and 1940s was well accustomed. Max Frankel, a former executive editor at the Times, said the paper “took great pride in ranking the importance of events each morning.” 8 Aside from helping sell newspapers, the front page was used to show the reader which news stories The New York Times deemed important. Between 1937 and 1945, the Times published more than 23,000 stories on its front pages, averaging between 12 and 15 per day. 9 In the six years between the Nazi inva- sion of Poland and the opening of the Nuremberg Trials, in only six instances did the Times’ front page mention Jews as Hitler’s central target for total annihilation. 10 Although there are several other ways in which the Times underplayed the Holocaust which will be discussed later, the failure to emphasize Jewish suffering on the front page set the tone for the newspaper’s Holocaust coverage throughout the war. As Frankel concludes, “the ordinary reader of [the Times’] pages could hardly be blamed for failing to comprehend the enormity of the Nazis’ crime.” 11 One of the primary arguments used to justify the Times’ lack of front page Holocaust stories is that information concern- ing the murder and mistreatment of European Jews was not available and/or was mistrusted by the newspaper’s staff. Laurel Leff, leading historian of The New York Times’ reporting during the Holocaust, writes, “World War I’s fake atrocity stories bred skepti- cism about death factories and mass gassings, especially among hard-bitten editors who had been young journalists during the war two decades earlier.” 12 Coupled with the extensive use of atrocity stories as propaganda in the media during the recently terminated 24 Gabriel Grand Spanish Civil War, this abundance of false horror stories led Time magazine to dub news of civilian killings from German-occupied Poland in 1939 the “atrocity story of the week.” 13 Yet during World War II, The New York Times published multiple stories about the Holocaust that stated that the information they contained was unconfirmed. This implies that in the hundreds of other articles that it published inside its pages, journalists and editors did not significantly doubt the validity of their facts, most of which proved to be accurate and were confirmed later by the State Department, the United Nations, the President, or other reporters. In fact, the Times’ most prominent non-front-page Holocaust story of 1943, an account of the slaughter of 50,000 Kiev Jews on page three, was published with the disclaimer, “On the basis of what we saw it is impossible for this correspondent to judge the truth or falsity of the story told to us.” 14 Although the true gravity of the Holocaust would not sink in for many Americans until the end of World War II, it is clear that the Times did not lack information about the Holocaust. Furthermore, whether or not this information was in doubt, the newspaper was willing to publish Holocaust stories, so long as they were not placed conspicuously. In 1942, as some of the first reports claiming the deaths of millions of Jews were reaching the American press, The New York Times placed Holocaust stories on its inside pages just as other newspapers featured them, all the while reaffirming the credibility of its sources. On June 27, the Times ran a United Press article in a page five column detailing the separate shootings of five Polish natives who had struck back after being physically attacked by Germans in Poland. Attached directly below the story appeared the following three sentences: According to an announcement of the Polish Government in Lon- don, 700,000 Jews were slain by the Nazis in Poland. The report was broadcast by the British Broadcasting Corporation and was recorded by the Columbia Broadcasting System in New York yesterday. “To accomplish this, probably the greatest mass slaughter in history, every death-dealing method was employed—machine-gun bullets, hand grenades, gas chambers, concentration camps, whipping, tor- ture instruments and starvation,” the Polish announcement said. 15 25 THE CONCORD REVIEW Three days later, on June 30, the Times ran a similar story, again by the United Press, which reported that “‘the Germans have massacred more than 1,000,000 Jews since the war began in car- rying out Adolph Hitler’s proclaimed policy of exterminating the people,’ spokesmen for the World Jewish Congress charged today.” 16 The article, which quoted a report that “about one-sixth of the pre-war Jewish population in Europe…had been wiped out in less than three years” and that “Jews, deported en masse to Central Poland from Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia and the Netherlands, were being shot by firing squads at the rate of 1,000 daily,” appeared on page seven. 17 In attempting to explain why a story revealing the death of one million Jews was so obscured by the Times, historian Walter Lacquer writes that because the edi- tors were not certain of the information in the story, “they opted for a compromise: to publish, but not in a conspicuous place.” 18 Yet in other instances, The New York Times published stories on the front page that it openly acknowledged could not be confirmed. 19 The Times demonstrated remarkable reluctance to feature some of the first reliable Holocaust reports in 1942 even as other newspapers and organizations vigorously affirmed their validity. The information contained in the two Times articles actually originated from a report that a Polish Jewish Socialist organization called the Bund had sent to the Polish government in exile in London. 20 In contrast to the Times’ two short inside stories, which were not reported or written by Times reporters but rather by the United Press, the Herald Tribune published a much longer story about the Bund report which it ran on its front page on June 30. 21 The Times had little reason to doubt its sources, which included CBS, the BBC, the World Jewish Congress, and the Polish Government in London. It even ran a third story about the Bund report two days later on July 2, in which it quoted Polish National Council representative Szmul Zygielbojm in saying that the sources for the Bund report were “absolutely reliable, although the story seemed too terrible and the atrocities too inhumane to be true.” 22 In the article, which was placed on page six, Zygielbojm made a plea for immediate action on the part of the Allies, which he called “the only way to save millions of Jews from certain destruction.” 23 Zyg- 26 Gabriel Grand ielbojm committed suicide the following year, having written in a suicide note, “Perhaps by my death I shall contribute to destroying the indifference of those who are able and should act in order to save now, maybe at the last moment, this handful of Polish Jews who are still alive from certain annihilation.” 24 The Times ran a story about his death on page seven. Still others argue that the flood of military and political news during World War II made the Holocaust difficult to separate from the deaths of millions of Allied and American soldiers throughout the war in the minds of the Times’ editors. It is true that The New York Times devoted at least several of its 12 to 15 front page articles per day to war news, going so far as to cut advertisements to make room for more wartime stories (a fact that the newspaper proudly announced on several occasions). 25 But there were countless in- stances in which The New York Times relegated Holocaust stories to the inside pages while the front page contained news that was seemingly trivial. On September 12, 1939, the Times ran a story on a “special report” from the German News Bureau in Poland revealing that “‘a solution of the Jewish problem’ in Poland is on the German-Polish agenda.” The story, which appeared on page five, warned that the “implications…were it carried out on the German model, are ominous,” and observed that it was hard to see how the “removal” of Jews would alter the situation “without their extermination.” 26 Meanwhile, a story about a retired steel manu- facturer’s decision to continue living in Switzerland in protest of federal tax policies appeared on the front page. 27 In fact, war news was so slow during this period that in October, one article carried the headline “38 Reporters Search for a War/ Correspondents with British in West Do Not Expect a Nazi Offensive this Fall/ RAIN STEADY IN WIDE AREA.” 28 Similarly, On March 5, 1944, as the war was dragging into its sixth year in Europe, Times corre- spondent Ralph Parker reported from Ukraine, “With horrifying precision, the German anti-Semitic policy had been applied to this region of cherry orchards and fields of sunflowers.” 29 Under the headline “Many Jews Killed in Cherkassy Area/ Tour of Ukraine Reveals How Nazis Followed Plan to Exterminate Them,” the ar- ticle ran on page six. Meanwhile, on page one, the Times ran an 27 THE CONCORD REVIEW article about how the Monte Carlo casino was finally beginning to feel the economic pressures of the war. In an ironically solemn tone, it reported: “The last session of roulette was desolating. People played only 10 and 20 franc notes. In the baccarat game, last hope of the desperate, only 3,000 francs were risked and the game closed for lack of the banker….Nobody wanted to buy any whisky.” 30 Needless to say, Jewish suffering was clearly not shunted aside to make way for more pressing news. The handful of Holocaust stories that did make the front page of The New York Times between 1939 and 1945 were no more effective than the inside stories at informing readers of Jewish suf- fering because they de-emphasized the role of Jews as the primary victims of the Nazis’ crimes. “I have just seen the most terrible place on the face of the earth,” wrote Times Moscow correspondent William Lawrence on August 30, 1944, “the German concentra- tion camp at Maidanek, which was a veritable River Rouge for the production of death, in which it was estimated by Soviet and Polish authorities that as many as 1,500,000 persons from nearly every country in Europe were killed in the last three years.” The article later states that the dead were “Jews, Poles, Russians, and in fact representative of a total of twenty-two nationalities.” 31 While it was certainly true that Maidanek (sometimes spelled Majdanek) claimed the lives of many non-Jews, including Poles and Belorus- sians, approximately 76 percent of those who died there were Jewish, a fact which both the article and its headline obscured. 32 Other front page stories bearing headlines like, “Refugee Ship Off Palestine Sunk by Blast; Casualties Feared Among 1,771 Homeless” (November 26, 1940); “580,000 Refugees Admitted to United States in Decade” (December 11, 1943); “Roosevelt Board is Negotiating to Save Refugees from Nazis” (January 30, 1944); and “President Predicts Murder Orgy by Nazis to Wipe Out Minorities” (June 13, 1944) all primarily concerned Jews, yet did not clearly identify them as such. In shying away from use of the word “Jew” on the front page, the Times made a conscious decision to downplay Jewish suffering, which likely would have severely impaired readers’ understanding of the single most fundamental aspect the genocide: Hitler’s desire to exterminate the Jews. 28 Gabriel Grand Perhaps the clearest illustration of The New York Times’ re- luctance to explicitly portray Jewish victimhood is the American press’ response to a conference held in late November of 1942 by Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, chairman of the World Jewish Congress, which confirmed the death of 2,000,000 Jews and announced that Hitler had ordered the murder of all Jews in Nazi-occupied Eu- rope. 33 Almost all American newspapers, both local and national, ran the story in some form, with headlines such as: “2 Million Jews Slain by Nazis, Dr. Wise Avers” (Chicago Tribune, page 4), “2 Million Jews Slain, Rabbi Wise Asserts” (Washington Post, page 6), “Wise Says Hitler Has Ordered 4,000,000 Jews Slain in 1942” (New York Herald Tribune, page 1), “Jewish Extermination Drive Laid to Hitler by Dr. Wise” (Baltimore Sun, page 3), “Wise to Reveal Nazis’ Program to Kill Jews” (New York Journal American, page 3) and “Two Million Jews Slain, Wise Says” (Los Angeles Examiner, page 1). In contrast, the headline to the corresponding New York Times article read “Wise Gets Confirmations/Checks with State Department on Nazis’ ‘Extermination Campaign.’” 34 The article, which ap- peared on page 10, was the only story in more than 18 American newspapers whose headline did not reference Jews and did not contain the 2 million figure cited in the Wise announcement. 35 Aside from The New York Times’ failure to focus attention on Jewish suffering on the front page, the other major area in which the newspaper significantly underplayed the Holocaust was in its special sections, including the editorials and review sections. Out of the nearly 17,000 editorials that the Times published during the six years of World War II, only 16, less than one in 1,000, focused on Jews in the Holocaust. Only once, on December 2, 1942, was the Nazi persecution of Jews the subject of a lead editorial. Titled “The First to Suffer,” the nine-paragraph piece seems to deliberately draw attention away from Jewish victimhood. “The Jew was the first number on a list which has since included people of other faiths and of many races—Czechs, Poles, Norwegians, Netherlanders, Belgians, French—and which, should Hitler win, should take in our own mongrel nation.” The editorial goes on to assert, “The horror of the persecution of the Jews, viewed in this perspective, covers all free humanity. What the Jew has suffered is a prediction 29 THE CONCORD REVIEW of the suffering that would be reserved for all who dare to stand against Hitlerism.” 36 Still other editorials concerning the Holocaust did not even mention Jewish involvement whatsoever. Six months after the Warsaw ghetto uprising, the Times published an editorial titled, “Supermen at Warsaw,” extolling the “men who resolved that if they had to die they would die free, with arms in their hands.” Nowhere did the October 28, 1943 piece mention that the Warsaw ghetto and its “defenders” were almost all Jewish. 37 Such a conspicuous absence of information did not go unnoticed. In a December 31 editorial, the Jewish Times of Philadelphia criticized The New York Times for portraying “the news in a way as if no Jews were involved in the tragic fray.” 38 Arguably the most pronounced lack of attention to the Holocaust in the Times, however, took place in the newspaper’s review sections, which were published at the end of each week and each year to summarize notable events in the news. On September 3, 1944, The New York Times’ review section ran a full page titled, “Outstanding Events and Major Trends of the Second World War” without mentioning Jews. 39 The mass murders at concentration camps in Auschwitz and Maidanek never appeared in the paper’s “Highlights of the Week In Review,” even after their respective liberations at the end of the war. 40 Jews were neither included in “Fifty Memorable Dates in the History of 1944,” nor were they ref- erenced in “A Chronology of the War in Europe: 100 Outstanding Dates,” both of which also made no reference to concentration camps such as Dachau, Auschwitz, Maidanek, Bergen-Belsen and others, even when the camps were liberated. 41 Following Hitler’s suicide, a Times review story remembered the “civilian toll” that his murder agenda had caused. Despite the fact that historians have estimated that nearly 6 million Jews were killed by Hitler’s Nazi regime, the Times chose to remain silent about Jewish victim- hood. 42 Despite the overwhelming evidence, it is not fair or accu- rate to say that during the course of World War II there were no instances in which The New York Times took steps to expose Jewish suffering to its readers. Some shining exceptions include: a short 30 Gabriel Grand but passionate essay in 1942 by novelist Sholem Asch in the Times Magazine which pleaded for Jewish aid, and a front-page article on Kristallnacht in 1938. Also noteworthy is a striking half-page article by Times correspondent Anne O’Hare McCormick about a rally at Madison Square Garden to “Save Doomed Jews,” which warned: If the Christian community does not support to the utmost the belated proposal worked out to rescue the Jews remaining in Europe from the fate prepared for them, we have accepted the Hitlerian thesis and forever compromised the principles for which we are pouring out blood and wealth. 43 Yet stories like Ms. McCormick’s, the first three paragraphs of which appeared on page one of the Times on March 3, 1943, under the smallest of 11 headlines, were anomalies in a paper otherwise devoid of accessible information about the Jewish Holocaust. None of the reasons offered so far seem to explain the extent to which The New York Times so severely and uniformly downplayed Jewish suffering during the Holocaust. As previously demonstrated, a lack of information cannot account for the more than 1,000 articles about the Holocaust which contained news of the Nazi murder of Jews in explicit detail, but never received any prominent position. Furthermore, the Times professed the accuracy of its facts in Holocaust stories on inside pages, and was simultaneously willing to publish and feature unconfirmed reports. The theory that these stories were overshadowed by war news does not explain why, when genocide stories did appear on the front page, the Times went out of its way to de-emphasize the roles of Jewish victims, hesitated to follow up in the editorial section, and almost never mentioned the word “Jew” in connection with World War II in its review sections. To truly understand why The New York Times would have minimized the Holocaust during World War II, we must look to the newspaper’s connection to Judaism, starting with its roots. 31 THE CONCORD REVIEW II. “Not a Jewish Newspaper”: Ochs, Sulzberger, and Jewish Identity at The New York Times Adolph Simon Ochs was born March 12, 1858, on the eve of the U.S. Civil War. His parents, Julius and Bertha Levy Ochs, were Jewish immigrants from Germany who had arrived in Knoxville, Tennessee prior to the war. Ochs began his career in the industry at age 11 as a paper boy for the Knoxville Chronicle in an effort to support his family. Susan E. Tifft and Alex S. Jones, authors of The Trust, the definitive source on the history of The New York Times’ family ownership, write, “As the oldest son of a nearly impoverished Jew with a distinct German accent, Adolph… learned to value compromise, work harder than anyone else, and seek harmony whenever possible.” 44 By age 14 he had dropped out of school, and by 17 he had risen through the ranks of both the Chronicle and the Tribune, earning the nickname “Muley” Ochs, a pun on his work ethic and the Americanized pronunciation of his last name. His role model was Horace Greeley, the owner of the influential New York Tribune, who had struggled up from rural pov- erty in New Hampshire. After moving briefly to Kentucky to work as a typesetter at The Courier-Journal, Ochs returned to Tennessee and, at the age of 19, borrowed $250 to purchase a controlling interest in the Chattanooga Daily, becoming publisher. 45 Although Adolph’s father Julius was “deeply pious and a student of the religious writings of the Hebrew faith,” none of his three sons grew up in a particularly religious household, largely because in Knoxville, the Ochs family was more focused on earning a living than on Judaism. 46 However, Adolph’s religious views shifted when, in 1883, he married Iphigenia “Effie” Miriam Wise, daughter of the Cincinnati Rabbi Isaac M. Wise, founder of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations and the leading proponent of Reform Judaism in the United States. 47 Through his wife, Ochs learned and came to embrace the beliefs of Reform Judaism. He gave credit to his Jewish home life and the Jewish religion for his high moral standards and strong work ethic. 48 In addition, this brand of Reform Judaism, which was widely embraced among German Jewish immigrants in the late 19th-century, compounded 32 Gabriel Grand with Ochs’ pre-existing desire to assimilate into American culture. Sociologist Ewa Morawska writes, “Reform Judaism’s philosophi- cal and practical purpose was to modernize Jewish religion by eliminating the characteristics that set apart its practitioners from mainstream (Christian) society.” 49 As a Classical Reform Jew, Ochs sought to reconcile ancient traditions with the values and social norms of contemporary America. Key to this effort was the asser- tion that Judaism did not represent a culture; it was merely a set of religious beliefs. Ochs would later state, “I know nothing else, no other definition of a Jew except religion.” 50 This definition of what it meant to be Jewish became a fundamental part of Ochs’ ideology, which would later steer the course of development of The New York Times. Adolph Ochs, like the more than 200,000 German-Jewish immigrants who came to the United States between 1820 and 1880, worked hard to minimize the public attention that he, as a Jew and a foreigner, drew. 51 A 1944 book about the history and chang- ing nature of the American newspaper business described Ochs as “naturally a very timid man, kindly, well-meaning, but above all else anxious not to get into many personal controversies and not to offend many readers.” 52 For Ochs, political visibility was a luxury that could not be afforded by Jews seeking to fit into the American lifestyle. Like many other assimilationist German Jews, he saw turn-of-the-century Eastern European Jewish immigrants, with their Orthodox customs, thick accents, full beards, and long, black frock coats, as an immediate target for stereotype and ostracization by the American public. Paula E. Hyman, professor of modern Jewish studies at Yale University, writes, “The new immigrants were so numerous and visible in their Yiddish-speaking ghettos, so conspicuous in their radical politics, that they threatened to displace the prosperous, respectable German Jewish banker or merchant as the representative Jew in the popular imagination.” 53 The same ethnic group that would later bear the brunt of the suffering during the Holocaust created a new reason for Ameri- can Jews of German descent to be self-conscious of their religion by undermining their efforts to fit unobtrusively into American culture. “We should live quietly, happily, unostentatiously,” Ochs 33 THE CONCORD REVIEW once advised the Jews of Chattanooga’s Mizpah congregation. “Don’t be too smart. Don’t know too much.” 54 Ironically, however, he would come increasingly close to violating his own wisdom as he strove to gain a footing in the industry. By 1895 Ochs had set his eyes on acquiring a newspaper in New York, and in 1896 he negotiated a deal to purchase the bankrupt New-York Times. 55 The moment that the paths of Adolph Ochs and the Times crossed was the beginning of an era in which the newspaper would be shaped and guided by the beliefs and goals of its publisher: to assimilate in the face of a nation’s harsh anti-Semitism, to adhere to the principles of Reform Judaism, and above all, to remain un- biased and publish a “clean, dignified, trustworthy and impartial” newspaper, as Ochs announced in the Times on August 18, 1896. 56 For Adolph Ochs, the fear of racial and religious judgment by the American public and the objective of journalistic neutrality gave rise to a strong reluctance to feature Jewish issues in his publica- tion; he was “determined not to have the Times ever appear to be a ‘Jewish newspaper.’” 57 During the Dreyfus affair of the late 1890s, in which the Jewish French army captain Alfred Dreyfus was wrongly court-martialed and imprisoned on Devil’s Island, where he was subjected to inhumane treatment, Adolph Ochs refused to let the his paper take the lead in reporting the story. “I thought it would be unwise for The New York Times to begin the campaign, as it would be at once attributed to a Jewish interest,” he later explained. 58 Tifft and Jones write, “When other papers took up Dreyfus’ plight, the Times followed suit, carefully avoiding the use of words such as Jew, Jewish, or anti-Semitism in headlines.” 59 Garet Garrett, a younger member of the Times’ editorial council, wrote in his diary in 1915, “Mr. Ochs is a non-Jewish Jew. He will have nothing to do with any Jewish movement.” 60 With the death of Adolph Ochs in 1935, the job of New York Times publisher carried over to his son-in-law, Arthur Hays Sulzberger; along with it came Ochs’ attitude toward the role of Judaism and Jewish-ness in the Times, which Sulzberger not only perpetuated, but also intensified throughout his term as publisher until 1961. Although Sulzberger was not raised in a particularly Jew- 34 Gabriel Grand ish family environment, he found himself nonetheless occasionally forced to confront his identity when faced with anti-Semitism dur- ing his early life. After graduating from the Horace Mann School, Sulzberger attended Columbia University, where he was refused entrance into multiple fraternities because of his Jewish lineage, evident from his last name. Though bitterly hurt, he declined an invitation to Zeta Beta Tau, Columbia’s Jewish fraternity because to him Judaism was “a religion, and a religion only, and…should not be a common denominator of social intercourse or political activity.” 61 This conviction strengthened when, in 1917, Sulzberger married Iphigene Ochs, Adolph’s daughter, thus inheriting not only the spot of heir to the Times publisher position, but also a direct tie to Reform Judaism. As publisher of the Times, Sulzberger was even more adamant than Ochs that the newspaper not seem to be biased in favor of Jews. According to Leff, “If other publishers worried about appearing neutral with respect to Republicans or Democrats, business or labor, the Dodgers or the Giants, Sulzberger worried about the Jews.” 62 Max Frankel, a former executive editor at The New York Times who wrote and edited at the newspaper from 1952 until his retirement in 1996, said in an interview, “Jews were kept from some conspicuous jobs in Washington and abroad as a gesture to the publisher’s fear of having too many Jews in prominent posi- tions.” 63 Yet Jews held key news jobs at the Times, such as Sunday editor Lester Markel, Washington bureau chief Arthur Krock, and cable editor Ted Bernstein, who was responsible for editing foreign correspondence during World War II. “There were always a lot of Jews, but they were for the most part on the inside,” Mr. Frankel explained in a later interview. 64 Of Bernstein, Frankel said, “He literally made up page one after the meetings; he was the one who designed it…In another era he would have become top man. It was precisely because of this fear of moving a Jew up to the number one spot that he was kept [as] number two.” 65 Sulzberger was especially conscious of how small details could affect the newspaper’s image. Adolph Ochs had already im- posed strict rules in 1912, at the insistence of the Anti-Defamation 35 THE CONCORD REVIEW League, that governed the use of the word Jew, deeming it inappro- priate to use the word in the context of phrases like “Jew boy,” “Jew store,” and “to Jew down.” 66 As publisher, Sulzberger strengthened these rules. In a memo to his editors, he wrote, “Thus, when the American Jewish Congress meets our headline does not say ‘Jews Meet’ but emphasizes the fact that it is the Congress. When the Zionists meet it is not Jews, but Zionists.” 67 Even before the anti-Semitic press made much of the fact that Times spelled backwards was Semit(e), [Sulzberger] was vigilant about cor- recting any suggestion that he or the paper might represent Jewish interests. When Time [magazine] referred to the paper as the ‘Jewish owned New York Times,’ Arthur complained to the proprietor, Henry Luce, alleging that the phrase implied that the Times was biased. 68 From examining the history of The New York Times, it becomes evident that the newspaper was particularly sensitive about its relationship to Judaism. Ochs and Sulzberger’s shared desires to assimilate; beliefs that Judaism was a religion, not an ethnicity; and principles of journalistic impartiality resulted in a tendency to minimize the appearance of and deny the Times’ connection with Judaism. This attitude was primarily responsible for The New York Times’ failure to emphasize the Holocaust during World War II. Yet there is still one missing connection. Although Sul- zberger held the highest position at The New York Times during World War II, as publisher he was not directly responsible for the decisions about writing, editing and placing stories made on a daily basis in the newsroom. How did his distinct feelings about Juda- ism carry over to the Times itself? As Max Frankel puts it, “Arthur Hays Sulzberger created the atmosphere in which those decisions were made and made no secret of his desire to avoid having the Times judged or criticized for being a ‘Jewish’ newspaper.” 69 Neil MacNeil, the night managing editor at the Times, along with Ted Bernstein, was one of three men who made up the “bullpen,” which was exclusively responsible for deciding which stories to place on the front page during World War II. 70 In 1940, he wrote: There is a tendency, even on the best newspapers, for the economic, political, and social views of the owners to seep down through the entire organization. Reporters viewing the event and editors passing 36 Gabriel Grand judgment on it are inclined, be it ever so slightly, to see it from the publisher’s angle…Few will bite the hand that feeds them. Almost without knowing it the news favors the owner’s viewpoint. The story in which the publisher is interested becomes a ‘good story,’ and vice versa. 71 Similarly, Turner Catledge, who worked at the Times from 1929 to 1968 and held the position of managing editor for 12 years im- mediately after World War II, wrote in his autobiography, Sulzberger made his likes and dislikes known via memoranda which we called the ‘blue notes’ because they were written on blue paper. Hundreds of these blue notes rained down on me over the years, on great matters and small. Since James (referring to Edwin L. James, the managing editor during World War II) passed on the publisher’s instructions, as well as his own, a code had been worked out to denote Sulzberger’s requests. If James said in a memo, ‘It is desired that…,’ the bullpen editors understood the particular instruction came from Sulzberger, and was not to be ignored. 72 The influence of the publisher on the content of The New York Times is undeniable; Sulzberger and Ochs’ very presence at the New York Times created what Times reporter and author Gay Talese has called “a sensitivity to Semitism…within the institution.” 73 Although no written record of a policy to minimize Jew- ish issues at the Times has been discovered, another explanation is that such a rule would not have even needed to be in writing. Leff argues, “Such a memo might not have been included in the Times’ less-than-comprehensive files, or the policy may have been communicated verbally…but the more likely explanation is that no record exists because there was no need for an explicit policy.” 74 Leff’s conclusion is supported by Frankel’s statement, “[Sulzberger] had very good friends in charge of both the news and the editorial departments, and so they would have known his mindset.” 75 Sulzberger’s friendship with Charles Merz, whom Sulzberger convinced Ochs to hire and named editorial director in 1938, was well known at the Times. “Sulzberger and his editorial page editor vacationed together, did jigsaw and crossword puzzles, and played backgammon, Chinese checkers, gin, and canasta.” 76 Sulzberger and Merz’s propinquity led to an almost telepathic relationship between the two. “They thought alike, they talked 37 THE CONCORD REVIEW alike,” said Daniel Schwarz, who started at the Times in 1929 and eventually became its Sunday editor. “Sulzberger wouldn’t have to say to Merz what he should do and not do. They could have talked about it while playing cards. They would have traded feel- ings about it. But nothing had to be told.” 77 On this subject, Max Frankel said, “There was a spoken attitude…‘where possible we do not want to feature Jewish suffering except in the context of larger, more widespread suffering.’ I think that was close to a policy.” 78 Sulzberger’s personal beliefs clearly penetrated the Times on multiple levels, and it is impossible to fully understand the newspaper’s treatment of the Holocaust without viewing it in light of the conflict between the Jewish and American identi- ties of its publishers, Adolph Ochs and Arthur Hays Sulzberger. Nevertheless, it is important to understand how both men’s views were ultimately the product of the predominant American anti- Semitism of the era. In 1939, an Elmo Roper poll found that 53 percent of Americans felt Jews were “different” and therefore “deserved…social and economic restrictions.” 79 In June of 1944, a poll asked Americans which groups represented the greatest threat to the United States. While 6 percent responded “Germans” and 9 percent “Japanese,” 24 percent said that the greatest threat to America was posed by the Jews. 80 It is therefore unsurprising that a successful man like Sulzberger would have wanted to minimize his “Jewish-ness” in order to be perceived as more American, and that this desire extended to the Times. “When you’re running a big enterprise and you want to be a significant newspaper in Wall Street and with influence in Washington and so on, the idea that you might be called, as you probably were called by anti-Semites, just a ‘Jewish newspaper,’ that was a reputation to be lived down,” said Frankel. 81 While he ultimately succeeded in preserving the Times’ image of impartiality, in the process Sulzberger failed to alert Americans to the greatest genocide in human history. By 1940, the New York Times was one of the of the largest newspapers in the world in terms of circulation and influence. 82 “What Harvard is 38 Gabriel Grand to U.S. education, what the House of Morgan has been to U.S. finance, The New York Times is to U.S. journalism,” announced Time magazine on April 12, 1943. 83 A 1944 book comparing American newspapers said of the Times, In the years that have elapsed since the death of Adolph S. Ochs in 1935, the New York Times has more than ever established itself as the foremost daily of the world. As an institution it outshines the London Times…In America no other journal approaches it in the volume of news and coverage of the world…it has literally made itself indispens- able to anyone who desires to be thoroughly informed as to what is happening on this globe. 84 The American public looked to The New York Times to inform it of “All the news that’s fit to print.” 85 Because the newspaper never emphasized the Holocaust, all but the most careful readers were barely aware of its existence. In 1943, a Gallup poll asked Ameri- cans whether they believed that 2,000,000 Jews had been killed since the start of World War II. Despite the fact that the Allied governments had publicly confirmed this number at the end of 1942, 28 percent said it was a rumor, 24 percent had no opinion, and only 47 percent thought it was true. 86 The Times’ underplaying of the Holocaust affected not only its readers’ understanding of the genocide, it also influenced that of other American and foreign media. David Wyman, author of The Abandonment of the Jews, writes, “Other newspapers recognized the Times’ guidance in foreign news policy. A perception that the Jewish-owned Times did not think the massive killings of Jews was worth emphasizing could have influenced other newspapers.” 87 Deborah Lipstadt adds, “various dailies subscribe(d) to The New York Times foreign wire service and reprint(ed) important stories from the paper. Only rarely were stories concerning the Jews treated in a way that would have prompted other papers to think them significant or worthy of reprinting.” 88 A 1944 survey of Wash- ington correspondents found that more than five in six believed the Times to be the nation’s most “reliable, comprehensive, and fair paper.” 89 Given the improbability of finding direct evidence to prove that the lack of emphasis on the Holocaust by The New York Times 39 THE CONCORD REVIEW resulted in a corresponding lack of effort to stop the suffering of Jews in Europe, it is unreasonable to conclude that the Times prolonged the Holocaust. However, like the millions of other by- standers in the American public, the State Department, the White House, and abroad, it made little attempt to reach out to help Europe’s Jews. Unlike most other bystanders, however, the Times had a responsibility to make others aware of the genocide. “If the systematic campaign to annihilate European Jewry was a critical story, it should have been on the front page regardless of whether Jews could have been rescued as a result,” writes Leff. 90 Instead, the way The New York Times relegated stories of Jews’ suffering to the inside pages and diluted Jewish victimhood in its reporting during World War II provided no opportunity for its readers to take note. The only reasonable conclusion is that of The Trust: “Had the Times highlighted Nazi atrocities against Jews, or simply not buried certain stories, the nation might have awakened to the horror far sooner than it did.” 91 There is, however, one benefit that arose from the tragedy of The New York Times; the failure to draw attention to the Holo- caust catalyzed several positive changes for the newspaper. After the departure of Arthur Hays Sulzberger, Jewish correspondents at the Times began to receive equal treatment in assignments in Washington and abroad. 92 Several Jews, including Max Frankel, ascended to prominent jobs, including managing editor. Led by Arthur Hays Sulzberger’s son and grandson, the Times abandoned its sensitivity to its Jewish roots and supported Jewish issues, includ- ing Israel, in stories and editorials. 93 Finally, the determination to avoid its past mistakes has driven the Times to take the lead on genocide stories in Darfur, Rwanda, Bosnia, Uganda, and Kosovo. As Nobel Peace Prize winner Elie Wiesel has stated, “There may be times when we are powerless to prevent injustice, but there must never be a time when we fail to protest.” 94 The New York Times seems to have taken this wisdom to heart. 40 Gabriel Grand 1 A. C. Sedgwick, “Greeks Closing In; Fall of Second Vital Fascist Center in Albania Near,” New York Times (November 26, 1940); Percival Knauth, “Wide Bristol Ruin Pictured in Berlin,” NYT (November 26, 1940); “1,937 Trainees Go to Camp in Nation; 17% Rejected Here,” NYT (November 26, 1940) 2 Allison Danzig, “Service Rivalry, Bowl and Title Races Keep Football Flame Alive; Army-Navy Clash Still a Big Show,” New York Times (November 26, 1940); “The Corn is Green Will Open Tonight,” NYT (November 26, 1940) 3 Associated Press, “Walls Will Enclose Warsaw Jews Today,” New York Times (November 26, 1940) 4 Ibid. 5 See Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American Life (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1999); William D. Rubinstein, The Myth of Rescue: Why the Democracies Could Not Have Saved More Jews from the Nazis (New York: Routledge, 1997) 6 Laurel Leff, Buried by The Times: The Holocaust and America’s Most Important Newspaper reprint ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005) p. 2 7 Ibid., pp. 2–3 8 Max Frankel, “150th Anniversary: 1851–2001: Turning Away from the Holocaust,” The New York Times (November 14, 2001) late, final edition, http://www.nytimes. com/2001/11/14/news/150th-anniversary-1851-2001-turning- away-from-the-holocaust.html?pagewanted=all 9 Leff, p. 6 10 Max Frankel, “Turning Away From the Holocaust: The New York Times,” in Why Didn’t the Press Shout?: American and International Journalism During the Holocaust, ed. Robert Moses Shapiro (New York: Yeshiva University Press, 2003) p. 80 11 Ibid. p. 80 12 Leff, p. 6 13 Deborah E. Lipstadt, Beyond Belief: The American Press And The Coming of The Holocaust, 1933–1945, paperback ed. (1986; repr., New York: Free Press, 1993) p. 137 14 Leff, p. 172 15 United Press, “(title unknown),” New York Times (June 27, 1942) 16 United Press, “1,000,000 Jews Slain by Nazis, Report Says,” New York Times (June 30, 1942) 17 Ibid. 18 Leff, p. 4 41 THE CONCORD REVIEW 19 See Leff, p. 4, footnote 4 20 Leff, p. 138 21 Ibid., p. 140 22 New York Times (July 2, 1942) The Bund Report went on to list the numbers of thousands of Jews killed at certain locations in Poland. Upon receiving the report in London, the Polish government in-exile passed the information on to the BBC, which broadcast the information on radio on June 2, 1942. Historian Martin Gilbert writes that “The details given in the Bund Report were precise, and, as we now know, accurate.” 23 London Bureau, “Allies Are Urged to Execute Nazis,” New York Times (July 2, 1942) 24 Leff, p. 174 25 Owing to a recent one and a half inch decrease in the width of the printed newspaper and changes in its layout, New York Times now carries fewer stories on its front page than it did during World War II. See Katharine Q. Seelye, “Times to Reduce Page Size and Close a Plant in 2008,” New York Times (July 18, 2006), http://www.nytimes.com/2006/07/18/ business/media/18web.html. For information on the Times’ wartime advertising cuts, see Leff, p. 9 26 Berlin Bureau, “Nazis Hint ‘Purge’ of Jews in Poland,” New York Times (September 13, 1939) 27 “Expatriated U.S. Tax Foe Won’t Return During War,” New York Times (September 13, 1939) 28 Harold Denny, “38 Reporters in Search for a War,” New York Times (October 22, 1939) 29 Ralph Parker, “Many Jews Killed in Cherkassy Area,” New York Times (March 5, 1944) 30 AP, “Monte Carlo Ends 3-Year Spree When Germans Install Rationing,” New York Times (March 5, 1944) 31 “Nazi Mass Killings Laid Bare in Camp; Victims Put at 1,500,000 in Huge Factory of Gas Chambers and Crematories” New York Times (August 30, 1944) 32 Reszka P. Pawel, “Majdanek Victims Enumerated. Changes in the history textbooks?” Aushwitz-Birkenau Memorial Museum, last modified December 23, 2005, http:// en.auschwitz.org/rn/index.php?option=com_content&task=vie w&id=44&Itemid=8 Interestingly, the 1.5 million death figure that the Times article cites is significantly skewed; contemporary estimates put the actual death toll at around 360,000, while a disputed 42 Gabriel Grand 2005 study by the Majdanek Museum claims the real number to be 59,000 Jews and 19,000 others. At the time, the Soviets overestimated the Majdanek death toll at 1.5 million with 400,000 Jewish victims. It is likely that this is the source of Times correspondent William Lawrence’s misinformation. 33 Lipstadt, p. 180 34 Associated Press, “Wise Gets Confirmations/ Checks with State Department on Nazis’ ‘Extermination Campaign,’” New York Times (November 25, 1942) 35 For more information, see Lipstadt, p. 180 The only other newspaper which did not use the 2 million figure in the headline for the Wise story was the New York Herald Tribune, which included the European Jews targeted by Hitler in the 4 million referred to by the headline. 36 “The First to Suffer,” New York Times (December 2, 1942) 37 Editorial, “Supermen at Warsaw,” New York Times (October 28, 1943) 38 Leff, p. 221 39 Ibid., p. 292 40 Ibid., p. 292 41 Ibid., pp. 293, 312 42 Martin Gilbert, The Holocaust: The Jewish Tragedy (New York: William Collins and Sons, 1985) p. 18 43 Sholem Asch, “(Title unclear),” New York Times Magazine (February 7, 1943); Otto D. Tolischus, “Bands Rove Cities/Thousands Arrested for ‘Protection’ as Gangs Avenge Paris Death,” New York Times (November 11, 1938); Anne O’Hare McCormick, “Save Doomed Jews/ Huge Rally Pleads,” New York Times (March 3, 1943) 44 Susan E. Tifft and Alex S. Jones, The Trust: The Private and Powerful Family Behind The New York Times (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1999) p. 10 45 Ibid., pp. 11, 13 46 New York Times, “Adolph S. Ochs Dead at 77; Publisher of Times Since 1896,” The New York Times Learning Network, last modified April 9, 2010, http://www.nytimes.com/learning/ general/onthisday/bday/0312.html 47 http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/ bday/0312.html Neither Iphigenia Wise nor her father Isaac has any direct relation to Rabbi Stephen S. Wise of the World Jewish Congress. 43 THE CONCORD REVIEW 48 Stephen J. Whitfield, “The American Jew as a Journalist,” Brandeis University Online (accessed March 4, 2012) http:// www.policyarchive.org/handle/10207/bitstreams/10113.pdf, p. 169 49 Ewa Morawska, “Assimilation in the United States: Nineteenth Century,” in Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia (Jewish Women’s Archive, 2005) last modified March 11, 2012, http://jwa.org/encyclopedia/ article/assimilation-in-united-states-nineteenth-century 50 Whitfield, p. 170 51 Morawska 52 Oswald Garrison Villard, The Disappearing Daily (1944; repr., New Hampshire: Ayer Company Publishers, 1969) p. 84, Google Books 53 Paula E. Hyman, “Eastern European Immigrants in the United States,” in Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia (Jewish Women’s Archive, 2005) (accessed March 13, 2012) http://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/eastern- european-immigrants-in-united-states 54 Tifft and Jones, p. 25 55 Ibid., pp. 28–30 56 New York Times, “Adolph S. Ochs Dead at 77” 57 Tifft and Jones, p. 95 58 Ibid., p. 95 59 Ibid., p. 95 60 Ibid., p. 94 61 Ibid., pp. 215–216 62 Leff, p. 21 63 Max Frankel, e-mail interview by author, December 20, 2011 64 Max Frankel, telephone interview by author, December 22, 2011 65 Ibid. 66 Tifft and Jones, p. 94 Whitfield comes to a similar conclusion about Bernstein’s religion preventing him from becoming managing editor. 67 Leff, p. 30 68 Tifft and Jones, p. 217 69 Max Frankel, e-mail interview by author, December 20, 2011 70 The “bullpen” was the nickname for the corner of the Times’ newsroom that contained the desks where the night managing editors sat. 44 Gabriel Grand 71 Harrison Salisbury, Without Fear or Favor (New York: Ballantine Books, 1980) p. 367 72 Turner Catledge, My Life and The Times (New York: Harper and Row, 1971) p. 189 73 Gay Talese, The Kingdom and the Power: Behind the Scenes at the New York Times; The Institution That Influences the World 1969 reprint (New York: Random House 2007) p. 114 74 Leff, p. 190 75 Max Frankel, telephone interview by author, December 22, 2011 76 Leff, p. 31 77 Ibid., p. 32 78 Max Frankel, telephone interview by author, December 22, 2011 79 “The Journalism of the Holocaust,” Marvin Kalb lecture at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, http://www.ushmm. org/lectures/kalb.htm 80 Charles H. Stember, Jews in the Mind of America (New York: Basic Books, 1996) p. 127 81 Max Frankel, telephone interview by author, December 22, 2011 82 In May 1946 the circulation of the Sunday New York Times reached 1 million copies, surpassing that of the Los Angeles Times, New York Daily News, and the Chicago Tribune. Furthermore, that year for the first time, the Times’ advertising took the lead over the Herald Tribune. See Tifft and Jones, pp. 236, 316. In 1944, the Times bought the radio station WXQR and began broadcasting an hourly newscast in 1946. 1948 marked the start of the publication of the New York Times international edition. See New York Times Company, “New York Times Timeline 1941–1970,” The New York Times Company Online, last modified 2012, http://www.nytco.com/ company/milestones/timeline_1941.html 83 “The Press: Jimmy James’ Boys,” Time Magazine (April 12, 1943), http://www.time.com/time/magazine/ article/0,9171,802675,00.html 84 Oswald Garrison Villard, The Disappearing Daily (1944), from Google Books 85 The slogan “All the news that’s fit to print” was coined by Adolph Ochs in 1896 after a public contest failed to produce a better one. The slogan first appeared on the front page of the newspaper on February 10, 1897, and has remained 45 THE CONCORD REVIEW there ever since. See New York Times Company, “New York Times Timeline 1881–1910,” The New York Times Company Online, last modified 2012, http://www.nytco.com/company/ milestones/timeline_1881.html 86 Kalb lecture 87 David S. Wyman, The Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust, 1941–1945 new ed., 1984, reprint (New York: New Press, 2007) p. 323 88 Lipstadt, 220 89 Ibid., p. 171 90 Leff, p. 16 91 Tifft and Jones, p. 218 92 Max Frankel, telephone interview by author, December 22, 2011 93 Frankel, p. 85 94 Elie Wiesel, “Hope, Despair, and Memory,” Nobel Lecture, Nobel Peace Prize, Oslo City Hall, Norway, December 10, 1986, http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/ laureates/1986/ Bibliography Catledge, Turner, My Life and The Times New York: Harper and Row, 1971 Frankel, Max, “150th Anniversary: 1851–2001: Turning Away from the Holocaust,” The New York Times November 14, 2001, late, final edition, http://www.nytimes.com/2001/11/14/ news/150th-anniversary-1851-2001-turning-away-from-the- holocaust.html?pagewanted=all Frankel, Max, E-mail, interview by author, December 20, 2011 Frankel, Max, Telephone, interview by author, December 22, 2011 Frankel, Max, “Turning Away From the Holocaust: The New York Times,” in Why Didn’t the Press Shout?: American and International Journalism During the Holocaust, edited by Robert Moses Shapiro, pp. 79–87, New York: Yeshiva University Press, 2003 Garrison Villard, Oswald, The Disappearing Daily 1944, reprint, New Hampshire: Ayer Company Publishers, 1969, Google Books Gilbert, Martin, The Holocaust: The Jewish Tragedy New York: William Collins and Sons, 1985 46 Gabriel Grand Jewish Virtual Library, “Adolph Ochs,” Jewish Virtual Library, accessed December 21, 2011 http://www. jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/biography/ochs.html Kalb, Marvin, “The Journalism of the Holocaust,” United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, last modified February 27, 1996, http://www.ushmm.org/lectures/kalb.htm Leff, Laurel, Buried by The Times: The Holocaust and America’s Most Important Newspaper reprint ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005 Leff, Laurel, “Why the Facts Didn’t Speak for Themselves,” in Why Didn’t the Press Shout?: American and International Journalism During the Holocaust, edited by Robert Moses Shapiro, pp. 51–75, New York: Yeshiva University Press, 2003 Laqueur, Walter, The Terrible Secret: Suppression of the Truth About Hitler’s “Final Solution” Boston: Little, Brown, 1980 Leiter, Robert, “‘Buried by The Times’: Horror Story,” review of Buried by the Times: The Holocaust and America’s Most Important Newspaper, by Laurel Leff, New York Times, May 15, 2005, http://www.nytimes.com/2005/05/15/books/ review/15LEITER.html Lewis, David Levering, “Parallels and Divergences: Assimilationist Strategies of Afro-American and Jewish Elites from 1910 to the Early 1930s,” Journal of American History 71, no. 3 (December 1984): 543–564, JSTOR Lipstadt, Deborah E., Beyond Belief: The American Press And The Coming of The Holocaust, 1933–1945 paperback edition, 1986, reprint, New York: Free Press, 1993 The New York Times, “Adolph S. Ochs Dead at 77; Publisher of Times Since 1896,” The New York Times Learning Network, last modified April 9, 2010, http://www.nytimes.com/ learning/general/onthisday/bday/0312.html The New York Times Company, “New York Times Timeline, 1881–1910,” The New York Times Company Online, last modified 2012, http://www.nytco.com/company/milestones/ timeline_1881.html The New York Times Company, “New York Times Timeline, 1941–1970,” The New York Times Company Online, last modified 2012, http://www.nytco.com/company/milestones/ timeline_1941.html Morawska, Ewa, “Assimilation in the United States: Nineteenth Century,” Jewish Women’s Archive, last modified March 1, 2009, http://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/ assimilation-in-united-states-nineteenth-century 47 THE CONCORD REVIEW New York Times, 1938–1946, New York Times Online Archives 1851–1980 Novick, Peter, The Holocaust in American Life Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1999 Pawel, Reszka P., “Majdanek Victims Enumerated. Changes in the history textbooks?” Aushwitz-Birkenau Memorial Museum, last modified December 23, 2005, http:// en.auschwitz.org/m/index.php?option=com_content&task=vie w&id=44&Itemid=8 Rubinstein, William D., The Myth of Rescue: Why the Democracies Could Not Have Saved More Jews from the Nazis New York: Routledge, 1997 Salisbury, Harrison, Without Fear or Favor New York: Ballantine Books, 1980 Seelye, Katharine Q., “Times to Reduce Page Size and Close a Plant in 2008,” New York Times July 18, 2006, http://www. nytimes.com/2006/07/18/business/media/18web.html Shapiro, Robert Moses, Why Didn’t the Press Shout? American & International Journalism During the Holocaust New York: Yeshiva University Press, 2003 Stember, Charles H., Jews in the Mind of America New York: Basic Books, 1966 Talese, Gay, The Kingdom and the Power: Behind the Scenes at the New York Times: The Institution That Influences the World 1969, reprint, New York: Random House, 2007 Tifft, Susan E., and Alex S. Jones, The Trust: The Private and Powerful Family Behind the New York Times Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1999 Time Magazine, “The Press: Jimmy James’ Boys,” April 12, 1943 http://www.time.com/time/magazine/ article/0,9171,802675,00.html Whitfield, Stephen J., “The American Jew as a Journalist,” Brandeis University Online, accessed March 4, 2012, http:// www.policyarchive.org/handle/10207/bitstreams/10113.pdf Wiesel, Elie, “Hope, Despair, and Memory,” Nobel Lecture, Nobel Peace Prize, Oslo City Hall, Norway, December 10, 1986, http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/ laureates/1986/ Wyman, David S., The Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust, 1941–1945 new ed. 1984, reprint, New York: New Press, 2007 48 Gabriel Grand “Bertrand Russell, after his first disastrous experiment in organizing a school, observed that the first task of education is to destroy the tyranny of the local and immediate over the child’s imagination.” Kieran Egan “Social Studies and the Erosion of Education” (excerpts) Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, British Columbia Children’s Minds, Talking Rabbits & Clockwork Oranges Teachers College Press, 1999, pp. 131-146 ============= “Cicero remarked that the purpose of education is to free the student from the tyranny of the present.” Neil Postman Amusing Ourselves to Death New York: Penguin, 1985, p. 146 49 THE CONCORD REVIEW Copyright 2012, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved Theresa L. Rager is a Senior at the Summit Country Day School in Cincinnati, Ohio, where she wrote this paper for Kelly A. Cronin’s Honors Research Seminar in Social Studies during the 2011/2012 academic year. THE HISTORY OF MEDICAL RESEARCH ON TUBERCULOSIS Theresa L. Rager ABSTRACT: I am studying the history of medical research on tuber- culosis to find out how this research changed fields of medicine so that I might better understand why they exist as they do today. In order to do this, the first part of my paper will explain tuber- culosis as a disease. The next section will introduce some minor scientists who were important to tuberculosis research and several discoveries. The main section of my paper will include several scientists who had a major impact on various fields of medicine through their tuberculosis research. After this, the paper will go into how thoracic surgery and the BCG vaccine were influenced by tuberculosis and changed their respective disciplines of medi- cine. Finally, I will show the current state of tuberculosis and its research to demonstrate how research is still influencing medicine. This section will also discuss the progression of the disease over the course of time. Therefore, the paper will suggest that several fields of medicine were shaped by research projects and health programs which were developed with a common goal of eradicat- ing tuberculosis. 50 Theresa L. Rager Introduction Tuberculosis has threatened world health since ancient times. The earliest known observation of tuberculosis dates back to the 13th century B.C. In the 34 centuries following this observa- tion, tuberculosis has affected world politics, civil society, sports, literature, and art. As British explorers sought relief from tuber- culosis in natural environments, they moved into territories of Africa, expanding the British Empire. Francis of Assisi contracted tuberculosis in jail. At age 43, Louis Braille lost his battle with tuberculosis after making reading possible for the blind. 1 Famous athletes also struggled with tuberculosis. The pitcher Christopher ‘Christy’ ‘Matty’ Mathewson died from tuberculosis. The disease also infected the great female tennis competitor Alice Marble. While she did not lose her life from tuberculosis, it did affect her game and career for several years. Through tuberculosis’s influence on sports, the disease became more well-known throughout the world. 2 Tuberculosis appeared in literature through the Bronte novels. The famous sisters depicted tuberculosis as a typical cause of death in their novels, showing the prevalence of the disease. John Keats lost his life to tuberculosis. In fact, his battle with tu- berculosis is one of the most famously documented cases. Keats wrote about tuberculosis in his poetry and spread awareness of the disease through his writing. Edvard Munch often illustrated death in his paintings as a reflection of his own struggle with tuberculosis. While tuberculosis strongly affected politics, sports, literature, and art, this disease had the most powerful effect on the practice of medicine. 3 No disease has had a longer impact and greater presence in the world than tuberculosis. 4 The disease has survived as a con- tinuous epidemic for thousands of years. Medicine has advanced in knowledge and practice from tuberculosis research, resulting in the decline of the disease. Therefore, the two have a closely con- nected and intertwined past. 5 The medical research on tuberculosis has advanced many aspects of medicine. 6 Pathology advanced by improving the methods for discovering how a bacterium affects 51 THE CONCORD REVIEW a host. The pathologists contributed to tuberculosis research and learned a great deal about this disease and its diagnosis over the years. Tuberculosis inspired the establishment of sanatoria across the world. Sanatoria created a parallel health system devoted to the care of tuberculosis patients. In addition, bacteriology has advanced with the identification of the infecting bacteria, or ba- cilli, along with the chemistry of the cell. After the discovery of the infecting material, public health campaigns and laws began to protect communities from the spread of tuberculosis. Immunolo- gists found the tuberculin skin test and immune processes as they advanced their field through tuberculosis research. Fundamental epidemiological concepts were developed in an effort to track and stop tuberculosis outbreaks. Once these outbreaks and sources were identified, physicians needed a method to attack the disease. Thus, “the clinician has learned to recognize, predict, and to some extent control the manifestations of the disease” 7 through effective treatments developed by scientists. Tuberculosis antibiotics were created from soil fungi to cure patients infected with the disease. Tuberculosis and medical research also advanced the field of thoracic surgery as a means of treating the disease. In the quest to find an effective vaccine against tuberculosis, medical research has improved the understanding of vaccines for many diseases. 8 Medical research and health programs on tuberculosis shaped several fields of medicine into the specialties they are today. Tuberculosis and Transmission Tuberculosis is a complex disease. There are three types of bacilli, or rod-like bacteria, which have the ability to infect a host with tuberculosis. The scientific name for these bacilli is My- cobacterium tuberculosis. The first type of bacilli is human bacilli. It is spread across moist environments or humid air but rarely dry surfaces. 9 Therefore, these bacilli typically infect the respiratory system. The second type of bacilli, the bovine bacilli, is found in the abdominal and cervical glands of a tuberculous person, since it spreads through ingestion of infected material. 10 The third type 52 Theresa L. Rager of bacilli is the avian bacilli. These bacilli are found in birds but rarely in humans. 11 The transmission of human and bovine bacilli typically causes human infection. Tuberculosis is transmitted by the complex cycle of in- fection instigated by human and bovine bacilli. These types of bacilli can infect both man and cattle. Human bacilli first infect man. After this initial infection, the bacilli can spread to either man or cattle for subsequent infections. However, once cattle are infected with human bacilli, they cannot transmit the bacilli back to man but only to other cattle. The initial infection by bovine bacilli operates similarly to human bacilli. The bovine bacilli first infect cattle before spreading to cattle and man. With this type of bacilli, man can infect fellow man but not cattle. 12 With both human and bovine bacilli, transmission is typically attributed to older adults. 13 While tuberculosis is very contagious, the spread of the disease is limited by a few conditions. In order to escape the host, either man or cattle, the bacilli must break the surface of the infected tissue. The break causes a lesion in the host, result- ing in extensive damage of the tissue surface. However, it is very hard for the bacilli to create this lesion and thus spread to other individuals. 14 Besides creating a lesion, there are several other factors that influence the transmission of tuberculosis in humans. In order for the disease to spread, there must be a conformation between the bacilli and environmental conditions. 15 There must also be a large amount of bacilli frequently taken into the body to cause an infection. 16 Resistance and previous exposure to tuberculosis from the environment can prevent an individual from communicating the disease. Race can also be a factor in infection. Various types of tuberculosis have a greater chance of infecting different races. 17 The degree of hypersensitivity, 18 immunity, dose, and virulence of the bacilli are additional infection factors. 19 A combination of the bacilli and these factors influences the probability of infection in the host. The environmental conditions of the host influence the probability of tuberculosis transmission. Environmental conditions 53 THE CONCORD REVIEW such as housing, daily habits, nutrition, and exposure to infected individuals can increase a person’s natural immunity. Therefore, a resistance can be built up to tuberculosis through daily life and contact with the disease. Overcrowded living conditions are a major factor in communicating tuberculosis. Such conditions increase a person’s chances of coming in contact with an infected individual. This contact may increase his or her chances of becom- ing infected. Additionally, nutrition can affect the probability of infection. In communities with poor diets, tuberculosis infection rates tend to be higher. Conversely, well-fed individuals are less likely to develop tuberculosis. 20 Therefore, various environmental conditions, particularly living conditions and nutrition, have an effect on the probability of tuberculous infection. The prevalence of tuberculosis in different environments, namely urban and rural regions, varies. Tuberculous infection through the bovine bacilli is more common in rural than urban regions. Because cattle are primarily found in the countryside, rural populations have a greater exposure to bovine bacilli and have a greater chance of contracting tuberculosis from bovine bacilli. 21 Conversely, urban populations have a greater exposure to human bacilli as a result of poor urban housing and overcrowded living conditions. Yet, humans who live in urban areas also develop a greater natural immunity to the human bacilli than those who live in rural regions. Therefore, those inhabiting rural regions are more likely to be infected with human bacilli than those in urban regions. On the other hand, rural populations do not develop a natural immunity to bovine tuberculosis, because immunity can only be gained from human bacilli. 22 Human populations in urban regions still do not fully escape exposure to bovine bacilli. Bovine bacilli are found in the milk the population drinks, because cattle have the ability to pass bacilli through the milk they produce. 23 The primary site of infection in humans is the respiratory system, because the bacilli are easily inhaled with moist air. Infec- tion in this area is first visible as a lung lesion. 24 This symptom is common for tuberculosis in the respiratory system, but is not an indicator for tuberculosis in other areas of the body. Symptoms 54 Theresa L. Rager depend on the location of tuberculous infection. 25 Symptoms may not appear at the site of infection but in another system of the body. 26 Therefore, tuberculosis diagnosis is a difficult task. A physi- cian must be thorough in searching for symptoms of tuberculosis, because external symptoms may not indicate tuberculous infec- tion. Instead, x-rays and auscultation 27 may be needed to discover a lung lesion or other primary symptom. In fact, these internal symptoms are necessary components of a diagnosis, and the ex- ternal symptoms help more to reinforce the claim of tuberculous infection. 28 However, tuberculous infection can only be proven if bacilli are isolated and cultured from the host. Isolation can be completed using the sputum that is typically produced by an infected individual. If that individual is not producing sputum, a saline solution can be inhaled to entrap any bacilli which may then be used for examination. 29 Tuberculosis is not easily diagnosed, which makes it difficult to identify and treat infected individuals. If a person is diagnosed and treated, his or her chances of survival increase. Nonetheless, tuberculosis can leave lifelong effects on an individual. For example, the lung lesions that are so common often leave scars once they heal. 30 These lesions also have the ability to re-infect a person. This type of infection, called latent infection, often occurs because bacilli remain alive in the healed lesions but are not active in the body. 31 In fact, 10 percent of all individuals infected with tuberculosis will be infected a second time, and of this population with recurring infection, 90 percent will be infected because of latency. 32 Recovering from tuberculosis once does not ensure that an individual will not be infected a second time. 55 THE CONCORD REVIEW Advances in Tuberculosis Research The earliest observation of tuberculosis was reported in the Ordinances of Manu in India during the 13th century B.C. 33 Sir James Clark, the personal physician of Queen Victoria and John Keats in the 19th century, advanced thinking of tuberculosis. He did not believe in bloodletting. 34 He also encouraged moving to a different climate for therapy. This concept was the precursor to sanatoria. Sir William Osler supported this idea of moving patients to a different climate or environment. He suggested the mountain air of the Adirondacks based upon reports of other tuberculosis patients’ improved health from similar experiences. Osler recom- mended healthier diets as well. 35 These early observations and advances enabled further scientific discoveries. After initial observations, discoveries were made regarding the infectiousness and spread of tuberculosis. However, these dis- coveries did not come about quickly. Until the middle of the 19th century, reputable scientists such as Richard Bright and Thomas Addison disregarded contagiousness. Finally, in 1868, Jean Antoine Villemin discovered that tuberculosis is an infectious disease. 36 Villemin made this discovery through a series of experiments on animals. These experiments and subsequent discoveries sparked greater interest in tuberculosis research. 37 Antoine Bernard-Jean Marfan is credited with first observing a potential immunity from tuberculosis. He saw that healed tuberculosis in one form, namely cervical glands, protected from tuberculosis in another form, such as pulmonary. 38 Theobald Smith then realized that there were at least two types of bacilli responsible for tuberculous infection. He did not isolate individual bacilli, but he realized the difference between the two. 39 In 1914, studies in Glasgow found that there were very few cases of tuberculosis from bovine bacilli when 95 percent of the milk was heat-treated in some manner. A. C. Ruys’s 1946 study in Amsterdam found similar observations. This find- ing spurred the use of pasteurization and heat treatment to kill bovine bacilli in urban regions. 40 Pasteurization or heat treatment, in addition to the ability to locate and treat infected individuals 56 Theresa L. Rager in urban areas, contributed to the shift in the concentration of tuberculosis epidemics from urban to rural regions. 41 Following discoveries of infectiousness and the spread of tuberculosis, scientists learned how to better diagnose and treat the disease. Wilhelm Conrad Roentgen developed the x-ray ma- chine to examine the lungs for tuberculosis. In 1895, he found that spots and shadows on the x-rays showed lesions, the tell-tale signs of tuberculosis. With the x-ray machine, physicians could determine if the lung was infected and conclude that active ba- cilli were present. This discovery became a great diagnostic tool for physicians. 42 Another significant advancement came with the first well-designed, documented trial. J. Burns Amberson, B. T. McMahon, and Max Pinher conducted a trial in 1926 and 1927 to test the efficacy of sanocrysin, a gold salt, in tuberculosis treat- ment. This trial was held at the William H. Maybury Sanatorium in Detroit, Michigan. The trial was not only important in tuber- culosis research, but was the first to be completely randomized, placebo-controlled, and double-blind. Therefore, the sanocrysin trial was important for statistical research in general. 43 Significant Advances in Tuberculosis Research: René Thèophile Hyacinthe Laennec (1781–1826) and Pathology René Thèophile Hyacinthe Laennec was one of the first scientists to make significant progress in the realm of tuberculosis research. Laennec is credited with defining the field of pathology 44 from his research on tuberculosis. He made his first discovery as a medical school student while studying 400 autopsies of tuberculosis patients. A lecture in March 1804 on this study led Laennec to claim that the term phthisis, the previous name for the disease, should be replaced with tuberculosis. 45 In this same lecture, he argued that tuberculosis was one disease that had the ability to infect many parts of the body. 46 Additionally, he was the first to realize that tuberculosis did not always cause symptoms in those infected. He also wanted to reform the methods for identifying 57 THE CONCORD REVIEW tuberculosis. He reasoned that tuberculosis should be diagnosed according to pathologic features for more accurate diagnoses. This claim enabled Laennec to begin his career as a famous patholo- gist. Laennec’s study of 400 autopsies in medical school opened his career as a pathologist. 47 Laennec was not content with the current methods of diagnosing tuberculosis. The contemporary methods included laying the ear against the chest to listen to sounds of the chest cavity. This method was called direct auscultation. 48 In order to improve auscultation, Laennec invented the stethoscope in 1816. 49 He used the law of conductivity of sound to invent the device with diagnosing tuberculosis in mind. 50 His fame grew with this invention. The stethoscope was used immediately, demonstrating the impact of such an invention on medicine. 51 In addition to inventing the stethoscope, Laennec described many of the signs and sounds heard through the stethoscope. He determined the meanings of these signs and sounds. His interpretations are still used in the medical community today. 52 The signs and sounds Laennec described are the same ones relied on today. 53 Laennec’s invention of the stethoscope greatly affected medicine, as it im- proved physicians’ ability to examine the lungs and chest cavity. By directly studying tuberculosis cases, Laennec made great observations of the disease. Yet, after many years of study, he never realized that tuberculosis was an infectious disease. 54 Instead, Laennec’s work described in detail the progression of tuberculosis through its various stages. He viewed the stages as continuous, which enabled him to determine tuberculosis was one disease with the ability to infect many parts of the body. 55 Laennec’s observations were remarkable for the time, yet the method of his work was even more remarkable. Laennec rarely used a microscope. Rather, he used a hand lens or his unaided eyes to make his observations. He analyzed tuberculosis through gross dissections and with virtually no magnification enhancing tools. Laennec made great observations of tuberculosis for such a lack of magnification, showing his intelligence and meticulous- ness. 56 58 Theresa L. Rager Through Laennec’s work with tuberculosis, he changed medicine and the field of pathology. From his descriptions of tuberculosis, he enhanced the scientific approach to medicine by demonstrating the importance of writing down only facts and observations. This contribution is considered one of his greatest. He is considered one of the fathers of modern pathology for his dedication to the field. 57 He was the first scientist to connect symptoms of a disease to pathology. This correlation is regarded as standard in modern medicine, but it had escaped the attention of Laennec’s predecessors. 58 Laennec is included among the greatest researchers of tuberculosis. 59 He reshaped medicine by making discoveries in the field of pathology on a disease “responsible for more deaths in France then and throughout the world to this day than any other.” 60 Like many men so passionate about their work with tu- berculosis, Laennec was infected by the disease. He was young when he was first infected. It is believed that he first contracted tuberculosis from either his mother or his uncle. Laennec survived this first battle with tuberculosis, but he developed tuberculous infection a second time in 1803. While performing an autopsy on an individual with central nervous system spinal tuberculosis for his study of 400 autopsies, Laennec cut his finger and developed a tuberculous lesion at the site. Again, Laennec survived this infection. 61 However, Laennec was not as lucky the third time. In April 1826, he contracted tuberculosis once again and fell to the disease on August 13, 1826 at the age of 55. His body weighed less than 100 pounds. After three bouts of tuberculosis, Laennec died from the disease to which he had dedicated his life. 62 Edward Livingston Trudeau (1764–1836) and Sanatoria Edward Livingston Trudeau is most recognized for es- tablishing sanatoria for tuberculosis patients. Still, he is also acknowledged for research on tuberculosis. Trudeau performed experiments on rabbits to test their immunity to tuberculosis in 59 THE CONCORD REVIEW different environments. He placed five rabbits in environments with the best light, air, and nutrition. He placed five more rabbits in a dark, damp box with inadequate air and insufficient food. He found that four out of five rabbits inhabiting good living conditions survived when injected with tuberculosis. Of the rabbits inhabiting poor living conditions, all five rabbits survived a tuberculosis injec- tion but had serious disabilities. Trudeau demonstrated from this experiment that various environments had different effects on an individual’s immunity to tuberculosis. This conclusion led to the idea that weak strains of tuberculosis could produce immunity in people. 63 Trudeau’s initial work on tuberculosis was revolutionary to medicine. Trudeau continued his tuberculosis research and discov- ered a liquid substance of great importance—tuberculin. Trudeau was aiming to produce “preventive inoculations of substance derived from the liquid cultures from which the bacilli had been filtered.” 64 Through this research, he created tuberculin in 1890. Trudeau, seeking a valuable immunizing substance, did not see the value of tuberculin. He did not believe it was capable of im- munizing humans. Therefore, he did not publish his discovery. Technically, Trudeau beat his rival Robert Koch by a few months in discovering the substance. However, Koch announced his find- ings in August 1890 and published in January 1891, giving him credit for developing tuberculin. Koch believed tuberculin was of great importance. While Trudeau may not have been credited with the discovery of tuberculin or have seen its potential, he ad- vanced tuberculosis research in his quest to find an immunizing substance. 65 Like Laennec, Trudeau contracted tuberculosis himself. Yet, he decided to experiment with his own health to find rem- edies and cures for tuberculosis. 66 In 1873, Trudeau moved to the wilderness for a regimen of fresh air, a healthy diet, and rest. He found that his health greatly improved, so he began to promote moving tuberculosis patients to the wilderness or countryside. He opened a cottage in Saranac Lake called “Little Red” for other tuberculosis patients to recover. “Little Red” evolved into a large 60 Theresa L. Rager sanatorium. This sanatorium was the first established in the United States. From Trudeau’s establishment of “Little Red,” the sanatoria craze in the United States began. This form of treatment is still used today. 67 From this craze, an entire parallel health system that specialized in caring for tuberculosis patients evolved. This health system created new methods of treatment for tuberculosis patients and other infectious disease patients. 68 Trudeau advanced the treatment for tuberculosis and other infectious diseases through his experiments with immunity and his establishment of sanatoria in the United States. Heinrich Hermann Robert Koch (1843–1910) and Bacteriology Heinrich Hermann Robert Koch made some of the greatest discoveries in tuberculosis research, and improved bacteriology. His first significant discovery was the isolation of the tuberculosis bacilli. To start his research, he studied Villemin’s work on the transmission of tuberculosis. From Villemin, he learned that tu- berculosis could be transmitted from person to animal. Therefore, he needed to find the bacilli responsible for infecting the animal to isolate the bacilli infecting the person. 69 In August 1881, Koch officially began his research on the bacilli. 70 His research took place at the Imperial Health Office in Berlin. He hired two laboratory assistants to help with his experiments. 71 His first hypothesis called for a procedure of drying specimens of infected organs and then crushing tubercles to isolate the bacilli. However, this procedure was unsuccessful. 72 Koch then formed a new hypothesis that the bacilli would be at the bottom of the infected organ. He began searching specimens to find evidence to support his claim. 73 It was Koch’s initial work that led to his significant discoveries. While searching through tuberculous tissues, Koch found “a rod-like organism much smaller and finer than most of those that had hither to been observed.” 74 Good light and magnification were needed to see the organisms, but with these aids they were clearly visible. Koch went on to find that the bacilli survived best 61 THE CONCORD REVIEW in a temperature range from 36° to 40° C. This temperature range is notable, because it is much higher than the range for most bac- teria. The amount of time required to reproduce a fair number of offspring was also unusual for bacteria. The bacilli required approximately seven to 10 days to reproduce, while most bacteria need only minutes to hours. The bacilli grew as dry, whitish-gray scales in sigmoid shape. Lastly, the most important piece of evi- dence Koch found was that animals inoculated with the bacilli were infected with tuberculosis. This observation showed that these bacilli were the organisms responsible for causing tuberculosis. 75 With these observations, Koch’s hypothesis that bacilli would be present in the bottom of infected tissues was confirmed. Koch kept his discoveries secret because many similar in- vestigations were occurring at the same time. He wanted to ensure that his results were free from error before announcing a major discovery. 76 He completed his studies in six months, a deadline he had set for himself. This timeframe ensured that he could present his results quickly before other scientists had a chance to present their own results. 77 On March 24, 1882, Koch announced his discovery of the tubercle bacillus at the Berlin Physiological Society meeting. 78 He described the types of cases in which he found tuberculosis in addition to the methods he used to find them. 79 Koch also presented his personal illustrations of the tu- berculosis bacillus and bacilli cultures. After this presentation, the drawings were made public for all medical professionals to see. 80 For the discovery to be accepted by the medical community, the experiments and results had to be repeated by other scientists. These experiments were conducted by a variety of researchers with different relationships and associations with Koch. All produced evidence supporting Koch’s findings. Therefore, Koch was cred- ited with the discovery of the tuberculosis bacillus, a momentous breakthrough in tuberculosis research. 81 After Koch’s isolation of the tuberculosis bacillus, he de- veloped several laboratory techniques that are still used in science laboratories today. 82 The most notable laboratory technique Koch developed was the staining of tuberculosis bacilli with methylene 62 Theresa L. Rager blue. Koch found that only the bacilli turned blue, while all other materials were colored brown. Thus, the bacilli were marked sepa- rately from the other material in the tuberculous tissues. Koch noted that, The tubercle bacillus holds no strictly exceptional position in its behaviour towards coloring materials, and it is, therefore, not im- probable that in time other bacteria may be discovered which have the same staining properties as the tubercle bacillus. 83 Koch saw possibilities of using his staining method to isolate other bacteria in the future. 84 His prediction of the use of the methylene blue staining method was correct. The methods are not used now exactly as Koch designed, but the essential elements are still preserved. 85 Koch also developed plate cultures, which allow organisms in a pure culture to be isolated from a single colony. Other laboratory techniques he developed include microscope and sterilization procedures. 86 Koch’s laboratory techniques advanced bacteriology research. Although Koch was well-known and respected in the medical community, he was criticized for his work involving bovine bacilli and immunity. The issue stemmed from an experiment he conducted on cattle. The experiment consisted of infecting a group of cattle with the human bacilli and infecting a second group of cattle with bovine bacilli. He found that only the cattle given a dose of bovine bacilli developed tuberculosis. Koch con- cluded that cattle only contract tuberculosis when infected with the bovine bacilli. Therefore, the human and bovine bacilli must differ. Koch’s conclusion led to questioning as to why butter and milk contaminated with bovine bacilli did not harm humans when ingested. In attempting to answer this question, Koch was accused of saying that bovine bacilli are incapable of harming man. In reality, he was encouraging further experimentation, while specu- lating that experimentation would show that there is no relation between bovine bacilli and human immunity. Nonetheless, these accusations weakened Koch’s credibility. 87 Koch’s experiments on cattle did spark a debate on a possible correlation between bovine bacilli and human immunity. 63 THE CONCORD REVIEW Koch believed that finding animal immunity could be a start- ing point for finding human immunity. 88 He thought that human bacilli could be injected in cattle to build an immune response. The cattle’s immunity could then be tested by administering a fatal dose of bovine bacilli. Koch conducted this experiment and found that immunized cattle were not killed by the bovine bacilli. However, the milk and butter produced by immunized cattle could be dangerous for humans, because it could contain human bacilli. While these experiments were important in developing immunity, they could not be reproduced in humans, since humans would be killed by the bovine bacilli. Still, the principle of developing immunity in cattle advanced research for developing human im- munity. 89 Koch’s work on immunity in cattle and the development of new smallpox and rabies vaccines inspired him to experiment with creating a tuberculosis vaccine. 90 Koch invented tuberculin, which he described as “a brownish transparent liquid.” 91 Koch cre- ated this substance when he boiled bacilli cultures and extracted the dead bacilli. He then increased the substance concentration when he evaporated other material. 92 Koch found that tuberculin seemed to be a cure for tuberculosis in animal lab tests. 93 The material also appeared to heal lesions in animals. 94 He hoped that human tests would have the same result. 95 Koch announced his second discovery on tuberculosis on August 3, 1890, in a lecture to the Tenth International Congress of Medicine held in Berlin. In his lecture, he stated that tuber- culin appeared to stop growth of tuberculosis in test tubes and animals. 96 Much hype was created over Koch’s tuberculin, because the medical community thought it was a curative agent. Up to this point, the name tuberculin had not been created. However, the substance was given its name by Dr. Libbertz in January 1891. Also in this month, Koch admitted that further experimentation showed tuberculin did not have any immunizing power. 97 These experiments demonstrated that tuberculin could kill an individual if given too large a dose. Another problem was that tuberculin appeared to be curative initially, but it did not improve patient 64 Theresa L. Rager health over time. Patients did not respond to increased doses either. Therefore, tuberculin was determined to be ineffective as a long-term curative agent. 98 However, tuberculin was found to be useful in diagnosing tuberculous individuals. It was shown that previously infected animals had a more severe reaction to tuberculin than those never infected. Therefore, the substance could be used to find individuals who had been or were infected with tuberculosis. 99 These reactions could be produced in both humans and cattle. Tuberculin was injected subcutaneously to produce the most effective and visible reaction. 100 With these advances, tuberculin switched its role from a substance used as an immunizing agent to one as a diagnostic tool. 101 Although tu- berculin was unsuccessful as a vaccine, it is still an important tool in testing for tuberculosis. Tuberculin was an important discovery for both patients and members of the medical community. It was the first example of cell-mediated immunity, which enhanced knowledge of the human immune system. 102 Therefore, the discovery of tuberculin has been regarded as one of Koch’s greatest accomplishments. 103 Preventing tuberculosis has been seen as the most effective step to eradicate tuberculosis. Tuberculin later became a great method to prevent tuberculosis with the development of the tuberculin skin test. This test is used as a diagnostic tool today. Thus, it has significant value in moving towards tuberculosis eradication. 104 Koch was an influential person in medicine and bacteriol- ogy during the late 19th century and his legacy is evident today. In 1905, Koch received the Nobel Prize in Medicine for his tuber- culosis studies and his outstanding achievements in the field of bacteriology. 105 Koch advanced the concept of disease transmission by microorganisms and found that infectious diseases could be transmitted aerially. 106 In advancing these concepts, he isolated four organisms including Mycobacterium tuberculosis. 107 Koch is also credited with creating public awareness regarding the contraction and transmission of tuberculosis with his isolation of the bacilli. His findings taught the public how to avoid bacilli and tuberculous infection. The people knew what they were fighting, which enabled 65 THE CONCORD REVIEW them to put forth a stronger campaign against tuberculosis. 108 Koch’s studies advanced medicine and bacteriology not only by isolating the tuberculosis bacillus and developing tuberculin but also through his laboratory techniques and methods of research. Robert Koch is one of the greatest researchers of tuberculosis and infectious diseases. 109 Herman Michael Biggs (1859–1923) and Public Health Although Hermann Michael Biggs did not conduct re- search on tuberculosis himself, he charted the path for public health through his work in New York’s health systems. During the beginning of his career at New York City’s Board of Health, he and his colleagues requested that a report be submitted that focused on the transmission of tuberculosis. 110 At this time, Biggs and the public became aware of the aerial transmission partially responsible for spreading tuberculosis. 111 The combination of the public’s concern and the Board of Health’s report led Biggs to create an agenda to attack tuberculosis in the realm of public health. The first item on this agenda was to develop sanitary laws that were often viewed as extreme. Biggs employed a rather harsh regulation to decontaminate handkerchiefs, which carried the greatest amount of bacilli, when he required that all handker- chiefs be washed with carbolic acid. The public was encouraged to “cover their cough” in order to prevent discharged bacilli from entering the air. Biggs and his colleagues also reasoned that better ventilation could reduce the amount of bacilli in the air. Thus, the amount of bacilli inhaled could be reduced to lower tuberculosis infection rates. 112 Biggs and his colleagues’ regulations led to the establishment of the New York Sanitary Code of 1913, which gave the health commissioner the power to enact these regulations. 113 While these regulations were strict, better sanitation proved to be beneficial to public health. 114 After developing sanitation laws, Biggs moved to make case reporting mandatory. Biggs recommended that institutions 66 Theresa L. Rager such as hospitals be required to report and physicians requested to report cases of tuberculosis. This recommendation angered the medical community, because they saw case reporting as unneces- sary and irrelevant. Many physicians at this time did not believe in the contagious nature of tuberculosis. Despite these complaints from the majority of the medical community, the press and a fair number of medical leaders supported Biggs’s idea. With this support, Biggs’s case reporting recommendation became law on February 13, 1894. 115 Biggs’s pioneering idea for case reporting was expanded to 24 other communicable diseases. 116 The concept of case reporting was critical during the height of tuberculosis epidemics, because active case finding could result in individuals receiving treatment faster. A quick treatment response was impera- tive to stopping the spread of tuberculosis. 117 Biggs is responsible for the development of case reporting that was important to re- ducing tuberculosis infection rates. With his sanitation and case reporting regulations made into laws, Biggs moved to the next item on his agenda for his anti-tuberculosis campaign. Biggs was concerned with patients’ treatment in hospitals and other care institutions. Biggs lobbied for money from the state to ensure that infected individuals could receive sanatorium care. He was given money from the state of New York in 1905 and was able to purchase 1,200 acres of land for the first municipal sanatorium in the world. The sanatorium was located in Otisville, New York, which was 60 miles outside of the city in the Shawnagunk Mountain Range. Receiving money from the state for public health was rare during the early 1900s, but Biggs believed he had to be proactive in order to improve the health of New York City residents. Biggs received support for this sanatorium movement from an unlikely group. This group included high society members who did not necessarily have a desire to end tuberculosis. Instead, their motive was to remove tuberculous patients from the city, because they were seen as out- casts of society. While Biggs did not like their motive, he welcomed their support with open arms. 118 67 THE CONCORD REVIEW As Biggs’s career progressed, he became the Health Com- missioner of New York in 1914. He immediately brought in a dynamic group of colleagues to support him and his agenda for eliminating tuberculosis. He continued to ensure better care for tuberculous patients by opening many clinics and hospitals in New York counties. 119 He established 37 public hospitals outside New York City and seven private hospitals specializing in tuberculosis care. In addition to hospitals, Biggs created several tuberculosis dispensaries throughout the state. To ensure that all physicians and health professionals were knowledgeable about tuberculosis, Biggs established education courses for medical staff. A mobile chest radiography or x-ray unit was purchased by the New York State Health Department in 1920. This new piece of technol- ogy served as an example of Biggs’s progressive attitude towards tuberculosis treatment. The radiology unit was immediately put into service, since it allowed lesions in the lungs to be seen read- ily and easily. 120 Biggs also increased the number of medical staff available to treat tuberculosis patients. 121 With his many actions to better the treatment for infected individuals, Biggs advanced the field of public health. Biggs’s agenda to fight tuberculosis required a significant amount of funding. He believed that this funding for health care should come from the rich to help cover the cost of treatment for the poor. In support of this thought, Biggs felt that an individual’s rights should be restricted in order to better protect the health of the public as a whole. The amalgamation of these two concepts led Biggs to imagine ideas of a public health care system similar to the one instituted today. Biggs felt that everyone needed to con- tribute in relation to their wealth in order to protect the public’s health. 122 With Biggs’s emphasis on funding, the New York State Health Department operated under the view that public health is purchasable, and the community can pay for the health they wish to receive. 123 Inspired by this philosophy, Biggs developed ideas for modern public health care programs such as Medicaid and Medicare long before they were enacted. New York State passed laws in 1923 allocating state funding to the Health Department to support public health programs and institutions. 124 Biggs was 68 Theresa L. Rager aware of the price of public health and worked to receive adequate funding. With the advancement of Biggs’s anti-tuberculosis cam- paign in New York, other cities and countries began to start similar campaigns and to look for government funding in their localities. Government assistance usually came from administrations that were not in support of laissez-faire policies. Through his work in New York, Biggs demonstrated to the world that anti-tuberculosis campaigns could be effective. The tuberculosis death rate in New York decreased dramatically from 1907 to 1921, without taking into account the significant increase in population by one and a half million people. The New York campaign inspired a similar anti-tuberculosis campaign in Denmark. This campaign was widely successful with the support of the Danish government. Due to this campaign, Denmark became the leader in Europe with the lowest tuberculosis death rates. 125 The Denmark campaign is only one example of several campaigns throughout the world that were modeled after Biggs’s New York anti-tuberculosis campaign. Biggs lost his life to pneumonia on June 28, 1923, after several years of failing health. However, he left a legacy in the field of public health. 126 He made use of the monetary resources of several public agencies to improve public health. Biggs brought sanitation, case reporting, treatment, and diagnostic services to those in need of care. 127 In addition, he promoted the special- ties of infant health and public health nursing to diversify the health department’s capabilities. Biggs was forward-thinking and concerned for the health of New York citizens. His valiant fight in the anti-tuberculosis campaign is considered his greatest ac- complishment. 128 Biggs was aware of the criticism he received for his hardline approach to tackling tuberculosis but remained per- sistent, because he knew aggressiveness was required to diminish this disease. 129 His hard work paid off when bovine tuberculosis was virtually eliminated, along with the threat of transmitting the disease through milk, in the early 1900s. 130 Many of his innova- tions for this campaign “remain to this day the foundation of tuberculosis control.” 131 Biggs has been universally recognized as the father of modern public health in North America. 132 69 THE CONCORD REVIEW Clemens Freiherr von Pirquet (1874–1929) and Immunology Clemens Freiherr von Pirquet advanced the field of im- munology through his work on tuberculosis. He developed the tuberculin skin test and made discoveries regarding immune responses. After Koch had developed the tuberculin substance, von Pirquet transformed the useless immunizing agent into an effective diagnostic tool. 133 He decided to use the intracutaneous injection method employed with the smallpox vaccine. From this injection, he realized that a person currently or previously infected with tuberculosis would have an inflammatory reaction at the injection site. Such a reaction indicated the test result was positive. 134 Von Pirquet decided that the tuberculin test could al- low physicians to recognize tuberculosis in its early stages when it typically had undetectable clinical symptoms. He was cautious and recommended that the test be administered twice in a dual-test fashion to avoid false negatives. 135 With the test fully developed, von Pirquet presented his paper to the Sixth International Con- gress on Tuberculosis on September 28,1908, in Washington, D.C. With this official announcement, von Pirquet was credited with the invention of the tuberculin skin test. 136 While von Pirquet’s development of the tuberculin skin test was a momentous innovation, he was best known for his work on immune processes. 137 He was the first to recognize that a person acquires a greater immune response and subsequent immunity when they receive a booster immunization after a primary immu- nization. Additionally, he developed the idea of toxin-antitoxin reactions, which grew into the modern immunochemical concept of antigen-antibody reactions. 138 Furthermore, he discovered the host-parasite relationship in tuberculosis from his research on the natural history of tuberculous infection. This finding enabled him to better understand the body’s response to bacilli. 139 Besides developing the tuberculin skin test, von Pirquet made several advances in immunological reactions and relationships. 70 Theresa L. Rager Von Pirquet is considered the father of immunology for his innovations in the field based upon his work on tuberculosis. 140 His fascination with the natural history of tuberculosis led him to many of his discoveries. 141 While von Pirquet did a great amount of research on immunology as a whole, his specific research on tuberculosis led him to make his major advances. These are most notably the diagnostic use of the tuberculin skin test and immune processes. The tuberculin skin test was not only an innovation for immunology but also changed preventive measures for tubercu- losis. 142 Von Pirquet changed the field of immunology through his tuberculosis research. Wade Hampton Frost (1880–1938) and Epidemiology Wade Hampton Frost improved the field of epidemiology 143 in his studies of tuberculosis. One of his major contributions was the development of the index case, common to all epidemiologists today. 144 An index case is the first person known to have tubercu- losis in a household, although, this individual may or may not be the first person to contract tuberculosis, because he or she may not be the first to show symptoms. Nevertheless, this individual would be the first case known to the investigator. 145 The impor- tance of the index case was realized soon after Frost developed the concept. Because it is easiest to contract tuberculosis from a currently infected person or animal, it is imperative that the index case be found to stop the transmission of the disease. 146 Frost’s idea for index cases came from the household surveys he began collecting at the beginning of his tuberculosis studies. Through household surveys, he realized the significance of starting epide- miologic investigations with index cases. 147 In his 1930 Kingsport Study in Tennessee, he used the surveys to trace the spread of tuberculosis through the household until the origin, the index case, was found. Such a household epidemic was then termed a microepidemic. Frost’s development of the index cases allowed mortality and morbidity rates to be calculated over long periods of time, since the origin of the epidemic became known. 148 The 71 THE CONCORD REVIEW concept of an index case advanced epidemiology by improving methods for investigating epidemics. Frost also contributed the concept of age cohorts and life tables to epidemiology. While studying morbidity and mor- tality rates, Frost began to separate and organize the data into age cohorts. 149 He then entered data for these age cohorts into life tables. Life tables had been utilized in previous tuberculosis studies and were common in insurance company data. Basing his tables on person-years, Frost modified these techniques and used life tables for epidemiological studies of tuberculosis in Ten- nessee. 150 This use of age cohorts and life tables allowed Frost to conclude that mortality rates decline in childhood, but rise again in young adulthood. His paper demonstrating this conclusion was published posthumously. 151 Still, Frost receives credit for the use of age cohorts and life tables in epidemiology. Frost left a major impact on epidemiology when he popu- larized index cases and life tables. 152 He recognized that the key problem for epidemiologists was the length in time between when a person became infected and when they were diagnosed and treated. Frost aimed to solve this problem and minimize the transmission of tuberculosis. 153 In addition to index cases and life tables, Frost developed the concept of R 0 to better statistically ana- lyze epidemiological data. 154 This concept represents the ratio of secondary infectious individuals to primary infectious individuals. Frost realized that R 0 must exceed one for a pathogen to survive in a population. The R 0 model inspired many of the mathematical equations for infectious diseases used by epidemiologists today. 155 Through his many contributions, Frost established the modern science of epidemiology. 156 Selman Abraham Waksman (1888–1973) and Antibiotics Selman Abraham Waksman is known for recognizing the potential use and benefits of antibiotics in his research on tuber- culosis. Antibiotics have become a common treatment method 72 Theresa L. Rager in the modern medical world. They are derived from cultures of bacteria and some strains of soil fungi. Although these medications can be effective in treating disease, organisms can also develop a resistance to antibiotics. The rate at which organisms become resistant depends on environmental and genetic factors, but it can influence the effectiveness of antibiotics. Thus, this resistance rate can determine the dosage of antibiotics given to a specific organism. A greater dosage would be needed to eliminate a bacteria popula- tion that quickly develops resistance to an antibiotic. Conversely, a high dosage would be unnecessary to eradicate a colony that does not become resistant in a rapid manner. Aerosol administration of antibiotics is growing in popularity, especially for treatment of respiratory diseases. By inhaling antibiotics, an individual not only takes in the treatment in a similar manner that they take in tuberculosis bacilli, but he or she sends the medication directly to the infected organ system. Antibiotics have been proven highly effective for respiratory infections such as tuberculosis. 157 Waks- man introduced these medications to the realm of tuberculosis. Waksman made his first observations of tuberculosis and antibiotics in 1932. He noticed that bacilli were only able to survive in clean soil and not fungi-infested soil. Therefore, the fungi must be killing the bacilli. However, Waksman did not real- ize this inference and its importance at the time. 158 In discussing the methods Waksman had used to isolate fungi for antibiotic substances, his son Byron “wondered if exactly the same method could not be used with equal ease to isolate a number of strains of fungi or actinomycetes 159 which would act against M. tuberculosis.” 160 With this thought in mind, Waksman attended a conference on tuberculosis-fighting enzymes. He studied the work completed on these enzymes, but he did not have faith in its ability to fight tuberculosis. With this inspiration and his son’s idea, Waksman began searching for an antibiotic to combat tuberculosis. 161 In this search, Waksman developed the antibiotic strep- tomycin. It was the first antibiotic found to have an inhibiting effect on tuberculosis in humans. 162 Streptomycin was first tested in guinea pigs. Waksman asked William H. Feldman to test the 73 THE CONCORD REVIEW effectiveness of streptomycin against tuberculosis in these animals and return samples to him. Feldman conducted the study with his colleague Corwin Hinshaw, and they found the antibiotic to be both harmless to guinea pigs and helpful therapeutically. The first tests of streptomycin on tuberculosis in humans were not performed by Waksman but again by Feldman and Hinshaw. These two men administered the antibiotic to a woman without Waksman’s permission. The woman recovered from tuberculosis completely, producing positive test results. Similar test results were found in subsequent trials, indicating that streptomycin was effective in treating tuberculosis. 163 Streptomycin proved to be effective for tuberculosis as well as many other common bacteria. The high potency of the antibiotic was unique. 164 Also, there was no cross sensitivity found between streptomycin and other antibiotics. Cross sensitivity was only evident with streptomycin and its dihydro derivatives. This antibiotic showed particular effectiveness in miliary tuberculosis, tuberculosis of the kidney, tuberculosis meningitis, and pulmonary tuberculosis. 165 Other drugs intended to treat tuberculosis such as para-amino salicylic acid and Prontosil were not as effective as streptomycin. 166 However, bacilli could quickly develop resistance to streptomycin, minimizing its power to eradicate tuberculosis from an organ system. Additionally, the antibiotic was not effec- tive in treating more advanced stages of pulmonary tuberculosis, the primary type of tuberculosis, or lesions. 167 While streptomycin showed great effectiveness in tuberculosis treatment, it also had some drawbacks that suggested it could not be a cure for the disease. Although Waksman has been credited with the discovery of streptomycin, there was a great deal of conflict over this discov- ery between Waksman and a man by the name of Albert Schatz. Waksman hired Schatz on June 30, 1943, to assist him in search- ing for tuberculosis antibiotics. Within two months, Schatz had isolated streptomycin from the actinomycete Streptomyces griseus. While Schatz discovered the antibiotic for tuberculosis research, Waksman isolated and classified the actinomycete prior to Schatz’s 74 Theresa L. Rager finding. In the first publication of streptomycin that appeared in early 1944, Waksman was listed as the third author, and Schatz was listed first. However, the paper had little discussion on the anti-tuberculosis properties of streptomycin. Waksman was the second author in the second publication that contained more information on streptomycin’s ability to fight tuberculosis in ad- dition to comparing the drug to six other antibiotics. Yet, Schatz was once again the first author. Waksman lost credit for the study he oversaw when he was not listed as first author. The conflict between Waksman and Schatz evolved into a public brawl and lawsuit. 168 The court involvement began when Schatz filed a suit against Waksman and Rutgers University in March 1950 for his lack of credit and fame regarding the discovery of streptomycin. The suit was ultimately settled when Schatz was given $125,000 and 3 percent royalties. 169 Although Waksman has been credited with the discovery of streptomycin, not everyone thought he deserved this credit. After the discovery of streptomycin, Waksman went on to discover 22 other antibiotics. The only one proven to be beneficial is neomycin. This antibiotic was used in treating tuberculosis for a short time but was not as effective as streptomycin. Today, it is the active ingredient in “Neosporin.” 170 Few organisms develop resistance to neomycin, and of those that do, the resistance is minimal. This drug contains half the toxicity of streptomycin, making it less harmful to the body. 171 Although neomycin did not give Waksman the fame that he received from streptomycin, the drug has demonstrated medical practicality. Waksman had many achievements in his life regarding the development of antibiotics, but he is most widely recognized for his discovery of streptomycin. From this finding, he received countless awards and honors including the 1952 Nobel Prize in Medicine or Physiology. 172 Waksman felt that the greatest event in the history of modern antibiotics was not the discovery of penicillin but the studies of his early student at Rutgers, René Dubos. Dubos became a researcher who worked on antibiotics for tuberculosis. Waksman’s interest in such work demonstrates 75 THE CONCORD REVIEW his loyalty to tuberculosis studies. 163 Waksman’s impact can still be seen in the medical community today. Dihydrostreptomycin is used in thoracic surgery on tuberculosis patients. Thoracic surgery has become a safer practice due to the use of antibiotics before surgery. 174 Waksman’s development of streptomycin and neomycin, in addition to years of tuberculosis research, advanced the medical community’s knowledge of antibiotics. Thoracic Surgery The history of thoracic surgery is also intertwined with the history of tuberculosis. The first thoracic surgery was performed in the time of the ancient Greeks and most likely by Hippocrates. The surgery was designed to drain fluid build-up in the lungs from tuberculosis. Modern thoracic surgery was established after the isolation of the tuberculosis bacilli by Koch in 1881. Once surgeons were aware of the organism responsible for tuberculosis, they were able to advance thoracic surgery to better treat the dis- ease. Minimally invasive thoracic surgery grew out of techniques to treat tuberculosis patients as well. Tuberculosis is still on the list of diseases treated by thoracic surgeons. Such a listing is ap- propriate in that the disease responsible for advancing thoracic surgery throughout history is still regarded as important in the field. Throughout history, interest in thoracic surgery has been linked to interest in tuberculosis. 175 For many years, thoracic surgery was the primary method of treatment for tuberculosis. Therefore, this practice also grew with tuberculosis management in mind. The basic skills for thoracic surgery were created in experimental procedures aimed to kill tuberculosis. The thoracotomy incision was developed when surgeons used it in operations on tuberculous individuals. Such skills are considered fundamental to the field of thoracic surgery today. Jacobaeus developed techniques for pleural biopsy and adhesiolysis. 176 Tuberculosis advanced thoracic surgery through the development of various skills commonly used in thoracic surgery today. 76 Theresa L. Rager BCG Vaccine BCG was thought to be an effective vaccine that could provide immunity to tuberculosis. Developing immunity is the most effective means of protecting people from a disease. Unlike disease, immunity is nondiscriminatory of race, gender, or age. 178 Immunity can be developed naturally by taking in bacilli through the air or other modes of transmission. However, this method of immunity can be risky in that the bacilli may or may not cause an infection based on an individual’s immune response. 179 The smallpox vaccine was so successful that it triggered an interest in creating a vaccine for tuberculosis and other infectious diseases. 180 Vaccination is strictly a preventive measure, but prevention of any disease is imperative to its eradication. 181 Therefore, the BCG vac- cine was developed to prevent and eventually eliminate tuberculosis from the modern world. Interest in tuberculosis vaccine research peaked after Koch isolated the tubercle bacillus and created tuberculin. Microbiolo- gists Albert Calmette and Camille Guérin began working together in 1900 to develop a tuberculosis vaccine. 182 The men chose to work with the attenuated bacilli, so the body could produce an immune response strong enough to fight infection without losing protec- tion from highly virulent strains of tuberculosis. A few trials at the start of their research allowed them to reach this conclusion. 183 These attenuated cultures were made with the addition of ox bile to highly virulent bacilli. The bacilli of subsequent generations had a low virulence, making it the perfect material with which to develop a vaccine. 184 Once the vaccine was developed, a name was chosen. The first name was Bacilli Bilié Calmette-Guérin, but Bilié was removed at a later time. The vaccine then became known as BCG. 185 The next step of Calmette and Guérin’s research was to test their vaccine on animals. In 1906, tests on guinea pigs were performed and showed that the animals became resistant through 77 THE CONCORD REVIEW oral administration. 186 The first test on cattle was conducted in 1913, after 11 years of laboratory work. This test was particularly important to the researchers, since the vaccine contained a bovine strain of tuberculosis. 187 The cattle tests were successful. Tests of mice, rhesus monkeys, and chimpanzees followed and also pro- duced positive results. 188 With successful animal tests, Calmette and Guérin were ready for the first human test. In 1921, Calmette and Guérin’s first human test was per- formed on a newborn. The newborn was considered at high-risk for developing tuberculosis, because his mother had died from the disease after childbirth and his tuberculous grandmother was in charge of his care. The child was given inoculations of BCG on the third, fifth, and seventh days of his life at the Hôpital de la Charité in Paris. The newborn showed resistance initially and remained free of tuberculosis for the rest of his life. 189 From this first human test and subsequent tests, Calmette and Guérin learned that BCG could be recognized by the immune system in merely four hours. This rapid response could create immunity against tuberculosis bacilli. 190 Despite the success of the animal and human tests of BCG, Calmette and Guérin faced a problem when it came to the strains of BCG. The original strain of BCG was not saved, so several variations of this strain were created. 191 Variations accumulated over time. 192 The vaccines made with these different strains had a different level of efficacy. 193 The accumulation of strain variation and efficacy variation led to catastrophe in Lübeck, Germany. In 1929, 251 children received the BCG vaccination that was made at a location near Lübeck. Out of those 251 children, 72 died from the vaccine. 194 After researching the path of the vaccine strain re- sponsible for this catastrophe, investigators found that the strain did not contain BCG but virulent bacilli. These bacilli were sent to Lübeck after passing through the Koch Institute in Berlin and Kiel. The virulent bacilli had been stored in the same incubator as the BCG cultures, and both cultures were ineffectively labeled. As a result, the children of Lübeck were not vaccinated but injected with tuberculosis. 195 78 Theresa L. Rager After realizing that such a catastrophe could occur from strain variation and carelessness, the medical community decided to preserve only certain strains of the BCG vaccine. Four strains that originated from Rio de Janeiro, Paris, Copenhagen, and Moscow were chosen for preservation. 196 In order to guarantee the BCG vaccine would be safer for patients, many regulations for the creation of a BCG vaccine were enacted. The vaccine had to be prepared from only attenuated and non-virulent bacilli cultures. Once prepared, the vaccine had to be used within a week. Lastly, the vaccine had to be administered gradually and in increasing doses at seven day intervals. 197 In 1960, the freeze-dried vaccine replaced the liquid vaccine. 198 Later, in the 1960s, a seed lot was created that served to further reduce strain variation. 199 Vaccine research was advanced when scientists learned to reduce strain variation. Besides strain variation, several disadvantages of BCG have been noted since its creation. Of primary concern is BCG’s risk of infection and potential side effects. Because the bacilli of the vaccine are alive, there is always a risk of infection. 200 Addition- ally, tuberculin tests show positive results in a person inoculated with BCG, because the vaccine is live. 201 One rare but serious side effect is BCG-itis. This complication results in severe immunode- ficiency. 202 It is not entirely clear as to whether BCG is effective or not, because the efficacy depends on the region where the vaccine is administered. 203 Booster vaccines have proven to be ineffective in regenerating an immune response to assist in lowering these rates. 204 Overall, BCG is estimated to be 50 percent effective. 205 It is often argued that BCG does not provide full immunity to tuberculosis. 206 Additionally, BCG may not provide long-term immunity. 207 Some studies have already begun to show that the BCG-provided immunity dwindles over an individual’s lifetime. 208 Scientists are learning to control these disadvantages to BCG and are advancing vaccine research in the process. There is a need for an improved tuberculosis vaccine to prevent and eventually eradicate tuberculosis. BCG has advanced medical research as scientists begin to understand its shortcomings. This vaccine is a step in the right direction. 209 79 THE CONCORD REVIEW Although there are many disadvantages to BCG, there are several notable advantages of the vaccine as well. It has been shown to lower the risk of contracting tuberculosis in individuals with a healthy immune system, particularly children. 210 BCG has also demonstrated effectiveness in young adults in several European countries. 211 Furthermore, a 20-year study indicated that BCG is capable of providing long-term immunity. 212 A separate study at an all-girls school illustrated that BCG provides immunity for up to 12 years. 213 BCG has several advantages for use in Third World countries as well. There is no need for booster shots to enhance immunity. Also, the BCG injection leaves a scar as a sign of vac- cination. There is no limitation on the age of vaccination. Most importantly, BCG is inexpensive, making it easy to administer throughout Third World countries. 214 BCG also has advantages in First World countries. BCG is recommended to high-risk groups by the United States Public Health Service. 215 BCG is useful in providing immunity to those in Third World countries and those with high-risk exposure. A successful vaccine such as BCG improves vaccine research by serving as a model for future vaccines. BCG has been used in trials and studies throughout the world for nearly 100 years. In the 1920s, children were vaccinated in high numbers. In 1924, more than 600 children had been vac- cinated. By 1928, more than 100,000 doses had been administered to infants alone. 216 Also in 1928, the League of Nations recom- mended the vaccine for widespread use to prevent the transmission of tuberculosis. 217 In 1929, Calmette reported a 33 percent death rate for unvaccinated children with tuberculous infected parents. Children in the same condition who had received BCG had only a 4 percent death rate. 218 For up to 50 years, some populations administered BCG orally. However, most populations stopped this procedure after the discovery that the pH of gastric juices reduces the viability of live bacilli in the vaccine. 219 These initial administrations of BCG were often met with success and helped develop the BCG vaccine known today. 80 Theresa L. Rager BCG was often given to immigrants and European popula- tions. Great Britain made it mandatory that emigrating citizens be given BCG to prevent the spread of tuberculosis around the world. Conversely, Irish immigrants were required to take the vaccine before entering Great Britain. Once they landed in Great Britain, a subsequent examination was demanded. 220 Europe increased its use of BCG after World War II. 221 Europe and Canada embraced widespread administration of BCG more quickly than the United States. 222 This increasing use of BCG prompted further trials of the vaccine. The largest trial conducted on BCG to date took place in South India during 1968. Once the data of this trial was analyzed several times, it showed that BCG had some protection for unin- fected children, but this protection was minimal. The vaccine did not appear to be a great preventive measure. 223 The trial also found that one age group did not have a higher level of protection than another. After 10 to 12 1/2 years, there were approximately an equal number of tuberculous patients in each group. Following vaccination, individuals experienced a time of increased suscep- tibility to tuberculosis. The immunity that was given from BCG was short-term. 224 The South India trial did not produce positive results for BCG. BCG is now administered differently in various regions of the world. In Third World countries, BCG is administered in order to eradicate tuberculosis. 225 BCG administration is directed especially towards newborns in these countries that are severely threatened by tuberculosis. 226 BCG administration does not fol- low the same protocol in developed countries as it does in Third World countries. BCG has never been routinely administered in the United States. 227 Some developed countries still administer BCG universally at birth. Other countries only give the vaccine to high-risk infants and other high-risk groups that can be catego- rized by occupation, living condition, age, history of disease, and more. These countries include the United Kingdom, Finland, and Sweden. 228 Many First World countries are moving away from giv- ing BCG to high-risk groups and moving towards screenings with treatment if necessary. This shift is occurring because the benefits 81 THE CONCORD REVIEW are lower than the risk of infection. 229 BCG administration in First World countries greatly differs from that in Third World countries. Today, BCG is used for different purposes and given to different groups across the world. Nevertheless, this vaccine is a part of the WHO’s list of recommended childhood immuniza- tions. In tuberculosis-endemic countries, the BCG administration rate is greater than 80 percent. 230 By 1989, over 3 billion doses of BCG had been administered in the world. This widespread use can be attributed to a WHO report that urged BCG vaccination in areas where infant tuberculosis was a major health problem. 231 As of 1994, BCG was the most widely administered vaccine in the world. 232 Although there has been controversy over the advantages and disadvantages of BCG and trials have been completed with varying degrees of success, the BCG vaccination has been influ- ential not only on tuberculosis research but on vaccine research as a whole. Current State of Tuberculosis and Tuberculosis Research Tuberculosis infection and mortality rates have been at various levels throughout the world for centuries. In civilized communities, tuberculosis epidemics progressed and spread more easily. It appeared that childhood was the primary age for infection. 233 The disease affected areas devastated by World War II more harshly than other areas. 234 Despite epidemics in these areas, tuberculosis mortality rates have been in an overall decline since 1928. 235 Still, tuberculosis around the world remains the primary cause of death in the young adult age group. The mortality rate decline in the western world is unexplainable. For science, this decline was not in their control. 236 While tuberculosis has been in decline in several areas, the decline has not always been explain- able and productive for eradicating tuberculosis. Today, there are several factors that have influenced the overall decline in tuberculosis. Since 1900, the disease’s mode of transmission has changed. Around the beginning of the 20th 82 Theresa L. Rager century, there was a heavy concentration of bacilli in the environ- ment. Now, there are series of local epidemics keeping tuberculosis in existence. 237 The discovery and distribution of BCG may be a contributing factor in lowering the tuberculosis mortality rate. However, BCG is not a major contributor to the decline, since areas with concentrated immunization programs do not have lower rates than those without such programs. However, the use of index cases and sanatoria most likely had an influence in low- ering mortality rates. Nevertheless, it is a combination of several significant factors that have lowered such rates. These factors are a part of preventive medicine. 238 There is a vast difference in the prevalence of tubercu- losis in First and Third World countries. Third World countries face the threat of tuberculosis every day. On the other hand, first world countries rarely speak of tuberculosis. 239 However, in these developed countries, outbreaks of tuberculosis during the past several decades were typically found in hospitals, schools, homeless shelters, prisons, bars, and factories. Passengers on commercial airlines can easily be infected by fellow travelers through recirculat- ing air in the aircraft. In 1998, the WHO estimated that 8 million people became infected with tuberculosis each year. These cases are new instances of tuberculosis, not cases from previous years. Also, the WHO calculated that 3 million people lose their lives to this disease each year. With these infection and mortality rates, 33 percent of the world population is infected with tuberculosis each year. This statistic makes tuberculosis the number one killer of all infectious diseases. 240 While these estimates are astonishing, it is important to remember that infection and mortality records are kept differently in many countries. Such variety in tracking statistics makes estimating global rates complex. 241 Nevertheless, it is clear that tuberculosis still has a strong presence in the world. Tuberculosis is a prominent disease compared to other infectious diseases. In 1871, 16.8 percent of deaths from diseases were due to tuberculosis. By 1921, this percentage had dropped to 9 percent. Still, this number was high for a single disease. Over the 40-year period between 1881 and 1921, tuberculosis declined 83 THE CONCORD REVIEW faster than any other disease. Data for this statistic was gathered every 10 years. While such a great decline is evidence of great improvement, tuberculosis had such a high frequency in the population beforehand that a steep decline does not mean that it was suddenly a rare disease. Overall mortality rates during this time period decreased as well. These rates did not decrease as fast as tuberculosis rates but influenced the decline. 242 Other diseases also have the ability to mask the symptoms of tuberculosis. This concealment inhibits physicians’ ability to diagnose tuberculous patients and report more accurate infection rates. 243 The inter- play of other diseases in tuberculosis infection has influenced the frequency of tuberculosis in the past three centuries. Tuberculosis research is ongoing. The medical community recognizes a need for antibiotics and effective treatments. Drugs are currently the most effective method for treating tuberculo- sis. 244 Such medications lower the community’s risk of exposure to the disease by treating and healing the infected. Therefore, the population of bacilli is reduced with antibiotic treatment. 245 However, antibiotics will never replace the importance of case find- ing. In searching for active cases, infected individuals are found for antibiotic treatment. 246 The advancement of antibiotics will improve the treatment of discovered active cases. A new mecha- nism that produces a wide variety of M. tuberculosis mutants has the ability to assist antibiotic and vaccine development. Through the generation of a large number of mutants, scientists can discover how tuberculosis bacilli survive. This information is crucial to understanding how to attack the bacilli with drugs and vaccines. 247 Antibiotic research is advancing to better treat tuberculosis. Despite great strides made in this field of research, scientists continue to face many challenges. Many patients fail to comply with treatment standards. The most effective antibiotic treatment to this date involves the antibiotics isoniazid, streptomycin, rifampin, and ethambutol. These four drugs must be taken for two months. Then, a patient must continue treatment with two drugs for four months. While this is a lengthy treatment time, it is critical that patients comply with the treatment plan set by their physician. If 84 Theresa L. Rager the patient decides to not take the medications, not all bacilli are killed. Instead, the living bacilli populations develop resistance to the drugs that are used. These bacilli are then able to escape the body and infect other individuals. If the secondary infectious indi- viduals try the same antibiotic treatment, they will find it ineffective, since their bacilli are resistant. These bacilli that are resistant to many antibiotics are called multi-drug resistant (MDR). There is an increasing number of MDR tuberculosis cases. 248 To fight MDR bacilli, scientists have developed new antibiotics. A few of these drugs include rimifon, nydrazid, and marsalid. These antibiotics have shown great potential in defeating MDR tuberculosis. 249 While such drugs may be beneficial in lowering the prevalence of MDR bacilli, antibiotics cannot defeat such bacilli alone. Other preventive measures such as vaccines must be used to defeat all types of tuberculosis bacilli. 250 Vaccine research for tuberculosis has been in progress for many decades. Because BCG is not the perfect tuberculosis vaccine, researchers are working to develop a new vaccine. The BCG vac- cine and current research is enhancing scientists’ understanding of tuberculosis and the relationship between this disease and the immune system. The hope is that this understanding will lead to the control and eradication of tuberculosis. 251 In analyzing mistakes and errors related to the BCG vaccine, researchers have come closer to finding the perfect vaccine. The BCG vaccine research has helped narrow methods in need of experimentation. 252 It is important that these experiments are conducted and a solution is found soon, because tuberculosis is currently killing morethan1.4 million people each year. 253 There are several potential solutions for a tuberculosis vaccine. Scientists have come to the general conclusion that the vaccine debacle can be fixed by either developing booster shots for BCG or creating a new two-dose vaccine. It should be kept in mind that all booster shots have been ineffective so far. 254 Never- theless, researchers are currently developing booster shots for BCG. If successful booster shots are made, a new vaccine regimen may need to be developed. 255 In the route of developing a new 85 THE CONCORD REVIEW vaccine, researchers must first find mechanisms that produce greater immune responses. 256 In the end, it does not matter which approach is taken, as long as a vaccine is developed to prevent the transmission of tuberculosis. BCG is not the only tuberculosis vaccine that has been de- veloped. In the early 1900s, Nathan Raw and one of his colleagues developed Vaccine R in England. The vaccine contained attenu- ated bacilli. A reasonable level of immunity was not established for two years and long-term immunity went unknown. Therefore, the vaccine was not predicted to be highly effective. However, it was an additional experience with immunization that could lead to new paths in current tuberculosis vaccine research. 257 Killed bacilli vaccines have shown promise. An advantage of these types of vaccines is that they do not run the risk of infecting people, since the bacilli are not active in the body. 258 These vaccines have demonstrated some efficacy in reducing tuberculosis and death for several populations. However, only BCG is used in current eradication plans. There is also the possibility of creating a new vaccine with a bovine strain of tuberculosis or nontuberculous mycobacteria. 259 It has also been suggested that the pulmonary system should be taken into consideration when developing an immunizing agent. Because tuberculosis primarily infects the re- spiratory system, it could be advantageous to immunize through this system. Aerosolized BCG was used in guinea pigs with great success. Such a method could be used for human immunization. 260 There are several possible methods for developing a tuberculo- sis vaccine. The method that researchers choose is not of great importance to humanity, but the end result they achieve could impact humanity for many years to come. Molecular research of Mycobacterium tuberculosis is also ad- vancing current knowledge of the disease. In 1998, Stewart Cole and an international team of scientists mapped the bacillus’s en- tire genome. Through this mapping, several drug-resistant genes were identified. This discovery leads scientists to research possible mechanisms to turn off these genes and prevent the bacilli from becoming MDR. Researchers also found clues of what causes the 86 Theresa L. Rager virulence of bacilli through the genome mapping. 261 William R. Jacobs and Barry R. Bloom of the Howard Hughes Medical Institute were able to create a shuttle phasmid. 262 DNA in an E. coli plasmid 263 was injected into a mycobacteriophage. 264 The phage then injected the shuttle phasmid into tuberculosis bacilli. The DNA contained transposons, 265 which had the ability to change the DNA sequence to create mutant versions of tuberculosis bacilli. This mechanism could be used to identify the bacilli genes responsible for infec- tion. This research may be influential in developing drugs and vaccines from a certain strain of bacilli capable of producing an immune response without causing infection. 266 Molecular research is assisting antibiotic and vaccine research. The combination of these projects may lead to the eventual elimination of tuberculosis from the world. Plans for eradicating tuberculosis center on preventing the disease through case finding. The infected must first be found and treated in order to improve the public health of a community. By treating active cases and preventing non-active cases from becom- ing contagious, the transmission of tuberculosis can be reduced. 267 One cured case of tuberculosis prevents the infection of new cases. To eliminate tuberculosis, the number of active cases must stay below the level where the cases can maintain themselves through transmission. In epidemiological terms, R 0 must be less than one. 268 To reach this point, a balance between vaccines similar to BCG, antibiotics, and public health programs must be distributed throughout the world. 269 It is easier to eradicate disease with vac- cines and drugs than public health initiatives alone, because these medical innovations serve as preventive measures and effective treatments. 270 Once tuberculosis is isolated to a small group of people, these patients should be treated individually with greater attention to their care. 271 This stage of the eradication plan can only be met if there is world-wide cooperation between the in- fected and uninfected. Cooperation must be met from country to country, city to city, and social class to social class. The uninfected must help the infected in order for tuberculosis to disappear. If this level of cooperation is not met, the uninfected could one day find themselves among the infected. 272 Ever since 1953, the medical 87 THE CONCORD REVIEW community has been hopeful that tuberculosis will be eradicated from the world. This hope stems from not just the great efforts but the great achievements of medical researchers to date. 273 Conclusion Several fields of medicine have been advanced by tuber- culosis research and health programs. Radiology was developed to enhance physicians’ diagnoses of tuberculosis in the lungs. Laennec invented the stethoscope to better examine the chest cavity of tuberculous patients as well. He also connected clinical symptoms to the pathology of this disease, while establishing a scientific approach to medical observations. Trudeau triggered the sanatoria craze, first in the United States and then in the world. Through his own experience with tuberculosis, Trudeau was able to improve the health of millions of tuberculous patients. Although Koch is most noted for his isolation of the tubercle bacilli, he ad- vanced the field of bacteriology with his discovery of tuberculin and various laboratory techniques as well. Additionally, Koch made people realize the importance of public health. However, public health could not have progressed so quickly if it was not for Biggs’s determination to defeat tuberculosis. Biggs implemented better diagnostic services, case reporting, sanitation, and treatment as a part of his anti-tuberculosis campaign that impacted New York and the entire world. Diagnoses became more precise when von Pirquet forever changed immunology with the development of the tuberculin skin test. This test has become the primary means for diagnosing tuberculosis in the United States today. Cases of tuberculosis can be followed and analyzed with Frost’s advance- ments in epidemiology. Because of index cases and life tables, epidemiologists can examine data and study the transmission of tuberculosis in populations. With better methods for finding and diagnosing tuberculosis, better treatments were developed. Waksman contributed to researchers’ knowledge of antibiotics in his quest to find an antibiotic capable of curing tuberculosis. Through his studies, streptomycin and neomycin were produced. 88 Theresa L. Rager The basic skills and techniques for thoracic surgery were established to treat tuberculosis patients and were expanded to the larger field of study it is today. BCG was the first major vaccine created to prevent tuberculosis. This vaccine has demonstrated varying degrees of success. Because of its inconsistency, new research on vaccines and antibiotics is being conducted to eliminate tubercu- losis. Molecular research is enhancing this research as it increases scientists’ understanding of the bacilli genome. Because of previous and current medical research on tuberculosis, numerous aspects of medicine have evolved in an effort to eradicate tuberculosis. Tuberculosis has significantly impacted modern medicine. Yet, medicine has influenced the history of tuberculosis as well. While tuberculosis has been aiding the advancement of medicine, medicine has been reducing the presence of tuberculosis in the world. The practice of medicine has reduced the number of ac- tive cases, causing a drop in the transmission of tuberculosis. The recognition of clinical symptoms allowed tuberculous patients to receive care sooner. Sanatoria gave more patients the opportunity to heal from tuberculosis. Isolating the bacilli gave insight into the growth, development, and reproduction of the bacteria. Im- proved public health minimized people’s exposure to tuberculosis bacilli. Simpler methods for diagnosing tuberculosis hastened the discovery of infected individuals and the implementation of their treatment. Understanding the spread of tuberculosis gave epide- miologists the power to predict which individuals were subject to infection. By identifying these individuals, their contraction of tuberculosis could be prevented. Antibiotics, thoracic surgery, and BCG played a part in preventing the spread and treating the symptoms of tuberculosis. Although these achievements led to a decline in tuberculosis, medicine has not stopped attacking this disease. Tuberculosis is still a highly contagious disease that in- fects approximately 33 percent of the world each year. Therefore, medical research on tuberculosis continuously strives to reduce this percentage and eliminate tuberculosis from society. Currently, medical researchers are combating tuberculo- sis through antibiotic, vaccine, and molecular research. Despite 89 THE CONCORD REVIEW the rare appearance of tuberculosis in first world countries, the disease maintains a high infection rate in third world countries. The medical community is fighting tuberculosis for these plagued countries. When tuberculosis is eradicated in these countries, first world countries will follow suit in the elimination of the disease within their borders. However, medical leaders must emphasize the need for better treatments to cure active cases of tuberculosis in these countries in order to enhance preventive measures. When better treatments are in place and preventive medicine becomes the forefront of the battle with tuberculosis, the eradication of the disease will be imminent. Because of current medical research, tuberculosis is losing the fight to medicine, the discipline it ad- vanced for thousands of years. 90 Theresa L. Rager 1 Thomas M. Daniel, “Tuberculosis in History: Did It Change the Way We Live?,” in Tuberculosis and Nontuberculous Mycobacterial Infections ed. David Schlossberg, 6th ed. (Washington, D.C.: American Society for Microbiology Press, 2011) p. 5 2 Ibid., p. 6 3 Ibid., p. 9 4 D. M. Dunlop, “Modern Views In The Prevention of Tuberculosis,” The British Medical Journal 2, no. 4068 (1938) p. 1297, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20301803 (accessed 2012) 5 “Tuberculosis in History,” p. 9 6 Daniel, Pioneers of Medicine and Their Impact on Tuberculosis (Rochester, New York: University of Rochester Press, 200) p. 4 7 Rene J. Dubos, “The Tubercle Bacillus and Tuberculosis,” American Scientist 37, no. 3 (1949) p. 353 http://www.jstor.org/stable/27826280 (accessed 2012) 8 Barry R. Bloom and Paul E. M. Fine, “The BCG Experience: Implications for Future Vaccines against Tuberculosis,” in Tuberculosis: Pathogenesis, Protection, and Control ed. Barry R. Bloom (Washington, D.C.: ASM Press, 1994) p. 552 9 John W. S. Blacklock, “The Epidemiology of Tuberculosis,” The British Medical Journal 1, no. 4507 (1947) p. 708, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20369647 (accessed 2012) 10 Ibid., p. 710 11 Ibid., p. 708 12 Ibid., p. 708 13 Bloom, pp. 551–552 14 Thomas Parran, “Tuberculosis: A Time for a Decision,” Public Health Reports (1896–1970) 68, no. 10 (1953) p. 924, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4588593 (accessed 2012) 15 Blacklock, p. 708 16 Ibid., p. 709 17 Robert Philip, “An Address On the Causes of The Decline in Tuberculosis Mortality,” The British Medical Journal 1, no, 3512 (1928) p. 701, http://www.jstor.org/ stable/253286257 (accessed 2012) 18 Hypersensitivity is an abnormally high sensitivity to infecting material that causes a reaction more easily than in someone without the condition. 19 Blacklock, p. 709 20 Dunlop, p. 1299 91 THE CONCORD REVIEW 21 Blacklock, p. 710 22 Ibid., p. 711 23 Ibid., p. 710 24 Ibid., p. 708 25 Philip C. Hopewell, “Overview of Clinical Tuberculosis,” in Bloom, Tuberculosis, p. 25 26 Ibid., p. 26 27 Auscultation is listening to the chest wall for breathing patterns. Different sounds and rhythms of breathing can indicate infection or good health. A stethoscope is commonly used for auscultation today. 28 Hopewell, p. 29 29 Ibid., p. 31 30 Ibid., p. 30 31 Blacklock, p. 711 32 Hopewell, p. 25 33 Blacklock, p. 707 34 Bloodletting is the surgical removal of an individual’s blood as a method of treatment. 35 Daniel, “Tuberculosis in History,” p. 3 36 Blacklock, p. 707 37 Robert Koch, “Koch’s Work upon Tuberculosis, and the Present Condition of the Question,” Science 4, no. 76 (1884) p. 59, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1759778 (accessed 2012) 38 Milton D. Rossman and Rob Roy MacGregor, Tuberculosis (New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc., 1995) p. 109 39 Blacklock, p. 707 40 Ibid., p. 710 41 Philip, p. 704 42 “The Great Quintet: Laënnec, Koch, Roentgen, von Pirquet, Trudeau,” The American Journal of Nursing 34, no. 12 (1934) p. 1151, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3411820 (accessed 2012) 43 Daniel, “Tuberculosis in History,” p. 4 44 Pathology is the study of disease and its diagnosis. This science also deals with the causes and effects of disease. 45 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 43 46 Daniel, “Tuberculosis in History,” p. 4 47 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 43 48 “The Great Quintet,” p. 1151 49 Daniel, “Tuberculosis in History,” p. 4 50 “The Great Quintet,” p. 1151 51 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 45 92 Theresa L. Rager 52 Ibid., p. 46 53 Thadepalli Haragopal, “Women Gave Birth to the Stethoscope: Laennec’s Introduction to the Art of Auscultation of the Lung,” Clinical Infectious Diseases 35, no. 5 (2002) p. 587, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4462131 (accessed 2012) 54 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 59 55 Ibid., pp. 55–66 56 Ibid., p. 54 57 Ibid., p. 61 58 Ibid., p. 39 59 Ibid., p. 53 60 Ibid., p. 61 61 Ibid., pp. 58–59 62 Ibid., p. 60 63 Stevenson Lyle Cummins, Tuberculosis in History: From the l7th Century to Our Own Times (London: Baillière, Tindall and Cox, 1949) p. 172 64 Quoted in Cummins, p. 173 65 Cummins, pp. 173–174 66 Ibid, p. 159 67 “The Great Quintet,” p. 1152 68 Daniel, “Tuberculosis in History,” p. 9 69 Thomas M. Daniel, Captain of Death: The Story of Tuberculosis (Rochester, New York: University of Rochester Press, 1977) p. 80 70 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 74 71 Ibid., p. 78 72 Cummins, p. 183 73 Koch, p. 60 74 Ibid., p. 60 75 Ibid., p. 60 76 Ibid., p. 60 77 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 74 78 Daniel, Captain, p. 80 79 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 74 80 Cummins, p. 185 81 Koch, p. 61 82 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 90 83 Quoted in Cummins, p. 185 84 Cummins, p. 185 85 Ibid., p. 187 86 Daniel, Pioneers, pp. 96–97 87 Cummins, pp. 189–191 93 THE CONCORD REVIEW 88 Daniel, Captain, p. 81 89 Cummins, pp. 195–197 90 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 13 91 Quoted in Daniel, Captain, p. 114 92 Daniel, Captain, p. 114 93 Cummins, p. 191 94 Daniel, Captain, p. 83 95 Cummins, p. 191 96 Daniel, Captain, p. 83 97 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 88 98 Cummins, p. 193 99 Daniel, Captain, p. 83 100 Cummins, pp. 192–193 101 Ibid., p. 193 102 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 89 103 Cummins, pp. 194–195 104 Nathan Raw, “An Attenuated Tubercle Vaccine,” The British Medical Journal 1, no. 3094 (1920) pp. 538–539, http:// www.jstor.org/stable/203405595 (accessed 2012) 105 Daniel, Captain, p. 85 106 Daniel, Pioneers, pp. 7–9 107 Ibid., p. 96 108 Dunlop, p. 1297 109 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 64 110 Ibid., p. 113 111 Ibid., p. 99 112 Ibid., pp. 117–178 113 Ibid., p. 127 114 Philip, p. 705 115 Daniel, Pioneers, pp. 120–121 116 Ibid., p. 127 117 Rossman, p. 119 118 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 124 119 Ibid., pp. 125–126 120 Ibid., p. 128 121 Blacklock, p. 711 122 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 106 123 Ibid., p. 126 124 Ibid., p. 129 125 Philip, pp. 703–704 126 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 129 127 Ibid., p. 131 128 Ibid., pp. 126–128 94 Theresa L. Rager 129 Ibid., p. 122 130 Ibid., p. 11 131 Ibid., p. 131 132 Ibid., p. 100 133 “The Great Quintet,” pp. 1151–1152 134 Daniel, Pioneers, pp. 144–145 135 Ibid., pp. 147–148 136 Ibid., p. 150 137 Ibid., p. 134 138 Ibid., pp. 140–141 139 Ibid., p. 147 140 Ibid., p. 134 141 Ibid., p. 150 142 Ibid., p. 155 143 Epidemiology is the study of distributions and patterns of health events and characteristics of diseases in a population. 144 Daniel, “Tuberculosis in History,” p. 4 145 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 171 146 Dunlop, p. 1297 147 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 168 148 Ibid., p. 170 149 Ibid., p. 165 150 Ibid., p. 170 151 Ibid., p. 174 152 Ibid., p. 172 153 Ibid., p. 167 154 Ibid., p. 177 155 Ibid., p. 173 156 Daniel, “Tuberculosis in History,” p. 3 157 Artell Egbert Johnson, “Antibiotics,” The American Journal of Nursing 50, no. 11 (1950) pp. 688–689, http://www. jstor.org/stable/3459332 (accessed 2012) 158 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 196 159 These organisms are rod-shaped, gram-positive bacteria that are typically pathogenic. 160 Quoted in Daniel, Pioneers, p. 195 161 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 196 162 Johnson, p. 690 163 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 198 164 Ibid., p. 197 165 Johnson, p. 690 166 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 199 167 Johnson, p. 690 168 Daniel, Pioneers, pp. 196–197 95 THE CONCORD REVIEW 169 Ibid., pp. 199–200 170 Ibid., p. 201 171 Johnson, p. 690 172 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 199 173 Ibid., p. 191 174 Johnson, p. 690 175 Alan D. L Sihoe and Wing Wai Yew, “Role of Surgery in the Diagnosis and Management of Tuberculosis,” in Tuberculosis and Nontuberculous Mycobacterial Infections ed. David Schlossberg, 6th ed. (Washington, D.C.: American Society for Microbiology Press, 2011) p. 141 176 Adhesiolysis is the surgical removal of adhesions. 177 Sihoe, p. 141 178 Cummins, p. 195 179 Ibid., p. 198 180 Parran, p. 921 181 Raw, p. 538 182 Daniel, Captain, pp. 133–134 183 Raw, p. 538 184 Daniel, Captain, p. 134 185 Ibid., pp. 135–136 186 Bloom, p. 531 187 Daniel, Captain, p. 135 188 Bloom, p. 532 189 Ibid., p. 532 190 Ibid., p. 549 191 Ibid., p. 539 192 Daniel, Captain, p. 140 193 Bloom, p. 541 194 Ibid., p. 533 195 Daniel, Captain, p. 137 196 Rossman, p. 112 197 Raw, p. 539 198 Rossman, p. 112 199 Bloom, p. 539 200 Blacklock, p. 711 201 Frederick Heaf, “Prevention of Tuberculosis,” The British Medical Journal 2, no. 5006 (1956) p. 1384, http://www. jstor.org/stable/20360124 (accessed 2012) 202 Rossman, p. 124 203 Bloom, p. 531 204 Timothy Lahey and C. Fordham von Reyn, “Mycobacterium bovis BCG and New Vaccines against Tuberculosis,” in Schlossberg, p. 172 96 Theresa L. Rager 205 Bloom, p. 534 206 Heaf, p. 1387 207 Bloom, p. 552 208 Lahey and von Reyn, p. 172 209 Parran, p. 926 210 Hopewell, p. 25 211 Rossman, p. 125 212 Daniel, Captain, p. 138 213 Rossman, p. 110 214 Bloom, p. 531 215 Robert J. Anderson “Some Factors in Tuberculosis Control,” The American Journal of Nursing 53, no. 1 (1953) p. 52, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3459947 (accessed 2012) 216 Daniel, Captain, p. 136 217 Bloom, p. 532 218 Daniel, Captain, p. 136 219 Bloom, pp. 549–550 220 Heaf, pp. 1386–1387 221 Bloom, p. 533 222 Daniel, Captain, p. 136 223 Ibid., p. 141 224 Rossman, pp. 114–115 225 Parran, p. 925 226 Lahey, p. 171 227 Daniel, Captain, p. 141 228 Rossman, p. 125 229 Lahey, p. 171 230 Daniel, Captain, pp. 140–141 231 Bloom, p. 531 232 Ibid., p. 544 233 Anderson, p. 52 234 Philip, p. 701 235 Parran, p. 923 236 Ibid., p. 927 237 Philip, p. 702 238 Ibid., pp. 705–706 239 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 3 240 “TB: New Research on An Old Disease,” Environmental Health Perspectives 106, no. 11 (1998) p. 532, http://www.jstor. org/stable/3434248 (accessed 2012) 241 Philip, p. 702 242 Ibid., p. 702 243 Hopewell, p. 27 97 THE CONCORD REVIEW 244 “TB: New Research on An Old Disease,” p. 532 245 Heaf, p. 1383 246 Anderson, p. 52 247 “TB: New Research on An Old Disease,” p. 532 248 Ibid., p. 532 249 Anderson, p. 52 250 Bloom, p. 552 251 Ibid., p. 552 252 Lahey and von Reyn, p. 162 253 Daniel, Captain, pp. 141–142 254 Lahey and von Reyn, p. 172 255 Ibid., p. 175 256 Bloom, p. 547 257 J. J. Thomson “Immunization Against Tuberculosis,” The British Medical Journal 1, no. 3346 (1925) p. 333, http://www. jstor.org/stable/25444276 (accessed 2012) 258 Blacklock, p. 711 259 Lahey, p. 162 260 Bloom, p. 550 261 Daniel, Pioneers, p. 15 262 This term was created by Jacobs and Bloom for their mechanism of injecting genetic material into a bacteriophage using a plasmid, which then injects the material into the bacilli. 263 A plasmid is a small, circular segment of double-stranded DNA that carries additional genes from those in a bacteria genome. The plasmid can be incorporated into the genome through the use of restriction enzymes that act as molecular scissors. 264 A mycobacteriophage is simply a virus that infects mycobacteria. 265 Transposons or “jumping genes” are segments of DNA that can move throughout the genome and alter the DNA sequence. 266 “TB: New Research on An Old Disease,” p. 532 267 Heaf, p. 1383 268 Parran, p. 924 269 Heaf, p. 1386 270 Parran, pp. 925–926 271 Heaf, p. 1386 272 Ibid., p. 1388 273 Parran, p. 922 98 Theresa L. Rager Bibliography Primary Sources Anderson, Robert J., “Some Factors in Tuberculosis Control,” The American Journal of Nursing 53, no. 1 (1953): 52–53, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3459947 Dubos, Rene J., “The Tubercle Bacillus and Tuberculosis,” American Scientist 37, no. 3 (1949): 352–370 http://www.jstor. org/stable/27826280 Dunlop, D. M., “Modern Views In The Prevention Of Tuberculosis,” The British Medical Journal 2, no. 4068 (1938): 1297–1300, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20301803 Koch, Robert, “Koch’s Work upon Tuberculosis, and the Present Condition of the Question,” Science 4, no. 76 (1884): 59–61, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1759778 Thomson, J.J., “Immunization Against Tuberculosis,” The British Medical Journal 1, no. 3346 (1925): 333, http://www. jstor.org/stable/25444276 Secondary Sources Articles Blacklock, John W.S., “The Epidemiology Of Tuberculosis,” The British Medical Journal 1, no. 4507 (1947): 707–712, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20369647 Heaf, Frederick, “Prevention Of Tuberculosis,” The British Medical Journal 2, no. 5006 (1956): 1383–1388, http://www. jstor.org/stable/20360124 Johnson, Artell Egbert, “Antibiotics,” The American Journal of Nursing 50, no. 11 (1950): 688–690, http://www.jstor.org/ stable/3459332 Parran, Thomas, “Tuberculosis: A Time for a Decision,” Public Health Reports (1896–1970) 68, no. 10 (1953): 921–927, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4588593 99 THE CONCORD REVIEW Philip, Robert, “An Address On The Causes Of The Decline In Tuberculosis Mortality,” The British Medical Journal 1, no. 3512 (1928): 701–706, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25328625 Raw, Nathan, “An Attenuated Tubercle Vaccine,” The British Medical Journal 1, no. 3094 (1920): 538–539 http:// www.jstor.org/stable/20340595 “TB: New Research on An Old Disease,” Environmental Health Perspectives 106, no. 11 (1998): A532–A533, http:// www.jstor.org/stable/3434248 Thadepalli, Haragopal, “Women Gave Birth to the Stethoscope: Laennec’s Introduction of the Art of Auscultation of the Lung,” Infectious Diseases 35, no. 5 (2002): 587–588, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4462131 “The Great Quintet: Laënnec, Koch, Roentgen, von Pirquet, Trudeau,” The American Journal of Nursing 34, no. 12 (1934): 1151–1152, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3411820 Books Bloom, Barry R., ed., Tuberculosis: Pathogenesis, Protection, and Control Washington D.C.: ASM Press, 1994 Cummins, Stevenson Lyle, Tuberculosis in History; From the 17th Century to Our Own Times London: Baillière, Tindall, and Cox, 1949 Daniel, Thomas M., Captain of Death: The Story of Tuberculosis Rochester, New York: University of Rochester Press, 1997 Daniel, Thomas M., Pioneers of Medicine and Their Impact on Tuberculosis Rochester, New York: University of Rochester Press, 2000 Rossman, Milton D., and Rob Roy MacGregor, Tuberculosis New York: McGraw-Hill Inc., 1995 Schlossberg, David, ed., Tuberculosis and Nontuberculous Mycobacterial Infections 6th ed., Washington, D.C.: American Society for Microbiology Press, 2011 100 Theresa L. Rager Professor David Hackett Fischer, 2005 Pulitzer Prize-winner for Washington’s Crossing, in an in- terview with Donald A. Yerxa, Senior Editor of Historically Speaking, April 2009 issue. “Like Herodotus, I think of history as inquiry—not a story but an inquiry, which often (but not always) generates a story in its turn...I always try to begin with simple questions. My books never begin with an ideology, a model, a hypothesis, an argument, or an attempt to prove a particular point. All of these things may or may not come in their turn, but I always start with very simple questions. For Champlain’s Dream I asked: Who was this man? Where did he come from? What difference did he make? Why should we care? This question- framing approach for me is fundamental. The most interesting things I find in my inquiries are always things I could not have known in advance. That process of discovery is where history really comes to life for me, and I think for others...” 101 THE CONCORD REVIEW Copyright 2012, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved Gabriel Kelly is a Senior at Franklin Regional High School in Murrysville, Pennsylvania, where he wrote this paper as an Independent Study during the 2011/2012 academic year. THE GREAT GLOBALIZATION: THE COMMERCIAL REVOLUTION IN CHINA, INDIA, THE MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA, AND SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA FROM THE 12TH TO THE EARLY 15TH CENTURY Gabriel Kelly During the 11th century, Western Europe was embroiled in a major societal conflict. Attempting to repel the Norman con- querors, emerge from the feudal Middle Ages, and responding to the sudden split of the Christian Church into the Byzantine Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church in 1054, 1 Western Europe stood at the precipice of a social upheaval that would embroil all of Christendom in internal conflict. During this age of uncertainty, in Clermont, France on No- vember 17, 1095, Pope Urban II made his famous Call to Crusade in order to reclaim the Holy Land in the name of Christianity. 2 This quest, in the words of the Pope Urban II and those of modern historians, would be to keep Christendom united under one banner of faith in order to preserve peace and stability in Europe. 3 Led by Crusader Baldwin, in 1098, the Crusaders captured their first Islamic kingdom in their Crusade: the Kingdom of Edessa. 4 Soon after, on July 15, 1099, the Crusaders took the city of Jerusalem, 102 Gabriel Kelly and Crusader Baldwin was crowned King of Jerusalem in the year 1100. 5 This conquest of a small sliver of plains and desert along the coast of the Eastern Mediterranean, was a significant event in European history. From their castles, hoisted up above the shrub- grass plains, the Crusaders, for the first time, looked through a figurative window into a world that was far different from the one they knew in Europe. Islam, a faith that had begun its ex- pansion in the 7th and 8th centuries, enveloped and integrated cultures and peoples from Spain to the Hindu Kush Mountains. 6 The Kingdom of Ghana along the Niger River in Sub-Saharan Africa, was flourishing under a profitable trade with the Muslim merchants of North Africa. In South East Africa, the Kingdom of Great Zimbabwe traded raw materials, including gold and precious metals, for finished goods from the Arabian peninsula. Across the Indian Ocean, regional leaders on the Indian Subcontinent made prosperous trades in spices between themselves and Southeast Asia. And even in Southern China, the Song Dynasty was rapidly developing a booming economy in international trade from port cities such as Huangzhou. What Europeans saw from their castle windows and in the colorful bazaars of Jerusalem, teeming with spices, silks, and precious gems, was the beginnings of a commer- cial revolution that would tie together the economies of East Asia, the Indian Subcontinent, the Middle East, Spain, North Africa, East Africa, and Sub-Saharan Africa through international trade. This commercial revolution in international trade, begun in the 12th century and lasting until the beginning of the 15th century, would serve as a model of development that Crusaders would take back with them to Europe, from previously Muslim-controlled Jerusalem, for its own Renaissance and subsequent commercial revolution. 7 This revolution in international trade, lasting from the 12th century to the early 15th century, was facilitated by expand- ing involvement in existing methods of transportation, investing in new infrastructure, the commissioning of envoys and explorers to seek out new lands, government support of international trade and commerce, and the development of societies that relied on this revolution in international trade. 103 THE CONCORD REVIEW In order to facilitate the commercial revolution in inter- national trade that defined the 12th to early 15th century, nations expanded their involvement in various methods of transportation. Beginning with the Mongol conquests in Asia at the end of the 12th century—which overran China, splitting it between the Song Dynasty in the South and the Yuan Dynasty in the North—the horse was one of the major methods of transportation that promoted international trade. Mongol troops traditionally traveled with four horses under each person’s command. 8 By doing so, riders could carry more belongings, as well as trade goods, throughout the areas they conquered, thus expanding the revolution in international trade through extended inventories with which they could buy and sell needed and desired goods. The Mongols also invested in technological inventions to improve the long term usability of the horse which, after being adopted by various groups of people across East Asia, North Africa, and the Middle East, led to more extensive international trade. The creation of a wood and leather saddle, greased with sheep’s fat to prevent it from cracking or shrinking, and the adoption of the sturdy stirrup, 9 allowed the Mongols to transport themselves and trade goods over longer distances, thus promoting a commercial revolution in international trade through long distance travel and trade. While Mongolian innovation and use of the horse in- creased, other traders and travelers used the donkey, which was equally effective in facilitating a revolution in international trade. Donkeys, according to Marco Polo in his accounts of exploration during the 12th Century, were able, “…to make long journeys in the course of the day…[and] get sooner over the ground and require a smaller allowance of food,” 10 allowing for traders to expend more effort and expense on trade goods than on upkeep for their pack animals. The swiftness of the horse and the staying power of the donkey, would subsequently be outmatched by the camel. Used as pack animals during the 3rd and 4th century for trading gold across the Sahara Desert with North Africa, 11 the camel had been tested as an effective means of transportation prior to the 12th 104 Gabriel Kelly century. With an amazing ability to store and survive up to one month in winter without access to water, 12 the camel became es- sential for traveling long distances in desert climates along trade routes, such as the Gold-Salt trade in West Africa, which connected the Kingdom of Ghana, and its successor the Malinese Empire at the dawn of the 13th century, to the North African coast. In addi- tion to the camel’s ability to store water, the camel can consume just about any shrub, grass, or vegetation to be found, 13 allow- ing it to survive along trade routes that move through extreme environments, without much vegetation. And most importantly, the camel is an extremely effective pack animal for transporting both people and trade goods. One camel can carry approximately 600 pounds of weight, 14 and when fully loaded can travel 20 to 25 miles per day, 15 allowing it to cover reasonable distances while carrying substantial goods to facilitate a Commercial Revolution in international trade. On land, the horse, the donkey, and the camel all played an important role as methods of transportation that facilitated this revolution in trade, but on the seas new methods of shipbuilding enabled even greater advances in trade. The dhow, a ship designed by Muslim traders in the 5th century that possessed three triangu- lar sails, 16 made it possible for traders to sail on yearly monsoon winds from East Africa to India and back in order to maintain international trade. More than the dhow, the advent of the junk, a type of ship, in China enabled societies to transport both people and trade goods internationally. Designed with 60 cabins for merchants, the ability to hold 150 to 300 crewmen, with watertight bulkheads, and even gardening tubs to produce food for the ship, the junk was an impressive engineering achievement for the time. 17 The capacity the junk had for international trade, however, would still need to be tested. During the early 15th century in Ming Dynasty China, successor to the Yuan and Song Dynasties, a grand fleet composed of junks was amassed for Admiral Zheng He to explore Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean. 18 Deployed from Nanjing in the Fall of 1405 with more than 27,000 crew members and 317 105 THE CONCORD REVIEW ships, this fleet was designed to undertake long journeys at sea in the name of trade. 19 The armada of junks was made up of horse ships, supply ships, troop transports, and two different kinds of warships to protect the expedition. 20 On each ship, there were various methods of communication used to successfully command the fleet including: one flag, signal bells, five banners, one large drum, used to signal ships to seek harbor from a coming storm, gongs, carrier pigeons, ten lanterns, and a black flag stitched with a specific white letter used to indicate its squadron in the fleet. 21 The fleet’s crew was composed of 93 commanders for regi- ments, 104 battalion commanders, 103 company commanders, one senior secretary from the Ministry of Revenue who moni- tored grain supplies, two officials from the Ministry of Rites who conducted official receptions of the fleet, one official astronomer and geomancer as well as four students tasked with interpreting weather and natural phenomena, 10 instructors in foreign lan- guages individually called Tong ji fans hu jiao yu guan, translated as “teacher who knows foreign books,” and 180 medical officers and pharmacologists tasked with collecting medicines and taking care of the crew. 22 The fleet even possessed its own water tankers, which could keep the armada afloat for almost a month without having to stop for fresh water. 23 The fleet, according to a tablet erected by Admiral Zheng He, leader of the expedition, in Changle, Fujian in 1432, “…traversed more than one hundred thousand li [approximately 31,068 miles] of immense waterspaces…set eyes on barbarian regions far away hidden…traversing those savage waves as if we were treading a public thoroughfare….” 24 This great expedition, using the junk, stood at the zenith of the many methods of transportation that helped define the 12th to the early 15th century revolution in international trade. The horse, the donkey, the camel, the dhow, and the junk, expanded involvement in various methods of transportation, on both land and sea, which facilitated a Commercial Revolution in international trade from the 12th to the early 15th century. 106 Gabriel Kelly Along with this expanded involvement in various methods of transportation, including the junk, the dhow, the camel, the don- key, and the horse, was the infrastructure that made it possible to create a commercial revolution in international trade from the 12th to the early 15th century. The first form of infrastructure that enabled this age of international trade was the road. Prior to the 12th century, roads, such as the Silk Road that connected East Asia to the Middle East, were no more than commonly-tread paths that travelers took to reach one location from another. Methods of transportation on land—including the camel, the donkey, and the horse, discussed in the previous section—were in fact so reliable that they bypassed the need to firmly establish roads. 25 But, in order to facilitate true, widespread, international trade from the 12th century through the early 15th century, this system of roads would need to become more clearly defined. In the regions dominated by Islam, caliphs and sultans heeded the advice of the Book of Government or Rules for Kings, in order to develop roads and infrastructure. 26 Published by Sejulkid Wazir Al-Mulk in 1092 CE, this treatise states that the Caliph, who rules the nation, has been placed into power by God, and in return he must direct his nation to serve God. 27 As part of the sultan or caliph’s obligation to serve, as mandated by this treatise on rule, the sultan or caliph should engage himself in: Constructing underground channels, digging main canals, building bridges across great waters, rehabilitating villages and farms, raising fortifications, building new towns, and erecting lofty buildings and magnificent dwellings; he will have inns [ribats] built on the highways and schools for those who seek knowledge; for which things he will be renowned forever; he will gather the fruit of his good works in the next world and blessings will be showered upon him. 28 Messages such as these led leaders of the Islamic world to build roads and infrastructure that connected their societies to the international network of trade from the 12th through the early 15th century. In modern day Iraq, Islamic leaders facilitated the construction of a pontoon bridge that crossed the Tigris River, 29 107 THE CONCORD REVIEW which runs through the city of Baghdad, connecting Iran to the western portion of the Middle East. Roads established by caliphs, sultans, regional, and local leaders were maintained for global trade because of their ideal loca- tions. Marco Polo recounts that during his travels from the town of Yasdi to Kierman in present day Iran, “The road [between the two towns] lies through extensive groves of date-bearing palm, in which there is abundance of game, as well as beasts such as partridges and quails; and those travelers who are fond of the amusements of the chase, may here enjoy excellent sport.” 30 These roads were also maintained, in terms of security for travelers and traders, by the caliph’s or sultan’s mandates on the local population. Accord- ing to Marco Polo’s accounts of the road system present in Iran: …all roads where danger is apprehended, the inhabitants shall be obliged, upon the requisition of the merchants, to provide active and trusty conductors for their guidance and security, between one district and another; who are to be paid at the rate of two or three groats [a Venetian type of coin] for each loaded beast, according to the distance. 31 Outside of the Islamic world, other leaders were just as devoted to road development and road safety in order to facilitate international trade. In Yuan China, leaders marked out all public roads by plant- ing trees on either side, or erecting columns in unforgiving soils, in order to designate roads for travel, even in harsh conditions. 32 And in the Charchan Desert, found in Western China, villagers would hide food stores in hidden desert caverns, and migrate two days to a safe oasis in order to avoid marauders and bandits that assaulted major roads. 33 Adding to the effectiveness of these roads in transporting people and trade goods internationally, from the 12th to the early 15th century, was an intricate system of rest stops and way-stations. In the Middle East, this system of way-stations was com- monly called the caravansary system. 34 Made up of a series of inns, commonly called funduqs, khans, or caravansaries, every 18 or 20 miles, these walled-in courtyards served as a place for people to rest, water their animals, and trade along global road systems. 35 108 Gabriel Kelly The extent of its adoption became apparent in Al-Idrisi’s, an Islamic geographer, reports, which stated that in 1150 CE there were 750 funduq rest stops in a single town called Almeria, found in southern Spain. 36 These systems of way-stations, like the caravansary system in the Middle East, took on many forms as they moved between societies, but all maintained the same purpose of easing the transportation of people and trade goods internationally from the 12th to the early 15th century. In the city of Lar, found in the Turkish Kingdom of Rum in Anatolia, hospices made up of single men—called Al-Futuwwa, meaning youthfulness—led by male leaders called Akhi, catered to travelers moving along trade routes. 37 Ibn Battuta, a famous Muslim explorer from the 14th century, reported that the city of Lar itself was willing to help the hospice host travelers, donating one or two loaves of bread per household, upon request, for these wayfarers. 38 Similarly, in the Sultanate of Delhi in India, successor to the amalgamation of local kingdoms found in North Western India, leaders employed the barid system, translated as messenger system, to transport people and trade goods across the Indian Sub- continent. 39 The barid system employed ulaq, horses belonging to the sultan, which traveled between relay posts placed strategically every four miles, as well as foot-runners, who traveled one mile, kuruh, in triplets, with each runner running one dawa, or third of a mile. 40 These foot-runners, also employed by the Sultan, each carried a staff of bells with them when running their leg, or dawa, to the next station, so that they could prepare the next runner to pick up the trail of the last runner, ensuring maximum efficiency. 41 Practical uses of this system in India, as cited by Muslim explorer Ibn Battuta, included but were not limited to: transporting fruit, grown in Khurqsan Province, Iran, to the Sultan’s palace in India, 42 transporting water from the Ganges River to the Sultan’s palace, 43 and even transporting criminals, carried on stretchers, from one region to another. 44 These ingenious systems of way-stations, used in the Middle East and in India to transport people and trade goods, were not 109 THE CONCORD REVIEW only very effective in promoting international trade, but they were even adopted in Central and East Asia, through the yamb system. The yamb system, translated to the horse post-house system, 45 was a system used in Mongol domains to transport government mes- sages, as well as travelers and trade goods, along roads throughout the empire. One should say, that the yamb system’s use and size were unparalleled in Europe, the Middle East, or in the Indian Subcontinent, from the 12th to the early 15th century. With each yamb supported by a designated surrounding village placed every 25–30 miles, 46 the entire yamb system employed 200,000 horses and 10,000 buildings in total. 47 Each post, or yamb, maintained up to 400 horses for use by travelers, 48 and in Manchuria alone, there were an estimated 146 of these posts. 49 At posts where it might be required to cross a lake or river to reach the next yamb, the supporting village for the yamb maintained three to four boats to cross that particular body of water. 50 In between each individual yamb, every three miles, was a fort and approximately 40 houses stationed to serve as supporting institutions for the yamb system: providing rest points for foot-messengers traveling between yambs. 51 Foot-messengers traveled distances of 3 miles individually, each wearing a girdle adorned with bells in order to signal their arrival and to prepare another runner at the upcoming village. 52 Runners provided the main means of communication in the yamb system, and were kept moving at a swift pace by a government clerk, sta- tioned at each three mile point and yamb, who wrote down arrival and departure times for all of the runners. 53 The efficiency of this yamb system in facilitating trade, was cited by some of the great explorers of the day. Marco Polo, who made his way to China in the 13th century, passing through Mongol territory, cited the luxury of the yamb buildings, “If even a king were to arrive at one of these, he would find himself well lodged.” 54 Marco Polo cited the efficiency and speed of the yamb system itself, stating: …the Emperor [of Yuan/Mongol China], who has an immense num- ber of these runners, receives dispatches with news from places ten days’ journey off in one day and night; or, if need be, news from a hundred days off in ten days and nights; and that is no small matter! 110 Gabriel Kelly In fact in the fruit season many a time fruit shall be gathered one morning in Cambaluc, and the evening of the next day it shall reach the Great Kaan at Chandu, a distance often days’ journey. 55 And Marco Polo even cited the acceptance of the importance of the Yamb system amongst Mongol subjects, explaining that each postal worker, “…carries with him a ger falcon tablet, in sign that he is bound on an urgent express; so that if perchance his horse breakdown, or he meet with other mishap, whomsoever he may fall in with on the road, he is empowered to make him dismount and give up his horse.” 56 Muslim explorer Ibn Battuta mirrored Marco Polo’s veneration in his own accounts from the 14th century, stating that the Yamb system makes travel and trade in China a safe enterprise, 57 explaining that even, “A man travels for nine months alone with great wealth and has nothing to fear [in China].” 58 Infrastructural systems such as the yamb system, helped to define the revolution in international trade, which lasted from the 12th to the early 15th century. Investment in infrastructure— such as the road, bridge, hostel, and international postal-system— made it easier for trade goods on the backs of pack animals and in the arms of international traders, to move between continents and create a revolution in international trade from the 12th to the early 15th century. Capitalizing on the international investment in infrastruc- ture from the 12th century to the early 15th century, governments began actively to support an emerging revolution in international trade through the commissioning of envoys to seek out diplomatic contacts in foreign lands. In 1245 CE, after the Mongol armies of the Khanate of the Golden Horde in what is now Russia began to advance on Poland and Hungary, an ecumenical council of the Papacy in Rome sent out its first expedition to East Asia. 59 John of Piano Carpini and William of Rubruck, monks of the Franciscan order, spearheaded the expedition, designed to persuade the Mongol Khan to stop his expansion into Eastern Europe and to make formal contact with the Mongols, and recorded their travels through the Mongol domains from 1253 to 1255. 60 111 THE CONCORD REVIEW Similarly, Mongol explorer Rabban Sauma, who departed from Mongol China in 1275, 61 was sent on an expedition by Sultan Arghun of the Ilkhanate to secure an alliance with Europe against the Mamaluks of Egypt. 62 He departed from the Ilkhanate in 1286 bearing spoken and written messages for the Pope, the Byzantine Emperor, the King of France, and the King of England; presents for the Pope and each of the monarchs; as well as gold, riding animals, and a letter-patent for his travels. 63 Such an expedition reaped no results in terms of forging an alliance against the Ma- maluks, but the expedition did create an undeniable link between the East and West for further diplomacy and international trade to develop. 64 Some of these invaluable links between East and West that explorer Rabban Sauma established, included: meet- ing with the Council of Cardinals in July of 1287, 65 meeting with Pope Nicholas IV in 1288, 66 and even with King Phillip of France in September of 1287, who rose to greet him, 67 this being a gesture of recognizing equality between the two peoples, 68 essential for establishing diplomatic relations and international trade. These contacts commissioned by governments, however, were not solely limited to traveling from East Asia to Western Europe, they were an international phenomena. Shortly before the expedition of Rabban Sauma from the Ilkhanate, Marco Polo departed from Venice, Italy, in Southern Europe, for China, then called Cathay, in 1271, where he was employed in the Yuan Emperor’s court, an experience he left an account of in his travel log when he returned to Venice in 1295, called collectively The Travels of Marco Polo. 69 The 21-year-old Moroccan explorer Ibn Battuta, similarly departed from Tangiers, Morocco, in North Africa, in 1325 on Hajj, 70 a pilgrimage to Mecca as ordained by one of the Five Pillars of Islam, and ended up being commissioned by the Delhi Sultan- ate on September 12, 1333 as a diplomatic envoy to Mongol/Yuan domains in East Asia. 71 In 1324 the King of Mali, commonly referred to as Mansa Musa, made a legendary trip to Cairo, Egypt from Sub-Saharan Africa while on the Hajj. 72 While in Cairo, Mansa Musa spent 112 Gabriel Kelly enough gold to depress the economy of Egypt for several years; and upon meeting the Sultan of Egypt, Mansa Musa refused to grovel before him, claiming that he would only grovel before God. 73 And in 1403, the fleet, under Admiral Zheng He, was com- missioned by the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty in China, Zhu Di, to promote trade, and to make contact with foreign nations that could possibly provide tribute to the Ming treasury. 74 These expeditions and envoys, from Timbuktu to Cairo or from the Papacy to China, connected peoples who had, prior to the 12th century, only briefly been engaged with each other. The accounts left by explorers, such as Rabban Sauma, Marco Polo, and Ibn Battuta, facilitated the connection of continents, which would be used from the 12th to the early 15th century to enable a revolution in international trade. Along with sending out explorers, expeditions, and envoys tasked with making international contacts with other nations, gov- ernments also began to actively support and sponsor a revolution in international trade from the 12th to the early 15th century. In the regions dominated by Islam, supporting trade was one of the key roles of the government of Muslim sultans and ca- liphs from the 12th century to the early 15th century. According to the Book of Government or Rules for Kings—written by Sejulkid Wazir Nizam Al-Mulk who was mentioned in a previous section—, the role of government was to create and protect long-distance, or international, trade routes. 75 In Muslim Egypt, the Sultan maintained 12,000 water carriers on camels, 30,000 hirers of mules and donkeys, as well as 36,000 boats, in order to facilitate trade up and down the Nile River. 76 Along the border between Egypt and Syria, the Sultan of Egypt established qatya, government border posts. 77 Manned by Bedouin nomads, these qatya collected a tax, called the zakat, on travelers passing across the border. 78 An estimated 1,000 dinars per day were collected at these border posts, and the government used the money accordingly to further international trade, or its 113 THE CONCORD REVIEW own internal infrastructure. 79 During the reign of the Mamaluk Sultan Baybars, 1260–1277, Egypt befriended the Golden Horde in Russia for a supply of mercenaries. 80 These mercenaries were transported by the Italian city state of Genoa—through the Bospo- rus strait, to Alexandria, by a treaty with the Byzantine Empire—in exchange for international trading rights for Genoa in Egypt. 81 In North Africa, Muslim traders of the Fatimid and Al- moravid Caliphates continued a long tradition of exchanging salt for gold over the Sahara Desert with Sub-Saharan Africa. 82 This government-sponsored practice of sending caravans across the Sahara Desert doubled regional trade in West Africa. 83 Some communities in places like Syria even paid people to travel: creating local funds for Muslim citizens, who could not make the Hajj, to pay someone else to perform the Hajj for them, 84 thus facilitating a movement of people and international trade through travel. And one of the most important aspects of all in this age of international trade, was Muslim leaders’ regulation of exchange rates and of marketplaces in order to protect the integrity of in- ternational trade routes. Claude Cahen, a Muslim judge from the period who sup- ported the Muslim government’s regulation of exchange rates, stated boldly, “…established in an age of pluralism and monetary fluctuation commanded that coins not be taken at face value, but according to weight (allowing for alloyage), in order to assure honesty, as one would deal in any other form of merchandise.” 85 The governments of the Islamic world responded to such cries for regulation and for the furtherance of international trade with the appointment of sayrafis, money-changers who weighed coins to determine their proper and just exchange rates, as well as the sale of government stamped purses, which had the exact amount of money labeled on the outside of the purse that was contained within the purse, 86 allowing for traders to change their money fairly and with ease internationally. To check the power of the sayrafis, Muslim governments appointed muhtasib, or scale checkers, in 114 Gabriel Kelly the marketplaces of their nations to ensure reliable exchange practices. 87 Following the words of Sejulkid Wazir Nizam Al-Mulk, In every city a [market inspector] must be appointed whose duty is to check scales and prices and to see that business is carried on in an orderly and upright manner. He must take particular care in regard to goods which are brought from outlying districts and sold in the bazaars to see that there is no fraud or dishonesty, that weights are kept true, and that moral and religious principles are observed, 88 Muslim leaders strove to establish states that were, also in the words of the Sejulkid Wazir, “…the product of justice,” 89 when it came to international trade. In the marketplace, very much similar to the way muhtasib were appointed to check the power of the money changers, or sayrafis, sultans and caliphs appointed eunuchs, or market overseers, to ensure unadulterated dealings in the bazaar. 90 Appointed by the Sultan or Caliph himself, these employees could not be bought off, and enforced their ideals of fair international trading and marketplace conduct strictly. 91 But this policy of supporting international trade and fair marketplaces was not unique to Muslim-dominated nations. Governments sponsored global trade in Mongolian do- mains by granting permits, called p’ai-tzu, to traders for travel between friendly khanates when the contingent empire splintered into four separate khanates in the 14th century. 92 When Chiggis Khan conquered the city of Samarkand, he not only commanded his troops not to attack the artisan population, essential for making products for global trade, he freed them from corvee, or yearly servitude, and gave them tax benefits. 93 Mongolian China gave loans at reduced interest rates to merchant unions—called ortogh—, which reduced risk on individual merchants by pooling funds together to make one collective expenditure on a caravan moving from China to the West. 94 And the Mongols even used paper money, which allowed traders to move large distances with- out having to carry large sums in gold and silver. 95 Similar to the check, developed in Islamic countries during the 11th century in which traders could redeem their money for precious metals 115 THE CONCORD REVIEW at their destination, 96 Mongolian paper money was built on the faith that their government was backing their paper money with precious metals and gems. 97 In the words of traveler Marco Polo, “…such a vast quantity of this [paper] money, which costs him nothing...must equal in amount all the treasure in the world.” 98 Marco Polo continues to explain that, “…all merchants arriving from India or other countries, and bringing with them gold or silver or gems and pearls, are prohibited from selling to any one but the Emperor,” 99 and by being one of the few institutions able to purchase precious metals, gems, or pearls, the Mongolian gov- ernment was able to back up their paper currency with tangible wealth. The Mongolian domains enforced the ideas present in Islamic domains about fair international trading and their unique system of paper money, with their strong-armed rule and strict code of laws. For example, if a person stole a trader’s horse, the Mongolian government enforced law and order by making the robber return the horse and pay nine times the horse’s value on top of the original horse’s cost. 100 People caught robbing from merchants along trade routes were beaten with a cane an amount of times deemed equal to the value of the goods stolen. 101 Even princes and nobles were subject to the strict trade laws of the Mongolian domain. A story about the brother of the Great Khan Mangu in India, best explains the extent of Mongol protection of international trade. A prince, called The Old Man of the Mountain, paid bandits to rob travelers moving along the roads in his land, 102 but after a three-year siege by the Khan’s brother, from 1252 to 1255, The Old Man of the Mountain was forced to surrender and his castle was dismantled. 103 And even in Ming China, at the dawn of the 15th century, the government supported the idea of fair international trading. The Hui Tong Hall in Nanjing’s Imperial Palace became the epi- center of Ming Chinese trade with the rest of the world. 104 Foreign dignitaries, not permitted to intermingle with the local population, were given wood block ID cards that were stamped each time they entered or left Hui Tong Hall on diplomatic missions. 105 For three 116 Gabriel Kelly to five days, when a foreign dignitary visited the palace, Chinese merchants were permitted to enter the hall courtyard and buy foreign goods the traders had brought with them to trade with from around the globe. 106 Emperor Zhu Di stated that the goals of the Chinese government in personally regulating trade through the Hui Tong Hall System, was to give all parties equal access to trade with China and to encourage, “Now all within the four seas… one family…let there be mutual trade at the frontier barriers in order to supply country’s needs and to encourage distant people to come.” 107 Muslim merchants traveling outside of the imperial palace in China had to turn over their money to the merchant or hostel attendant they were living with. 108 The merchant or hostel attendant would then go to the market for the merchant and purchase all the things the merchant requested, on the basis that the Chinese government does “…not want it said in the Muslim countries that they lose their money in our country, and that it is a land of debauchery and fleeting pleasure.”‘ 109 Whether it be in Damascus or Nanjing, governments around the world were deeply involved in perpetuating international trade routes and protecting their integrity from the 12th century to the early 15th century. By establishing regulatory agencies like the Qatya border posts in Egypt, or the Hui Tong Hall System of court trading in Ming China, governments had protected international trade routes from marauders and thieves seeking to disrupt this system of international trade. Other investments, such as the Sultan of Egypt’s creation of a Nile fleet and land-based water carrying system, the invention of the Muslim check, or the adoption of the Mongolian system of paper money, all were government projects that allowed people to travel with trade goods over longer-distances with less difficulty. As leaders from Cordoba to China expanded existing meth- ods of transportation, invested in infrastructure developments, and sponsored international trade, the fruits of their investments began to show in the development of their societies based on the revolution in trade which lasted from the 12th to the 15th century. 117 THE CONCORD REVIEW In the Muslim world, travel had been an important part of society ever since the foundation of Islam in the 7th century. 110 The Hajj, or ritual pilgrimage to Mecca as mandated by the Five Pillars of Islam, encouraged people from all walks of life to move from the far corners of the world to the place where three continents meet: the Middle East. 111 Mecca was truly, as traveler Ibn Battuta stated in his travel log, “…the pole upon which revolves the axis of the world…,” 112 and this travel, facilitated by the investments of world leaders in methods of transportation and infrastructure, encouraged people to exchange traditions and goods from around the Islamic world, which in turn helped to create a commercial revolution based on the exchange of ideas and products. 113 Pil- grims from places like Tangiers were welcomed along their path to Mecca by a friendly host of Islamic leaders, promoting the movement of people from one place to another. 114 The tradition of Rafiq, or traveling with a companion on journeys, 115 also helped to transport more people and goods between societies in order to create international trade. The benefits of the Hajj were seen in the transfer of goods and ideas internationally. From Asia, a international trade route was opened that had been closed since the time of Alexander the Great, fostering the exchange of ideas from Asia to the Islamic world. 116 In Baghdad’s House of Wisdom, Islamic scholars trans- lated the texts of the Greek philosophers into Arabic. 117 Muslims adopted the concept of the zero from the Hindus in the Sultan- ate of Delhi. 118 In Europe, disseminating from Muslim cities like Cordoba in Southern Spain, came words—such as orange, lemon, sugar, syrup, sherbet, julep, elixir, jar, azure, arabesque, mattress, sofa, muslin, satin, fustian, bazaar, caravan, checkmate, tariff, traffic, douane, magazine, risk, sloop, barge, cable, and admi- ral—, musical instruments—such as the lute, rebeck, guitar, and tambourine—, scientific terms—such as algebra, cipher, azimuth, alembic, zenith, and almanac—, architectural designs—such as the ribbed vaulting, windows, and towers of Gothic architecture, modeled after the Islamic mosque—, pottery techniques, metal- working, glass making, book binding, and even gardening, 119 all of which promoted the development of societies. 118 Gabriel Kelly Outside of the traditional Muslim Hajj, the exchange of goods and ideas across international trade routes continued to flourish due to the development of societies based on trade. In Persia, where international trade routes connected the Middle East and Central Asia to China, motifs that were Chinese in origin, such as the dragon, phoenix, and depictions of land- scapes, appeared in Persian art, evidence of the exchange of ideas from this international trade. 120 In return, weaving communities relocated from Persia to Mongol China along these international trade routes in order to produce a prized gold cloth for the Mon- gol courts. 121 In Sub-Saharan Africa, the gold-salt trade routes, running through the Sahara Desert connecting the Muslim-dominated North African coast to the West African interior, led to the adop- tion by Africans of Islam, grid-pattern city planning, courtyard architecture, prominent placement of the mosque in towns and villages, and in the Gao Empire, which preceded the Malinese Empire along the Niger River in the 13th century, where salt was a form of national currency. 122 From the Persian Gulf, traders from the Middle East and India intermingled along established international sea routes to create one of the most illustrious trading regions in the world. The city of Basra, located near where the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers meet in modern day Kuwait, was a major producer in this inter- national trading network, exporting a great diversity of products including: silk and linen, 24 types of fish, pearls, gems, antimony, cinnabar, verdigris, silver, 49 types of dates, henna, violet essence, and rose water. 123 Pearl fisheries that crossed the Persian Gulf, be- tween Siraf and Al-Bahrain, were frequented by the merchants of Fars, in modern day Iran, during the months of April and May. 124 Even Hormuz, an island in the Strait of Hormuz at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, according to traveler Marco Polo was flourish- ing in this trade, “…frequented by traders from all parts of India, who bring spices and drugs, precious stones, pearls, gold tissues, elephants’ teeth, and various other articles of merchandise.” 125 119 THE CONCORD REVIEW From East to West and back again, international trade affected every corner of this revolutionized world. According to the great explorer Ibn Battuta, pottery made in the Imperial kilns of Zaitun and Sin Kalan, in China, could be found for sale in North Africa. 126 Ermine, found only 40 miles outside of Bulghar in Southern Russia, went for 1,000 silver dinars a pelt in India. 127 Turkish traders from Anatolia drove packs of 600 horses, in order to triple their profits, to sell in India. 128 And international trade allowed for the transfer of goods at such an affordable rate, that when a slave boy in the city of Damascus accidentally broke a pre- cious porcelain plate, imported all the way from China, a local charity simply offered to replace it, free of charge. 129 From Tripoli to Timbuktu and from the Strait of Hormuz to Hangzhou China, a commercial revolution had transformed the economies of East Asia, the Indian Subcontinent, the Middle East, East Africa, North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Spain. Traders capitalized on the ability to travel internationally by using methods of transportation on land—including the camel, the horse, and the donkey—as well as those on the sea—includ- ing the dhow and the junk. Traders gained the ability to travel internationally with ease due to the development of new roads, bridges, hostels, and international postal systems. In just under one year, one could travel from Cordoba, in Southern Spain, to the steppes of the Hindu-Kush Mountains in Pakistan. 130 Expedi- tions, like those of Marco Polo, Rabban Sauma, Ibn Battuta, Mansa Musa, and Admiral Zheng He, introduced a variety of cultures to one another, and established diplomatic links along which inter- national trade routes could be fostered in the coming centuries. On a diplomatic mission from Malaca, in Southeast Asia, the Emissary presented the Chinese court with a glass lens from the Middle East, which would become the foundation of the modern telescope. 131 Government support of international trade and com- mence, led to the rallying of nations to face a more global world. And finally, the development of societies based on commerce led to the creation of a world focused on this commercial revolution in international trade. A world where gold from Timbuktu, silks 120 Gabriel Kelly from China, rubies from Ceylon, and pearls from the Strait of Hormuz, could all intermingle in the bazaars, right under the very noses of the Crusaders of Jerusalem, who would take them all back, along with valuable ideas about mathematics, hygiene, and astrology from Islam, to add to the foundations for the European Renaissance and subsequent trade revolution. 132 The commercial revolution, lasting from the 12th century to the early 15th century, was facilitated by expanding involvement in existing methods of transportation, investing in new infrastructure, the commissioning of envoys and explorers to seek out new lands, government support of international trade and commerce, and the development of societies that relied on these great changes in patterns of trade. 121 THE CONCORD REVIEW Endnotes 1 Will Durant, The Age of Faith: A History of Medieval Civilization—Christian, Islamic, and Judaic—from Constantine to Dante: A.D. 325–1300 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1950) p. 586 2 University of Michigan, “First Crusade (1096–1099),” (accessed June 18, 2012) http://www.umich.edu/~eng415/ timeline/detailedtimeline.html#AnchorFirst 3 Durant, p. 586 4 Michigan, “First Crusade (1096–1099)” 5 Ibid. 6 Islam: Empire of Faith, directed by Robert Gardner (2005; Washington, DC: PBS & Devillier Donegan Enterprises, 2005) DVD 7 Durant, p. 342 8 “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University, (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/conquests/khans_horses.pdf 9 Ibid. 10 William Marsden, The Travels of Marco Polo by Manuel Komroff, ed. (New York: Modern Library, 2001) p. 35 11 Christopher Rose, “Minerals, Medals, Faith and Slaves: The Trans-Saharan Commodity Trade” (Presentation at the Hemispheres Summer Teachers’ Institute 2003, Austin, Texas, June 9, 2003) 12 James E. Lindsay, Daily Life In The Medieval Islamic World (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2005) p. 40 13 Ibid., p. 40 14 Ibid., p. 40 15 Ibid., p. 40 16 Ibid., p. 77 This invention of the triangular sail would reappear prior to the European Renaissance in 13th-century Italy, according to the source, demonstrating the broad-based adoption of this trading technology. 17 Louise Levathes, When China Ruled the Seas: The Treasure Fleet of the Dragon Throne, 1405–1433 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994) p. 49 18 Ibid., p. 73 19 Ibid., p. 54 20 Ibid., p. 82 21 Ibid., p. 83 22 Ibid., p. 83 122 Gabriel Kelly 23 Ibid., pp. 82–83 The author notes, however, due to the nature of the expedition being for trade, the fleet stopped at a port approximately every 10 days, but the technology was there if a longer time at sea were to be expected. 24 Ibid., p. 18 25 Lindsay, p. 109 26 Ibid., p. 20 27 Ibid., p. 19 28 Ibid., p. 109 29 Ibid., p. 109 30 Marsden, p. 37 31 Ibid., p. 36 32 Ibid., p. 142 33 Ibid., p. 61 34 Morris Rossabi, Voyager from Xandu: Rabban Sauma and the First Journey from China to the West (New York: Kodansha International, 1992) p. 104 35 Ibid., p. 104; H.A.R. Gibb, ed., The Travels of Ibn Battuta: A.D. 1325–1354: Translated with revisions and notes from the Arabic text by C. Defremery and BR. Sanguinetti Vol. 1 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1958) pp. 71–72 36 Lindsay, p. 110 37 H.A.R. Gibb, ed., The Travels of Ibn Battuta: A.D. 1325–1354: Translated with revisions and notes from the Arabic text by C. Defremery and BR. Sanguinetti Vol. 2 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1962) p. 409 38 Ibid., p. 406 39 Ibid., p. 594 40 Ibid., p. 594 41 Ibid., p. 594 42 Ibid., p. 594 43 Ibid., pp. 594–595 44 Ibid., p. 594 45 “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University, (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/figures/ser_xxvi.pdf 46 Marsden, p. 137 47 Ibid., p. 138 48 “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University, (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/figures/ser_xxvi.pdf 49 Rossabi, p. 48 123 THE CONCORD REVIEW 50 “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University, (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/figures/ser_xxvi.pdf 51 Ibid. 52 Marsden, p. 139 This use of a girdle adorned with bells is not unlike the Barid System’s use of a pole adorned with bells to signal the arrival of a messenger, adding to the idea of a globalized trade and exchange of ideas. 53 Ibid., p. 139 54 “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University, (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/figures/ser_xxvi.pdf 55 Ibid. 56 Ibid. 57 H.A.R. Gibb, ed., The Travels of Ibn Battuta: A.D. 1325–1354: Translated with revisions and notes from the Arabic text by C. Defremery and BR. Sanguinetti Vol. 4 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994) pp. 893–894 58 Ibid., p. 893 59 “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University, (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/history/history3.htm 60 Ibid. 61 Rossabi, p. 46 Rabban Sauma’s exact departure date is unknown due to incomplete records, but the author explains, “The two monks could not have gone after 1278, because they arrived in Persia by late 1279 and Sauma’s account reveals that they spent six months in one town en route. They must have left after the Polo brothers’ return with the holy oil in 1275; at that point the Khan would have assumed that, like the Polos, they could reach Jerusalem and hence have felt confident entrusting them with his assignment. A date closer to 1275 to 1278 appears probable, given their six-month stopover and the fact that the monks most likely tarried in other locations as well.” 62 Ibid., p. 99 63 Ibid., p. 99 64 Ibid., pp. 178–180 65 Ibid., pp. 119–125 66 Ibid., p. 158 67 Ibid., pp. 140–141 68 Ibid., p. 141 124 Gabriel Kelly 69 Marsden, pp. 1–25 70 Gibb, Vol. 1, p. x 71 Ibid., p. xii 72 Christopher Rose, “Minerals, Medals, Faith and Slaves: The Trans-Saharan Commodity Trade” (Presentation at the Hemispheres Summer Teachers’ Institute 2003, Austin, Texas, June 9, 2003) 73 Ibid. 74 Levathes, p. 73 According to Ming tong jian, an unofficial history of early 15th century China, the fleet was commissioned partly to seek out a rival Emperor Jianwen, who might threaten Emperor Zhu Di’s claim to the throne of Ming China. 75 Lindsay, pp. 19–20 76 Gibb, Vol. 1, p. 42 77 Ibid., p. 72 78 Ibid., p. 72 79 Ibid., p. 72 80 Lindsay, p. 81 81 Ibid., p. 81 82 Rose 83 Ibid. 84 Gibb, Vol. 1, p. 149 85 Lindsay, p. 113 86 Ibid., p. 113 87 Ibid., p. 114 88 Ibid., p. 114 89 Ibid., p. 114 90 Ibid., p. 116 91 Ibid., p. 116 A tale told by the Sejulkid Wazir demonstrates the incorruptibility of these officials: Ali-Nustigin, one of the Sultan of Rum’s generals, goes out to the bazaar drunk, and feels that he can do whatever he pleases. The market inspector sees him drunk and beats him with a cane 40 times for his improper conduct. 92 Rossabi, p. 46 93 “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University, (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/history/history6.htm 94 “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University, (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/history/history4_b.htm 125 THE CONCORD REVIEW 95 “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University, (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/figures/ser_xxiv.pdf 96 Gardner 97 “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University, (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/figures/ser_xxiv.pdf 98 Ibid. 99 Ibid. 100 Gibb, Vol. 2, p. 474 To compound on the severity of this law, according to Ibn Battuta, if the thief did not have enough money, the government would take his sons, and if the thief had no sons, the thief would subsequently die. 101 Marsden, p. 81 102 Ibid., p. 61 103 Ibid., p. 61 104 Levathes, p. 118 105 Ibid., p. 118 106 Ibid., p. 119 It is important to note that nations like Korea were given unlimited time to trade in the courtyard of the hall, making the Chinese devotion to equality in trade questionable. 107 Ibid., p. 88 108 Gibb, Vol. 4, p. 893 109 Ibid., p. 893 110 Gardner 111 Ibid. 112 Gibb, Vol. 1, p. 5 113 Gardner 114 Gibb, Vol. 1, p. 13 The arrival of Ibn Battuta in the city of Balash in Algeria was initially ignored, but a man who lived in the city saw him as a stranger and welcomed him openly. 115 Lindsay, p. 110 116 Ibid., p. 110 117 Ibid., p. 110 118 Ibid., p. 110 119 Durant, p. 342 120 “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University, (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/history/history6_a.htm 121 Ibid. 126 Gabriel Kelly 122 Rose, “Trans-Saharan Commodity Trade” 123 Lindsay, p. 102 124 Gibb, Vol. 2, p. 409 125 Marsden, p. 41 126 Gibb, Vol. 4, p. 889 127 Gibb, Vol. 2, pp. 491–492 128 Ibid., pp. 478–479 129 Gibb, Vol. 1, p. 149 130 Gardner 131 Levathes, p. 119 132 Durant, p. 342 Bibliography Battuta, Ibn, The Travels of Ibn Battuta: A.D. 1325–1354: Translated with revisions and notes from the Arabic text by C. Defremery and B.R. Sanguinetti edited by H.A.R. Gibb, 5 Volumes, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1958–2000 Columbia University, “The Mongols in World History,” (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/conquests/khans_horses.pdf Columbia University, “The Mongols in World History,” (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/history/history3.htm Columbia University, “The Mongols in World History,” (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/history/history4_a.htm Columbia University, “The Mongols in World History,” (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/history/history4_b.htm Columbia University, “The Mongols in World History,” (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia-edu/ mongols/history/history6.htm Columbia University, “The Mongols in World History,” (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/history/history6_a.htm 127 THE CONCORD REVIEW Columbia University, “The Mongols in World History,” (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/figures/ser_xxiv.pdf Columbia University, “The Mongols in World History,” (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/figures/ser_xxvi.pdf Columbia University, “The Mongols in World History,” (accessed June 6, 2012) http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ mongols/pop/maps/1227_map.pdf Durant, Will, The Age of Faith: A History of Medieval Civilization—Christian, Islamic, and Judaic—from Constantine to Dante: A.D. 325–1300 New York: Simon and Schuster, 1950 Islam: Empire of Faith—The Awakening directed by Robert Gardner, 2005, Washington, DC: PBS & Devillier Donegan Enterprises, 2005, DVD Levathes, Louise, When China Ruled the Seas: The Treasure Fleet of the Dragon Throne, 1405–1433 New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994 Lindsay, James E., Daily Life In The Medieval Islamic World Westport: Greenwood Press, 2005 Marsden, William, The Travels of Marco Polo edited by Manuel Komroff, New York: Modern Library, 2001 Rose, Christopher, “Minerals, Medals, Faith and Slaves: The Trans-Saharan Commodity Trade,” Presentation at the Hemispheres Summer Teachers’ Institute 2003, Austin, Texas, June 9, 2003 Rossabi, Morris, Voyager from Xandu: Rabban Sauma and the First Journey from China to the West New York: Kodansha International, 1992 University of Michigan, “First Crusade (1096–1099),” (accessed June 18, 2012) http://www.umich.edu/~eng415/ timeline/detailedtimeline.html#AnchorFirst 128 Gabriel Kelly Elizabeth Longford Welllington, The Years of the Sword London: Panther 1971, pp. 74-75 Among the ‘rubbish’ lay a secret resolve to read. The voyage to India gave it a fine excuse. From Dublin, Arthur brought his small library, to which he added in England over fifty pounds’ worth of books. Among the Oriental dictionaries, grammars and maps, the military manuals and histories of India, were works of a more general interest. Voltaire, Rousseau, Frederick the Great, Maréchal de Saxe, Plutarch’s Lives and the Caesaris Commentaria—in Latin; for law, Blackstone’s Commentaries; for economics, Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations; for philosophy, Locke and Human Understanding reappear; for theology, five volumes of Paley, gilt; and for the good of his Anglo- Irish soul, twenty-four volumes of Swift at 2s. 10d. At least one person had an inkling of something else which lay among the ‘rubbish’—something rare but not yet definable. There was a Dr. Warren (probably Richard Warren the court physician) whom Arthur had consulted as well as Dr. Hunter before leaving England. ‘I have been attending a young man,’ says this Dr. Warren to a friend, ‘whose conversation is the most extraordinary I have ever listened to...if this young man lives, he must one day be Prime Minister.’ What was it in Arthur’s manner which told Dr. Warren he had the necessary sense of direction, critical understanding, vigour, personality and vision? Or was it in the subjects he talked about that he revealed the mystic trade-mark? One guess is as good as another. But if this slight young man, recently sick and battered by the incompetence of his superiors, held forth on his prospects in India—his chance to emulate Clive’s victories, to extend the settlement of Cornwallis without the controversy, and to achieve the power of Warren Hastings without his suspected corruption—the doctor may well have thought himself in the presence of either brain fever or genius. Arthur and his trunkload of books followed the 33rd [Regiment] at the end of June. Ireland was already a month away. It had been high time to break out from the Castle, where his spirit had been a prisoner for more than nine years. Perhaps, indeed, he had never yet known what it was to feel truly free. 129 THE CONCORD REVIEW Copyright 2012, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved Malini Gandhi is a Senior at Newton North High School in Newtonville, Massachusetts, where she wrote this paper for Susan Wilkins’ Advanced Placement U.S. History course in the 2011/2012 academic year. MISCEGENATION LAWS: A MICROCOSM OF RACE RELATIONS IN AMERICA Malini Gandhi In June 1967, the U.S. Supreme Court declared that bans on interracial marriage were unconstitutional, ending more than 300 years of miscegenation laws. The trial was anti-climactic, the ruling expected, and the response from the public hardly notice- able. Richard Loving, a white man who had instructed his lawyer in the most memorable lines of the trial to simply “tell the Court I love my wife,” quietly took his black wife Mildred back home to Virginia. 1 Yet the Loving v. Virginia decision put an end to a set of laws that many argue underpinned the entire system of the Jim Crow South. There were three major reasons for the persistence of bans on interracial marriage over the centuries and for their continued presence almost a decade after the bulk of civil rights legislation had been passed. First was white Southerners’ obsession with maintaining “racial purity” and relegating the black race to a separate, blood-based caste. Second, interracial intimacy was bound to a stigma of illicit sex that contradicted the model of a respectable Progressive-era family. Third, the black public was un- willing to support campaigns against miscegenation laws because 130 Malini Gandhi of a growing “race pride” as well as a desire to make gains in areas of greater priority, such as jobs and schools. The contribution of these forces in keeping miscegenation statutes alive is reflected in the shifting stance taken by the NAACP on this issue. The group refused to address the issue during the civil rights movement because the three factors were so entrenched that to challenge them would threaten their other campaigns, and it was only when these attitudes were weakened during the changing atmosphere of the 1960s that the NAACP finally decided to fight for interracial marriage rights. The response of the NAACP to miscegenation laws reveals the powerful ties among interracial intimacy, the ra- cial identities of both blacks and whites, and American ideals of family, sex, and marriage. The first and perhaps the most passionately articulated rea- son for the maintenance of miscegenation laws was white Southern- ers’ profound fear that amalgamation, by destroying racial purity, would undermine whites’ attempts to keep blacks in a separate and immutable caste. Early miscegenation laws had evolved to bolster the stringent racial hierarchy of slavery. Thus, when the U.S. Civil War demolished the overarching framework of the slavery system, paranoia mounted among Southerners that emancipation was the beginning of an inevitable amalgamation and assimilation of the races. 2 Though in the short term Reconstruction-era rhetoric did topple many miscegenation statutes, the collapse of Reconstruction and the solidification of the Jim Crow mentality in the late 1860s meant that these decisions were quickly discarded. Miscegenation laws once again blanketed the South, helping “chart the path… to postwar white supremacy.” 3 Gunnar Myrdal expressed the idea that miscegenation laws provided the bedrock for the Jim Crow system in his classic study An American Dilemma, writing, “When white Southerners are asked to rank various types of discrimina- tion, highest in this order stands the bar against intermarriage and sexual intercourse involving white women.” 4 For what made these bans on interracial marriage so powerful and, ultimately, so much more fundamental to segregation than other forms of Jim Crow discrimination was the fact that racial purity resulted in a permanent, blood-based hierarchy. According to Myrdal, the power 131 THE CONCORD REVIEW to control breeding among the races was the power to perpetually separate; by casting blacks as a group that would never mix with or in any way be part of white America, the boundary between whites and blacks became something more than “simply a class line which can be successfully crossed by education, integration into national culture, and individual economic advancement. The boundary is fixed.” 5 Whites and blacks were positioned as “nameless members of skin-color groups in which they are fixed for life.” 6 The Virginia Court of Appeals echoed the rhetoric of hundreds of courts across the country when it justified its misce- genation statutes in 1878, by stating that: “The purity of public morals, the moral and physical development of both races, the highest advancement of our cherished southern civilization…all require that they [the two races] be kept distinct and separate.” 7 Playing on the white public’s profound fear of race pollu- tion, white segregationists defended other forms of discrimination by invoking the prospect of interracial marriage. 8 Segregationists promoted the seemingly paradoxical theory that, while black politi- cal and economic advancement would theoretically not threaten the superiority or purity of the white race, granting blacks small concessions such as housing rights or job opportunities would promote societal acceptance of blacks and would gradually lead to a greater acceptance of intermingling. In short, they believed that equal political and economic rights for blacks would eventu- ally lead down a slippery slope to the caste-breaking debacle of intermarriage. 9 This sentiment was expressed again and again throughout the Jim Crow era, used by white segregationists as a sort of “political trump card.” 10 A member of the Ku Klux Klan, when asked to express the purpose of his mission, stated that he worked to “keep [blacks] from marrying and to keep them from voting,” as if “he found the connecting link self-evident.” 11 In an impassioned defense of Jim Crow, Senator Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi wrote in 1947: We are today standing at the crossroads, and there are but two roads ahead. Separation leads to the preservation of both the white and Negro races, to a future which belongs to God. Mongrelization leads to the destruction of both races, to the destruction of our Nation 132 Malini Gandhi itself. Take your choice—separation or mongrelization. The America of tomorrow—white or mongrel? 12 Thus, the Jim Crow South was built on maintaining an untouch- able, blood-based barrier between blacks and whites—and this separation required a ban on interracial marriage. In addition to the notion of racial purity, the second fac- tor sustaining the ban on interracial marriage was the fact that miscegenation became staunchly tied, both legally and culturally, to a stigma of illicit sex that contradicted the model of a respect- able, white middle-class Victorian family. The sexualization of miscegenation law was given legal weight in the infamous case Pace v. Alabama (1883), in which the Court jointly criminalized interracial sex and interracial marriage and justified these bans by enshrining the equal application rationale, which stated that miscegenation laws do not discriminate by race because both blacks and whites are punished equally. 13 In effect, the Pace v. Alabama decision’s most lasting impact was to “tightly wind” the stigma of illicit sex around interracial marriage. 14 Depriving interracial couples of the ability to claim marriage in their defense meant that all interracial relationships were automatically defined as illicit sex, because interracial couples were “denied access to the strategy that many same-race couples accused of fornication used to avoid conviction, which was to turn an illicit relationship into a legitimate one by marrying.” 15 Miscegenation laws “rendered ‘criminal’ and ‘lascivious’ behavior that, aside from the matter of racial identity, was entirely legal, normal, and respectable. For living together outside marriage, two people could be charged with fornication. For living together inside marriage, they could be charged with fornication. The fact of a marriage could be im- material.” 16 No matter what form they took, interracial relation- ships were deemed illegitimate. In an era when Progressive-era reformers, with their focus on the foundations of family, white womanhood, and the glory of marriage, reigned supreme, this stigma of illicit sex meant that interracial intimacy was deemed vile, wicked, and most of all, un- natural. The stamp of illicit sex “helped widen the gap between 133 THE CONCORD REVIEW interracial relationships, seen as illegitimate and immoral, and marriage and family life, seen as both legitimate and virtuous.” 17 Any interracial relations were assumed to be scandalous displays of sexual lust; women with black men were labeled prostitutes, while white men and black women were also “assumed to be engaged in casual or commercial sexual relationships rather than married.” 18 Meanwhile, many state courts confirmed these prejudices as they began to lump interracial marriages into the category of “improper marriages,” along with incest and polygamy. States argued that if they could not monitor interracial marriages, then “the nephew may marry his aunt, the niece her uncle, and the son his mother and grandmother,” according to an 1883 Missouri Supreme Court statement. 19 If interracial marriage, with its connotations of il- licit sex and immorality, could not be restricted, then the entire Progressive-era model of a respectable white middle-class family would be undermined. Thus, miscegenation laws could not end until the sex taboo did. The final factor in maintaining miscegenation statutes was the fact that much of the black public was unwilling to push for the right to interracial marriage. Many blacks were as hostile to the prospect of interracial intimacy as whites were, and “psy- chological studies confirm the findings of public opinion polls that there is a deep strain of opposition to miscegenation among Negroes.” 20 Omattée Carrasco, a child of an interracial marriage raised in Oakland, confirmed in 1949 that, “marrying a white per- son was not tolerated—not where I grew up, not by my experience of life, not from my family experiences, not from my community, school, nowhere. It was unacceptable.” 21 Drawing from a sense of burgeoning race pride, much of the black public made a point of condemning blacks who engaged in interracial intimacy as trai- tors. Black women viewed marriage between black men and white women as infuriating, claiming that these relationships left them husbandless and promoted an image of white women as being the ideal of beauty. 22 Meanwhile, black women dating white men were condemned for subjecting themselves to sexual and racial exploitation. 23 Interracial marriage was considered the ultimate disowning of one’s race and a despicable lack of race pride. Indeed, 134 Malini Gandhi Marcus Garvey, a man who championed early Black Nationalism and the Back-to-Africa movement in the 1920s, argued forcefully against amalgamation and rallied hundreds of thousands of blacks to his side. He declared: “Not all black men are willing to commit race suicide and to abhor their race for the companionship of another…The men of the highest morals, highest character and noblest pride are to be found among the masses of the Negro race who love their women with as much devotion as white men love theirs.” 24 Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), which was based on a platform of black nationalism and anti-amalgamation, “caught on like wildfire” among working-class blacks. 25 The black opposition towards interracial intimacy was so strong that even W.E.B. Du Bois admitted that, “So far as the present advisability of intermarrying between white and colored people in the United States is concerned, both races are practi- cally in complete agreement. Colored folk marry colored folk and white marry white, and the exceptions are very few.” 26 Not all blacks were hostile to interracial relations. Yet even those who accepted interracial intimacy did not see promoting it as a priority, at least not compared to basic reforms such as gaining equal access to jobs or housing. In their eyes, tampering with social, sexual, and personal relations was irrelevant to black advancement and would most likely cause backlash from the white population. Since Booker T. Washington’s famous “Atlanta Compromise” speech, many blacks agreed that promoting what Washington deemed “social equality” was counterproductive; according to Washington, the social system should not be challenged. 27 Gunnar Myrdal noted the powerful influence of Washington’s rhetoric by commenting on the black man’s “list of concerns”: while the white man’s list began with intermarriage then progressed downwards, through segregation of public facilities, discrimination in law courts, and finally discrimination in securing land and jobs, the black man’s list was, strikingly, exactly the inverse. 28 Blacks were most concerned with getting jobs, food, and money, and least concerned with the “distant and doubtful” matter of interracial marriage. 29 In fact, many blacks spent a significant amount of time trying to disabuse Southern whites of their conviction that 135 THE CONCORD REVIEW all blacks wanted was to become intimate with whites. 30 Charles H. King wrote an article in The Negro Digest in 1964 that fiercely denied that the black man had any interest in the white woman, declaring that, “Miss Anne [a generic white woman] does not fall into the category of our present needs”; his essay was entitled “I Don’t Want to Marry Your Daughter.” 31 Similarly, Langston Hughes scoffed at the white Southerner’s belief that all black people wanted to do was work their way into whites’ beds: Millions of people in New York, Chicago, and Seattle go to the same polls and vote without ever cohabitating together. Why does the South think it would be otherwise with Negroes were they permitted to vote there? Or have a decent education? Or sit at a stool in a public place and enjoy a hamburger? Why they think simple civil rights would force a Southerner’s daughter to marry a Negro in spite of herself, I have never been able to understand… 32 Ottley summed up this sentiment perfectly: “Negroes do not struggle for equal rights to marry white women…Essentially, the masses of Negroes are concerned only with jobs—for they believe that fundamentally their problem is an economic one.” 33 When this sentiment was combined with the growing sense of black nation- alism, the black population as a whole ironically lent a powerful hand to the persistence of miscegenation laws. By the early 1900s, these three essential forces bolstering laws against interracial marriage—white Southerners’ obsession with racial purity, the equating of interracial marriage with inter- racial sex, and blacks’ unwillingness to counter the statutes—were firmly in place. Into this legal and emotional quagmire came a fledgling civil rights group called the NAACP, which displayed a striking awareness of these three factors and whose response to the issue of intermarriage over time would reflect the power of these forces in keeping miscegenation law alive. The NAACP’s first foray in their shifting approach to intermarriage came in the early 20th century, when the young group challenged miscegenation laws proposed in the North in response to a nationwide scandal involving a black boxer and his white wife. 34 The enactment of miscegenation statutes in the North would have been a setback for the NAACP, which hoped to build its organization upon the 136 Malini Gandhi extension of the legal rights black voters had already won in the North. 35 Yet the group was young, vulnerable, and wary of the ex- plosive nature of the issue they were tackling. Thus, the NAACP crafted a careful, clever argument based on the point that, in the Northern states where it was permitted, the frequency of interracial marriage was negligible. By contrast, the South, where miscegena- tion law prevailed, was a “cesspool of illicit sex.” 36 According to the NAACP, anti-marriage laws actually encouraged illicit sex between Southern white men and their black concubines by “protecting white men from having to take social and economic responsibility for their sexual activity.” 37 Displaying the young organization’s striking awareness of the fears, concerns, and desires of both whites and blacks regard- ing intermarriage, this complex argument paradoxically played into the very forces underlying miscegenation laws in order to tear these laws down. First, the group eagerly drew on society’s model of a respectable family, which had previously been used to bolster miscegenation law, in order to strengthen their case. By arguing that Southern white men took advantage of miscegena- tion laws to sexually exploit their black concubines, the NAACP was essentially trumpeting their position as a protection of two of the central tenets of Progressive America: marriage and woman- hood. 38 They argued that the real destruction of the respectable family model came not from intermarriage, but from laws that prohibited intermarriage and, thus, promoted illicit sex. As Du Bois wrote: If two…human beings of any race or color propose to live together as man and wife, it is only social decency not simply to allow, but to compel them to marry…[The Bourbon South] would rather uproot the foundations of decent society than to call the consorts of their brothers, sons, and fathers their legal wives. 39 In addition to drawing on the stigma of disrespectable illicit sex, the NAACP also assuaged the white man’s concern for racial purity. In fact, the group actually portrayed itself as opposing the mixture of the races, claiming that miscegenation laws promoted racial degradation when Southern white men had sex with their 137 THE CONCORD REVIEW black concubines. Archibald Grimke, co-founder of the NAACP, expressed this idea in his essay, “The Heart of the Race Problem”: The real peril of an admixture of the races in the South lies not in intermarriage but in concubinage, the key to which is in the hands of the white men of the South…For through such segregation [of the black woman] runs the white man’s secret way to the black woman’s world, and therefore to miscegenation of the races, to their widespread moral degradation and corruption. Amalgamation is not thereby made hard, but appallingly easy. 40 And finally, the carefully crafted argument the NAACP put forth satisfied black public opinion: according to the NAACP, allowing interracial marriages would actually preserve black women’s in- tegrity by protecting them from being targeted by white male ag- gressors. 41 Du Bois summed up this sentiment perfectly by writing, “We must kill [miscegenation laws], not because we are anxious to marry white men’s sisters, but because we are determined that white men shall let our sisters alone.” 42 Thus, the NAACP’s clever approach to the issue revealed the power of the major fears and desires driving laws banning in- terracial marriage. And the group was successful in their efforts, at least in the North. At the end of 1913, after a year of intense lobbying, the campaign was declared successful; none of the newly introduced miscegenation bills the group lobbied against were enacted. And for the next decade, the NAACP continued to fight incoming proposals until finally the flood of proposed new laws in the North had stopped. 43 In the South, however, the NAACP’s tactic of simply playing with and twisting the firmly engrained notions of race and sex did not gain much ground; the three factors remained solidly in place, and miscegenation laws persisted. 44 As the Civil Rights movement gained momentum and the NAACP grew into a mass organization, the group proceeded to turn their back on the issue of interracial marriage completely, an approach that was maintained for more than 20 years. This course of action was well reasoned: to shift their focus to the private sphere of sexual and social matters would incite uproar from even liberal-minded whites, while simultaneously jeopardizing the NAACP’s fight for 138 Malini Gandhi equality in the public sphere that blacks profoundly desired. 45 Already, white segregationists were trying to exploit the fears of the American public by arguing that the NAACP’s push for desegregation in public institutions was just a precursor to their ultimate desire for amalgamation. 46 The 1955 book Black Monday, for example, harnessed this point to criticize the school segregation movement: “[Little white and negro children] will sing together, dance together, eat together, and play together. Constantly the negro will be endeavoring to usurp every right and privilege, which will lead to intermarriage.” 47 Among NAACP leaders, paranoia at being labeled as an amalgamation organization grew. Cloyte M. Larsson, editor of the 1965 book Marriage Across the Color Line, summed up this sentiment perfectly: “Defend interracial marriage on principle! Principle costs too much…First things do come first. Survival comes first. Food. Clothing. Jobs. Shelter. Recreation. Creature Comforts. But interracial marriage? That is for the few. The very few.” 48 And the few that did pursue interracial marriage were met by a cold response from the NAACP. With every success of the NAACP’s Legal Defense Fund (LDF), the more careful it became when choosing cases, and it soon became clear that cases addressing miscegenation law were pointedly avoided. 49 This tactic of “ducking” was evident in the case Stevens v. U.S. (1944): the NAACP initially expressed interest in assisting the interracial couple, but they soon severed their ties to the case, stating that “we feel as you do, yet it would be extremely hazardous at this time” to press the issue. 50 The three forces bolstering the laws were as strong as ever in the South, and as long as they persisted miscegenation law could not fall; the NAACP realized this. Thus, it was not until the 1960s, a time of dramatic political and social changes in the South and the rest of the country, that the three foundations of miscegenation law finally began to crack and the NAACP threw off its mid-century hesitation and attacked. While the first force grounding miscegenation statutes, the notion of maintaining racial purity, was still strong in the South, what was gone was the legal structure that had sustained this belief. The NAACP’s underlying goal throughout the civil rights movement was to persuade the Court to take on a radically different inter- 139 THE CONCORD REVIEW pretation of equal protection, one where “separate but equal” was not viable and the persistence of a distinct black caste was against the law. 51 The organization began this struggle by focus- ing its attention on the school segregation issue, and once it had succeeded, it proceeded to expand the range of its demands and slowly amass a long list of precedents that supported their broad definition of equal protection. It was only when this “separate but equal” principle was thoroughly debunked and the first factor sustaining miscegenation law no longer held legal weight that the NAACP was ready to confront the long-avoided Pace decision. 52 But perhaps the most important change during the 1960s was the demise of Progressive-era morals governing marriage and sex. Sickels, in response to the profound stigma of illicit sex tied to interracial intimacy, predicted that, “The miscegenation taboo is destined to lose some of its power if sex taboos in general lose theirs…If sexuality is more easily accepted, intermarriage will increase.” 53 And indeed, this is exactly what happened. During the 1960s, a “sexual revolution” was creating new ideas about sex outside of marriage, and there was a decline in the enforcement of adultery and fornication laws. 54 The baby-boomer generation was one of the primary forces behind this change in social cur- rents that toppled the old family image; young people, in the midst of challenging accepted social values and rejecting the conformist morality of the 1950s, scoffed at their parents’ wari- ness of interracial intimacy. 55 A 1968 Gallup poll found that 34 percent of whites in their 20s approved of interracial marriage as compared to only 13 percent of those over age 50. 56 With the sexual revolution having released interracial intimacy from the stigma of illicit sex, “dating interracially became a ‘hip’ way to challenge authority and to strike a blow for sexual freedom.” 57 The model of a respectable family and the necessity of deferring to familial authority had all but disappeared: the “children of the 1960s” seemingly did not care what their family thought of their marital partners, claiming the right to “act as individuals, free of familial and societal restraints.” 58 In general, the 1960s provided an open atmosphere and a new beginning; though the total number of interracial unions remained small, the civil rights movement 140 Malini Gandhi brought an increase in interracial dating and marriage, with the rate of new interracial marriages during the decade rising by 63 percent. 59 As for the unwillingness of the black population to chal- lenge miscegenation statutes, with successes in other civil rights areas firmly consolidated, the act of finally delving into the intimate and the sexual was not as threatening. There was no longer a fear of provoking white backlash and undermining higher priorities. The black public was making a final push to “get into” the white world, undergoing a “vast effort at integration.” 60 And by the 1960s, nothing, not school integration, not the vote, and not even intimate matters of marriage, would be spared. As for the spirit of black nationalism, while black racial pride was still very much present, it was largely suppressed during the 1960s to heighten this final, unconditional drive and “accentuate protest against miscegenation laws, which most black enemies of mixed marriage also opposed.” 61 Interestingly enough, once miscegenation laws fell, black nationalism emerged once again as powerful as ever: “By the late 1960s, with the burden of de jure racial stigmatization having been considerably lightened, increasing numbers of blacks felt emboldened to air their disapproval of mixed marriages. As ‘We Shall Overcome’ gave way to ‘Black Power,’ the rejection of interracial intimacy gained in prestige and prominence.” 62 But until then, the desire to enter the white world and topple all existing forms of segregation was so strong that black nationalist opposition to fighting miscegenation statutes declined. And so the NAACP, recognizing that the major forces supporting miscegenation laws had been substantially weakened, turned its eyes to an issue they had ignored for decades. After tackling the link between interracial sex and marriage head on in the case McLaughlin v. Florida (1964), the NAACP threw its full support behind the Virginian interracial couple Richard Loving and Mildred Jeter in the legendary 1969 case Loving v. Virginia. 63 On June 12, 1967, the Supreme Court, citing the violation of the guarantee of equal protection of the laws and the denial of the fundamental freedom of marriage, voted unanimously to strike down miscegenation statutes once and for all. 64 141 THE CONCORD REVIEW Three hundred years after they had first been enacted and almost a full decade after the majority of the civil rights legisla- tion blazed into the books, the laws banning interracial marriage were finally removed. Unlike other, more prominent civil rights campaigns such as the fight against school segregation or the struggle for voting rights, the fundamental right to marry a per- son of one’s choice could not be achieved until whites’ obsession with racial purity, the sexual taboo, and black unease had been undermined by the changing times. Thus, the heart of the Jim Crow system was, ironically, the last issue to be tackled and, with little of the drama of previous civil rights breakthroughs, the last barrier to fall. 142 Malini Gandhi 1 Peter Wallenstein, Tell the Court I Love my Wife: Race, Marriage, and Law: An American History (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2002) p. 223 2 Peggy Pascoe, What Comes Naturally: Miscegenation Law and the Making of Race in America (Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2009) p. 41 3 Ibid., p. 50 4 Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (20th Anniversary Edition) (New York: Harper & Row, 1962) p. 60 5 Ibid., p. 58 6 Robert Sickels, Race, Marriage, and the Law (Albuquerque: University of Mexico Press, 1972) p. 10 7 Randall Kennedy, Interracial Intimacies: Sex, Marriage, Identity, and Adoption (New York: Pantheon, 2003) p. 19 8 Ibid., p. 22 9 William Zabel, “Interracial Marriage and the Law,” Interracialism: Black-White Intermarriage in American History, Literature, and Law ed. Werner Sollors (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) p. 55 10 Kennedy, p. 24 11 Nancy Cott, Public Vows: A History of Marriage and the Nation (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2000) p. 98 12 Theodore Bilbo, “Take Your Choice: Separation or Mongrelization,” (Internet Archive) p. 227, (accessed January 24, 2012), http://archive.Org/stream/TakeYourChoice#page/ nl3/mode/2up 13 Pascoe, p. 69 14 Ibid., p. 62 15 Ibid., p. 59 16 Wallenstein, p. 129 17 Pascoe, p. 72 18 Renee Romano, Race Mixing: Black-White Marriage in Postwar America (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2003) p. 128 19 Wallenstein, p. 128 20 Sickels, p. 25 21 Romano, p. 86 22 Ibid., p. 87 23 Ibid., p. 85 24 Marcus Garvey, ed. Amy Jacques-Garvey, Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey (New York: Atheneum, 1973) p. 17 143 THE CONCORD REVIEW 25 Pascoe, p. 183 26 W.E.B. Du Bois, “Intermarriage,” (“The Modernist Journals Project: The Crisis,” Brown University and University of Tulsa), (accessed January 24, 2012) http://dl.lib.brown.edu/ pdfs/1305048415734379.pdf 27 Romano, p. 100 28 Myrdal, p. 61 29 Ibid., p. 61 30 Kennedy, p. 109 31 Ibid., p. 110 32 Langston Hughes, “What Shall We Do About the South?” The Collected Works of Langston Hughes: Essays on Art, Race, Politics, and World Affairs ed. Christopher De Santi (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2001) p. 223, (accessed January 24, 2012) http://books.google.com/books?id=9JPL7qNp20wC&pr intsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepa ge&q&f=false 33 Roi Ottley, New World A-Coming (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1943) p. 346 34 Kennedy, p. 257 35 Pascoe, p. 169 36 Ibid., p. 177 37 Ibid., p. 177 38 Ibid., p. 178 39 Du Bois, “Intermarriage” 40 Archibald Grimke, “The Heart of the Race Problem,” The Arena ed. B.O. Flower (Trenton, New Jersey: Albert Brandt Publisher, 1906) Google Books, p. 608, (accessed January 24, 2012) http://books.google.com/books?id=3AnZAAAAMAAJ &pg=PA684&lpg=PA684&dg=The+Heart+of+the+Race+Probl em+by+Archibald+Grimke&source=bl&ots=BaYCTXu5hr&sig =Bi_eT0Wm-cnzzyn4haxcKwl8CRU&hl=en&sa=X&ei=vGHwT 6HyNqLp6gGCqI2JBg&ved=0CDoQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&qT he%20Heart%20of%20the%20Race%20Problem%20by%20 Archibald%20Grimke&f=false 41 Alex Lubin, Romance and Rights: The Politics of Interracial Intimacy, 1945–1954 (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2005) p. 75 42 Du Bois, “Intermarriage” 43 Pascoe, p. 173 44 Kennedy, p. 259 45 Lubin, p. 76 46 Ibid., p. 76 144 Malini Gandhi 47 Kennedy, p. 24 48 Ibid., p. 25 49 Pascoe, p. 202 50 Wallenstein, p. 177 51 Pascoe, p. 251 52 Ibid., p. 251 53 Sickels, p. 16 54 Pascoe, p. 253 55 Romano, p. 208 56 Ibid., p. 207 57 Ibid., p. 209 58 Ibid., p. 211 59 Joel Williamson, New People: Miscegenation and Mulattoes in the United States (New York: Free Press, 1980) p. 189 60 Ibid., p. 184 61 Kennedy, p. 110 62 Ibid., p. 111 63 Pascoe, p. 248 64 “Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. (1967)” (U.S. Supreme Court Cases from Justia & Oyez) (accessed January 3, 2012) http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase. pl?court=us&vol=388&invol=l Bibliography Primary Sources: Arendt, Hannah, “Reflections on Little Rock,” Responsibility and Judgment edited by Jerome Kohn, New York: Schocken Books, 2003, pp.193–213 Bilbo, Theodore, “Take Your Choice: Separation or Mongrelization,” Poplarville, Mississippi: Dream House Publishing Co., 1946, “Internet Archive,” (accessed January 24, 2012) http://archive.org/stream/TakeYourChoice#page/n13/ mode/2up Du Bois, W.E.B., “Intermarriage,” The Crisis 5,4, February 1913: 180–181, “The Modernists Journal Project,” (accessed January 24, 2012) http://dl.lib.brown.edu/ pdfs/1305048415734379.pdf 145 THE CONCORD REVIEW Garvey, Marcus, and Amy Garvey, Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey New York: Atheneum, 1969 Grimke, Archibald, “The Heart of the Race Problem,” The Arena edited by B.O. Flowers, Trenton, New Jersey: Albert Brandt Publisher, 1906, pp. 606–610, Google Books, (accessed January 24, 2012) http://books.google.com.books?id=3AnZAA AAMAAJ&pg=PA684&lpg=PA684&dq=The+Heart+of+the+Race +Problem+by+Archibald+Grimke&source=bl&ots=BaYCTXu5hr &sig=Bi_eT0Wm-cnzzyn4haxcKwl8CRU&hl=en&sa=X&ei=vGH wT6HyNqLp6gGCqI2JBg&ved=0CDoQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q =The%20Heart%20of%20the%20Race%20Problem%20by%20 Archibald%20Grimke&f=false Hughes, Langston, “What Shall We Do About the South?” The Collected Works of Langston Hughes: Essays on Art Race, Politics, and World Affairs edited by Christopher De Santi, Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2001, pp. 219–224, Google Books (accessed January 24, 2012) http://books. google.com/books?id=9JPL7qNp20wC&printsec=frontcover&s ource=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false “LOVING V. VIRGINIA, 388 U. S. 1 :: Volume 388 :: 1967 :: Full Text:: U.S. Supreme Court Cases from Justia & Oyez,” U.S. Supreme Court Cases from Justia & Oyez (accessed January 3, 2012) http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase. pl?court=us&vol=388&invol=1 “PACE V. ALABAMA, 106 U. S. 583 :: Volume 106 :: 1883 :: Full Text:: U.S. Supreme Court Cases from Justia & Oyez,” U.S. Supreme Court Cases from Justia & Oyez (accessed January 3, 2012) http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/cgi-bin/getcase. pl?court=us&vol=106&invol=583 Zabel, William, “Interracial Marriage and the Law,” Interracialism: Black-White Intermarriage in American History, Literature, and Law edited by Werner Sollors, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000, pp. 54–61 146 Malini Gandhi Secondary Sources: Cott, Nancy, Public Vows: A History of Marriage and the Nation Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2000 Kennedy, Randall, Interracial Intimacies: Sex, Marriage, Identity, and Adoption New York: Pantheon, 2003 Lubin, Alex, Romance and Rights: The Politics of Interracial Intimacy, 1945–1954 Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2005 Moran, Rachel F., Interracial Intimacy: The Regulation of Race & Romance Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001 Myrdal, Gunnar, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy 20th anniversary edition, New York: Harper & Row, 1962 Novkov, Julie, Racial Union: Law, Intimacy, and the White State in Alabama, 1865–1954 Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2008 Ottley, Roi, New World A-Coming: Inside Black America Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1943 Pascoe, Peggy, What Comes Naturally: Miscegenation Law and the Making of Race in America Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2009 Romano, Renee, Race Mixing: Black-White Marriage in Postwar America Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2003 Sickels, Robert, Race, Marriage, and the Law Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1972 Wallenstein, Peter, Tell the Court I Love my Wife: Race, Marriage, and Law New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002 Williamson, Joel, New People: Miscegenation and Mulattoes in the United States New York: Free Press, 1980 147 THE CONCORD REVIEW Copyright 2012, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved Reid Grinspoon will start at Harvard in the Fall of 2013. At Gann Academy in Waltham, Masschusetts, he wrote this paper as an independent study in the 2011/2012 academic year. “THE BURDEN OF FEEBLE-MINDEDNESS:” THE HISTORY OF EUGENICS AND STERILIZATION IN MASSACHUSETTS Reid Grinspoon In the first 30 years of the 20th century, the United States underwent significant economic and social change. Industrializa- tion altered how people worked and lived. Large numbers of rural people moved to the cities, and immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe flooded into the country. With these changes, many states saw rises in urban squalor, crime and poverty. Reports of increasing criminality, immorality, alcoholism and “feeble- mindedness”—a loosely defined term describing various degrees of mental retardation—caused concerned citizens to turn to a new field of “science” that promised a remedy to social ills: eugenics. The term “eugenics” (which literally means “good birth” 1 ) was coined in 1883 by English scientist Sir Francis Galton, and referred to the science of genetics and heredity with the aim of creating a superior human race, one without the problems caused by “inferior” people. Eugenicists worked to encourage healthy and fit people to procreate (positive eugenics) and to prevent the birth of the unfit in society (negative eugenics). Eugenics was adopted 148 Reid Grinspoon by many American doctors, biologists, and Progressives around the turn of the 20th century as a method by which to improve so- ciety and prevent the degeneration of the American “stock.” The center of eugenic activity in the United States was the Eugenics Record Office (ERO), located in Cold Spring Harbor, New York. This office compiled family genealogies and conducted eugenical studies, publishing eugenics pieces such as “The Trait Book,” 2 a manual that listed undesirable traits and assisted field workers in identifying those who were eugenically unfit. Other groups, such as the American Eugenics Society 3 and The American Breeders Association, 4 were dedicated to the study and propagation of eu- genics. At this time, states began passing marriage laws preventing idiots, imbeciles, and others deemed unfit from legally marrying, 5 increased the sizes of mental institutions, and implemented a still more extreme eugenic measure: surgical sterilization. As eugenic beliefs gained a foothold, many states began al- lowing “asexualization” surgeries to be performed on the mentally retarded, the insane, and criminals. In 1907, Indiana became the first state to allow the compulsory sterilization of institutionalized patients in the name of eugenics. 6 In 1927, the legality of eugenic sterilizations was upheld by the United States Supreme Court in the landmark case of Buck v. Bell. 7 Eventually, 31 other states fol- lowed Indiana’s lead and implemented sterilization laws of their own. 8 California led the nation in sterilizations, performing more than 20,000 surgeries during the period in which sterilization was legal. 9 Ultimately, more than 60,000 people were sterilized in the name of eugenics in the United States. 10 In Massachusetts, eugenic thought was embraced and accepted. In fact, the state was home to eugenic family competi- tions, 11 marriage laws preventing the partnerships of the “unfit,” 12 and a system of institutions used to house “defectives” to prevent them from procreating. 13 However, despite the presence of pro- eugenic and pro-sterilization attitudes, Massachusetts, unlike the majority of states, did not pass eugenic sterilization legislation. In 1934, a bill legalizing compulsory eugenic sterilization was brought before the state legislature, but it failed in both the House and 149 THE CONCORD REVIEW Senate. Legalization of compulsory sterilization never gained the popularity in Massachusetts that it did in other states for several reasons, including disagreement within the scientific community as to the merit of the claims made by eugenicists, the social objec- tion to mandated sterilization and its societal ramifications, and Catholic opposition to sterilization and other essential elements of eugenics. These factors helped to ensure that coercive eugenic sterilization never became legal in the Commonwealth. Eugenics in Massachusetts Many in Massachusetts shared the belief that society’s problems could be alleviated through the application of eugenic principles to the population. Because eugenics promised to improve society during a time of great change, the movement became quite popular. Adherents were not limited to certain areas of the state or certain groups of people. Eugenics was discussed, popularized and celebrated in a range of places, from fairgrounds to state-run schools for the retarded, and its supporters included a diverse group of people, from Harvard biology professors to pastors. Harvard University, an academic center and a top scientific institution in Massachusetts and the United States, counted among its faculty many eugenicists and believers in hereditarianism (that a person’s heredity determined his life and human potential). Many of the most influential eugenics advocates in Massachusetts and throughout the country had roots in and connections to Harvard University. Included among the ranks of Harvard eugenicists were former university president Charles Eliot, who helped to sponsor the First International Eugenics Congress, 14 and William E. Castle, who taught a course at Harvard entitled “Genetics and Eugenics” 15 and wrote: “Feeble-mindedness is inherited as a simple recessive Mendelian unit-character….The evidence presented…renders it, I think, beyond question.” 16 Edward M. East, another eugenicist affiliated with the university, displayed his belief in eugenics in an article from The Journal of Heredity: 150 Reid Grinspoon [I]t is probable that 1 person in 14 carries the basis of serious mental defectiveness in one-half of his or her reproductive cells [which] un- derstates rather than overstates the facts…It will be a different future if a stupid government persists in refusing to countenance rational parenthood among those least fitted to reproduce the race, the while shutting one eye and winking the other at what has become a national practice among those best fitted to build a greater America. 17 Even Charles B. Davenport, arguably the most important man in the development of eugenics in America, had a strong connec- tion with the university. Davenport, the founder and head of the Eugenics Record Office, 18 earned his A.B., A.M., and Ph.D. from Harvard, 19 and taught zoology at the university from 1891 to 1899. 20 Harvard graduates also founded the Immigration Restriction League, an organization that aimed to limit the immigration of the eugenically less fit to the United States. 21 Harvard was a hub of eugenics, a home for foreign eugenicists (one foreign eugeni- cist who worked at Harvard, William McDougall, attributed his “failures” to the fact that he was an “F1 hybrid” between a Saxon and a Mediterranean ) and a haven for academics to develop their own eugenic beliefs. 22 Its presence and prestige in Massachusetts certainly increased the popularity and prominence of eugenic thought in the Commonwealth. Harvard, however, was not the only place in Massachusetts where eugenics was popular. Eugenics was adopted, preached, and in some cases, implemented, by many citizens of the Bay State who had no connections to Harvard. One of the most important eugen- ics advocates in Massachusetts was Dr. Walter Fernald. Fernald was an expert on mental retardation and served as the superintendent of the Massachusetts State School for the Feeble-Minded, an im- portant mental institution in Eastern Massachusetts. 23 Fernald was also the Massachusetts Medical Society’s delegate at the Second International Eugenics Congress 24 and headed the Commission to Investigate the Question of the Increase of Criminals, Mental Defectives, Epileptics, and Degenerates. 25 He publicized his belief in eugenics in works such as “The Burden of Feeble-Mindedness,” writing that the feeble-minded are a “parasitic, predatory class” who produce defective children and thus should not be allowed to procreate. 26 151 THE CONCORD REVIEW Eugenics also had some grass-roots popularity among the people of Massachusetts who were unaffiliated with academia or state institutions. A number of Bay-Staters participated in the “Fitter Family Competitions” that were held at the popular Eastern States Exposition in West Springfield. 27 These competitions, sponsored by the American Eugenics Society, 28 aimed at finding eugenically ideal families. Family genealogies were studied, participants were physically examined, and eventually the “most fit” families were declared winners. Through these competitions, the American Eugenics Society was able to spread to the public information and propaganda about the “menace” of feeble-mindedness, social problems and the supposed hereditary bases of these issues. Eugenics also counted supporters among the religious clergy in Massachusetts. Reverend C. Thurston Chase, a pastor at the Central Congregational Church in Lynn, managed to con- vince Lynn’s Methodist, Episcopal, Congregationalist and Baptist clergy not to marry a couple if they could not produce evidence of eugenic fitness. 29 Reverend Kenneth C. MacArthur (a Harvard graduate 30 ) of the protestant Federated Church in Sterling was another clergyman in support of eugenics. His family won the “average family” category in a eugenical Fitter Family contest at the Eastern States Exposition in 1925, 31 and his sermon on eugen- ics won second place in the 1926 American Eugenics Society’s eugenic sermon contest. 32 MacArthur also served as the secretary of the Massachusetts State Eugenics Committee and secretary of the American Eugenics Society’s Committee on Cooperation with Clergymen. 33 Out-of-State Support for Sterilization Many proponents of Massachusetts eugenic sterilization legislation did not live in Massachusetts. Some, such as Harry Laughlin of the Eugenics Record Office, believed there should be a universal law that all states could implement to allow eugenic sterilization. Laughlin thus wrote a model eugenic sterilization 152 Reid Grinspoon law that was aimed to stand up to opposition in court and be ap- plied around the country. 34 Other out-of-state supporters were well known eugenicists such as H. H. Goddard, Director of Re- search at the Training School for Feeble-Minded Girls and Boys in New Jersey. 35 Goddard feared for the well-being of the people of Massachusetts, threatened as they were by the feeble-minded, claiming: “In the state of Massachusetts there are at least 14,000 feeble-minded people. It would require 10 institutions the size of Waverly [the Massachusetts State School for the Feeble-Minded]” 36 to keep the sexes effectively segregated. Later in the same article, Goddard advocated for the sterilization of those deemed unfit, asking “Is it not best to begin hunting these defective children wherever they may be found?” 37 Many prominent out-of-state sterilization enthusiasts were from California, the state in which sterilization was most popular. 38 Dr. Elmer E. Stone, the medical superintendent of the Napa State Hospital, showed his support for sterilization legislation in a letter to Harvard professor and eugenics supporter Dr. George Washington Gay: “I have not yet collected statistics sufficient to give you a detailed account [of the effectiveness of sterilizations] but can assure you that I am heartily in favor of the plan, and it is my opinion that this is one of the means which will lessen the number of commitments to our Institutions.” 39 Dr. E. Scott Blair, medical superintendent at the Southern California State Hospital, had a similar message for Dr. Gay: “I thoroughly believe in the operation both in the male and female cases and believe it to be one of the best methods of handling the ever increasing number of mental defectives.” 40 Finally, Dr. James Ewing Mears, a Philadelphia physician who had visited Harvard one summer and eventually attempted to endow the school with a fund to teach eugenics, was outspoken in his desire for sterilization legislation: 41 Is it asking too much, is it requiring more than is due, when the State, through carefully considered legislation, which in every detail shall safeguard the inalienable rights of the individual, seeks to protect itself against the degrading influences of the continually growing stream of transmitted pollution, which saps the mental, moral, and physical vitality of its citizens, by asking the parents and guardians of 153 THE CONCORD REVIEW the irresponsible defectives to yield their consent to the performance of an operation which in some instances may prove to be curative and in many be palliative, by abrogating the sexual perversions and thus establishing conditions favorable to mental and moral cultiva- tion, and in all, through its far-reaching results, is able to render them impotent to do harm? Failing to obtain this consent, has not the State the right to adopt such measures in the interest and in the protection of its citizens? Nay, further, is it not compelled to so act in the performance of its full duty to its citizens? 42 Dr. Mears was unlike many of his fellow asexualization enthusiasts, however, because of the method for sterilization he desired. While most of these doctors advocated for vasectomy as a means to pre- vent procreation, Dr. Mears was a supporter of what he claimed to be a more extreme procedure, called “ligature of the spermatic cord.” 43 While vasectomy renders the patient infertile, it does not destroy his sexual abilities. According to Dr. Mears, ligation of the spermatic cord destroys all sexual abilities, similar to castration. Dr. Mears’s reason for supporting such a procedure was his belief that if the feeble-minded were allowed to have sex without the fear of pregnancy (as would be the case if they received vasecto- mies), they would spread immorality. 44 These non-Massachusetts doctors were prominent in medical and institutional circles and their backing of sterilization created an atmosphere of support for sterilization supporters within the state. Massachusetts Support for Sterilization There also existed a group of “homegrown” Massachusetts sterilization enthusiasts who supported such legislation. Among these supporters was Dr. Everett Flood, the superintendent of the Massachusetts School for Epileptics in Palmer. Flood was alleged to have castrated 26 patients at his institution during the early 20th century and reported good results. 45 Although the operation was not legal, it gained approval from the Board of Control of Institutions. 46 Flood also served on the Massachusetts Commission to Investigate the Question of the Increase of Criminals, Mental 154 Reid Grinspoon Defectives, Epileptics, and Degenerates. 47 Another Massachusetts eugenicist, William E. Castle, believed that the feeble-minded should be sterilized if institutional segregation was not possible. 48 As eugenic ideas became more prominent, support for eugenic legislation was also present in The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, which became the official publication of the Massachusetts Medi- cal Society after 1921, and in 1928 was renamed The New England Journal of Medicine. 49 The journal was often home to articles and editorials advocating for sterilization and sterilization legislation. In one such article, Dr. Samuel Woodward spoke of his belief in the necessity of sterilization: I picture a gloomy future for our distant successors unless suitable provisions were made by the State for more extensive segregation or the passage of laws which would permit of the sterilization of the majority of these unfortunates. 50 Dr. Woodward went on to discuss the strain on institutions and how the state facilities were massively underprepared to handle the number of feeble-minded in the community. 51 Another piece published in the journal, an editorial, spoke of how scientists needed to seriously consider the practicality and necessity of sterilization: One far reaching scheme, which if feasible would probably carry with it the most satisfactory results of all, we have heretofore left almost unmentioned in our columns. We refer to sterilization. There are so many reasons, sentimental and moral, which might possibly be advanced as valid objections to such a plan that we have been slow to espouse the cause of those ultra-eugenicists who would treat the human race exactly as the animal breeder does the stock which he wishes to make physically perfect. However, it would seem that public opinion is rapidly approaching the view point of the animal breeder, and if the lay mind is ripe for such drastic measures we see no reason for the scientists to object. 52 The editorial, while wary of possible objections to sterilization, ultimately claimed sterilization to be acceptable, concluding that: [The feeble-minded] cannot be reformed of their bad habits because they are incapable of reform. It seems almost self-evident that any plan which does not make the individual feeble-minded person seri- ously ill or unhappy would be justifiable in ridding the race of his defective blood. 53 155 THE CONCORD REVIEW Another Massachusetts sterilization supporter was Samuel R. Meaker, a professor of gynecology at Boston University. Meaker, in an address to the Harvey Society, spoke about sterilization and eugenics, stating that the reason for sterilization is “self-evident” and that it is more effective when performed in males. 54 Perhaps the most visible Massachusetts native in support of eugenic steril- ization was Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., the Supreme Court Justice who voted for the compulsory sterilization of Carrie Buck in the 1927 case of Buck v. Bell. In his ruling, he made very clear his belief in the necessity of eugenic sterilization: We have seen more than once that the public welfare may call upon the best citizens for their lives. It would be strange if it could not call upon those who already sap the strength of the State for these lesser sacrifices, often not felt to be such by those concerned, in order to prevent our being swamped with incompetence. It is better for all the world, if instead of waiting to execute degenerate offspring for crime, or to let them starve for their imbecility, society can prevent those who are manifestly unfit from continuing their kind. The principle that sustains compulsory vaccination is broad enough to cover cutting the Fallopian tubes. Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U.S. 11, 25 S. Ct. 358, 3 Ann. Cas. 765. Three generations of imbeciles are enough. 55 Although Holmes’s opinion was for sterilization to be legal in Virginia, it is still significant that such a prominent Massachusetts resident felt so strongly about the sterilization movement. These Massachusetts residents were among a larger group who believed in the necessity of legalized eugenic sterilization. Opposition to Forced Sterilization While eugenic sterilization had advocates in Massachusetts and was popular around the country, there still existed a strong anti-asexualization movement in Massachusetts. The opposition to sterilization primarily came from three avenues: scientific objection to the tenets of eugenics, social opposition to both cas- tration and vasectomy (the means of sterilization), and religious opposition to eugenics and birth control methods. These three 156 Reid Grinspoon anti-sterilization fronts helped to ensure that Massachusetts did not enact compulsory sterilizations. Despite its championing by some top academics and physi- cians, eugenics was certainly not accepted by all in academia or medicine. In fact, many biologists and other scientists refuted the claims of eugenicists. Such anti-eugenical beliefs were often as visible as their pro-eugenic counterparts, and were showcased in the same scientific publications. The scientific objections to eugen- ics can be divided into two categories: the belief that the human knowledge of heredity is too limited to attempt to improve the gene pool through drastic measures, and the belief that natural selection must be completely natural and not engineered. One line of scientific objection to eugenics rested on the fact that scientists did not know for certain the role that heredity played in the transmission of feeble-mindedness, pauperism, drug addiction, and other supposedly genetic traits. A Boston Medical and Surgical Journal editorial from 1915 pointed out the limits of knowledge concerning genetics and heredity: In spite of the universally accepted hereditary nature of most defective conditions, little is known of the method or scheme of transmission. It is for this reason that this form of euthanasia by sterilization of defectives is opposed by many scientific and race-proud people. It must be remembered that not all the offspring of known defectives are necessarily defective…. 56 The editorialist noted also that sterilization laws only applied to those within institutions, neglecting to prevent the procreation of the majority of the unfit who were not in state institutions. He concluded: To sanction this procedure in known defectives would consistently be to sanction it in individuals who, while themselves not defective, come from defective stock, or in individuals of grossly bad environ- ment and great fecundity. The question is a new one, with scientific knowledge still meager, and it will, therefore, perhaps be better until more is known about the ethnic tendencies of the human race, to go slowly with radical innovations. Euthanasia and eugenics, in whatever forms, are yet but ideals—perhaps only feti[s]hes. 57 157 THE CONCORD REVIEW Like this editorialist, some Massachusetts scientists did not accept the simple Mendelian explanation for feeble-mindedness. They believed that something as complex as human intelligence could not be determined by a single unit character. One such scientist was Elmer Earnest Southard, a Harvard neuropathologist. 58 South- ard, despite the contact he had with Charles Davenport and his position on a eugenics subcommittee at the American Breeders’ Association, 59 grew to believe that eugenicists were oversimplifying complex causes: “I am entirely sure…that the hereditary hypothesis has been greatly overdrawn in the field of feeble-mindedness.” 60 Another Boston Medical and Surgical Journal editorial from 1916 discussed the lack of knowledge about heredity and the rush by some eugenics supporters to support sterilization: It is the opinion of those best informed in the matter that the ques- tion of sterilization was entered into rather too hurriedly, before in fact it was definitely known just what part heredity played in the propagation of criminals. 61 Some scientists could not accept the eugenic reasoning that many, if not all, traits were simple unit characters, and thus rejected eugenics and its proposed policies. Additionally, some Massachusetts figures rejected eugen- ics because they thought evolution to be a natural process, one in which human interference would not be beneficial. A 1911 editorial in the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal warned against trying to breed a superior race of humans because inbreeding would lead to species degradation, thus defeating eugenics’ goal of creating a superior race of humans: Now it is a fairly well-established fact that any living strain bred ex- clusively from its own like tends after a certain time to retrograde. Barring a few exceptional instances, it seems impossible for a high grade of evolution to be maintained long in a pure stock without retrogression or extinction. 62 A similar editorial stated that although the defectives were out- breeding the fit, this reality was just the natural course of evolution, and not a bad thing in any way: 158 Reid Grinspoon Lamentable though it may appear, racial experience indicates that the constant perishing of valuable stocks is not an irretrievable calamity. This is the price of evolution, as “blood is the price of admiralty.” Through all past time, natural process has succeeded in steadily ad- vancing the quality of its product from crude material. 63 These doctors acknowledged the appeal of eugenics, yet strongly believed that only natural selection would lead to the creation of the fittest humans, and that eugenic interference would have either a negligible or detrimental effect on the overall quality of the germ plasm. The push for a sterilization law also met opposition from dedicated believers in eugenics who were wary of the social rami- fications of sterilization. Many of these people agreed that the unfit should be prevented from procreating and propagating their defective genes, yet disagreed that sexual sterilization was the best method for achieving this. One such person was Dr. Wal- ter Fernald, the head of the Massachusetts State School for the Feeble-Minded in Waltham. Fernald strongly believed in eugenics, yet was opposed to sterilization as a remedy. Fernald believed that sterilization by vasectomy would lead to a class of defectives who, knowing they could not reproduce, would go around spreading immorality and sexually transmitted diseases: The presence of these sterile people in the community, with unim- paired sexual desire and capacity, would be a direct encouragement of vice and a prolific source of venereal disease. Sterilization would not be a safe and effective substitute for permanent segregation and control. 64 Fernald instead advocated for institutional segregation for the unfit, ensuring they did not procreate and preventing them from damaging society. 65 Fernald’s opinions are echoed in the 1911 work “The Report of the Commission to Investigate the Question of the Increase of Criminals, Mental Defectives, Epileptics, and Degenerates” (Fernald was a member of the commission): It is hard to understand how this expedient could be resorted to in large numbers of cases without being a direct encouragement of sexual vice. If the seducer or libertine could truly promise immunity from the natural consequences of his act, could this possibly become 159 THE CONCORD REVIEW a means of diminishing crime? Would it not tend to make such sexual vice much more frequent, and would not such immunity from the natural consequences of the act tend to enormously spread venereal disease?...The commission does not believe that it has yet been dem- onstrated that this operation is an efficient substitute for permanent segregation and control of confirmed criminals and defectives. 66 Dr. George Washington Gay, a Harvard professor, was of a similar opinion. He believed that there were some benefits to steriliza- tion, but that it also had drawbacks that rendered segregation the better option: Surgical sterilization is safe and efficient in preventing procreation, but it does not diminish immorality or the spread of social diseases… It [segregation] is the only method thus far suggested that affords absolute control of irresponsible persons. 67 Dr. Gay was more in favor of sterilization than Fernald, declar- ing that “vasectomy has been performed upon several hundred males in Indiana with no ill results, but with much satisfaction to all concerned, victims and patients alike.” 68 However, he, like Fernald and other Commission members, (excluding the afore- mentioned Dr. Flood, who had performed sterilizations and thought them to be successful) did not advocate that it become mandatory state policy because of the risk it posed to increase im- morality and sexually transmitted diseases. Another pro-eugenic, anti-sterilization voice can be found on the editorial board of the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal. A 1913 editorial claimed that there were probably close to 10,000 feeble-minded people in the state, and that “[s]egregation is undoubtedly the only rational or, in fact, possible solution of the problem.” 69 The writer does not mention sterilization as a possible solution, despite its use else- where by 1913. The fact that these esteemed eugenic supporters opposed eugenic sterilization laws diminished the chance that a law would be passed. Dr. Fernald, Dr. Gay, and the others were all prominent, and by throwing their weight against a sterilization law, they convinced others in their field that legal forced sterilization would be a bad idea. The final front of the anti-sterilization movement in Mas- sachusetts was the Catholic Church and its opposition to eugenics 160 Reid Grinspoon and any form of birth control, including sterilization. The Catholic Church voiced its opposition to eugenics in the 1930 encyclical of Pope Pius IX, Casti Connubii. The encyclical outlined the opinion of the Church on eugenics, eugenic laws, and sterilization, basi- cally issuing a prohibition on birth control and eugenics of any sort, and specifically state-mandated eugenic sterilizations: 70. Public magistrates have no direct power over the bodies of their subjects; therefore, where no crime has taken place and there is no cause present for grave punishment, they can never directly harm, or tamper with the integrity of the body, either for the reasons of eugenics or for any other reason. 70 Additionally, according to the Catholic pamphlet “Sterilization and Public Policy,” “Christians [Catholics], accordingly, have not only a right but a duty to resist the legislative sponsoring of such projects, and to work for their repeal where they have been enacted.” 71 (Despite the fact that this booklet was printed in the 1960s, it cites the ideas and rhetoric that would have been used earlier in the century, before the creation of the Massachusetts bill.) Even Catholics who supported some eugenic ideas did not support sterilization. In his book The Church and Eugenics, Reverend Thomas J. Gerrard acknowledged that some aspects of eugenics were potentially advantageous, 72 yet expressly prohibited steril- ization (interestingly, he cites Dr. Fernald’s school as a model of eugenic segregation). 73 In addition to being against sterilization, Catholics in Massachusetts were also numerous. During the early 20th century Catholicism was the largest religious denomination in Massachusetts. 74 Because the majority of Massachusetts residents at this time were Catholics, it is fair to assume that a large section of the Massachusetts population thus did not support mandating sterilization based on clearly articulated religious grounds. All the arguments and opinions raised by both sides on the sterilization debate remained only hypothetical until 1934. In that year, a State Representative from Taunton name Harold Cole proposed a bill before the State Legislature to allow for the sterilization of “idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded or insane persons” being held in state and county institutions. 75 The bill was very similar to the Virginia sterilization bill which had been passed 161 THE CONCORD REVIEW into law, borrowing some of the same language. 76 The bill was voted down in the House 150 to 29, and later killed in the State Senate. 77 Many of the arguments made by legislators discussing the bill echoed the earlier points made for or against compulsory sterilization. For instance, Representative Cole took the position of Henry H. Goddard when he claimed that “Massachusetts is faced with a real problem, and it cannot be laughed aside. This problem has been dealt with in 27 other States of the country, four of them, Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, and Connecticut, New England States.” 78 He later claimed that the cost of institutional care for such people was skyrocketing, and invoked Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. in his statement that “three generations of imbeciles are enough.” 79 Those who opposed the bill took the same position as the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles from the 1910s, claiming that doctors did not know enough to make sterilization a legitimate and valid operation: “Our knowledge of heredity and mental functions is too limited at present to grant authority to any board or pseudo experts who shall be expected to declare with certainty that a certain man or woman is the potential parent of a mental defective.” 80 Perhaps most significant to the bill’s failure, several articles articulating the Church’s anti-sterilization policy appeared in The Pilot, the official newspaper of the archdiocese of Boston, just days before the sterilization law was voted on in the State Legislature. 81 The failure of this bill was a victory for the social, scientific, and religious opponents of sterilization. Conclusion The eugenics movement in Massachusetts had support- ers across the social landscape, from blue-collar people enjoying Fitter Family competitions at the Eastern States Exposition to Harvard intellectuals to clergymen to legislators. Many people, both within and from outside the state, believed that eugenics was a true science and that its principles should be applied legally to the populace for the good of society. However, despite such sup- port, Massachusetts remained one of the minority of states that 162 Reid Grinspoon never legalized the forced sterilization of those deemed eugeni- cally unfit. The inability to pass such a law was due largely to three main bases of opposition: scientists who disagreed with eugenics, eugenicists who disagreed with sterilization, and Catholics who were opposed to eugenics on moral grounds. At the same time as this bill’s failure, support for eugenics was starting to falter, as more and more scientists began to challenge its assumptions. The eugenics movement in America was dealt the largest blow about 10 years later, when the world began to learn of the atroci- ties committed by Nazi Germany in the name of eugenics. Never again would there be support for eugenics in the Bay State. The failure of eugenic sterilization in Massachusetts is an interesting and stark example of how local culture can shape policy. Despite the fact that Massachusetts doctors, politicians, and voters had the same information, and were exposed to the same rhetoric as those in California, North Carolina, and Virginia (and all the other states that legalized sterilization), they decided to vote against mandated asexualization. The unique combinations of people and institutions in the Bay State ensured that it would remain in the minority of states opposed to legalized forced eu- genic sterilization. 163 THE CONCORD REVIEW 1 Daniel Kevles, preface to In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985) p. ix 2 Paul Lombardo, Three Generations, No Imbeciles (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008) pp. 34–35 3 Kevles, p. 59 4 The head of the ABA, Bleecker Van Wagenen, believed that defective people should be removed from the gene pool. Lombardo, Three Generations, No Imbeciles, pp. 42–43; Ruth V. Schuler, “Some Aspects of Eugenic Marriage Legislation in the United States,” The Social Service Review 14, no. 2 (1940) pp. 304–305 6 Lombardo, Three Generations, No Imbeciles, pp. 24–25 7 “Virginia Eugenics,” The University of Vermont, (accessed May 21, 2012) http://www.uvm.edu/~lkaelber/eugenics/VA/ VA.html 8 Lombardo, Three Generations, No Imbeciles, p. 294 9 “California Eugenics,” The University of Vermont, (accessed May 21, 2012) http://www.uvm.edu/~lkaelber/ eugenics/CA/CA.html 10 Lombardo, Three Generations, No Imbeciles, p. 294 11 Christine Rosen, Preaching Eugenics (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004) p. 113 12 Schuler, “Some Aspects of Eugenic Marriage Legislation in the United States,” pp. 304–305 13 Walter Fernald, “The Burden of Feeble-Mindedness,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 166, no. 25 (June 20, 1912) pp. 911–915 14 Kevles, p. 63 15 Jason Jonathon Jones, “Eugenics at Harvard” (Bachelor’s thesis, Harvard University, 1992) p. 18 16 William E. Castle, review of Feeble-mindedness, Its Causes and Consequences by H.H. Goddard, in Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 10, 3 (August 1915) p. 214, as seen in Jones, p. 24 17 Edward East, “Hidden Feeblemindedness,” Journal of Heredity 8 (May 1917) pp. 216–217, as seen in Jones, p. 42 18 Kevles, p. 45 19 Oscar Riddle, “Biographical Memoir of Charles Benedict Davenport, 1866–1944,” in Biographical Memoirs National Academy of Sciences 25 (1947) pp. 75–78, as seen in Jones, p. 8 164 Reid Grinspoon 20 Announcements of the Department of Zoology, 1893–94, Harvard University and Announcements of the Department of Zoology, 1895–96, Harvard University, as seen in Jones, p. 8 21 Jones, p. 92 22 William McDougall, “William McDougall,” Carl Murchison, ed., History of Psychology in Autobiography International University series in Psychology 1 (1930) p. 192, as seen in Jones, pp. 86–87 23 C. Macfie Campbell, “Walter E. Fernald (1859–1924),” Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 60, no. 14 (December 1925) pp. 624–626 24 Massachusetts Medical Society, “Stated Meeting of the Council, October 5, 1921,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 815, no. 17 (October 27, 1921) p. 508 25 “Recommendations for the Prevention of Degeneracy,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 164, no. 12 (March 23, 1911) p. 428 26 Walter Fernald, “The Burden of Feeble-Mindedness,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 166, no. 25 (June 20, 1912) pp. 911–915 27 Rosen, p. 113 28 Ibid., p. 113 29 “Pastor Adopts Eugenics, Won’t Perform Marriage for the Physically Unfit,” New York Times (May 26, 1913) p. 1 30 Rosen, p. 171 31 “New and Notes,” Eugenics 3 (April 1930) p. 149, as noted in Rosen, pp. 170–171 32 Ibid., pp. 170–177 33 Rosen, p. 171 34 Lombardo, introduction to Three Generations, No Imbeciles p. xii 35 “Henry Herbert Goddard,” last Modified July 25, 2007, http://www.indiana.edu/~intell/goddard.shtml 36 Henry H. Goddard, “The Menace of Mental Deficiency from the Standpoint of Heredity,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 175, no. 8 (August 24, 1916) pp. 269–271 37 Ibid., pp. 269–271 38 “California Eugenics,” The University of Vermont, (accessed May 21, 2012) http://www.uvm.edu/~lkaelber/ eugenics/CA/CA.html 39 Elmer E. Stone to George Washington Gay, December 28, 1910, George Washington Gay Papers (henceforth “GWGP”), Harvard Medical School, Countway Rare Books, Harvard 165 THE CONCORD REVIEW 40 E. Scott Blair to George Washington Gay, December 30, 1910, GWGP, Harvard Medical School, Countway Rare Books, Harvard University 41 J.C.W., “James Ewing Mears, M.D., L.L.D. (A Personal Recollection),” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 181, no. 19 (November 6, 1919) pp. 552–554 42 J. Ewing Mears, M.D., LL.D., “Asexualization as a Remedial Measure in the Relief of Certain Forms of Mental Moral, and Physical Degeneration” in The Problem of Race Betterment ed. J. Ewing Mears, et al. (Philadelphia: Wm. J. Dornan, 1910) p. 12 43 J. Ewing Mears, “The Value of Surgical Procedures in the Solution of The Problem of Race Betterment” in The Problem of Race Betterment, pp. 26–28 44 Ibid., p. 34 45 Martin W. Barr, Mental Defectives: Their History, Treatment, and Training (Philadelphia: P. Blakiston’s Son and Co., 1904) p. 196 46 J. Ewing Mears, “The Law, The Protector of the Community, and the Benefactor of the Defective Subject,” in The Problem of Race Betterment, p. 36 47 The Commission to Investigate the Question of the Increase of Criminals, Mental Defectives, Epileptics, and Degenerates, Report of the Commission to Investigate the Question of the Increase of Criminals, Mental Defectives, Epileptics, and Degenerates January, 1911 (Boston: Wright & Potter, 1911) n.p. (hereafter “Report of the Commission”) 48 William Castle, Genetics and Eugenics: A Text-book for Students of Biology and a Reference Book for Animal and Plant Breeders (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1920) p. 291, as noted in Jones, p. 28 49 “About NEJM Past and Present,” The New England Journal of Medicine (accessed July 2, 2012) http://www.nejm. org/page/about-nejm/history-and-mission 50 Samuel B. Woodward, “Eugenics and the Feeble-Minded,” The New England Journal of Medicine 200, no. 10 (March 7, 1929) pp. 509–510 51 Ibid., pp. 509–510 52 “Sterilization of the Unfit,” The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 168, no. 15 (April 10, 1913) pp. 548–549 53 Ibid., pp. 548–549 166 Reid Grinspoon 54 “Dr. Samuel R. Meaker Addresses Harvey Society” The New England Journal of Medicine 204, no. 13 (March 26, 1931) pp. 688–689 55 Buck v. Bell 274 U.S. 200, 47 S.Ct. 584 (1927) 56 “Modern Euthanasia,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 173, no. 27 (December 30, 1915) p. 1008 57 Ibid., p. 1009 58 Jones, p. 75 59 Ibid., p. 76 60 Elmer Southard, “An Attempt at an Orderly Grouping of the Feeble-Mindednesses (Hypophrenias) for Clinical Diagnosis,” Journal of Psycho-Asthenics 23–4 (1918–19) p. 113, as noted in Jones, p. 84 61 “The Sterilization of Criminals,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 175, no. 17 (October 26, 1916) p. 612 62 “Nature and Eugenics,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 164, no. 20 (May 18, 1911) pp. 725–726 63 “Education and Eugenics,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 173, no. 11 (September 9, 1915) pp. 398–399 64 Fernald, p. 12 65 Ibid., pp. 9–10 66 Report of the Commission, p. 40 67 George Washington Gay, “What Can be Done to Better the Race,” The Boston Herald (May 1, 1913) 68 George Washington Gay to the Committee to Investigate the Question of the Increase of Criminals, Mental Defectives, Epileptics, and Degenerates, undated, GWGP, Harvard Medical School, Countway Library, Harvard University 69 “The Question of the Feeble-Minded,” The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 169, no. 6 (August 7, 1913) p. 212 70 Pius XI, Casti Connubi, Encyclical on Christian Marriage, Vatican Website, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/pius_xi/ encyclicals/documents/hf_p-xi_enc_31121930_casti-connubii_ en.html, (accessed July 2, 2012) sec. 70 71 Norman St. John-Stevens, Sterilization and Public Policy (Washington: Family Life Bureau, National Catholic Welfare Conference, 1965) p. 34 72 Rev. Thomas J. Gerrard, The Church and Eugenics (Oxford: The Catholic Social Guild, 1921) p. 5 73 Ibid., pp. 26–27 74 In 1911, Catholicism was the largest denomination in Massachusetts, consisting of 69 percent of the population. The Catholic Encyclopedia vol. 10, ed. Thomas Harrington (New 167 THE CONCORD REVIEW York: Robert Appleton Company, 1911) s.v. “Massachusetts,” (accessed June 1, 2012) http://www.newadvent.org/ cathen/10024c.htm 75 An Act Providing for the Sexual Sterilization of Inmates of State and County Institutions in Certain Cases Ma. 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Thomas J., The Church and Eugenics Oxford: The Catholic Social Guild, 1921 Goddard, Henry H., “The Menace of Mental Deficiency from the Standpoint of Heredity,” The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 175, no. 8, August 24, 1916: 269–271 Journal of the House of Representatives, 1934, Including Extra Session of 1933, Room 433 Boston: Wright and Potter Printing Co., Legislative Printers, 1934 Massachusetts, House, An Act Providing for the Sexual Sterilization of Inmates of State and County Institutions in Certain Cases H. 160 Session of the General Court, 1934 Massachusetts Medical Society, “Stated Meeting of the Council, October 5, 1921,” The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 185, no. 17, October 27, 1921: 504–516 Mears, J. Ewing, The Problem of Race Betterment Philadelphia: Wm. J. Dornan, 1910 169 THE CONCORD REVIEW “Modern Euthanasia,” The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 173, no. 27, December 30, 1915: 1008–1009 “Nature and Eugenics,” The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 164, no. 20, May 18, 1911: 725–726 “Pastor Adopts Eugenics, Won’t Perform Marriage for the Physically Unfit,” New York Times May 26, 1913 Pius XI, Casti Connubi, Encyclical on Christian Marriage, Vatican Website, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/pius_xi/ encyclicals/documents/hf_p-xi_enc_31121930_casti-connubii_ en.html (accessed July 2, 2012) “Pope Cites Rules against Sterilization,” The Pilot January 27, 1934 “Recommendations for the Prevention of Degeneracy,” The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 164, no. 12, March 23, 1911: 427–428 Schuler, Ruth V., “Some Aspects of Eugenic Marriage Legislation in the United States,” The Social Service Review 14, no. 2, 1940: 301–316 St. John-Stevens, Norman, Sterilization and Public Policy Washington: Family Life Bureau, National Catholic Welfare Conference, 1965 “Sterilization Bill Killed: House Votes Against It, 150 to 29; Drogan Says it Might Hit Legislators,” The Boston Globe January 31, 1934 “Sterilization Bill Meets Opposition: Cole’s Measure Aimed at Feeble-Minded,” The Boston Globe January 24, 1934 “Sterilization of the Unfit,” The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 168, no. 15, April 10, 1913: 548–549 “The Church on Sterilization,” The Pilot January 27, 1934 Stone, Elmer E., Elmer E. Stone to George Washington Gay, December 28, 1910 letter, from Harvard Medical School, 170 Reid Grinspoon Countway Rare Books, Harvard University, George Washington Gay Papers The Commission to Investigate the Question of the Increase of Criminals, Mental Defectives, Epileptics, and Degenerates, Report of the Commission to Investigate the Question of the Increase of Criminals, Mental Defectives, Epileptics, and Degenerates: January, 1911 Boston: Wright & Potter, 1911 “The Question of the Feeble- Minded,” The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 169, no. 6, August 7, 1913: 212–213 “The Sterilization of Criminals,” The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 175, no. 17, October 26, 1916: 612–613 W., J.C. “James Ewing Mears, M.D., L.L.D. (A Personal Recollection),” The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 181, no. 19 (November 6, 1919): 552–554 Woodward, Samuel B., “Eugenics and the Feeble-Minded,” New England Journal of Medicine 200, no. 10, March 7, 1929: 509–510 Secondary Sources: “About NEJM Past and Present,” The New England Journal of Medicine (accessed July 2, 2012) http://www.nejm.org/ page/about-nejm/history-and-mission “California Eugenics,” The University of Vermont (accessed May 21, 2012) http://www.uvm.edu/~lkaelber/eugenics/CA/ CA.html D’Antonio, Michael, The State Boys Rebellion: The Inspiring True Story of American Eugenics and The Men who Overcame It New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004 Harrington, Thomas, ed., The Catholic Encyclopedia 10, “Massachusetts,” New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1911, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/10024c.htm (accessed June 1, 2012) 171 THE CONCORD REVIEW “Henry Herbert Goddard,” The University of Indiana (last modified July 25, 2007) http://www.indiana.edu/~intell/ goddard.shtml Jones, Jason Jonathon, “Eugenics at Harvard,” bachelor’s thesis, Harvard University, 1992 Kevles, Daniel, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985 Lombardo, Paul, ed., A Century of Eugenics in America Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010 Lombardo, Paul, Three Generations, No Imbeciles Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008 Rosen, Christine, Preaching Eugenics New York: Oxford University Press, 2004 “Virginia Eugenic,” The University of Vermont (accessed May 21, 2012) http://www.uvm.edu/~lkaelber/eugenics/VA/ VA.html 172 Reid Grinspoon In our pre-romantic days, books were seen as key to education. In a 1786 letter to his nephew, aged fifteen, [President Thomas] Jefferson recommended that he read books (in the original languages and in this order) by the following authors: [history] Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, Anabasis, Arian, Quintus Curtius, Diodorus Siculus, and Justin. On morality, Jefferson recommended books by Epictetus, Plato, Cicero, Antoninus, Seneca, and Xenophon’s Memorabilia, and in poetry Virgil, Terence, Horace, Anacreon, Theocritus, Homer, Euripides, Sophocles, Milton, Shakespeare, Ossian, Pope and Swift. Jefferson’s plan of book learning was modest compared to the Puritan education of the seventeenth century as advocated by John Milton. E.D. Hirsch, Jr., The Knowledge Deficit Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2006, pp. 9-10 173 THE CONCORD REVIEW Copyright 2012, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved Kaitavjeet Chowdhary is a Senior at Glastonbury High School in Glastonbury, Connecticut, where he wrote this paper for Ms. Maureen Perkins’ AP United States History course in the 2011/2012 academic year. “BOSS” TWEED, TAMMANY HALL, AND THE POLITICS OF THE GILDED AGE Kaitavjeet Chowdhary The late 19th century, the Gilded Age, was a time of great change in American history. On the one hand, the great mechanization of the Second Industrial Revolution had taken place. The result was an increasingly urbanized landscape with many opportunities for prosperity. On the other hand, however, a political revolution was also brewing. The politicization of society occurred at a blistering pace, supporting the system of party politics and flamboyant campaigning that would characterize American politics for many years to come. Such times were ripe for politi- cal machines and organizations like Tammany Hall. What had originated as a revolutionary society in the United States now was influenced in part in elections in every cycle by some corruption and graft. 1 For a brief period, Tammany flourished, controlling almost all of the politics of New York City while gaining exorbitant profits from kickbacks. Behind this transformation was a stout, portly, seemingly innocuous figure—William M. Tweed, or “Boss” Tweed, as he was later known. 2 Tweed’s ruthless methods had far- reaching effects for the politics and development of New York City. Nevertheless, one compelling question still remains to be 174 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary answered in an effective analysis of the politics of this time period: How did “Boss” Tweed and Tammany Hall come to exemplify the politics of the Gilded Age for some people? The Gilded Age led to a shift of America from a largely rural, isolated, and traditional society to an urban, integrated, and modern one. The Gilded Age in United States History describes roughly the last third of the 19th century, between 1870 and 1900. 3 This era was witness to great feats of business, science and tech- nology, as well as the advancement of society. As a result of this transformative period, the nation that entered the 20th century was one very different from the country that had emerged from the end of the U.S. Civil War. For most of the 19th century, political apathy was rampant, with only 1 to 10 percent of all eligible voters participating in the election process. Few prominent issues at the national stage motivated significant turnout, and widespread participation in primaries was not typical. 4 Indeed, local party organizers sometimes even went as far as to discourage large attendances so as to ensure the desired, politically-planned outcomes at party conventions. 5 Although in theory voters initiated and formed the foundation of this system of electing officials, the reality was quite the contrary. It had changed in the last half of the century, especially in the Gilded Age. The Gilded Age ushered in a newer system of politics in the United States. All politics now evolved around “party politics.” Political parties increasingly dominated and defined the political scene. Through widespread and aggressive campaigns, parties suc- ceeded in mobilizing and politicizing late-1800s society. 6 Candidates and individuals were far less important to the political process than were the parties themselves. Between the time of selection of party candidates and Election Day, specially appointed party com- mittees organized and executed planned party campaigns. Party organizers identified all potential supporters and vied to ensure the maintenance of their votes. Candidates went on speaking tours and participated in party-organized activities such as parades and barbeques to stir enthusiasm. As a result of these techniques, more 175 THE CONCORD REVIEW than 70 percent of eligible voters cast ballots in most presidential elections from 1840 to 1900. 7 The political culture of the “party politics” of the Gilded Age encouraged intense party loyalties. Strong partisanship became the norm during this time of prolific campaigning. Each citizen aligned himself or herself with a certain party and defended this choice. Adding to this development in the political culture was the common practice among newspapers of forming affiliations with one party and subsequently giving decidedly biased accounts of events. Thus, for voters, nearly all news about politics or govern- ment came through the filters of their respective parties. 8 Election Day represented the climax of this partisanship. At polling places, party workers distributed party “tickets,” containing printed names of all party candidates. In order to vote, citizens had to deposit this ticket in the ballot box. The culture of party loyalty as well as the extra effort required to actually change one of the names on the ticket encouraged the practice of “straight” voting, in which a person voted for all candidates from a certain party. To further safeguard against voters “splitting a ticket,” party organizers filled up all extra space on tickets with decorative designs to make the task of changing any names on the ticket nearly impossible. 9 Nevertheless, most voters were content to vote the “straight” party ticket without any further manipulation. However, patronage was the principal determinant in motivating party loyalists. Many politicians and party workers used the elections themselves as merely a means to an end. The historian Richard Jensen likened Election Day during the Gilded Age to military combat: “Elections were treated like battles in which the two main armies [parties] concentrated on fielding the maximum number of troops [voters] on the battlefield [polls] on Election Day.” 10 Keeping with this metaphor, the victors of war also received spoils commensurate with their efforts. The spoils system, along with patronage, meant that victorious candidates were obligated to fill available appointments with those who had contributed most during the campaign. Although some argued that this system encouraged corruption, most people at the time 176 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary were accepting of the exchange. 11 The gains from victory were the key incentives for party officials in the party politics of the Gilded Age. In the words of George Plunkitt, a local political leader of the Democratic Party in New York City, “ Men ain’t in politics for nothin’. They want to get somethin’ out of it.” 12 The demand for the effective organization and execution of campaigns in an environment of high-stakes politics facilitated the emergence of political machines. These “machines” were essentially large networks of political activists who were bound together by a common loyalty to a certain party and who worked to mobilize voters in their own areas. 13 By tying together party members across various districts and exercising their influence, machine politicians became key managers of the political system. These “professional” politicians and organizations guaranteed voter mobilization in all legislative districts and stopped at almost nothing to ensure victory. 14 At the helm of each of these machines was a “boss,” who oversaw and directed its operations. Although usually not officeholders themselves, machine “bosses” were some of the most powerful figures in any given state. Most successful politicians had some sort of connections to these machines, and because even national politics ultimately depended on success at a municipal or state level, bosses had the potential to exert influ- ence on a national stage. 15 Political machines fed on and further propagated the practice of patronage and the spoils system. In exchange for the results machines delivered on Election Day, they received a fair share of patronage appointments. In this way, machines were able to wield influence in still more areas of government and thus also increase their power. The consequences of these recurrent ap- pointments and the accompanying political clout were two-fold. First, machines became breeding grounds for corruption and graft as members used political appointments to obtain lucrative contracts and to further the system of patronage by appointing other machine members. 16 Second, this created an annual cycle in which the monopoly and power of political machines increased with every election. Machine politicians did not use the political 177 THE CONCORD REVIEW process to get elected to office but rather to achieve the author- ity and status that came with such positions. Elections were but a means for self-advancement. However, the rule of political machines was not confined solely to the realm of politics. Because most ma- chines were based in cities and large urban environments, their reach extended into the spheres of influence of their respective municipalities as well. 17 The most famous, and arguably most compelling, example of the urban political machine was Tammany Hall. Based in New York City, this organization eventually assumed influence over the entire city. The Society of St. Tammany, or the Columbian Order, was founded on May 12, 1789 by William Mooney, an ex-soldier in the American army. 18 Named after a Native American chief, Tamanend, the Society was an amalgamation of former members of several revolutionary societies from the American Revolution, such as the “Sons of St. Tammany” and the “Sons of Liberty.” The Order was formed out of protest over the aristocratic tendencies of the new federal government designed by Hamilton. 19 Tammany Hall was very secretive and mysterious, adopting Native American names, such as “Grand Sachem” for the leader and “wigwam” for meeting places. It soon became a powerful and very partisan body, made up of Anti-Federalists. The Society became a leading Democratic-Republican Society, countering the Society of Cincin- nati, which was led by Hamilton and those on the opposite side of the political spectrum from Tammany. 20 Aaron Burr, a leading Democratic-Republican, soon saw Tammany’s potential and, after turning it into a political machine, used Tammany in the Election of 1800, in which he became the vice-president. 21 After this initial stint as a political apparatus, Tammany ascended to larger prominence from 1805 to 1810, as it became an organized machine dedicated to preventing Federalists and one of Burr’s rivals, Dewitt Clinton, from gaining control of the New York City government. 22 In this period, the organization laid the basic framework for its operation. A Common Council of 30 members was created, to be elected by all of the ward leaders, and to act as the executive body of the political society. Such measures 178 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary attempted to cater to the varied interests the group represented. Slowly, in the 1820s, by gaining the support of immigrants and poor citizens of New York, Tammany Hall became one of the dominant political factors in New York politics. 23 In the Election of 1828, Tammany Hall agreed to endorse Andrew Jackson, and was rewarded with several federal jobs upon his election. 24 From this point on, Tammany became the Democratic Party base in New York City, and by controlling elections, achieved its greatest level of dominance yet. However, despite these early successes, Tammany Hall did not reach the apogee of its ascendancy until the Gilded Age, un- der the direction of another leader, William M. Tweed, who took advantage of the urban conditions of that period. Tweed brought Tammany to new heights and extended its influence into other areas of municipal dealings outside of just the political machina- tions upon which Tammany had built its original prominence. First, an understanding of the sociopolitical context of Gilded Age cities is required to analyze his methods and ascent to power. Industrial developments drove the Gilded Age and defined many of its social, economic, and political characteristics. The last third of the 19th century saw the heated pace of the Second Industrial Revolution. The economy of the United States transi- tioned from an agrarian society to a heavily industrial one, as the steel industry boomed, rail lines reached across the country, and an abounding entrepreneurial spirit pushed along invention. 25 This rapid growth created unprecedented opportunity in the city, sparking an impetus for migration from rural to urban areas, and from other countries. For example, by 1900, nearly 40 percent of the population lived in urban areas, where only 19.8 percent had done so in 1860. 26 Furthermore, the number of urban places grew by a remarkable 343 percent in this same period. 27 As the new hubs of all activity, cities were greatly altered by the advent of industrialization and the Gilded Age. For one thing, the need for labor in the new industrial centers caused a shift in population patterns. The population nearly doubled during this approximately 30-year period, reaching 179 THE CONCORD REVIEW almost 76 million at the turn of the century. 28 Much of this growth in population derived from a large influx of immigrants; more than 13.2 million immigrants had arrived from 1866 to 1900, more than in the previous two and a half centuries combined. The number of foreign-born people in the population rose 86 percent during the last 30 years of the 19th century. 29 These immigrants tended to concentrate overwhelmingly in cities, especially those in the Northeast. The 1870 Census showed that close to half of all immi- grants lived in the Northeast, which had less than one-third of the nation’s overall population. Furthermore, while constituting only 14 percent of the total population, immigrants constituted more than 30 percent of the population of U.S. cities with populations of 25,000 or greater. In fact, in the nine largest American cities, immigrants accounted for almost 40 percent of the population. 30 Although not all immigrants were poor, most were relegated to the lower rungs of industrial society, given the unskilled labor and menial tasks that factories required. One Italian immigrant best captured the general sentiment of many immigrants: “We thought the streets were paved with gold. When we got here we saw that they weren’t paved at all. Then they told us we were expected to pave them.” 31 Moreover, cities became increasingly stratified as the tra- ditional “walking cities” gave way to sprawling metropolises. For much of the 19th century, the lack of public transportation had necessitated that citizens live within walking distance of their places of work. The resulting compactness of the city had allowed for social and economic integration, as different ethnic and economic groups lived in close proximity to one another. 32 The transportation revolution that accompanied the industrialization of the Gilded Age chipped away at this model of the traditional city. As street railways became more common, those who could afford the fare began to move farther away from industrial centers. A process of residential diffusion ensued, in which the poorest industrial workers, especially new immigrants, were left in the centers of cities near the factories that employed them, while middle-class and upper-class citizens moved to the outskirts of industrial areas. 180 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary Evidently, with the characteristic urbanization of the Gilded Age also came some level of suburbanization. Furthermore, cities became compartmentalized, with different districts being used for different functions, leading to the development of financial sectors and a segregation of different industries, among other novel changes to the archetypical blueprint for urban organiza- tion. More importantly, the emerging patterns of reorganization in cities led to the creation of different ethnic neighborhoods, in which most immigrants had to deal with the realities of inner city life, often living in tenements. 33 The social stratification and complex developments in urban areas presented problems that municipal governments were unable to effectively master. New York City, America’s definitive urban center, was not immune to these developments itself; in fact, it epitomized them. Like in other urban areas, the mayor of New York City had little authority, as cities were at the whims of the state legislature. With legislatures unwilling to cede much control to city governments, and municipal councils fragmented and focused on respective local, rather than citywide concerns, a vacuum formed in city governments. 34 The first to feel the negative effects of this lack of effective rule were the poor and the newly immigrated. Into this hole stepped the urban political machines and their respective bosses. 35 By helping the immigrants and the poor deal with their problems in the city, machines earned the trust and the votes of the affected groups. Tammany did not shy away from this method. Rather, it “was prepared to play middleman between the powerless individual and the huge, baffling city.” 36 Political machines like Tammany were ready to provide essential services to these citizens in return for their votes. Taking the lead for Tammany in this matter was young William M. Tweed, whose personal following among the the poor and others, as well as his exploits in government positions, would catapult him to decisive command of both New York City and Tammany Hall. 37 Tweed’s rise to power reflected the methods that would define both his rule of Tammany Hall as well as Tammany’s suc- cess well into the future. After trying to go into the family chair- 181 THE CONCORD REVIEW making business, and then a brush-making business, William M. Tweed sought more excitement. Whether he realized it or not at the time, Tweed’s political career began during his tenure as a volunteer firefighter. Tweed relished the fun, excitement, and ca- maraderie that characterized his experiences at Engine Company No. 12. His distinguished firefighting skills earned him an invita- tion to start a new Engine Company, No. 6. Named the Americus Company, the newly created fire company had Tweed at its helm as foreman, and the company’s renowned exploits in firefighting circles earned it the name of “Big Six.” 38 Although Tweed was soon expelled from his coveted company for questionable ax-wielding assaults on other companies, his encounters there lent him his first experience in ward politics. New leaders in the Gilded Age rose to power not “from boardrooms but from intensely masculin- ist working-class streets.” 39 Volunteer firefighting companies were often fertile grounds for recruiting new ward politicians because of the courage and generosity demonstrated by the individuals found there. Thus, Tweed was nominated for the position of assistant alderman in 1850. Although he lost his first election, he won his next one the following year, becoming alderman of the 7th Ward on the East flank of the Lower East Side. 40 Tweed’s resourcefulness in making connections allowed him first to gain his initial nomination in these early stages of his career and then to win the subsequent election. As a member of the Board of Aldermen, Tweed gained insight into various techniques that would benefit him later in his career. The particular session of leaders that Tweed joined was so corrupt and participated in graft so industriously, that it earned the nickname of the “Forty Thieves.” Tweed quickly caught on, and became one of the strongest leaders, buying property and awarding contracts for amounts tens of thousands of dollars higher than what they were actually worth, then splitting up the extra profit as kickbacks among board members. 41 Deciding he was ready for a larger arena, Tweed ran a successful campaign for U.S. Congress. However, after two undistinguished years in Washington, he returned to New York a largely forgotten man. 182 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary When Tweed realized he was in no position to win any elected office, he intelligently changed direction and instead decided to build up his reputation and influence within Tammany. 42 Tweed’s experiences with the Forty Thieves led to his recognition of the inherently intertwined relationship between money and power in ward politics. Either one had the potential to bring in the other. He earned an appointment to the city’s Board of Educa- tion, where he gained key insight into the processes of awarding contracts, while maintaining an active role in the party. When, in 1857, a group of Republicans tried to take away power from the Democratic mayor Fernando Wood by changing the city charter to create a highly influential and bipartisan Board of Supervisors, Tweed got his largest windfall by being appointed as one of the Democrats on the Board. 43 Tweed used his appointment to the Board of Supervisors as a stepping-stone to greater prominence and then began to implement his trademark methods. Tweed’s appointment to the Board of Supervisors was significant for two major reasons. First, it gave him the chance to build up power and to oppose Fernando Wood, his main Tammany rival, for influence. Second, Tweed saw that anyone capable of buying off one of the Republicans on the Board, and thus shifting the balance towards the Democrats, could wield substantial leverage. Tweed exercised his new authority to begin some important machinations. First, in a classic show of patronage, Tweed had several key allies appointed to instrumen- tal positions in the city. For example, Peter “Brains” Sweeny, who would later become Tweed’s chief political advisor and strategist, was appointed district attorney. Similarly, another strategic figure, Richard “Slippery Dick” Connolly, became the county clerk. He would be important to Tweed because of his mastery of financial matters. Finally, George Barnard was made recorder. A corruptible lawyer and judge, Barnard would prove invaluable in coming years for Tweed. 44 In this way, Tweed took advantage of his position on the Board to install useful friends in vital positions, and, in doing so, to also extend his reach into new areas. Additionally, Tweed used his new power to gain dramatic influence among ward and 183 THE CONCORD REVIEW Tammany leaders. Unsurprisingly, in 1858, Tweed was appointed to the Tammany Hall General Committee, the organization’s executive governing body. Tweed found another way to use his power in what would become one of his trademark tactics. Along with two other Supervisors, John Briggs and Walter Roche, Tweed formed the so-called “Supervisor’s Ring.” Exploiting the Board’s ability to audit all expenditures, the “Ring” systematically levied an extra 15 percent fee on all contracts. Tweed used his power to engage in widespread graft, benefiting both his and his friends’ pocketbooks. 45 Thus, Tweed used his political muscle to engage in the practices of both patronage and graft, hallmarks of the Gilded Age political machine. Strong influence, key allies, and knowledge of Tammany structure in hand, Tweed attempted his first overt grab at power. Tweed had already been admitted into the actual Tammany Society by this point, and thus understood Tammany’s inner workings. Wood, Tweed’s rival, had lost the mayoral election in 1857, and was now attempting to run again using his own organization, Mozart Hall. Tweed used his political clout to handpick special election inspectors that would permit repetitive voting, false registration, and other illicit activities that could give Tammany Hall the up- per hand on Election Day. Despite Tweed’s best efforts, however, Wood won the election. 46 His first attempt at widespread political machinations a failure, Tweed returned to his graft with the Su- pervisor’s Ring. Tweed’s second opportunity at power came when the Grand Sachem of Tammany Hall, Isaac Fowler, was convicted of stealing more than $150,000. Tweed, a member of the Council of Sachems, proposed that Fowler be replaced with the Irish and Roman Catholic James Conner, in order to appeal to the immi- grant constituency. Tweed saw the deteriorating conditions of the immigrants in the city and realized that helping this growing seg- ment of the population would gain votes for Tammany. Indeed, instantly after the new appointment, Tammany’s image improved as countless numbers of Catholics and immigrants turned to support of Tammany, away from the recent nativist tendencies of Wood. Thus, in the mayoral election of 1861, as a result of this astute 184 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary political maneuvering, Tweed won the ultimate prize, the defeat of Fernando Wood. Now known as a shrewd politician with great political acumen, Tweed became Grand Sachem of Tammany less than a year later, earning the title of “Boss” alongside this achieve- ment. 47 Tweed completed his control of the entire Tammany Hall machinery and expanded its influence into all areas of the New York City government. Tweed’s appointment as Grand Sachem was important to the development of Tammany Hall for two reasons. First, before Tweed, the Grand Sachem position had never been a political position. It certainly would be now. Second, Tweed had concentrated all power of Tammany in his own hands. Never be- fore had the Grand Sachem also been the Chairman of the Hall’s General Committee. 48 However, this was a positive development, because Tweed had managed to unify Tammany Hall using his charm and political skill. Now, nothing could stop him as long as he remained successful in maintaining this internal stability. In order to complete Tammany’s hold on the city, Tweed extended into two vital areas of the government. First, Tweed’s protégé, John T. Hoffman, was elected mayor with Tweed’s help and organization. A basically irreproachable figure who was completely free of vice, Hoffman served as a good front man. Additionally, he completed Tweed’s permeating control of New York City. Eventually, this power would extend even further after Hoffman was elected governor. With Hoffman in City Hall, the nucleus of the “Tweed Ring” was formed. 49 Every day, Tweed, Hoffman, Comptroller Richard Con- nolly, and Peter Sweeny would meet in the basement of City Hall. Soon, the flamboyant district attorney, Oakey Hall, joined them as well. Whenever Hoffman was present, they would discuss only politics, but upon his departure, the topic of the Ring’s conversation turned to potential sources of further graft and money. Second, Tweed established a friendly judiciary. Four key members of the Court were brought under Tweed’s control. Albert Cardozo served to appoint whichever commissioner Tweed wanted and to pardon or free countless criminals. Judge John McCann functioned to help Tweed increase the size of the immigrant electorate by naturalizing 185 THE CONCORD REVIEW hordes of foreigners. John Hackett specialized in doing favors for ward chiefs and discharging criminals who were friendly with the Ring. Finally, Richard O’Gorman allowed the Ring and its allies to file fraudulent claims against the city. Rather than fighting these claims, he instead recommended their payment in full and then collected a commission. This collusion with the judiciary afforded Tweed the room he needed to carry out his schemes. 50 Boss Tweed organized the workings of the Tammany Hall political machine to facilitate acquisition of his two most valued items—votes and money. Before implementing his upheaval of the machine’s functional apparatus, Tweed first consolidated his power as leader of Tammany Hall. He created a new elite body within Tammany, the Tammany Executive Committee. This upper council would be composed of the city’s 22 ward leaders, all of whom had received their jobs through Tweed’s patronage. The Executive Committee would ensure that the historically powerful Tammany General Committee, whose members were elected by their districts, would play a decidedly minor role, while the main force behind the machine would lie in the Boss’s hands. 51 The hierarchical organization of Tweed’s machine was generally straightforward. The city was divided into several dis- tricts, or wards, the smallest political units. Ward bosses were made responsible for their respective areas, and were subject to every whim of Tweed. 52 These leaders had to perform several vital func- tions for the effective operation of the machine, most of which were carried out by still a lower group of sub-leaders and work- ers for the Tammany machine. The ward leader was responsible for monitoring payment of protection costs from all associated businesses and other illegal entities that Tammany sheltered. Ad- ditionally, these leaders had to ensure that the needy, poor, and immigrant groups within their districts were always helped, in order to ensure a robust supply of votes. Third, the leader had to constantly be alert to the local political scene in his ward, updat- ing Tweed on any changes. Most importantly, however, the ward leader had to guarantee delivery of his ward’s voters on Election Day; defeat was not an option. As a further stipulation, these lead- 186 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary ers had to be popularly accepted by the constituents they were held accountable for. Leaders losing their popularity were quickly replaced. 53 Thus, Tweed established a far-reaching network, an army, of leaders under machine control that spread into the very foundation of the municipal political system. 54 An aggressive patronage system ensured incentivized guarantees on expected political returns. An additional method of Tweed’s was that of ensuring that all workers of the political machine had an incentive to accomplish the tasks he asked of them. The most common way in which Tweed accomplished this was the classic Gilded Age policy of patronage. Tweed held many minor municipal positions throughout the New York City govern- ment, which allowed him to recruit a broad network of potential workers. For example, Tweed had himself appointed deputy street commissioner. From this perch, Boss Tweed commanded an army of thousands of street cleaners. Because many of these cleaners owed their jobs to patronage from the Tammany machine, they were always available to help do any “dirty work” that Tweed needed them to do. 55 These extra workers augmented his effective political force and ensured that he would always have enough minions to perform the necessary duties of Election Day. The extra votes from controlling so many men only added to the system’s efficiency. Ultimately, patronage was the grease that allowed the Tammany Hall machine to function smoothly. The Tammany system looked after the needs of the poor and of the immigrant population in order to create a solid electoral base. The Tammany Hall power structure paid special attention to ensure that every potential voter was won over. For example, at the very bottom of the chain of command, block captains assigned to several sub-districts of wards had the job of knowing the indi- vidual voters and their problems. It was this worker’s job to give personal attention to the voter in order to build trust that would win votes on Election Day. 56 The Gilded Age put excess strains on municipal governments, causing the poor and new immigrant populations of cities to slip through the administrative cracks. Due to the large social stratification that had been taking place, 187 THE CONCORD REVIEW ethnic neighborhoods and poverty-stricken areas provided easy targets for Tammany to collect new voters in bulk. In the so-called “saloon-clubhouse” system, Tammany established its agents in popular gathering areas of struggling, especially immigrant-rich, sections of the city, breaking down “a vast and impersonal city to the warm and familiar level of the peasant village in the old country.” 57 Tammany provided “latent functions” to these groups that the city failed to afford them. 58 In the bewildering city, the grassroots efforts of Tammany made the political machine seem like a large and welcoming family. For the insecure citizen, Tam- many Hall functioned as a de facto government that provided food, fuel, and several services in exchange for simply casting the correct ballot on Election Day. 59 Tammany assisted, and thus also took advantage of, immi- grant groups in three key ways and areas. First, it provided them with emergency and absolutely necessary services on a regular basis. Examples of such functions included food, coal, money, or employment. Often, Tammany even incorporated immigrants into the workings of the machine. Second, Tammany served as the intermediary between the city and the individual, acting as a crude form of public welfare. This comforted immigrants and established a connection with the organization. Finally, Tammany aided immigrants in the process of assimilating into their new home and society. The most overt method of doing this was to force the cases of Tammany-friendly immigrants through naturalization processes. Tweed exploited this process in one famous example from the gubernatorial election of 1868. In order to ensure vic- tory for Hoffman, Tweed embarked on a massive naturalization campaign a few weeks before the election with the backing of his friendly judiciary, resulting in 41,112 new voters for the Tammany effort. 60 This broadened the electoral base and built further onto the trust relationship between immigrants and Tammany. The intricate system designed to woo immigrant voters was simply another form of patronage, one which immigrant voters found much more appealing than simple charity, however. 61 One famous Tammany leader, George Plunkitt illustrated the workings of this system in relating how he aided fire victims in his district: 188 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary What tells in holdin’ your grip on your district is to go right down among the poor families and help them in the different ways they need help…If a family is burned out I don’t ask whether they are Republicans or Democrats, and I don’t refer them to the Charity Organization Society, which would investigate their case in a month or two and decide they were worthy of help about the time they are dead from starvation. I just get quarters for them, buy clothes for them if their clothes were burned up, and fix them up till they get things runnin’ again. It’s philanthropy but it’s politics too—mighty good politics. Who can tell how many votes one of these fires bring me? 62 Tweed also used Tammany as a source of personal gain. Most ostensibly, this came in the form of engineering massive profits for himself and those close to him from methods of bill padding and graft. The Tweed Ring he had formed earlier facilitated these activities. Similar to his actions in the Supervisor’s Ring at the be- ginning of his career, Tweed and his cohorts tacked on anywhere from 15 percent to upwards of 35 percent onto contractors’ bills for public projects. 63 The extra money was always divided among the members of the Ring, providing a steady supply of illegal income. Additionally, Tweed authorized projects for prices astro- nomically higher than what they were actually worth. The listed costs for construction of the new New York County Courthouse reflected the confluence of these two practices. The total cost exceeded $13,000,000 (approximately $178 million in modern US dollars), including $7,500 for thermometers, $404,347 worth of safes, and over $133,000 to a plasterer for only two days’ work. 64 Another avenue of Tammany-derived profit for Boss Tweed came through his large investments in the New York Printing Company. Because he held a controlling interest in this company, Tweed used his influence to direct it to begin printing everything at inflated rates. 65 Furthermore, he demanded that railroads, public offices, and private businesses buy from the Printing Company, threaten- ing disfavor with Tammany if they failed to comply. Thus, Tweed enjoyed inflated returns as both a government official condoning bill padding and a contractor selling at increased rates. 66 The public’s perception of Boss Tweed and Tammany Hall varied among individuals and at different points in time. 189 THE CONCORD REVIEW For a long time, many in certain circles had suspected Tweed and Tammany of wrongdoing. However, this sentiment was not wide- spread. Tweed had done well to buy off many reporters and news organizations that posed potential threats to his image. 67 After all, Tammany Hall was a political organization and maintaining a degree of popularity among the electoral base was necessary. Nevertheless, a substantial number of New York Times reporters refused to be bought off, and the publication’s Republican bias gave an added motive to attack Tweed and his Democratic Tam- many Hall. 68 However, one of the board members of the Times, James Taylor, was associated with Tweed in the New York Printing Company scheme and thus maintained a pro-Tweed stance, thereby preventing any public attacks on Tweed. As a result, Taylor’s death in the summer of 1870 opened the floodgates for an inundation of criticisms in the New York Times questioning the expenditures of the city under the Tweed Ring. At the same time, another Tweed critic, Thomas Nast, was attracting great attention for his cartoons in Harper’s Weekly, depicting Tweed as an unscrupulous and avari- cious thug. 69 Despite the intensifying opposition against the Boss, the public remained unmoved. The allegations simply provided insufficient evidence to change the opinions of Tammany’s main electoral base, especially given the benefits they received from the political machine. Many poor and immigrant supporters viewed Tammany as the only helpful institution in their difficult lives. Hence, many of these citizens dismissed media attacks as traps set up by the same elite of the city who had failed to provide them with the necessary services they so desperately sought. 70 Two events changed the public’s view of Tweed and Tam- many, and subsequently resulted in their collective downfall. First, James Watson, the Tweed Ring’s paymaster, who had kept track of all of the secret financial actions of Tweed and his allies, suffered fatal injuries in a sleighing accident. Matthew J. O’Rourke was chosen to replace him in his superficial duties. However, O’Rourke was secretly working with the former sheriff, James O’Brien, whose prior experiences with Tammany had left him with a bitter hatred of the organization. 71 O’Rourke worked surreptitiously to collect 190 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary incriminating financial evidence against Tweed, which he even- tually turned over to the New York Times in the spring of 1871. 72 While this occurred covertly, a second event brought Tammany’s effectiveness into question—the Orange Riot of 1871. Tweed and Tammany had instructed many Irish Catholic constituents to not protest Protestant celebrations of the Protestant victory over Catholicism at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690, because the same parade during the same celebration had resulted in a riot causing eight deaths the previous year. However, due to mounting pressure from newspapers and from the Protestant elite of the city, Tweed reversed his ban. During the parade, as feared, a riot occurred, this time killing 60 and injuring 150. 73 This tragedy resulted in sinking popularity among Tammany’s large Irish constituency, and led the elite to perceive that Tammany did not hold as secure a command over the people as had been previously supposed. 74 The New York Times story containing much of O’Rourke’s evidence broke a few days later on July 8, 1871. 75 As public discontent grew inflamed from increasingly ef- fective anti-Tweed attacks and unrest among government leaders, Tweed and Tammany’s control spiraled downward. The Orange Riot fiasco resulted in greater traction for the campaigns of The New York Times and Nast in Harper’s Weekly. The Times published a series of articles, each one providing new pieces of evidence pointing to the excessive corruption of Tweed and Tammany. These exposés both enthralled and disgusted the audiences who read them. 76 At the same time, Nast’s cartoons became increasingly caustic, condemning those implicated in the large-scale scandal. In fact, the cartoons had a larger effect on the poor, illiterate constitu- ency of Tammany, because they used cartoons rather than only words. Tweed himself remarked “Stop them damned pictures. I don’t care so much what the papers say about me. My constituents don’t know how to read, but they can’t help seeing them damned pictures!” 77 Tweed’s intricate machinery was unraveling as the fuel for his machine, his electoral base, diminished drastically in size. Alarmed about the financial state of the city, and galva- nized into action by new anti-Tweed riots, the city’s elite leaders 191 THE CONCORD REVIEW decided at Cooper Union to assume control of the city and allow the “wisest and best citizens” to lead. They formed the Commit- tee of Citizens and Taxpayers for Financial Reform of the City, or the “Committee of Seventy” as it was popularly known, to crush Tammany by choking its funds. 78 Slowly, by infiltrating the Ring from the bottom up, the city succeeded in wrenching power from Tammany and Tweed. All members of the Ring were indicted, and Tweed died in Ludlow Street Jail on April 12, 1878, after several attempts at avoiding punishment. While Tammany would quickly rebound, the Boss’s reign had ended. 79 Tweed left a mixed legacy for his career and actions. Al- though his corrupt practices are often emphasized much more than his other contributions, there was more to his career. First, he pioneered a system for Tammany which could cater to the “masses,” making him easily understood by many of the poor. 80 His version of politics provided a primitive form of welfare to those in need, albeit motivated mostly by political and personal ambition and greed. Tweed also contributed to charitable causes. For example, uncovered documents enumerating Tweed’s expenses indicated that the politician had donated at least $288,805 in some form over the course of his career. 81 Finally, he oversaw the develop- ment of New York City. Tweed spent more than $10 million on the development of Central Park. Although this was certainly stained with corruption and graft, the surrounding real-estate values still increased almost two and half times that amount. 82 In the end, Tweed did provide some substantial contributions to New York City, even if they were motivated principally by the advancement of his career and of his pocketbook. Undoubtedly, however, the most enduring legacy of Tweed and the Tammany Hall he created was the impact on the politics of the Gilded Age. Boss Tweed and Tammany Hall most definitely exemplified the politics of the Gilded Age. The parallels are overwhelming. Gilded Age politics were based on the principle of being rewarded for one’s contributions to politics—patronage. 83 Tweed’s Tammany Hall exploited patronage in order to reach across all possible political spheres. Each level of the Tammany 192 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary machine had an inherent incentive to support the overall political goals of the organization because of the potential for the tangible rewards from patronage, creating a very efficient setup. 84 On the other side, Tweed and other members of Tammany used patron- age at will to appoint close allies to positions of power within the infrastructure of the political arrangement. The upward mobility presented by such methods as well as the immediate incentives they provided created a self-propagating cycle of patronage that brought Tammany to its original seat of control. 85 Tammany Hall utilized the most important political re- source, votes, in the politically mobilized society of the Gilded Age. Tammany spoke the language of the poor while also maintaining relations with the rich. Tweed’s vision of Tammany Hall provided a personal connection for every voter to the organization. 86 As was illustrated by the widespread loyalty of the Tammany electorate in the initial stages of the Tweed scandal, these methods produced durable trust. In the days preceding elections, Tweed allocated $1,000 to every ward for electioneering campaigns that would insure that this trust translated into votes. 87 Tweed, and the rest of Tammany Hall under him, understood the importance of win- ning and maintaining votes, a necessity in the Gilded Age. Thus, unsurprisingly, his fall came as a result of a disappearing electoral base due to rising unpopularity and skepticism. Boss Tweed was a man who took advantage of his oppor- tunities. In the post-Civil War boom era, he recognized the close relationship between money and power. As another Tammany leader, Richard Croker, stated in an article on the infamous po- litical machine, “organization in the case of political parties…is one of the main factors of success, and without it there can be no enduring result.” 88 Indeed, Tweed ushered in a new era of politics for Tammany Hall, one exemplifying the politics of the Gilded Age, by creating a powerfully organized system. Through it, he was able to take advantage of the motivational force of patronage and extend his political reach into every ward of New York City. By placing the emphasis squarely on the importance of the voter in the electoral process, Tweed captured the very essence of the 193 THE CONCORD REVIEW Gilded Age style of politics. He created a method more powerful and efficient than any other in employing the basic principles of Gilded Age politics, and pioneered a new role for political machines. Boss Tweed and Tammany Hall not only exemplified Gilded Age politics—they redefined it. 194 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary Notes 1 Gustavus Myers, The History of Tammany Hall (New York: Dover Publications, 1971) p. 1 2 Ibid., p. 212 3 Charles W. Calhoun, ed., The Gilded Age: Perspectives on the Origins of Modern America (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2007) p. 1. 4 Robert W. Cherny, American Politics in the Gilded Age, 1868–1900 (Wheeling, Illinois: Harlan Davidson, 1997) p. 5 5 Ibid., p. 7 6 Ibid., p. 8 7 Ibid., p. 13 8 Ibid., p. 12 9 Ibid., p. 13 10 Ibid., p. 12 11 Ibid., p. 14 12 Ibid., p. 15 13 Ibid., p. 8 14 Arthur Meier Schlesinger, Rise of the City, 1878–1898 (Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University Press, 1999) p. 388 15 H. Wayne Morgan, From Hayes to McKinley: National Party Politics, 1877–1896 (Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 1969) p. 76 16 Cherny, p. 16 17 Schlesinger, p. 390 18 Myers, p. 1 19 Ibid., p. 3 20 Ibid., p. 10 21 Ibid., p. 22 22 Ibid., p. 24 23 Ibid., p. 48 24 Ibid., p. 76 25 Cherny, p. 3 26 Calhoun, p. 103 27 Ibid., p. 102 28 Ibid., pp. 1–2 29 Ibid., p. 2 30 Ibid., p. 83 31 Ibid., p. 88 32 Ibid., p. 108 33 Ibid., p. 114 34 Ibid., p. 115 35 Ibid., p. 116 195 THE CONCORD REVIEW 36 Oliver E. Allen, The Tiger: The Rise and Fall of Tammany Hall (Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing, 1993) p. 82 37 Lyle W. Dorsett, “The City Boss and the Reformer: A Reappraisal,” Pacific Northwest Quarterly 63, no. 4 (October 1972) pp. 150–151, JSTOR (40489030) 38 Allen, p. 83 39 Edwin G. Burrows and Mike Wallace, Gotham: A History of New York City to 1898 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999) p. 823 40 Allen, p. 85 41 Ibid., p. 85 42 Ibid., p. 86 43 Ibid., p. 87 44 Ibid., p. 89 45 Burrows and Wallace, p. 837 46 Allen, p. 89 47 Ibid., p. 92 48 Ibid., p. 92 49 Ibid., p. 96 50 Ibid., p. 98 51 Ibid., p. 93 52 Ibid., p. 93 53 Ibid., p. 94 54 Alfred Connable and Edward Silberfarb, Tigers of Tammany; Nine Men Who Ran New York (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1967) p. 182 55 Ibid., p. 183 56 Ibid., p. 181 57 Ibid., p. 185 58 David R. Colburn and George E. Pozzetta, “Bosses and Machines: Changing Interpretations in American History,” The History Teacher 9, no. 3 (May 1976) pp. 450–459, JSTOR (492336) 59 Connable and Silberfarb, p. 186 60 Allen, p. 103 61 Connable and Silberfarb, p. 185 62 Calhoun, p. 115 63 Kenneth D. Ackerman, Boss Tweed: The Rise and Fall of the Corrupt Pol Who Conceived the Soul of Modern New York (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2005) p. 52 64 Connable and Silberfarb, p. 159 65 Ackerman, p. 50 196 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary 66 Allen, p. 95 67 Ibid., p. 90 68 Ackerman, p. 98 69 Ibid., p. 31 70 Allen, p. 118 71 Ibid., p. 119 72 Ibid., p. 122 73 Burrows and Wallace, p. 1008 74 Ibid., p. 1009 75 Allen, p. 123 76 Burrows and Wallace, p. 1009 77 Allen, p. 121 78 Burrows and Wallace, p. 1010 79 Allen, p. 142 80 Walter L. Hawley, “The Strength and Weakness of Tammany Hall,” North American Review 173, no. 539 (October 1901) pp. 482–486, JSTOR (25105228) 81 Mark D. Hirsch, “More Light on Boss Tweed,” Political Science Quarterly 60, no. 2 (June 1945) pp. 273–274, JSTOR (2144524) 82 Ackerman, p. 358 83. Cherny, p. 13 84 Louis Seibold, “The Morals of Tammany,” North American Review 226, no. 5 (November 1928) pp. 526–529, JSTOR (25110609) 85 Connable and Silberfarb, p. 180 86 Dorsett, pp. 151–154 87 Allen, p. 99 88 Richard Croker, “Tammany Hall and the Democracy,” North American Review 154, no. 423 (February 1892) pp. 225, JSTOR (25102328) Bibliography Ackerman, Kenneth D., Boss Tweed: The Rise and Fall of the Corrupt Pol Who Conceived the Soul of Modern New York New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2005 Allen, Oliver E., The Tiger: The Rise and Fall of Tammany Hall Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing, 1993 Beatty, Jack, Age of Betrayal: The Triumph of Money in America, 1865–1900 New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2007 197 THE CONCORD REVIEW Burrows, Edwin G., and Mike Wallace, Gotham: A History of New York City to 1898 New York: Oxford University Press, 1999 Calhoun, Charles W., ed., The Gilded Age: Perspectives on the Origins of Modern America Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2007 Cherny, Robert W., American Politics in the Gilded Age, 1868–1900 Wheeling, Illinois: Harlan Davidson, 1997 Colburn, David R., and George E. Pozzetta, “Bosses and Machines: Changing Interpretations in American History,” The History Teacher 9, no. 3, May 1976: 445–463, JSTOR (492336) Connable, Alfred, and Edward Silberfarb, Tigers of Tammany; Nine Men Who Ran New York New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1967 Croker, Richard, “Tammany Hall and the Democracy,” North American Review 154, no. 423, February 1892: 225–230, JSTOR (25102328) Dorsett, Lyle W., “The City Boss and the Reformer: A Reappraisal,” Pacific Northwest Quarterly 63, no. 4, October 1972: 150–154. JSTOR (40489030) Hawley, Walter L., “The Strength and Weakness of Tammany Hall,” North American Review 173, no. 539, October 1901: 481–486, JSTOR (25105228) Hirsch, Mark D., “More Light on Boss Tweed,” Political Science Quarterly 60, no. 2, June 1945:267–278, JSTOR (2144524) Justice, Benjamin, “Thomas Nast and the Public School of the 1870s,” History of Education Quarterly 45, no. 2, Summer 2005: 171–206, JSTOR (20461949) Morgan, H. Wayne, From Hayes to McKinley: National Party Politics, 1877–1896 Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 1969 198 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary Myers, Gustavus, The History of Tammany Hall New York: Dover Publications, 1971 Schlesinger, Arthur Meier, Rise of the City, 1878–1898 Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University Press, 1999 Seibold, Louis, “The Morals of Tammany,” North American Review 226, no. 5 (November 1928) 525–530, JSTOR (25110609) Thomas, Samuel J., “Mugwump Cartoonists, the Papacy, and Tammany Hall in America’s Gilded Age,” Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 14, no. 2, Summer 2004: 213–250, JSTOR (10.1525/rac.2004.14.2.213) Williams, Talcott, Tammany Hall LSE Selected Pamphlets, 1898, JSTOR (60225579) 199 THE CONCORD REVIEW Copyright 2012, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved Aleezé Qadir is a Senior at the University of Chicago Laboratory High School in Chicago, Illinois, where she wrote this paper for Paul Horton’s AT Modern World History course in the 2011/2012 academic year. THE FALL OF THE MUGHALS: HOW THE BRITISH COLONIZED MUGHAL INDIA Aleezé Qadir The Mughal Empire was one of the greatest Islamic empires in history. During the time of Shah Jahan, there was a high level of tolerance of all peoples in India. However, after the rule of Shah Jahan, his third son, Aurangzeb, gained control of the empire and ruled with an Islamist mindset; therefore, his rule was intolerant, which some, like Amy Chua, believe was the cause of the fall of the Mughal Empire. 1 However, the fall of the Mughal Empire was not so monocausal as that. The Mughals fell when the British colonized India, and intolerance did indeed help in weakening the Mughal Empire before it fell to the British. However, the British were able to colonize India because of other reasons as well, which included the political fragmentation of the Mughal Empire, the economic and trade problems that Mughal India was encountering, and the increasing influence of Europe affecting Asia. The Mughals were descendants of the Mongols, specifically Chinggis Khan and Tamerlane. The empire was founded in 1526 by Zahir Al-Din Muhammad Babur and lasted for more than two centuries after that. 2 Babur, a Chaghatai-Turkish prince, led his 200 Aleezé Qadir army to Delhi to collect the treasure that was stored there, and established the Mughal empire. He then dispersed the money within his army before going to Agra. Delhi and Agra then became the two twin capitals of the empire. 3 Prior to Babur’s invasion and the establishment of the Mu- ghal empire, India was ruled by fragmented tribal alliances, minor sultanates and small independent states. Babur was responsible for uniting the independently ruled areas under a strong central authority that became the basis for the Mughal empire. Even though India’s population was majority Hindu, Muslim rulers had mostly ruled it for about 800 years prior to the establishment of the Mughal empire. Thus, rule by the Mughals, who were also Muslim, was not always viewed favorably by the majority Hindu population. Many Hindus opposed the Mughal rule and there were numerous Hindu-led revolts against the Muslim Mughals over the years. Not until the third Mughal emperor, Jalaludin Muhammad Akbar, did the Mughals consolidate power in India and rule a truly united India. Akbar succeeded to the Mughal throne at the age of 13 in 1556. Akbar’s early years as ruler were turbulent; however, he was able to consolidate power and eventually rule most of India. Thus began what can be termed as the foundation of the golden age of the Mughal empire, and “the Mughal ‘empire’ in the strict sense of the term, with all its regalia and splendor, came into being in Akbar’s time.” 4 Akbar began the tradition of tolerance, diplomacy and coopting within the Mughal empire. He married non-Muslim Rajput princesses, which was a taboo at the time, to placate the local Hindu population’s apprehensions about a Muslim ruler. He reduced the role of strict sharia law and allowed non-Muslims to practice their religions more freely. He allowed non-Muslims to be promoted to senior positions in the govern- ment and the administration. In addition, he was a patron of the arts and promoted literature and architecture. Hence, Akbar’s rule can be considered what would in current times be termed a secular government and society. 201 THE CONCORD REVIEW The society of tolerance and enlightenment started by Akbar, after his death enabled the 17th century to become the most prosperous age of the Mughals. It was the time of three important Mughal emperors: Jahangir, Shah Jahan, and Aurang- zeb. Jahangir continued with the traditions of religious tolerance started by his father and was successful in expanding the Mughal empire in the east and in the north towards the Himalayas. He made justice the cornerstone of his rule and left intact much of the administrative structure put in place by Akbar. During his rule, there was a lot of focus on the arts and cultural enrichment. Paintings of princesses, servants, and embracing couples became popular. 5 The significance of this is extremely important because in the puritanical Salafi traditions of Islam, any depiction of a hu- man likeness is prohibited. Even more important is the depiction of women in paintings, which the Salafis consider an even greater sin. In addition, natural beauty became popular as animals were often portrayed in art, oftentimes elephants. 6 Also, calligraphic verses from the Quran were frequently used to frame artwork, as well as geometric patterns. The underlying thread in Jahangir’s rule was that of tolerance, liberalism, and letting a society flourish mostly without significant regard to religious prejudices. Following Jahangir’s rule of art, women, wine, and gardens, Shah Jahan began to rule the empire. His rule lasted for three decades, and he also ruled with great tolerance of other religions. He married Mumtaz Mahal, for whom he erected the famous Taj Mahal. Shah Jahan spent a significant time of his rule trying to control the rebellion happening in the Deccan (the south). The Mughals had never had much success in ruling southern India. During Jahangir’s reign, as well as Shah Jahan’s reign, several wars were fought to bring different parts of the south within the Mughal empire. However, rebellions would always arise as the Deccan would not accept rule from a power of the North. The Deccan problem distracted Shah Jahan significantly from other issues in the empire. 7 A huge power struggle ensued at the end of Shah Jahan’s reign as emperor between his oldest son Dara Shikoh and his 202 Aleezé Qadir third son Aurungzeb. The two brothers had different personalities and belief systems. Dara was an intellectual and practicing Sufi, while Aurungzeb believed in a more puritanical version of Islam. Dara was Shah Jahan’s heir apparent; however, through intrigues, betrayals, cunning, and after several battles, Aurungzeb was able to arrest and later behead his brother. 8 Aurungzeb took an extremely religious view in ruling India. 9 The idea of tolerance for other peoples diminished, and Aurangzeb ruled as a strict Salafi Muslim, whereas Dara would have been extremely tolerant of all religions, like his father and grandfather. Religious bigotry took hold in the affairs of the state during Aurungzeb’s time, which brewed discontent among the non-Muslim majority population of the empire. As is often the case, empires start decaying when large parts of their populations feel they are discriminated against, and injustices based on race, creed and religion become part of the state’s policy. This point is when most historians say that the Mughal empire also began to decline. Not only did the decline of the Mughal empire start with Aurungzeb’s rule, but contemporary analysts are even going as far as to say that the current extremist strain of Islam in South Asia and the resulting terrorism associated with it is also a result of something that happened because of Aurungzeb’s rule more than 300 years ago. 10 Aurangzeb was the last of the prominent and powerful emperors of the Mughal Empire. The Mughal Empire continued as a dynasty after Aurangzeb, but it eventually became so weak that when the British decided to colonize India, the Mughals were un- able to hold them off. Instead, the colonization effort was weakly resisted on the Mughals’ part, and so ended the Mughal Empire. Even though religious intolerance and bigotry played a significant role in weakening the Mughal empire, a major aspect that contributed to the fall of the Mughals was also that the politi- cal structure of the empire was crumbling. The Mughal empire had been served very well by the Chinggisid-Timurid system of governance by royal appanages. In this system, princes were as- signed semi-autonomous regions within the empire with one of 203 THE CONCORD REVIEW the brothers dominating the empire as the emperor. 11 The princes would enjoy military, economic and political autonomy and the emperor would in return enjoy their loyalty in governing smaller parts of the empire. As inherently conflicted as this system was, it worked very well for most Timurid rulers who possessed charisma, like Timur. In the beginning of the Mughal Empire, adhering to Tamerlane-like political charisma also helped them gain control of and effectively govern the native people of the South Asian region. 12 Babur, like Tamerlane, possessed charisma and was also a very successful military leader, which was a trait that also legiti- mized those who would follow him as emperor. 13 His rule was very thoroughly thought out and well-crafted in order to have people follow his lead. However, after Babar and the other prominent Mughal emperors, in-fighting that resulted in not adhering to the political and governance structure that had served the Timurids for centuries further weakened the empire. Aurungzeb’s betrayal of his brothers likely accelerated this decline. This caused the central authority to weaken, allowing rebels who resented Mughal rule to get stronger. As stated previously, rebels in the southern part of India were always uncomfortable with the idea of being ruled by the northern power. The rebels of the Deccan wanted their own freedom, and with growing political tension and weakening central power were able to further diminish the authority of the emperor. Even though Aurangzeb’s rule was the last powerful rule of the Mughal Empire, the empire’s decline had started during his time. After his rule, the empire’s decline accelerated because of the weak Mughal leaders who followed him, who could not stay true to the principles of governance that had served their ancestors so well over the centuries. As central power waned, rule in India again became fragmented as it had been prior to the Mughals, with the center yielding power to local rajas who started controlling small parts of the empire. “New Mughals” came in from Britain to take control of the now feeble Mughal Empire, which caused further instability to the political situation in India. 14 The rebels continued 204 Aleezé Qadir to revolt, even as English control over India increased. However, the British believed that they should make India part of their own empire after seeing how horribly the rajas were doing as political leaders. 15 The British saw the rajas as useless, as they did not have much of a function. The Mughals had no other political leaders to rely on. Although they did react harshly to the idea, eventually, they were forced to join the British Empire. Since there was no strong political structure to protect the Mughals from the British, the Mughals were forced to become part of the British Empire. As much as the first two factors contributed to the demise of the Mughal empire, another significant factor was the decline of the Indian economy. There were two primary reasons for the eventual collapse of the Indian economy. One was a hugely bur- densome taxation system and the other was the lack of maritime capabilities. The Indian Ocean housed a huge world-economy of trade, where India supplied textiles for places like South East Asia, Iran, East Africa, and the Arab nations. 16 However, a system of taxation was put into place that allowed the state to take as tax a propor- tion of the crop from the peasants, while the ruling class could obtain income from the land “without any permanent attachment to it.” 17 In a regressive tax system like this, the entire burden of the tax fell on the poor peasants. What exacerbated the problem was that in trying to improve their yields for the crops and to im- prove processes, the farmers had no money to make investments in tools and other new technology. While the ruling class had the money, they had no incentive to make an investment since there were no large plantations that would have allowed them to recoup their investment In addition, the ruling elite would get earnings from the land based on the amount of land they owned in any case. Also adding to the farmers’ misery was the fact that the tax collectors used to be appointed in their jurisdictions for limited durations, so they were incentivized to over-collect before they were transferred out. All of this combined to choke the peasants who eventually began to stop growing the crops, and that resulted in the collapse of the Indian economy. 205 THE CONCORD REVIEW The second reason for the collapse of the Indian economy was the lack of focus on building a navy and advancing maritime trade. 18 The Mughal empire was preoccupied with expanding its power within the subcontinent and was mainly interested in building its armies to further that end. However, from a trading perspective, Europe served as the world’s top market, and as its demand for traded products grew, it could only be met by maritime trade. This required Indian goods to be transported there by sea. The lack of maritime trade also reduced the value of Indian trade with Europe as a percentage of overall trade. 19 The lack of a navy also meant that the sea transportation industry was controlled by the Europeans. This gave the Europeans enormous bargaining power over Indian goods. Because of a lack of a domestic market, local Indian traders were forced to sell their goods to the Euro- pean trading and transportation companies at low prices. This allowed the trading companies to make most of the profit and kept Indians from exporting their own products. For instance, Bengal silk was mostly exported through European traders like the Dutch and the English. 20 Only one-third of their own products were exported by the Indian commodities traders. 21 Eventually, the result was the monopolization of all trade from India by the East India Companies that pretty much wiped out all competition along with wiping out the local trading community. 22 Iran, which was a traditional trading partner of India, was also no longer the main market for Indian products because of a declining economy, and India could not buy Iranian products as well, which made the situation worse for both. In addition to monopolizing trade, whenever any disputes arose, the navies supporting the trading companies always came to their rescue and the lack of a Mughal navy further magnified Mughal India’s weaknesses. 23 The combination of lower produc- tion and the monopolization of trade by the East India Company devastated the Indian economy. The loss of its trade earnings and a weak economy further weakened the Mughals, which further contributed to them being overthrown so easily by the British. 206 Aleezé Qadir Lastly, the British colonized the Mughals with ease because of the growing impression and influence of the West on Asia. “The East” has always been very different and separate from the Western world throughout history. However, increasing interaction with the West is what caused the Mughal Empire to lose its cultural boundaries and make colonization simple for the British. Dur- ing the time of the Mughal Empire, European countries traded with India often. 24 With such interaction frequently happening, influence of the West most likely traveled with the trade. The West regularly interacted with Mughal India, and each interaction has been said to influence India thoroughly, not just penetrat- ing economic, political, and legal levels, but the entire cultural spectrum as a whole. 25 As stated earlier, the British came to India after the more prominent and effective Mughal rulers had ended their rule. Instead of having the native Indians control the em- pire, it was run by British men who tried to keep control over the constantly revolting people of the South and elsewhere. Also, by trading with Asian countries, European culture made its way into Mughal India. 26 The increased use of European products led to replacement of old “Eastern” ways. Europe’s culture replaced that of Mughal India, and with that, Mughal India lost its definition; the use of European products diminished Indian culture and increased Western culture in India. Without this definition, the idea of indigenous rule was diluted and the Mughals were easily overthrown. The British would not have been able to colonize Mughal India as quickly if it were not for the crumbling political structure, the collapse of the Mughal Indian economy, and the impact of the Western world on Asia. Others could possibly argue that the greatest factors of the Mughal downfall and the British coloniza- tion of India were not the political and economic conditions and the influence of Europe on Asia. Chua, for instance, believes that the fall of the Mughal Empire was purely based on religious in- tolerance from the time of Aurangzeb. However, Aurangzeb had died long before the time the British colonized India. This does not take away from the fact that the intolerance of Aurangzeb was definitely a significant factor in the decline of the empire, but it 207 THE CONCORD REVIEW was not the only factor. Just as significant reasons for the collapse of the Mughal Empire were the political and economic problems, as well as the cultural influence of the West. These problems were very important to world history because the Mughal Empire prob- ably could have lived on for a bit longer if such difficulties had not stood in the Mughals’ way. If the empire had been stronger and less penetrated by Western society, perhaps it would have lasted longer than it did. In that case, the British would not have colonized so easily. They probably would have had to fight harder and expend more significant resources to colonize India, or let it alone. That would make a huge impact on the country of In- dia now, on current world history and on recent events as well. Pakistan may not even have existed if it were not for the British colonization of India. Instead, it would be a part of a larger India, and the probability of the 9/11 attack on the United States would have been much diminished. Still, India was colonized by Britain, which then created two separate countries for the Muslims and Hindus with the idea of stopping communal violence between these people who believe in two very different religions. However, violence and conflict between these two countries continues. 208 Aleezé Qadir Endnotes 1 Amy Chua, Day of Empire: How Hyperpowers Rise to Global Dominance-and Why They Fall (New York: Doubleday, 2007) p. 184 2 Farhat Hassan, review of The New Cambridge History of India, 1.5—The Mughal Empire by John F. Richards, Modern Asian Studies (Cambridge) May 1995, p. 441 3 Stanley Wolpert, A New History of India (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000) p. 122 4 Ruby Lai, “Rethinking Mughal India: Challenge of a Princess’ Memoir,” Economic and Political Weekly 38, no. 1 (2003) p. 53 5 Wolpert, p. 151 6 Ibid., p. 150 7 Ibid., p. 153 8 Maheen Bashir Adamjee, “The Untold Story,” Newsline, August 26, 2010, [online], available from http://www. newslinemagazine.com/2010/08/the-untold- story-2/ 9 Wolpert, p. 154 10 Ayaz Amir, “The Evil of Our Circumstances,” Khaleej Times (October 2, 2010) 11 Lisa Balabanlilar, “Lords of the Auspicious Conjunction: Turco-Mongol Imperial Identity on the Subcontinent,” Journal of World History 18, no. 1 (2007) p. 14 12 Ibid., p. 4 13 Ibid., p. 4 14 Wolpert, p. 207 15 Ibid., p. 227 16 Ravi Palat, et al., “The Incorporation and Peripheralization of South Asia, 1600–1950,” Review (Fernand Braudel Center) 10, no. 1 (1986) p. 174 17 Ibid., p. 173 18 Ibid., p. 176 19 M. Athar Ali, “The Passing of Empire: The Mughal Case,” Modern Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (1975) p. 387 20 Ibid., p. 388 21 Ibid., p. 388 22 Palat, et al., “The Incorporation and Peripheralization of South Asia, 1600–1950,” p. 181 23 Ibid., p. 176 24 Frank Perlin, “Precolonial South Asia and Western Penetration in the Seventeenth to Nineteenth Centuries: A 209 THE CONCORD REVIEW Problem of Epistemological Status,” Review (Fernand Braudel Center) 4, no. 2 (1980) p. 270 25 Ibid., p. 271 26 Ibid., p. 273 Bibliography Adamjee, Maheen Bashir, “The Untold Story,” Newsline, August 26, 2010, [Online], available from http://www. newslinemagazine.com/2010/08/the-untold-story-2/ Ali, M. Athar, “The Passing of Empire: The Mughal Case,” Modern Asian Studies 9.3 (1975): 385–396 Amir, Ayaz, “The Evil of Our Circumstances,” Khaleej Times October 2, 2010 Balabanlilar, Lisa, “Lords of the Auspicious Conjunction: Turco-Mongol Imperial Identity on the Subcontinent,” Journal of World History 18.1 (2007): 1–39 Chandrashekar, S., Colonialism, Conflict, and Nationalism: South India, 1857–1947 New Delhi: Wishwa Prakashan, 1995 Chua, Amy, Day of Empire: How Hyperpowers Rise to Global Dominance—and Why They Fall New York: Doubleday, 2007 Cossim, Considerations on the Danger and Impolicy of Laying Open the Trade with India and China Including an Examination of the Objections Commonly Urged Against the East India Company’s Commercial and Financial Management London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1812 Crawfurd, John, A View of the Present State and Future Prospects of the Free Trade & Colonization of India 2nd edition, London: J. Ridgway, 1829 Dirks, Nicholas B., Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2001 210 Aleezé Qadir Hasan, Farhat, Rev. of, The New Cambridge History of India. 1.5—The Mughal Empire by John F. Richards, Modern Asian Studies 29.2 (1995): 441–447 Krishna, Bal, Commercial Relations Between India and England 1601–1757 London: George Routledge & Sons, Ltd., 1924 Lai, Ruby, “Rethinking Mughal India: Challenge of a Princess’ Memoir,” Economic and Political Weekly 38.1 (2003): 53–65 Palat, Ravi, Kenneth Barr, James Matson, Vinay Bahl, and Nesar Ahmad, “The Incorporation and Peripheralization of South Asia, 1600–1950,” Review (Fernand Braudel Center) 10.1 (1986): 171–208 Pearson, M. N., “Shivaji and the Decline of the Mughal Empire,” The Journal of Asian Studies 35.2 (1976): 221–235 Perlin, Frank, “Precolonial South Asia and Western Penetration in the Seventeenth to Nineteenth Centuries: A Problem of Epistemological Status,” Review (Fernand Braudel Center) 4.2 (1980): 267–306 Richards, John F., The Mughal Empire Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993 Sutton, Deborah, Other Landscapes: Colonialism and the Predicament of Authority in Nineteenth-Century South India S.I.: Nias Press, 2009 Wolpert, Stanley, A New History of India New York: Oxford University Press, 2000 211 THE CONCORD REVIEW Copyright 2012, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved Andrew Burton is a Senior at Upper Canada College in Toronto, where he wrote this International Baccalaureate Extended Essay for Jeff Hill in the 2011/2012 academic year. A STRUGGLE FOR DOMINANCE: U.S.-BRITISH RELATIONS IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR Andrew Burton I) Introduction a) Background Information and Context …We have toiled and suffered and dared, shoulder to shoulder against the cruel and mighty enemy. We have acted in close combination or concert in many parts of the world, on land, on sea and in the air…I am proud that you have found us good allies, striving forward in comradeship to the accomplishment of our task….In those days, after our long—and for a whole year lonely—struggle, I could not repress in my heart a sense of relief and comfort that we were all bound together by common peril, by solemn faith and high purpose, to see this quarrel through, at all costs, to the end. 1 This 1943 address, in which British Prime Minister Win- ston Churchill also refers to the “fraternal association” of the U.S. and Great Britain, formed the foundation for Churchill’s famous speech “The Sinews of Peace,” delivered at Westminster College, Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946. In his address, Churchill included a phrase that would subsequently be used by historians to describe the close diplomatic, military, economic and cultural 212 Andrew Burton ties between the United States and the United Kingdom both during and after World War II: “The Special Relationship.” The close association that developed between the two powers was unprecedented. However, as the war progressed, it became clear that the relationship was not one of equality or even the harmony Churchill described. It was a relationship of necessity, made special only by the extreme nature of the danger facing both countries. Once the crisis of 1941–1942 had passed, Anglo-American relations developed into an uneven collaboration, increasingly dominated by the United States due to its overwhelming superiority in war production and manpower. As World War II progressed, it became evident that this Special Relationship, a phrase used largely by the British (par- ticularly Churchill) after-the-fact to emphasize the importance of the two countries’ bonds, was partly a struggle for dominance between allies while it was a collaboration to defeat the Axis Pow- ers. Churchill knew that in order for the British to defeat the significantly stronger German and Japanese forces in World War II, they would have to strategically align themselves with the strong and resource-rich Americans. As historian, David Reynolds noted: Anglo-American cooperation grew out of a sense of shared threat and mutual need. For Britain after the fall of France, American aid was essential for survival, victory and a stable peace. For disarmed America, the British Isles and its fleet were initially the last bastion against Hitler and later the essential base for liberating the continent of Europe. 3 Debate regarding the Special Relationship between later histo- rians such as Reynolds who saw an uneven association, and that of British war leaders, most notably Churchill, who sought in retrospect to define a relationship in which Britain was a critical and at least an equal partner throughout the war, continues to this day. Reynolds however notes: This concept of an Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ was, how- ever, a largely British invention. It never had the same currency in Washington, let alone among the American public… 4 213 THE CONCORD REVIEW b) Research Question, Historiography and Thesis This paper examines the question “to what extent did one nation dominate the other in the Special Relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom in the Second World War?” In choosing the word “dominance” as a basis for assessing the relationship, one must focus on the factors that contribute to one party’s ascendancy over the other—namely control over resource allocation, leadership of military forces and ultimately the formation of strategic decisions. There has been significant debate among historians about which country prevailed in shaping the strategy and means of victory. Winston Churchill, in his six-volume history of World War II, extensively chronicles the relationship between the U.S. and Britain—colouring it with rosy hues and little or no critical view. His words have defined the relationship for many. However, John Keegan in his book The Second World War suggests that the war was a predominately American effort, while Martin Gilbert, in his history Churchill and America, appears to have a view more supportive of the British perspective of an equitable partnership. Other scholars such as David Reynolds, in his book From World War to Cold War: Churchill, Roosevelt and the International History of the 1940s, note that the relationship was a “marriage of necessity.” 5 The perspective of this paper is that as the war progressed, it became largely an American-dominated effort, even though the British began as the foremost power. Although the United States did not formally enter the war until the end of 1941, their collaboration during these initial years strengthened the relation- ship between the two countries and laid the foundations for the defeat of Germany in 1945. However, American dominance of the Special Relationship was solidified with the invasion of Normandy in June 1944 and continued in increasing measure through to the victorious end of the war. 214 Andrew Burton II) 1939–1941 The close personal relationship between Prime Minister Winston Churchill and President Franklin Roosevelt was the foun- dation of the Anglo-American alliance. 6 This association began in late 1939, at the beginning of World War II, when British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain appointed Winston Churchill to the war cabinet as the First Lord of the Admiralty. Chamberlain had a poor relationship with Roosevelt at the time. 7 Animosity between the leaders of these powerful nations was nothing new, as the bond between David Lloyd George and Woodrow Wilson in World War I was not particularly close. 8 However, Roosevelt saw Churchill as a leader who was prepared to fight and one who might actu- ally bring his nation to military victory. 9 Roosevelt and Churchill began a series of personal communications while Churchill was a cabinet minister under Chamberlain. More than 1,700 letters and telegrams passed between them before war’s end. 10 The beginning of World War II was disastrous for Britain and France. Although outnumbered, the German army quickly overwhelmed Europe, moving toward total control of the continent. By 1940, German leader Adolf Hitler had his eyes set on the United Kingdom, one of the few remaining countries in Europe not under German control. All Allied plans up to this point to stop Hitler, whether on land, in the air or on the sea, had failed. Churchill was desperate for support and looked to his “warm-hearted friend” who at the time occupied the White House: Franklin Roosevelt. 11 Even though the U.S. had yet to enter the conflict, the close personal relationship between Roosevelt and Churchill resulted in the provision of critical support by America to her ally. 12 This bond culminated in two important policies drafted in 1940 and 1941 respectively that would define the U.S.-British relationship for the balance of the war: “The Destroyers for Bases Agreement” and “Lend-Lease.” In fact, three of the turning points of the war—the American decision to support Britain in the months before Pearl Harbor, the victory over the Germans in North Africa, which kept the Middle East out of German control, and the timing of the lib- 215 THE CONCORD REVIEW eration of Western Europe—were largely products of Roosevelt’s and Churchill’s personal collaboration. 13 a) Destroyers for Bases Agreement In past wars, Britain’s isolation as an island from mainland Europe, and the Royal Navy, had made it, since 1066, exceedingly difficult to invade her—no one had done it. However, by 1940, Churchill’s greatest fear was enemy action at sea. 14 Germany had built up a submarine navy powerful enough to potentially strangle the British Isles and was succeeding in significantly reducing the flow of food and materials to Britain. 15 The British fleet was not large or powerful enough to defeat the advanced German U-Boats and conduct all of its other wartime duties. 16 For the first time, Churchill looked to America for tangible help. After a series of negotiations with Roosevelt, on September 2, 1940, the “Destroy- ers for Bases Agreement” was signed. Under the agreement, the United States Navy would send 50 old mothballed destroyers to the Royal Navy in exchange for military bases on a number of British colonies in the Americas. 17 This deal was seen in retrospect as being more advantageous to the Americans. The destroyers were old, obsolete and required extensive and expensive refits to make them useful. 18 “…The Brit- ish had little choice but to accept what they considered grossly unfair terms. This rather smacks of Russia’s demands on Finland,” John Colville, a private secretary to Churchill, wrote sourly in his diary. 19 b) Lend-Lease Although Roosevelt was reluctant to send troops to fight the German armies, he agreed to send munitions to the Allies. However, the price of American aid was high. All material was to be paid for in hard currency on the date of purchase, which resulted 216 Andrew Burton in various European countries (namely Belgium) lending money to Britain. 20 By late-1940, Britain was essentially out of reserves. 21 Churchill was under intense political pressure from the British people to defy Hitler’s forces but understood that he did not have the necessary resources to do so. He was heard to remark bitterly, “We have not had anything from the United States that we have not paid for, and what we have had has not played an essential part in our resistance.” 22 After a series of discussions and letters that echoed the correspondence for the “Destroyers for Bases Agreement” a year earlier, “Lend-Lease” was signed into law on March 11, 1941. The program, formally titled “An Act to Further Promote the Defense of the United States,” detailed that for the duration of the war, the U.S. would supply Britain and other Allied nations with materials. The U.S.’s enormous economy and large population (that was not yet at war but working in the factories) resulted in the manu- facture of materials at a rate that no other country could attain. 23 In addition, while sending cargo ships across the Atlantic Ocean delivering materials to the British, the U.S. Navy would patrol ocean waters with standing orders to shoot at any threatening German U-Boats. 24 Their excuse was that they were not attacking an enemy, but simply defending their own property. 25 By 1945, more than $50.1 billion worth of supplies were shipped. 26 Britain was the primary beneficiary, receiving $31.4 billion. 27 In return, the U.S. received $7.8 billion, $6.8 billion of which was from Britain. 28 This policy came to be known as “Reverse Lend-Lease.” For the duration of the agreement, the U.S. never charged for aid that was supplied under this legislation. 29 c) Result The facts examined suggest that both the “Destroyers for Bases Agreement” and “Lend-Lease” were crucial in the develop- ment of the later-dubbed Special Relationship between the U.S. and the British in World War II and laterally in the assertion of 217 THE CONCORD REVIEW American dominance on the world stage. The U.S. had yet to send any soldiers to Europe, but both measures were many steps away from the non-interventionist policy Roosevelt was maintaining publically. 30 Although both acts clearly established an alliance, the initial effectiveness of the policies themselves is debatable. As noted, the destroyers were largely unseaworthy, the artillery and small arms were obsolete and the aircraft deliveries small in relation to the output of British factories. 31 It was only in 1942, when Britain began receiving Sherman tanks and other technologi- cally advanced weapons that Britain’s war effort was significantly enhanced. 32 The acts were more significant in establishing the U.S.-British connection (however much this was hyperbolized) than in delivering war materials effectively in the early stages of the war. Prior to Lend-Lease, the United Kingdom was considered the more politically dominant of the two nations due to its huge empire and military strength—Britain still had the largest navy in the world and the world’s largest empire. 33 However, Lend-Lease signaled a changing of the guard—a change in which America overtook Britain as the world’s most powerful nation. This trans- formation manifested itself more later during the fighting of the great land battles of World War II. However, until late 1941, the United States was not yet engaged in the war and Britain continued the fight standing alone against Hitler. III) 1942–1945 On December 7, 1941, a crucial event took place that would change the course of the war and subsequently the US- Britain relationship: Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor. A day later, Germany declared war on the United States. The second stage of the war had begun as the U.S. formally entered the conflict, and began to mobilize its resources for total war. 218 Andrew Burton a) Arcadia Conference In the events leading up to the U.S. entrance into the war and until 1944, America and Britain interacted largely as equals. The U.S. had yet to directly engage the enemy; it was the British who had been fighting on multiple fronts for over two years. Moreover, in the early stages of 1942, the Americans were also waging war on two fronts—the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor enraged U.S. officials and American citizens, and had officially started a war on the other front: the Pacific. Immediately after Pearl Har- bor, it was quite conceivable that the U.S. might turn its attention primarily to the Japanese—top ranking U.S. military leaders such as the Chief of Naval Staff, Ernest J. King, strongly advocated this course of action. 34 While this essay only focuses on the fighting in Europe and North Africa because both Britain and the U.S. were involved in those battles, it is important to remember that in the Far East, the U.S. waged another war against the Japanese armies without significant support from Britain, which lost Hong Kong and Singapore to the Japanese. Although the elimination of Germany was Roosevelt’s primary concern, Army Chief of Staff General George C. Marshall wanted a quick, decisive victory so that he could then focus the U.S. military efforts on Japan. 35 This potential strategic difference emerged at the Arcadia Conference, the first conference between Churchill and Roosevelt where the U.S. was formally part of the war effort. 36 It lasted from December 22, 1941 to January 14, 1942. At Arcadia, Churchill proposed a “Germany First” strategy, with which Roosevelt ultimately concurred. The “Germany First” policy was singularly important to the British, and recognized by the Americans as the key strategic thrust of the war. 37 As U.S. Chief of Naval Operations, Harold Stark. remarked, “If Britain wins decisively against Germany, we could win everywhere; but… if she loses, the problem would be very great, and while we might not lose everywhere, we might, possibly, not win anywhere.” 38 Significantly, the establishment of The Combined Chiefs of Staff 219 THE CONCORD REVIEW Committee to direct the joint war effort was agreed upon—with its headquarters in Washington, not London. 39 It was apparent even in the dark post-Pearl-Harbor days that the balance of power was shifting. French General Charles de Gaulle presciently remarked, “…in this industrial war, nothing can resist the power of Ameri- can industry. From now on, the British will do nothing without Roosevelt’s agreement.” 40 The two leaders’ views were different on when the inva- sion of northwestern Europe would take place. Roosevelt wanted an early invasion in 1942 for two reasons: first, by eliminating Germany, he would be given more time and resources to fight the Japanese in the East; and second, he was being pressured by Stalin in Soviet Russia to help them fight against the massive invasion from Hitler’s armies. 41 Churchill however, had strong views that an early invasion of northwestern Europe would likely be a disaster. 42 Having fought the Germans for two full years, he realized the desperate situation in which the Allies found themselves. 43 In early 1942, Germany had a fully mobilized military, more advanced weaponry and a greater supply of materials. 44 Even with U.S. support in northwest Europe, there was certainly no guarantee of victory. By the end of the conference, the Allies had agreed broadly on a plan to defeat Hitler. First, the decision was made to eliminate Axis presence from North Africa, and to subsequently to do the same in Sicily and in the rest of Italy. 45 This strategy was almost entirely a British conception as the Americans had little interest in that strategy, seeing it as dilutive to the primary objective of a successful cross-channel invasion. 46 The timeframe agreed for these two missions was two years. 47 Following successful campaigns that would substantially weaken Germany’s presence in Europe, the Allies would invade northwest France and finally put an end to Hitler’s regime. 48 At this point, the British dominated the Special Relationship, as British officials had largely developed the grand plan for victory in Europe. It was not until 1944 with the invasion of France that the U.S.’s direct military (as opposed to industrial) contribution to the war was supreme. 220 Andrew Burton b) The North African Campaign The Torch invasion in 1942 was the first theatre in which American ascendancy became apparent. 49 Although Roosevelt had urged Churchill to pull his troops out of Africa and focus instead on attacking Hitler’s forces in northwest France, the U.S. ultimately joined the mission which commenced on November 8, 1942. Churchill’s goal was to drive the German forces out of Africa before attacking Germany on the Western Front. 50 The offensive was divided into two: Operation Torch (fought primar- ily by the Americans in Morocco and Algeria) and the Western Desert Campaign (fought primarily by the British in Egypt and Libya). 51 After conquering their respective areas, the two forces would combine at Tunisia, eliminating the Axis presence in North Africa. 52 Operation Torch was the first opportunity in the European theatre for America to deploy army formation in combat. At this point in the African Campaign, the British had largely retreated to their last line of defense in Egypt at El Alamein, having expe- rienced great difficulties with the Afrika Korps. 53 A fresh supply of American soldiers, tanks, and artillery was needed to help the campaign succeed and contain Hitler’s expansion. The number of men taking part in this offensive totaled 92,000. 54 With the exception of the Eastern Task Force, the men serving in this campaign were primarily American, using American weapons. 55 From November 8–16, 1942, the American-led force was able to move through Morocco and Algeria and defeat the Axis troops stationed there. The supreme commander of Torch was General Dwight D. Eisenhower assisted by General George S. Patton, both American. Although it was evident that the U.S. had firm leadership of forces in Morocco and Algeria, the Western Desert Campaign being fought on the other side of the continent was both led and fought effectively by the British under General Bernard L. Mont- gomery. 56 However, the U.S. did make some significant contribu- 221 THE CONCORD REVIEW tions to his campaign. Nearly all of the tanks used in this conflict were U.S.-built Sherman Tanks and the British employed various models of American Browning .50-caliber heavy machine guns. 57 The reinvigorated British army earned a conclusive victory at the battle of El Alamein in November 1942. 58 After the two decisive victories in North Africa, the British and American forces met at Tunisia and finally eliminated all Axis presence in Africa. The Allies then shifted their focus to Sicily and to all Italy. Although the Allies suffered well over 200,000 casual- ties, enemy loses were staggering: 620,000 men died and even more were taken as prisoners of war. 59 While it was evident that the Axis armies, for the most part, had superior soldiers, generals and equipment, they lacked the manpower the U.S. provided to the Allied forces. 60 If the British had been without American support, the North African Campaign might have born the same result as the first three years of the fight prior to American involvement: a near stalemate. However, with the addition of a large number of American soldiers, munitions and equipment, the Allies were able to overcome the Axis—the U.S. Army from the west and the British Army from the east. c) Operation Overlord The ultimate demonstration of the U.S. ascendancy in the Allied relationship came on June 6, 1944 with the invasion of Normandy, or Operation Overlord. This important campaign finally and firmly established American strategic domination. The vast majority of all weapons and tanks used by both the British and the Americans in the campaign were American made in large quantities. Remarkably, by 1944, the U.S. was manu- facturing 40 percent of the world’s armaments. 61 Moreover, the U.S.’s supremacy was evident in the leadership positions of U.S. officials relative to their British counterparts. For the offensive, American General Dwight D. Eisenhower was named Supreme Al- lied Commander, a clear sign which nation would be controlling 222 Andrew Burton the conflict. 62 All British forces reported to Eisenhower, a symbol of the clear dominance demonstrated by the U.S. and the shifting balance of power. In the actual fighting, American General Omar Bradley commanded four armies of American soldiers while Brit- ish General Bernard Montgomery controlled two: one British and one Canadian. 63 Further, 73,000 American troops were initially deployed on the beaches in comparison to 61,715 British troops (of which approximately one-third were Canadian). 64 The battle the Americans fought on Omaha Beach was one of the more difficult encounters with the Axis forces. More than 3,000 casualties were suffered on Omaha Beach alone, and when combined with the men lost on Utah Beach, the casualty rate of the American soldiers was nearly three times as high as their British counterparts. 65 American sway over military strategy grew progressively subsequent to the breakout from Normandy. By early 1945, U.S. Army forces in the European theatre amounted to 3.1 million per- sonnel as compared to 1.1 million British and Canadian forces. 66 By this time, economically, the U.S. was a clear powerhouse; it supplied 29 percent of British military equipment used in Europe and 29 percent of the U.K.’s food consumption. 67 d) Further Means of Victory Strategically, the British were adamantly opposed to “Op- eration Dragoon”—the August 1944 invasion of Southern France by U.S. forces drawn from the Italian theatre. 68 U.S. policymak- ers, however, continued to see Italy as a sideshow and wanted all available forces committed to the defeat of Germany in Northwest Europe. 69 Moreover, the British grand design for a concentrated thrust of all armies (under Montgomery) north through the Ruhr to Berlin was rejected. 70 Eisenhower would not agree to such a plan and instead forced the “broad front” strategy along most of Germany’s western border. 71 In addition, he refused to attempt to take Berlin, despite Churchill’s exhortations to do so. 72 Clearly, U.S. policy and interests were paramount in all major strategic decisions following D-Day. 223 THE CONCORD REVIEW As the war in Europe moved rapidly to conclusion, a conference among the three allies—England, the United States and Soviet Russia—was held at Yalta to determine post war Eu- rope’s future. Yalta marked publically the growing rift between the U.S. and the U.K. when serious disagreement between Churchill and Roosevelt over the future of Poland was evi- dent—Roosevelt compromised with Stalin over Poland’s borders and the requirement for free elections. 73 Churchill had been adamantly opposed to the Russian position but was excluded by Roosevelt from the discussions. Churchill wrote to his Foreign Secretary, The facts of what happened at Yalta should be disclosed, namely that arrangements were made between the President and Stalin direct. We were only informed of them at our party luncheon, when all had been already agreed, and we had no part in making them. 74 IV) Conclusion Relationships are almost never equal. Whether it is a friend- ship between two people or an important political alliance, one party will usually carry more weight. The relationship between Britain and the United States during World War II was no differ- ent. At best, the relationship was one of enlightened self-interest. Britain knew that she might not lose the war but also could not win it without the United States. 75 Churchill recognized this fact. Roosevelt needed Britain as a base for future operations against Germany. It is noteworthy, however, to observe how the relation- ship and power dynamics evolved. Prior to the U.S.’s entry into the conflict, the British were the dominant player. It was Britain who fought alone for over a year and it was British military forces that were actively engaged in fighting around the world. Britain drove the strategic thrust of “Europe First” and convinced the reluctant Americans to invade Northwest Africa and Italy. After the U.S. entered the war, the balance of power began to shift, but it was not until 1944 that a combination of material support and superior manpower contri- 224 Andrew Burton butions by the U.S. resulted in its dominant leadership role. As Conrad Black has noted: For his part, Churchill may have resented the steady accretion of comparative and absolute American power, pro and part American though he was. The rise of America, though it brought salvation, also brought the relative marginalization of Britain since the great days of 1940 and 1941, when Winston Churchill and his people held the key to the world’s future. 76 Less apparent but highly important is the degree to which Britain (largely through Churchill’s force of character) continued to shape policy and strategy through the end of the war. One could argue that Britain drove the ultimate winning strategy and had sway over the alliance for over four years until the invasion of northwest Europe. Certainly in terms of length of time driving policy, the British were the preeminent partner. Few can argue that if Britain had not chosen to stand alone and fight Germany despite terrible initial hardships, the outcome of the war would have been much different. From where would the U.S. have at- tacked Germany without England? The U.S. clearly dominated in the last year of the war and thereafter, the most critical time in the determination of post-war institutions and territorial decisions. Shortly after the war ended, it became even more evident that the U.S. was the more powerful partner in the increasingly unharmonious relationship. Lend-Lease was abruptly cancelled in 1945, without informing the British beforehand. 77 In order to help the various European countries that had been savaged as a result of six years of fighting, the U.S. instituted the Marshall Plan. 78 The plan was designed to give monetary relief to countries destroyed by war, including Britain. Post-war, the only country that could afford such a massive relief program was the United States. 79 The relationship that Winston Churchill described was certainly special, but by 1944, it was not equal. The Americans became the supreme partner, paving the way for the leadership position they still enjoy today. 225 THE CONCORD REVIEW Brought together by the crisis of 1940, Britain and America entered into a unique alliance, but one in which the United States was clearly the dominant partner by the last year of the war. In 1945–1946, how- ever, the partnership disintegrated in many areas…and relations were never again as close or as equal. 80 226 Andrew Burton 1 Winston Churchill and Winston S. Churchill, Never Give In!: The Best of Winston Churchill’s Speeches (New York: Hyperion, 2003) p. 350 2 Francis L. Loewenheim, Harold D. Langley, Manfred Jonas, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, Roosevelt and Churchill, Their Secret Wartime Correspondence (New York: Saturday Review, 1975) p. 3 3 David Reynolds, From World War to Cold War: Churchill, Roosevelt, and the International History of the 1940s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) p. 69 4 Ibid., p. 65 5 Ibid., p. 68 6 Loewenheim, et al., p. 3 7 Max Hastings, Finest Years: Churchill as Warlord 1940– 1945 (London: HarperPress, 2009) p. 18 8 Loewenheim, et al., p. 3 9 Jon Meacham, Franklin and Winston: An Intimate Portrait of an Epic Friendship (New York: Random House, 2003) p. 66 10 Loewenheim, et al., p. 40 11 Reynolds, p. 49 12 Loewenheim, et al., p. 7 13 Meacham, p. xvi 14 John Keegan, The Second World War (New York: Viking, 1990) p. 104 15 Max Hastings, All Hell Let Loose: The World at War 1939–1945 (London: HarperPress, 2011) p. 273 16 Ibid., p. 269 17 Andrew Roberts, The Storm of War: A New History of the Second World War (New York: Harper, 2011) p. 130 18 Hastings, Finest Years, p. 172 19 Lynne Olson, Citizens of London: The Americans Who Stood with Britain in Its Darkest, Finest Hour (New York: Random House, 2010) p. 7 20 Hastings, Finest Years, p. 173 21 Ibid., p. 173 22 Andrew Roberts, Masters and Commanders: How Four Titans Won the War in the West, 1941–1945 (New York: Harper, 2009) p. 45 23 Keegan. p. 219 24 Reynolds. p. 54 227 THE CONCORD REVIEW 25 Conrad Black, Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Champion of Freedom (New York: Public Affairs, 2003) p. 666 26 Leo T. Crowley, “Lend Lease,” 10 Eventful Years (Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1947) p. 858 27 Ibid., p. 858 28 Ibid., p. 859 29 Ibid., p. 859 30 Black, p. 656 31 Keegan, p. 104 32 Hastings, Finest Years, p. 172 33 Reynolds, p. 315 34 Roberts, Masters and Commanders, p. 139 35 Keegan, p. 312 36 “World War II: The Postwar World,” About.com Military History (10 July 2012) <http://militaryhistory.about.com/od/ worldwarii/a/wwiipost.htm> 37 Roberts, Masters and Commanders, p. 45 38 Ibid., p. 45 39 Chapter VI: Organizing the High Command for World War II,” Chapter VI: Organizing the High Command for World War II (10 July 2012) <http://www.history.army.mil/books/ wwii/WCP/ChapterVI.htm> 40 Hastings, Finest Years, p. 214 41 Roberts, Masters and Commanders, p. 125 42 Hastings, Finest Years, p. 295 43 Keegan, p. 316 44 Roberts, Masters and Commanders, p. 144 45 Martin Gilbert, The Second World War: A Complete History (New York: H. Holt, 1989) p. 247 46 Reynolds, p. 56 47 Roberts, Masters and Commanders, p. 68 48 Ibid., p. 68 49 Reynolds, p. 57 50 Keegan, p. 317 51 Gordon Corrigan, The Second World War: A Military History (New York: Thomas Dunne/St. Martin’s, 2011) p. 285 52 Ibid., p. 285 53 Hastings, All Hell Let Loose, p. 138 54 Corrigan, p. 297 55 Ibid., p. 297 56 “North African Campaign,” North African Campaign (09 July 2012) <http://www.u-s-history.com/pages/h1727.html> 57 Keegan, p. 331 228 Andrew Burton 58 “North African Campaign” 59 “Military Operations in North Africa,” Military Operations in North Africa (11 July 2012) <http://www. ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007301> 60 Hastings, Finest Years, p. 369 61 Keegan, p. 219 62 “Spartacus Educational,” Spartacus Educational (9 July 2012) <http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/2WWdday.htm> 63 “The Leaders of D-Day,” The Leaders of D-Day (9 July 2012) <http://www.military.com/forums/0,15240,137800,00. html> 64 “D-Day and the Battle of Normandy: Your Questions Answered,” GuidedTours (11 July 2012) <http://www. ddaymuseum.co.uk/d-day/d-day-and-the-battle-of-normandy- your-questions-answered> 65 Ibid. 66 Forrest C. Pogue, The Supreme Command (Washington, D.C.: Center of Military History, U.S. Army, 1996) p. 542 67 Keegan, p. 218 68 Hastings, Finest Years, p. 448 69 Ibid., p. 495 70 Keegan, p. 436 71 Ibid., p. 436 72 Martin Gilbert, Churchill and America (New York: Free, 2005) p. 337 73 Ibid., p. 334 74 Gilbert, The Second World War, p. 336 75 Hastings, Finest Years, p. 171 76 Black, p. 1085 77 Ibid., p. 994 78 Reynolds, p. 273 79 Keegan, p. 219 80 Reynolds, p. 313 229 THE CONCORD REVIEW Bibliography Black, Conrad, Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Champion of Freedom New York: Public Affairs, 2003 “Chapter VI: Organizing the High Command for World War II,” Chapter VI: Organizing the High Command for World War II 10 July 2012, <http://www.history.army.mil/books/wwii/ WCP/ChapterVI.htm> Churchill, Winston, and Winston S. Churchill, Never Give In!: The Best of Winston Churchill’s Speeches New York: Hyperion, 2003 Corrigan, Gordon, The Second World War: A Military History New York: Thomas Dunne /St. Martin’s, 2011 Crowley, Leo T., “Lend Lease,” 10 Eventful Years Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1947 “D-Day and the Battle of Normandy: Your Questions Answered,” GuidedTours 11 July 2012 <http://www. ddaymuseum.co.uk/d-day/d-day-and-the-battle-of-normandy- your-questions-answered> Gilbert, Martin, Churchill and America New York: Free, 2005 Gilbert, Martin, The Second World War: A Complete History New York: H. Holt, 1989 Hastings, Max, All Hell Let Loose: The World at War 1939–1945 London: HarperPress, 2011 Hastings, Max, Finest Years: Churchill as Warlord 1940–1945 London: HarperPress, 2009 Keegan, John, The Second World War New York: Viking, 1990 “The Leaders of D-Day,” The Leaders of D-Day 9 July 2012, <http://www.military.eom/forums/0,15240,137800,00.html> 230 Andrew Burton Loewenheim, Francis L., Harold D. Langley, Manfred Jonas, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, Roosevelt and Churchill, Their Secret Wartime Correspondence New York: Saturday Review, 1975 Meacham, Jon, Franklin and Winston: An Intimate Portrait of an Epic Friendship New York: Random House, 2003 “Military Operations in North Africa,” Military Operations in North Africa 11 July 2012, <http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/ en/article.php?ModuleId=10007301> “North African Campaign,” North African Campaign 9 July 2012, <http://www.u-s-history.com/pages/h1727.html> Olson, Lynne, Citizens of London: The Americans Who Stood with Britain in Its Darkest, Finest Hour New York: Random House, 2010 Pogue, Forrest C., The Supreme Command Washington, D.C.: Center of Military History, U.S. Army, 1996 Reynolds, David, From World War to Cold War: Churchill, Roosevelt, and the International History of the 1940s Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006 Roberts, Andrew, Masters and Commanders: How Four Titans Won the War in the West, 1941–1945 New York: Harper, 2009 Roberts, Andrew, The Storm of War: A New History of the Second World War New York: Harper, 2011 “Spartacus Educational,” Spartacus Educational 9 July 2012, <http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/2WWdday.htm> “World War II: The Postwar World.” About.com Military History 10 July 2012, <http://militaryhistory.about.com/od/ worldwarii/a/wwiipost.htm> 231 THE CONCORD REVIEW Copyright 2012, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved Edyt Dickstein is a Senior at the Rae Kushner Yeshiva High School in Livingston, New Jersey, where she wrote this paper supervised by Professor Edward S. Shapiro in the 2011/2012 academic year. CONDITIONS FOR DEMOCRACY: LESSONS FROM THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION Edyt Dickstein The American colonists not only won a surprising vic- tory over the British during the Revolution, but they also created a strikingly stable, peaceful, and democratic society. 1 There were no mass reprisals, reigns of terror, or seizures of power by individu- als or small groups which have characterized other revolutions and civil wars. Rather, there was an orderly shift in power and the development of a representative government. Though the American Revolution was not without its violent aspects, such as the tar-and-feathering of English supporters, mob aggression toward political authority, and the subsequent forced exodus of many Loyalists, when compared to other revolutions the moderation of the American Revolution is remarkable. What can comparative history teach other countries currently experiencing their own revolutions in order to learn from the American example? Five major factors were critical for the colonists’ unique achievements. First, the leadership of a number of educated and experienced leaders was instrumental in guiding the revolt and maintaining its grounding in law and moderation. Second, the cohesiveness and mobility within colonial society minimized sectar- 232 Edyt Dickstein ian tensions and class conflict. Third, unity was further enhanced by the fact that the government against which the Patriots were fighting was a foreign entity. Fourth, extensive institutions such as a well-defined legal system, representative local government, and a free and vigorous press, contributed to the stability of colonial society throughout the war and ensured the liberty of the colo- nists both during and after the American Revolution. Finally, the unique ideals of the Revolution, which prompted a revolt in the name of law and not on behalf of social change, played a significant role, as the leaders sought only to change the principles by which the government operated. It was these five factors that led to the stability and maintenance of democracy throughout the war for independence and in the immediate aftermath. Conversely, the absence of these factors contributed to the ultimate failure of other popular struggles such as the French and Russian revolutions. The first major factor leading to the success of the Ameri- can Revolution was the quality of the colonial leadership. They were impressive men, a cohort of individuals that has rarely, if ever, been replicated, and their qualifications, personalities, and ideals uniquely positioned them to lead a successful revolution. One important aspect of the “Founding Fathers” was their educa- tional background. Of the 56 men who signed the Declaration of Independence, 33 held college degrees at a time when relatively few people attended a university. 2 By 1776, colonial America had only approximately 3,000 college graduates throughout the en- tire country. 3 Sixty percent of the signers of the Declaration had college degrees when less than 1 percent of the total population did. 4 Moreover, the leaders shared similar interests and fields of expertise that lent itself to forming a stable democracy. Almost 40 percent of the signers of the Declaration were lawyers. 5 In a speech to the British Parliament in 1775, statesman Edmund Burke explained the significance of this phenomenon: In no country perhaps in the world is the law so general a study. The profession itself is numerous and powerful; and in most provinces it takes the lead…this study [of law] renders [these] men acute, 233 THE CONCORD REVIEW inquisitive, dexterous, prompt in attack, ready in defense, and full of resources. 6 The presence of such a large number who had studied jurispru- dence helped ensure that the American Revolution would proceed primarily in accordance with the law. Many of the Founding Fathers also had political experience and had played major roles in lead- ing the colonists. 7 For example, James Otis, a young revolutionist famous for arguing against the British writs of assistance, was a member of the Massachusetts General Court, the colonial assembly, and the Massachusetts Court of Appeals. Benjamin Franklin had been a councilman of the Philadelphia City Council, was a justice of the peace, and later was elected to the Pennsylvania Assembly. 8 Samuel Adams, one of the most radical of the Patriots, had been a member of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, a fre- quent participant in the Boston town meetings, and the writer of the Massachusetts Circular Letter responding to the Townshend Acts. 9 Some historians have argued that the gatherings of the Founding Fathers included more men with political experience and acute insight into human behavior than did any other politi- cal gathering in history. 10 In addition to the leaders’ educational background and experience in law and politics, their social background also played a role in maintaining stability and order throughout the Revolution and its aftermath. Most of the leaders were white collar profession- als such as doctors and lawyers. 11 Additionally, 81 of the 99 men who signed the Declaration of Independence or the Constitution were the first members of their families to obtain a higher educa- tion, and consequently, valued social mobility and other benefits of education. 12 This was an ideal background for leadership in the Revolution. On one hand, since they were not marginal members of society, they felt no need to fundamentally change its structures. On the other hand, since their accomplishments were due to their own efforts, their position was not resented by other members of society. Many of the Founding Fathers scorned the idea of hereditary nobility. Thomas Jefferson, for instance, explained that in order to establish “the natural equality of man,” 234 Edyt Dickstein a quality he and his fellow Patriots felt was vital for maintaining a stable society, there must exist “the denial of every preeminence but that annexed to legal office, and particularly the denial of a preeminence by birth.” 13 The lack of an aristocracy in America meant that the leaders were self-made men and therefore were respected by their fellow citizens. Beyond their educational, political, and social backgrounds, the American leaders’ approach to the nature and tenor of debate was vital. They believed in carefully deliberating and planning before acting, often debating for weeks before coming to a deci- sion. John Adams emphasized the importance of careful thought among the revolutionaries: The means and measures [of the American Revolution] may teach mankind that revolutions are no trifles; that they ought never to be undertaken rashly; nor without deliberate consideration and sober reflection; nor without a solid immutable, eternal foundation of justice or humanity; nor without a people possessed of intelligence, fortitude and integrity sufficient to carry them with steadiness, patience, and perseverance, through all the vicissitudes of fortune, the fiery trials and melancholy disasters they may have to encounter. 14 Acting under such a belief, during the Continental Congresses of 1774 and 1775, delegates left their homes and families for weeks, debating through the summer heat of Philadelphia. Not only did the Patriots think carefully about their own ideas, but they respected the opinions of their opponents and viewed them as demanding careful refutation. This attitude is manifested in the records of the Continental Congress, in which delegates were first heard in support of and then in opposition to a potential course of action before a decision was reached. 15 Similarly, before pub- lishing a second edition of his pamphlet Common Sense, Thomas Paine waited so that he could address the arguments of his crit- ics. 16 Such willingness to consider an array of opinions precluded rash action. But even more importantly, the Patriots’ tolerance for competing ideas manifested itself in their policies. The leading colonists consistently worried that political repression would curtail free speech, and they refused to rely on force to gain support. One of the actions of King George III that 235 THE CONCORD REVIEW the Patriots found particularly disquieting was his insistence on maintaining an army in the colonies during a time of peace. The colonists felt great animosity toward the soldiers who were inter- spersed throughout their cities and who even lived in their homes as a result of the Quartering Act. They feared that a peacetime standing army, and in particular, one controlled by the executive power, could be used as an instrument of intimidation. Accord- ingly, various state constitutions proscribed the maintenance of a standing army. For example Pennsylvania’s Constitution declared that “as standing armies in the time of peace are dangerous to liberty, they ought not be kept up; and that the military should be kept under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power.” 17 This tolerance for competing ideas led to the Patriots’ willingness to share power with those who possessed differing strategies and priorities. This is evident in George Washington’s decision to step down from power as Commander-in-Chief after the war ended, surrendering his sword to Congress in December of 1783, and his later decision to retire from the presidency after two terms, a move which his successors imitated for a century and a half. In a letter to Washington in 1784, Jefferson noted, “The moderation and virtue of a single character has probably prevented the Revolution from being closed as most others have been by a subversion of that liberty it was intended to establish.” 18 The background and experience of the Founding Fathers differed sharply from those of the instigators of the French and Russian revolutions. To begin, many of their leaders had limited experience in law. In France, while Robespierre himself had legal training and had been both a lawyer and an essayist, many other French revolutionary leaders came out of the sans-culotte, uneducated working class, and gained positions on assembles and in other governmental institutions. 19 There were members of the National Assembly who had done some studies in law, but, as Edmund Burke pointed out, It was composed, not of distinguished magistrates, who had given pledges to their country of their science, prudence, and integrity; not 236 Edyt Dickstein of leading advocates, the glory of the bar; not of renowned profes- sors in universities; but for the far greater part, as it must in such a number, of the inferior, unlearned, mechanical, merely instrumental members of the profession. There were distinguished exceptions, but the general composition was of obscure provincial advocates, of stewards of petty local jurisdictions, country attorneys, notaries, and the whole train of the ministers of municipal litigation, the fomenters and conductors of the petty war of village vexation. 20 As such, legal procedure often was utterly neglected; for example, on one occasion in France, a convoy of prisoners was stopped and 17 of them were hacked to death. In an even more extreme case, within five days, the French revolutionaries butchered more than 1,000 Parisian prisoners in a similar manner. 21 A similar pattern is evident in the Russian Revolution. Neither Trotsky nor Stalin received any higher education, and although Lenin obtained a degree abroad, he never practiced law. 22 And, as in the French Revolution, legal niceties were ignored as the leaders of the Rus- sian Revolution employed terrorism and assassination as means of achieving their goals. 23 Additionally, while these leaders were able to effectively empathize with and appeal to the masses, they had little knowledge of or experience in how to run a country. 24 Robespierre himself had only begun to become involved in politics in 1788, immediately before the revolution, and thus had no practical experience on which he could base his decisions. 25 Indeed, no member of the National Assembly had been a member of the government prior to the French Revolution, as France’s States-General, or Parlia- ment, had not been called into session for 175 years. 26 Even once the Jacobins lost control, power was afforded to inexperienced individuals; none of the five members of the initial Directory had any background in policymaking prior to their appointments. 27 Similarly in Russia, none of the revolutionaries had experience with political leadership, and when they had attempted to organize politically prior to the Russian Revolution, they were arrested. 28 More importantly, leaders in other nations were not nearly as tolerant of dissenting opinions. Even within the inner circle, members often kept silent when they disagreed with a sugges- 237 THE CONCORD REVIEW tion, preferring to follow the group rather than voice their own ideas. 29 Certainly they had good reason to withhold their opinions, as those who disagreed were often ousted from leadership, and often killed. Such a phenomenon was evident during the French Revolution in 1793, when the Commune of Paris arrested or killed many Girondist leaders. 30 Similarly, in Russia, thousands of sailors who had supported the Bolsheviks were shot for protesting the dominion of the Communist party at Kronstadt. 31 Afterwards, Lenin proclaimed, “The time has come to put an end to opposi- tion.” 32 And later, under Stalin, many former Communist leaders were brought to trial and put to death. 33 Beyond the qualities of its leadership, a second major factor in the success of the American Revolution was the unified nature of American society. The unique social cohesion of the American colonies played an essential role in preventing the Revolution from becoming a class-based conflict, enabling the American people to stand together based on shared ideals. This is not to say that colonial society was monolithic; on the contrary, diversity categorized early America. From a religious perspective, there were so many diverse strains of faith that the colonies were “an ecclesiastical patchwork.” 34 From an ethnic perspective, dur- ing the late 17th and early 18th centuries, immigrants arrived not only from England, but also from Scotland, Ireland, Germany, Holland, and France. 35 However, the very heterogeneity of the colonies turned out to be a source of strength. The lack of a single, dominant class or religion led to a broad sense of equality and tolerance as well as the recognition that they must respect others’ rights in order to secure their own. Unlike many European societ- ies, America lacked both an aristocracy and a defined separation between the wealthy and the less fortunate. 36 Similarly, American society did not have a state-sponsored, dominant religion. 37 This caused the colonists to have few ingrained hostilities toward any other groups or classes of their fellow Americans, significantly reducing the likelihood that the Revolution would bring about tensions between different classes or ethnic groups. 238 Edyt Dickstein Social mobility also played a part in maintaining the moderation of the Revolution, as people welcomed the benefits offered by their society. At the time, there was no permanent white labor class or feudal system, and individuals could enter any oc- cupation they desired. 38 The colonists therefore primarily wished to maintain society’s customs and institutions. One prominent figure that capitalized on the benefits of the mobility of American colonial society was Benjamin Franklin. Born into a working-class Boston family, Franklin acquired only a limited formal education before he left home at the age of 17, hoping to become a printer in Philadelphia. Franklin achieved great success, becoming a fa- mous printer, inventor, scientist, and politician, and played a vital role in the American Revolution. In his autobiography, Franklin touted the varied possibilities America offered to individuals who wished to improve their situation, arguing that with similar effort, his fellow Americans could also achieve economic and social suc- cess. 39 Countries such as Russia and France did not have nearly the same level of social cohesion and mobility. Many of them had rigid class structures, with well-defined groups such as the nobility, clergy, bourgeoisie, and peasants. These hardened class systems served to foment hostilities and tensions among the various groups which made harmony impossible. 40 For example, 18th century French society was organized into three mutually hostile estates: the clergy, the nobility, and the remaining Frenchmen. 41 Similarly, in Russia, there were sharply defined classes of people; even the rural inhabitants were divided between those who worked the land as serfs and those who owned it, and the two never intermarried or merged. 42 Moreover, Lenin and his party actively embraced the Marxist idea of class struggle and denounced those who supported class cooperation. 43 The revolutions in these two countries were marked by class animosity and violence which destroyed much of the upper class as well as many social institutions, leaving mayhem and destruction in their wake. 44 In addition to the natural cohesiveness of colonial society, the Americans also benefited from the fact that their war was 239 THE CONCORD REVIEW fought against a foreign power, rather than being an internal struggle, an aspect that further contributed to the unity of society. Having an external, common enemy enabled the Americans to coalesce together against a specific, easily-recognized outsider. 45 The perception that only by joining together would they triumph further united the Americans. This concept is exemplified in the famous “Join or Die” cartoon” by Benjamin Franklin, in which a snake is split into pieces, each symbolizing a colony, which can only become viable if they merge into one. 46 Moreover, having a unified, formal army also limited the potential disruption and violence of the Revolution. 47 Not only did it enable battles to proceed in a planned, regimented manner, but, critically, it also allowed the Americans who were not fighting, including women and children, to be able to go about their daily lives without wor- rying about defending themselves against unruly mobs. Those colonists who disagreed with the Patriots’ viewpoint did not vie with the rebels for influence in America, choosing in- stead to rely on the British government to assert its power. Some of the Loyalists who disagreed with the rebels left America, mov- ing to Canada or sailing to England. And those who remained in the colonies simply kept quiet about their political views and were therefore indiscernible from their neighbors, posing no real threat to the rebels’ ability to gain support for the Revolution. 48 From the onset of the war, they made little effort to wrest control of local politics from the rebels, and instead primarily acted as observers in the war or remained on the fence. 49 This dynamic was very different from the revolutions that occurred in other countries, where the reigning government was not a foreign power but rather a domestic social class, a situation which naturally led both to a lack of unity and a disruption of civil order. In these countries, various groups arose and contended with one another, using multiple militias and vigilantes in attempts to seize control. Resultant violence can be seen in incidents such as the famed storming of the Bastille in France in July 1789, which was not performed by a disciplined force, but by an unruly mob seeking additional weaponry. 50 Such fighting continued in France, 240 Edyt Dickstein as men armed themselves against each other, stealing food and valuables, burning property, and attacking their countrymen for belonging to opposing political parties or social classes. 51 In Russia, similar phenomena occurred, as on days such as “Bloody Sunday” during the Revolution of 1905, when thousands took to the streets, burning houses, attacking bystanders, and storming the city. 52 In the aftermath of the 1917 Russian Revolution, civil war persisted in the country for another several years as various political sects contended with the Bolsheviks until the Red Army gained full control and established a Communist dictatorship. 53 In addition to the advantages conferred by the foreign nature of its enemy, the cohesiveness and mobility of its social structure, and the quality of its leaders, colonial America also greatly benefited from a number of key institutions. These included courts, local governments, and a free and active press. The existence of these establishments throughout the war was vital in preserving a sense of continuity in the colonies and in providing a political framework after the war. Moreover, they ensured that the rights of the colonists would be respected by the revolutionaries. Significant among these institutions was the local court system. Respect for the courts continued during the Revolution, and defendants hostile to the Patriot cause were nevertheless judged fairly. The Patriots never conducted a mass murder, nor did they turn to capital punishment. Indeed, cities such as Boston conducted no executions during the entire revolutionary period of 1776–1783. 54 A prime example of the salient role of the legal system can be seen in the trial of British soldiers who fired into a crowd of civilians in March 1770, killing five people in what became known as the Boston Massacre. The soldiers maintained that they had merely been acting in self-defense, and were defended in court by two of the leading Patriots of the day, John Adams and Josiah Quincy. Though these two lawyers recognized that many of their fellow Patriots despised the soldiers, Adams and Quincy believed it was important that they have a fair trial and that freedom for the colonies could never come at the price of the rule of law. 55 In his autobiography, John Adams explained, 241 THE CONCORD REVIEW If the Soldiers in self defense should kill any of the [Colonists] they must be tried, and if Truth was respected and the Law prevailed must be acquitted. To depend upon the perversion of Law and the Corrup- tion or partiality of juries, would insensibly disgrace the jurisprudence of the Country and corrupt the Morals of the People. 56 Ultimately, the commanding officer and six of the soldiers were acquitted, and the two who were convicted of manslaughter were given reduced sentences. 57 Respect for the rights of individuals under the rule of law is further evident in the situation of John Dickinson, a Pennsylvania statesman who refused to support colonial self-government and sign the Declaration of Independence. 58 Dickinson was a leading figure among politicians of the day, a clear target of supporters of the Declaration. 59 Yet his life was never in danger, nor was he physically attacked, but instead merely lost political support. 60 While hostile actions were occasionally taken against those who refused to support the Patriots, these were generally not ini- tiated by those in political control. While a number of Loyalists were threatened and even attacked by unruly mobs that looted their homes, tarred-and-feathered them, and burned them in effigy, these actions were limited in number and did little perma- nent physical harm to their victims. Although around 10 percent of Loyalists fled throughout the war to easily-accessible Canada, or even to England, most remained, suggesting that they felt relatively secure in America. 61 This security was enhanced by the Patriot leaders themselves, who condemned aggression. The pam- phleteer Thomas Paine, for instance, argued vehemently against mob violence and the practice of tar-and-feathering. 62 Likewise, many of the average Americans held the law in high esteem, and disapproved of vigilante-style aggression. As Alexis de Tocqueville observed a few decades later when studying the unique political and societal systems of America, In the United States, then, that numerous and turbulent multitude does not exist, who, regarding the law as their natural enemy, look upon it with fear and distrust. It is impossible, on the contrary, not to perceive that all classes display the utmost reliance upon the legislation of their country, and are attached to it by a kind of parental affection. 242 Edyt Dickstein Thus, the respect for the law that the Patriots instilled endured throughout the American Revolution and well into the next century. Even after the Declaration of Independence, when some Loyalists arguably could be perceived as traitors to the new coun- try, most faced only fines or brief periods of time in jail. 63 Once the war concluded, American law respected the Loyalists’ rights. In the Treaty of Paris, which ended the war, the Patriots agreed to return confiscated Loyalist property and estates, and outlawed taking legal action against any individual because of his stance during the war. 64 This can be clearly contrasted to the dynamics in countries such as France and Russia, in which people who disagreed with the revolt or its leaders were perceived as having committed a punish- able transgression. 65 As a result, there emerged a culture of spying, treachery, and deceit. Those who were found to have engaged in anti-revolutionary acts, or even discussions, were punished. For instance, in France’s massacres of September 1792, more than 1,000 counter-revolutionaries in Paris were arrested and killed by revolutionary volunteers. 66 Even more infamous is the Reign of Terror, in which Robespierre and the Committees of General Security and Public Safety arrested and executed those whom they believed did not support the revolutionary ideals. 67 During this time, roughly 40,000 people lost their lives. 68 Still worse, in Russia in 1919, the “Red Terror” campaign was launched, and hundreds of purported “class enemies” were summarily arrested and murdered by the Cheka, the state police. 69 The Russian news- paper pronounced, “Without mercy, without sparing, we will kill our enemies by the scores of hundreds, let them be thousands, let them drown in their own blood.” 70 By 1923, there were 315 concentration camps in Russia with a total of 70,000 inmates, and tens of thousands of others lay dead. 71 A second set of institutions that played an important role in the success of the Revolution were the representative local and state legislatures. Unlike other pre-revolutionary societies such as France and Russia, in which the franchise was restricted, in America almost every man could participate in the local government. 72 Many 243 THE CONCORD REVIEW colonists were therefore accustomed to playing a role in politics and appreciated having their voices heard, and were angry when the British attempted to restrict their access to meetings under policies such as the Coercive Acts of 1774. 73 In fact, the American Revolution started in local political gatherings where changes in governmental procedure were demanded. The positive experience of the colonists with local representative government led naturally to the desire to implement a similar system on a national scale in the aftermath of the Revolution. The existence of local representative bodies also meant that the Patriots did not have to create an underground establishment for the revolt. Since the Patriots were leading figures in colonial politics, the government figures and the rebellious leadership were one and the same. This enabled the leaders of the Revolu- tion to conduct a fairly orderly revolt, and facilitated a smooth transition to the post-revolutionary era. Having control over the political system prior to the onset of the Revolution lessened the potential struggle over power among various revolutionary factions and eliminated incentives to impose drastic institutional change. This can be contrasted with the French and Russian ex- periences, in which a lack of representative governments contrib- uted to the unrest and violence. In France, although there was a Parliament, it was primarily comprised of nobles and did not include the bourgeoisie and peasants. 74 In Russia as well, there were no elected positions above the local “zemstvo” level prior to the Revolution. 75 Though the Czar agreed to appoint a Duma, or Parliament, he afforded disproportionate representation to the upper classes, and often disbanded it for proposing plans with which he disagreed. 76 Lack of experience with democratic insti- tutions led the French and Russian revolutionaries, after remov- ing the undemocratic governments of their countries, to simply create equally unrepresentative institutions, appointing officials and rewriting laws as they saw fit. For example, after the Second Revolution of France in 1792, the new revolutionary government, or “Commune,” seized control and forced the nullification of the former laws. 77 Though the members of the Commune wrote a 244 Edyt Dickstein constitution, they suspended it indefinitely, declaring that martial law would remain in place until they decided otherwise. 78 Similarly, once the Bolsheviks seized control, they disbanded the existing parliament, though it had been supported by the majority of the Russian people, and established their own regime. 79 They imposed a system of proletariat dictatorship upon the masses through their armed forces, the Military Revolutionary Committee. 80 A third critical institution within the colonies was a free and active press. The Patriots recognized the benefits that freedom of the press afforded to society. The Virginia Declaration of Rights of 1776 recognized the freedom of the press as “one of the greatest bulwarks of liberty [that] can never be restrained but by despotic governments.” 81 Thomas Jefferson went so far as to declare that he would rather live in a country with newspapers but no govern- ment than in a country with a government but no newspapers. 82 With this sentiment, newspapers flourished in America. Each colony had a vigorous press, with tens of thousands of subscrib- ers. Not only were there many newspapers demanding that the people join the American colonists and rally against the King, but also there were many Loyalist papers arguing the opposite. 83 In addition to newspapers, the printing of pamphlets and books was also widespread in the 1760s and 1770s. By 1783, more than 1,000 pamphlets discussing the Revolution from various angles were published. 84 It is not only the number of newspapers in America that is striking, but also the writers’ freedom to publish whatever they chose. Reporters were legally permitted to publish any informa- tion regarding an official’s behavior, no matter how virulent, as long as its content was true and factual, as established in the trial of John Peter Zenger in 1735. 85 This was a case in which Zenger, a printer who wrote about the activities of New York Governor Cosby, was accused by Cosby of publishing libel. However, he was found not guilty on the basis that “it is a right, which all free men claim, that they are entitled to complain when they are hurt…It is the cause of liberty…nature and the laws of our country have given us a right to liberty of both exposing and opposing arbitrary 245 THE CONCORD REVIEW power by speaking and writing truth.” 86 This trial served as the foundation of freedom of the press in America, and, according to Gouverneur Morris, a Founding Father and the great-grandson of one of Zenger’s chief advocates, was “the germ of American freedom, the morning star of that liberty which subsequently revolutionized America.” 87 By the time of the American Revolu- tion, the press was a strong, vibrant institution, and was therefore able to serve as a check on potential abuses of power, opening the Patriots’ activities to criticism from an educated public. The French and Russian pre-revolutionary eras lacked America’s prolific and active press. Pre-revolutionary France set limits on the press and exercised pre-publication censorship. 88 While in the initial stages of the French Revolution, the Declara- tion of the Rights of Man asserted the citizens’ right to freedom of expression, in practice, the leaders of the Revolution grew to per- ceive dissident opinion as traitorous. They therefore suppressed all royalist journals, offering their presses exclusively to liberal journalists; even moderate publishers were threatened and their businesses destroyed. 89 Likewise, Russia lacked real freedom of the press before the Revolution of 1917, though many political parties had been clamoring for it. 90 Even after the Czar abdicated his rule in 1917, freedom of the press did not last long in revolutionary Russia. According to the Communist Council of People’s Com- missars, the press in the hands of the bourgeoisie could become a weapon used to “poison the minds…of the masses” and should be controlled. 91 In that same year, Lenin published his view on freedom of the press in Pravda, stating, “For the bourgeoisie, freedom of the press means freedom for the rich to publish and for the capitalists to control the newspapers…For the workers’ and peasants’ government, freedom of the press means…public ownership of paper mills and printing presses.” 92 In other words, Lenin believed that the government should control the press in the name of the proletariat. A final crucial aspect that contributed to the success of the American Revolution was the nature of the justifications and ideals of the revolt. The American Revolution was a revolt of law, 246 Edyt Dickstein not of society. 93 The rebels never attempted to direct the anger of the colonists toward social reform. 94 Rather, the Patriots took the American political and economic systems for granted, and sought to maintain the rights as Englishmen that they had enjoyed until the British parliament instituted new policies. 95 It was these new laws, rather than any desire to institute a social and economic revolution, which sparked the revolt. 96 From the American Revo- lution’s very inception, then, its causes were not those that would naturally lead to social instability. Most famous of the colonists’ concerns was their call for representative government. One colonist explained in the Virginia Gazette in March, 1768 that “the freeholders and electors, whose right accrues to them from the [English] common law, or from [Royal] charter, shall not be deprived of that right [of voting].” 97 The Continental Congress in its Declaration and Resolves in 1774 proclaimed that “the foundation of English liberty, and of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council.” 98 When attempting to galvanize the people, the Patriots pointed not to any societal issues but to the British common law, which set down the practice of representative government. They argued that the new acts of British Parliament violated its very own legal tradition, and should therefore be protested. 99 And when it came time for the American Patriots to create a new national government, they never considered revamping the social structure, but were careful to form a republic which would represent the people through a system of legislature. 100 In addition to defending their right to vote, the colonists further developed a broader concept of individual rights. They drew upon theories of the Enlightenment, emphasizing the no- tion of “natural rights” put forth by philosophers such as Locke, which they believed the British had transgressed. 101 They even cited famous English orators and legal experts of the 17th century to further defend their legal rights, which they viewed as invio- lable. 102 This belief was aptly explained in the Virginia Declaration of Rights promulgated on June 12, 1776: “All men…have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, 247 THE CONCORD REVIEW they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity.” This sentiment was most famously expressed in the first sentence of the Declaration of Independence, as the Patriots offered a litany of uninfringeable freedoms, primarily categorized as “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” in their explanation of where the British government had erred. Not only did the Patriots establish individual liberties, but they also set guidelines to prevent a tyranny from developing by limiting the influence of any single official. The Revolution- ary experience had instilled in the Americans a deep suspicion of political power, and the curtailing of such power was ever present in the Patriots’ activities. 103 They worked to ensure that there existed a continuous rotation in persons holding power, and limited the amount of time individuals could serve in the government. 104 Similarly, they generated a system of checks and balances by creating a separation of power among the various branches of the government so that none could act in a manner “unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American legislation.” 105 While many other revolutions seemingly espoused similar principles and displayed rhetoric comparable to that of the Ameri- can Revolution, a closer look suggests that in fact the ideals at the center of other revolutions were actually quite different in nature. The French and Russian revolutions, for example, were fundamen- tally about changing the nature of existing society by removing the nobility from power and abolishing serfdom. 106 This naturally led to tremendous social upheaval. Moreover, the primacy of this goal led individual rights to be subsumed in its pursuit. In 1793 during the Reign of Terror in France, the Committee on Public Safety, which operated as a joint dictatorship, produced a republican constitution, but it was immediately suspended indefinitely as a long as a “revolutionary government” was required. 107 Similarly, in Russia in 1918, the Constituent Assembly was simply disbanded so as not to “compromise with the malignant bourgeoisie,” despite the fact that 36 million people had cast votes for its members. 108 In its place, the government was ruled by a select few, as a system 248 Edyt Dickstein of a proletariat dictatorship imposed itself upon the unfortunate population through force. The American Revolution thus included a wide variety of unique features that enabled it to succeed once independence from Britain was achieved. Educated and experienced leaders, a cohesive society that only became more unified as a result of the opponent being an external foe, enduring institutions that pro- tected the rights and freedoms of citizens, and the ideals of liberty at the heart of the revolutionary movement, all played key roles in the successful transition to a stable representative democracy. The importance of these factors suggests that a successful revolu- tion requires much more than freedom from oppressors, and that a stable democracy and the rule of law are remarkably difficult to achieve. Edmund Burke presciently perceived this when he warned in his Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) that it was yet too early to be sure that what would emerge would be a stable society offering liberty to its citizens: I should therefore suspend my congratulations on the new liberty of France until I was informed how it had been combined with government…with the solidity of property, with peace and order, with civil and social manners. All these…are good things too, and without them liberty is not a benefit whilst it lasts, and is not likely to continue long. 109 The lessons of the American Revolution suggest that as the United States strives to promote freedom and democracy around the world, it should focus its attention not only on liberty from dicta- tors and the holding of elections, but also on the development of the necessary infrastructure to support and maintain this free- dom. Policies designed to foster an educated leadership, promote a sense of civic unity, develop independent institutions such as courts and a free press, and teach democratic ideals, like the rule of law, may be at least as important as freedom from dictatorship or foreign rule in ensuring that emerging democracies have the best chance to survive and flourish. 249 THE CONCORD REVIEW Endnotes 1 A democratic society, here, will refer to a governmental system in which decisions are made by the people, either through direct votes or elected officials, and in which exists social and political equality. 2 Crane Brinton, The Anatomy of Revolution, rev. ed. (1938; repr., New York: Prentice-Hall, 1965) p. 102 3 At the beginning of the Revolution, only nine colleges in the colonies offered degrees, and most graduated fewer than 20 students per year. 4 Frederick Rudolph and John Thelin, The American College and University, a History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962) p. 22 5 Brinton, Anatomy, p. 102 6 Edmund Burke, “Speech on Conciliation with Colonies,” (Speech, House of Commons, London, March 22, 1775) in “The Founders Constitution,” University of Chicago Online Press (accessed 5/24/2012) http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/ founders/documents/v1ch1s2.html 7 Brinton, Anatomy, p. 162 8 Benjamin Franklin, The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin ed. William Temple Franklin, in Volume 1 of Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Benjamin Franklin (London: British and Foreign Public Library, 1818) p. 92 9 John K. Alexander, Samuel Adams: America’s Revolutionary Politician (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002) p. 30 10 Gordon S. Wood, Revolutionary Characters: What Made the Founders Different (New York: Penguin, 2006) p. 8 11 Ibid., p. 25 12 Ibid., p. 25 13 Thomas Jefferson to George Washington, April 16, 1784 in “Letters of Thomas Jefferson, 1743–1826,” Electronic Text Center, University of Virginia Library (accessed 3/15/12) http://etext.virginia.edu/etcbin/toccer-new2?id=JefLett. sgm&images=images/modeng&data=/texts/english/modeng/ parsed&tag=public&part=25&division=div1 14 John Adams to Hezekiah Niles, Quincy, February 13, 1818 in “Making the Revolution: America, 1763– 1791,” National Humanities Center (accessed 4/13/12) nationalhumanitiescenter.org/pds/makingrev/index.htm 250 Edyt Dickstein 15 Thomas Jefferson, “Notes of Proceedings in Congress” (Second Continental Congress, Philadelphia, 1776) in Jack N. Rakove, ed., Founding America: Documents from the Revolution to the Bill of Rights (New York: Barnes & Noble, 2006) p. 153 16 Thomas Paine, Common Sense, 2nd ed. (1776; repr., Mineola: Dover Publications, 1997) p. 2 17 Penn. Const, art. XVI, § 13, in, Rakove, p. 103 18 Jefferson to Washington, April 16, 1784 in “Letters of Thomas Jefferson” 19 William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution, 2nd ed. (repr., Oxford University Press, 2002) pp. 186–187 20 Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790; repr., Oxford: Oxford University Press 1999) p. 29 21 Doyle, p. 191 22 Robert Service, Trotsky: A Biography (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2009) pp. 40–41; Edward Ellis Smith, The Young Stalin (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1967) p. 36; and Joel Colton and R.R. Palmer, A History of the Modern World, 6th ed. (1950; repr., New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984) p. 702 23 Colton and Palmer, p. 701 and Smith, p. 36 24 Colton and Palmer, p. 375 25 Doyle, p. 25 26 Winston Spencer Churchill, The Age of Revolution: A History of the English-Speaking Peoples, vol. 3. (1957; repr. New York: Barnes & Noble, 2005) pp. 252–253 27 Ibid., p. 321 28 Richar Pipes, A Concise History of the Russian Revolution (1995; repr., New York: Random House, 1996) pp. 16–17 29 Brinton, Anatomy, p. 155 30 Colton and Palmer, p. 375 31 Leonard Schapiro, The Russian Revolutions of 1917: The Origins of Modern Communism (New York: Basic Books, 1984) p. 197 32 Ibid., p. 198 33 Leopold H. Haimson, ed., The Mensheviks: From the Revolution of 1917 to the Second World War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974) pp. 335–336 251 THE CONCORD REVIEW 34 Richard N. Current, T. Harry Williams, Frank Freidel, and Alan Brinkley, American History: A Survey, 6th ed. (1959; repr., New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979) p. 78 35 Ibid., pp. 63–65 36 Robert E. Brown, “Middle Class Democracy and the Revolution in Massachusetts,” in Richard J. Hooker, ed., The American Revolution: The Search for Meaning (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1970) p. 84 37 Adams to Niles, February 13, 1818 in “Making the Revolution” 38 Brown, “Middle Class Democracy,” p. 82 39 Franklin, Autobiography, pp. 5–6 40 Colton and Palmer, p. 357 41 Ibid., p. 356 42 Ibid., p. 700 43 Ibid., p. 700 44 Rex A. Wade, The Russian Revolution, 1917 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000) p. 230 45 David Ramsay, “The History of the American Revolution, 1780s,” in Hooker, ed., American Revolution, p 25 46 The cartoon was first printed in The Pennsylvania Gazette, May 9, 1754 and was reprinted throughout the French and Indian War. It was later used as an emblem of colonial unity during the American Revolution, when the Constitutional Courant introduced it as a masthead on September 21, 1765. 47 Massachusetts Committee of Safety, April 20, quoted in George Bancroft, “With One Heart, the Continent Cried: ‘Liberty or Death’” in Hooker, pp. 9–30 48 Edmund S. Morgan, “Conflict and Consensus in the American Revolution,” in Allen F. Davis and Harold D. Woodman, eds., Conflict and Consensus in Early American History, 5th ed. (Lexington, Massachusetts.: D.C. Heath, 1980) p. 90 49 John C. Miller, “The American Revolution as a Democratic Movement” in Earl Latham, ed., Problems in American Civilization: The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, 3rd ed. (1949; repr., Lexington: D.C. Heath, 1976) p. 9 50 Colton and Palmer, p. 358 51 Ibid., pp. 359, 375 52 Abraham Ascher, The Revolution of 1905: A Short History (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2004) pp. 27–28 252 Edyt Dickstein 53 Rex A. Wade, The Bolshevik Revolution and Russian Civil War (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2001) pp. 64–65 54 Gabriele Gottlieb, “Theater of Death: Capital Punishment in Early America, 1750–1800” (Working Paper, University of Pittsburg Graduate School, Pittsburgh 1995) p. 163 55 Christopher Hibbert, Redcoats and Rebels: The American Revolution through British Eyes (London: Grafton, 1990) p. 14 56 John Adams, The Autobiography of John Adams, Adams Family Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society(accessed April 16, 2012) http://www.masshist.org/adams/ 57 Doug Linder, “The Boston Massacre Trials: A Chronology,” University of Missouri at Kansas City (accessed August 1, 2012) http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ ftrials/bostonmassacre/bostonchronology.html 58 John Dickinson, “Notes for a Speech Opposing Independence” July 1776, in Rakove, ed., Founding America, p. 129 59 “Their Own Words: John Dickinson,” Dickinson College Archives and Special Collections(accessed March 12, 2012) http://deila.dickinson.edu/theirownwords/author/ DickinsonJ.htm 60 Brinton, Anatomy, p. 126 61 Colton and Palmer, p. 345 62 Eric Foner, Thomas Paine and Revolutionary America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977) p. 97 63 W. Stewart Wallace, The United Empire Loyalists (Toronto: Glasgow and Brook, 1914) p. 13 64 Treaty of Paris, Article V. Jan. 20, 1783, Richard Peters, Esq., ed., The Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America (Boston: Little and Brown, 1867; repr., Washington, D.C: Library of Congress, 1990) p. 6 65 Brinton, Anatomy, p. 189 66 Thomas Carlyle, The French Revolution (1837; repr., New York: Random House, 2002) p. 504 67 Crane Brinton, A Decade of Revolution: 1789–1799 (New York: Harper & Row, 1934) p. 190 68 Colton and Palmer, p. 376 69 Pipes, p. 223 70 Ibid., p. 224 71 Ibid., p. 227 253 THE CONCORD REVIEW 72 Brinton, Anatomy, p. 99 73 Ibid., p. 99 74 Carlyle, pp. 51–52 75 Colton and Palmer, p. 705 76 Ibid., pp. 707–710 77 Ibid., p. 372 78 Ibid., p. 377 79 Ibid., p. 713 80 Wade, Russian Revolution, p. 270 81 Virginia Declaration of Rights; Section 12, 1776, in Rakove, p. 90 82 Speaking of a Free Press: 200 Years of Notable Quotations About Press Freedoms (Vienna, Virginia: American Newspaper Association Foundation, 2005) http://nie. journalnow.com/pdf/freepress.pdf 83 “Newspapers in Revolutionary Era America and the Problems of Patriot and Loyalist Papers,” National Endowment for the Humanities(accessed February 20, 2012) www1. assumption.edu/ahc/1770s/pprinttoryloyal.html 84 Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Masaschusetts: Harvard University Press, 1967) p. 8 85 Mary Claire Mulligan, “Jury Nullification: Its History and Practice” (Colorado: Criminal Law Newsletter, Colorado Bar Association, 2004) on http://www.mulliganlawfirm.com/docs/ jurynullification.pdf 86 Doug Linder, “The Trial of John Peter Zenger: An Account,” University of Kansas City (accessed August 1, 2012) http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/proiects/ftrials/zenger/ zengeraccount.html 87 Ibid. 88 J.F. Bosher, The French Revolution (New York: W. W. Norton, 1989) p. 46 89 Ibid., p. 181 90 Wade, Russian Revolution, p. 2 91 Pravda, “Decree on the Press,” (Moscow: Council of People’s Commissars, 1917) in Mervyn Matthews, ed., Party, State, and Citizen in the Soviet Union (Armonk, New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1989) p. 130 92 V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 26 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1972) pp. 283–284 93 Bailyn, p. 19 94 Brown, “Middle Class Democracy,” pp. 82–84 254 Edyt Dickstein 95 Charles M. Andrews, “Revolutions Are the Detonations of Explosive Materials, Long Accumulating and Often Long Dormant,” in Hooker, p. 49 96 Brinton, Anatomy, p. 22 97 Miller, p. 10 98 “Declaration and Resolves” (Philadelphia: First Continental Congress, 1774) reprinted in Rakove, p. 41 99 Ibid., p. 41 100 Ibid., pp. 79–86 101 Bailyn, p. 27 102 Ibid., p. 30 103 Rakove, p. 90 104 Ibid., p. 62 105 Ibid., p. 42 106 Colton and Palmer, p. 359 107 Ibid., p. 377 108 Ibid., p. 713 109 Burke, Reflections, p. 8 Bibliography Adams, John, The Autobiography of John Adams Adams Family Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society(accessed April 16, 2012) http://www.masshist.org/adams/ Adams, John to Hezekiah Niles, February 13, 1818, Quincy, Massachusetts, in “Making the Revolution: America, 1763– 1791,” National Humanities Center(accessed April 13, 2012) nationalhumanitiescenter.org/pds/makingrev/index.htm Alexander, John K., Samuel Adams: America’s Revolutionary Politician Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002 Andrews, Charles M., “Revolutions Are the Detonations of Explosive Materials, Long Accumulating and Often Long Dormant,” in Hooker, ed., American Revolution, pp. 36–52 Ascher, Abraham, The Revolution of 1905: A Short History Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2004 Bailyn, Bernard, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1967 255 THE CONCORD REVIEW Bancroft, George, “With One Heart, the Continent Cried: ‘Liberty or Death,’” in Hooker, ed., American Revolution, pp. 28–35 Bosher, J.F., The French Revolution New York: W. 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Palmer, A History of the Modern World 6th edition, 1950; repr., New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984 Current, Richard N., T. Harry Williams, Frank Freidel, and Alan Brinkley, American History: A Survey 6th edition 1959; repr., New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979 Declaration and Resolves Philadelphia: First Continental Congress, 1774, in Rakove, ed., Founding America, pp. 39–44 256 Edyt Dickstein Dickinson, John, “Notes for a Speech Opposing Independence,” July 1776, in Rakove, ed., Founding America, pp. 129–134 Doyle, William, The Oxford History of the French Revolution 2nd edition, Oxford University Press, 2002 Foner, Eric, Thomas Paine and Revolutionary America Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977 Franklin, Benjamin, The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin ed. William Temple Franklin, in Volume 1 of Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Benjamin Franklin London: British and Foreign Public Library, 1818 Gottlieb, Gabriele, “Theater of Death: Capital Punishment in Early America, 1750–1800,” Working Paper, University of Pittsburgh Graduate School, Pittsburgh, 1995 Haimson, Leopold H., ed., The Mensheviks: From the Revolution of 1917 to the Second World War Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974 Hibbert, Christopher, Redcoats and Rebels: The American Revolution through British Eyes London: Grafton, 1990 Hooker, Richard J., ed., The American Revolution: The Search for Meaning New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1970 Jefferson, Thomas to George Washington, April 16, 1784, in “Letters of Thomas Jefferson, 1743–1826,” Electronic Text Center, University of Virginia Library(accessed March 15, 2012) http://etext.virginia.edu/etcbin/toccer-new2?id=JefLett. sgm&images=images/modeng&data=/texts/english/modeng/ parsed&tag=public&part=25& division=div1 Jefferson, Thomas, “Notes of Proceedings in Congress,” Second Continental Congress, Philadelphia, 1776, in Rakove, ed., Founding America, pp. 145–153 Lenin, V.I., Collected Works, vol. 26, Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1972 257 THE CONCORD REVIEW Linder, John, “The Boston Massacre: A Chronology,” University of Missouri at Kansas City, 2001 (accessed July 17, 2012) http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/ bostonmassacre/bostonchronology.html Linder, John, “The Trial of John Peter Zenger: An Account,” University of Kansas City, 2001 (accessed August 1, 2012) http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/zenger/ zengeraccount.html Miller, John C., “The American Revolution as a Democratic Movement,” in Earl Latham, ed., Problems in American Civilization: The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution 3rd edition, 1949; repr., Lexington: D.C. Heath, 1976, pp. 9–14 Morgan, Edmund S., “Conflict and Consensus in the American Revolution,” in Allen F. Davis and Harold D. Woodman, eds., Conflict and Consensus in Early American History 5th edition, Lexington, Massachusetts: D.C. Heath, 1980, pp. 88–102 Mulligan, Mary Claire, “Jury Nullification: Its History and Practice,” Colorado: Criminal Law Newsletter, Colorado Bar Association, 2004, http://www.mulliganlawfirm.com/docs/ jurynullification.pdf “Newspapers in Revolutionary Era America and the Problems of Patriot and Loyalist Papers,” National Endowment for the Humanities (accessed February 20, 2012) www1. assumption.edu/ahc/1770s/pprinttoryloyal.html Paine, Thomas, Common Sense 2nd edition, 1776; repr., Mineola: Dover Publications, 1997 Penn. Const, art. XVI, § 13, in Rakove, ed., Founding America, pp. 97–112 Pipes, Richard, A Concise History of the Russian Revolution New York: Random House, 1996, first published 1995 by Alfred A. Knopf 258 Edyt Dickstein Pravda, “Decree on the Press,” Moscow: Council of People’s Commissars, 1917, in Mervyn Matthews, ed., Party, State, and Citizen in the Soviet Union Armonk, New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1989 Rakove, Jack N., ed., Founding America: Documents from the Revolution to the Bill of Rights New York: Barnes & Noble, 2006 Ramsay, David, “The History of the American Revolution, 1780s,” in Hooker, ed., American Revolution, pp. 19–27 Rossiter, Clinton Lawrence, Seedtime of the Republic New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1953 Rudolph, Frederick, and John Thelin, The American College and University, a History New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962 Schapiro, Leonard, The Russian Revolutions of 1917: The Origins of Modern Communism New York: Basic Books, 1984 Service, Robert, Trotsky: A Biography Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2009 Smith, Edward Ellis, The Young Stalin New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1967 Speaking of a Free Press: 200 Years of Notable Quotations About Press Freedoms 1987; Vienna, Virginia: American Newspaper Association Foundation, 2005, http://nie. journalnow.com/pdf/freepress.pdf “Their Own Words: John Dickinson,” Dickinson College Archives and Special Collections (accessed March 12, 2012) http://deila.dickinson.edu/theirownwords/author/ DickinsonJ.htm Treaty of Paris, Article V, January 20, 1783, Richard Peters, Esq., ed., The Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America Boston: Little and Brown, 1867; repr., Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1990 259 THE CONCORD REVIEW Virginia Declaration of Rights, Section 12, 1776, in Rakove, ed., Founding America, pp. 88–90 Wade, Rex A., The Bolshevik Revolution and Russian Civil War Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2001 Wade, Rex A., The Russian Revolution, 1917 Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 2000 Wallace, W. Stewart, The United Empire Loyalists Toronto: Glasgow and Brook, 1914 Wood, Gordon S., Revolutionary Characters: What Made the Founders Different New York: Penguin, 2006 260 Edyt Dickstein Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) New York: Penguin Books, 1999, pp. 417-418 When I see the spirit of liberty in action, I see a strong principle at work; and this, for a while, is all I can possibly know of it. The wild gas, the fixed air, is plainly broke loose: but we ought to suspend our judgment until the first effervescence is a little subsided, till the liquor is cleared, and until we see something deeper than the agitation of a troubled and frothy surface. I must be tolerably sure, before I venture publicly to congratulate men upon a blessing, that they have really received one. Flattery corrupts both the receiver and the giver; and adulation is not of more service to the people than to kings. I should therefore suspend my congratulations on the new liberty of France, until I was informed how it had been combined with government, with public force, with the discipline and obedience of armies, with the collection of an effective and well-distributed revenue, with morality and religion, with solidity and property, with peace and order, with civil and social manners. All these (in their way) are good things, too; and without them, liberty is not a benefit whilst it lasts, and is not likely to continue long. The effect of liberty to individuals is that they may do as they please: we ought to see what it will please them to do, before we risk congratulations, which may be soon turned into complaints. Prudence would dictate this in the case of separate, insulated, private men. But liberty, when men act in bodies, is power. Considerate people, before they declare themselves, will observe the use which is made of power—and particularly of so trying a thing as a new power in new persons, of whose principles, tempers, and dispositions they have little or no experience, and in situations where those who appear the most stirring in the scene may possibly not be the real movers... 261 THE CONCORD REVIEW Copyright 2012, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved Anna Elizabeth Blech is a Junior at Hunter College High School on Manhattan Island, New York, where she wrote this paper for Martha Curtis’ United States History I course in the 2011/2012 academic year. ANTI-SLAVERY SENTIMENT IN CHILDREN’S LITERATURE 1824–1860 Anna Elizabeth Blech Historians of children’s literature agree that there was an increase in fiction written by American writers expressly for American children 1 and a number of new periodicals for children in the antebellum period between 1824 and 1860. 2 They also agree that the literature of this period has little to no literary merit but was written mainly for the moral and intellectual development of the child to prepare him for his role in the democracy of the New Republic. 3 The treatment of the slavery issue was a thorny one for these writers. Aiming to imbue young readers with patriotic feel- ing and a strong self-controlled conscience, how much did writers of children’s literature want to disillusion their audience at the outset with the contradictions and injustice of having slaves in a “free” country? Criticism of slavery in the 1820s was cautious and tempered. 4 Arguments against slavery, though still infrequent, became more vehement in the 1830s and 1840s and were often scathing denunciations of slavery and the slave trade. 5 In the 1850s, references to slavery practically vanished from mainstream children’s journals. 6 Following a period of increasingly powerful indictments, the silence on slavery occurred because, with the 262 Anna Elizabeth Blech looming threat of Southern secession, children were taught that patriotism required putting aside divisive issues in favor of preserv- ing the Union. In the mid-1820s, rare critiques of slavery began to appear in mainstream children’s fiction books and juvenile periodicals. 7 Many of these criticisms were moderate, taking the stance that while slavery was an evil institution, emancipation must be gradual because of the complications it would generate. In 1824, Lydia Maria Child, a popular writer for children and adults, who was ac- tive in the crusade against slavery, wrote a story “The Little Master and His Little Slave” expressing her early views on slavery. Two children, Lucy and Robert, are discussing slavery with their aunt. When Robert states that Southern people must be “very cruel” to keep slaves, the aunt responds that “Our Southern brethren have an abundance of kind and generous feeling,” that slavery is the Southerners’ “misfortune more than their fault,” that it is an inheritance from colonial days when Americans petitioned the British government to remove it but were refused, and that now it is a “fixed habit” and difficult to change. She goes on to say that there are too many Negroes not accustomed to liberty who, if freed, would become “licentious and abandoned.” Robert responds by saying that if he had a little slave, he would teach him to read and write and “send him to Hayti” so he can be “as free and happy as I am.” 8 According to the historian Anne MacLeod, the criticism of slavery that is expressed in these early writings reflects the accepted Northern abolitionist views about slavery at the time: Care is taken to separate the slaveholder from the system of slavery. Moral judgment is not passed on the slaveholder, but instead the institution of slavery is condemned and blamed on British colonial rulers. A very gradual voluntary emancipation is proposed because of the large number of slaves and their lack of preparation for freedom. Leaving the system in place is recom- mended while long-term solutions are begun. Finally, sending the freed slaves to Africa, the idea of the American Colonization Society, is the preferred solution in these early critiques of slavery. 9 263 THE CONCORD REVIEW Similarly, in 1827, Boston newspaper publisher and editor of The Youth’s Companion, Nathaniel Willis, introduced the moderate stance of gradual emancipation to his young readers: All the pious people of the land wish to make the slaves free, and are very sorry that their fathers ever put the yolk of bondage upon them. But it is not easy to set them free. They are unfit to take care of themselves and their families; many of them are very wicked; and if one million and a half should be made their masters all at once, it would produce great confusion and misery in the country…Take every possible measure to give them liberty in a gradual way. 10 Again, in 1831, the prolific writer of juvenile literature, Samuel Goodrich, described the slave trade in The Tales of Peter Parley About Africa: “There are, no doubt, many good people who have slaves. But slavery is a bad system, and brings great evils along with it.” 11 In The First Book of History (1831), Goodrich writes about a “benevolent” society that wants to set the Negroes free and send them back to Africa: “I sincerely hope that the slaves in the United States may be gradually liberated, and that they may enjoy happi- ness and freedom in the native land of the Negro race.” 12 Thus, during the relative calm of the 1820s, the issue of slavery arose infrequently in juvenile fiction and periodicals, and was discussed cautiously in the framework of gradual emancipation that was accepted at the time. Condemnations of slavery, though still infrequent, heated up in the children’s journals after 1831—the year of Nat Turner’s Rebellion, the first debate on slavery in the Virginia legislature, and the start of William Lloyd Garrison’s radical abolitionist journal, Liberator. 13 From 1826 to 1834, Lydia Maria Child published the first mainstream periodical in America for children, The Juvenile Miscellany, for which she wrote many articles and stories. 14 According to historian Carolyn Karcher, Child was inspired by the opinions of the impassioned young abolitionist, William Lloyd Garrison, in June of 1830 to alter her opinions about the solution of the slavery issue in favor of immediate emancipation and remedies for the slaves in the United States, not colonization in Africa. Her commitment to the fight against slavery was manifest in The Juvenile Miscellany, where almost every issue from September 1830 had an 264 Anna Elizabeth Blech item against racist prejudice, 15 including several stories about the plight of slaves and the evils of slavery. 16 Another popular writer of children’s fiction with abolitionist sympathies was Eliza Lee Follen, who edited a Unitarian-sponsored magazine, The Child’s Friend, from 1843 to 1850. 17 Professor Deborah De Rosa states that although Follen received criticism for her public abolitionist efforts, she was able to express her views by “tactfully” scattering her abolitional juvenile literature throughout her works. 18 Another bimonthly periodical, The Youth’s Cabinet, was an anti-slavery periodical, while it was under the editorship of Nathaniel Southard from 1837 to 1842. Southard was an abolitionist who also edited the American Anti-Slavery Almanac. 19 In the 1840s, both The Child’s Friend and The Youth’s Cabinet occasionally had compelling editorials against slavery as the shame of America. 20 The critique of slavery in children’s literature escalated with the claim that slavery contradicted ideas of Christian broth- erhood and the equality of all men before God. For example, in a book review of 1832, Lydia Maria Child wrote: [It] must be very offensive in the sight of God, whose children we all are, for any portion of the human family to arrogate to themselves a superiority over others. There is no real superiority but pureness of heart and goodness of conduct; and this superiority is of so heav- enly a nature, that it cannot bear the swellings of mortal vanity and self-applause, but perishes like a beautiful dream, as soon as we are conscious of it. 21 Again, in a story that Child wrote for the younger siblings of The Juvenile Miscellany’s readers, “The Little White Lamb and The Little Black Lamb” (1833), little Mary learns from Nancy, her black slave nurse, that “I am my mother’s white lamb and Thomas is Nancy’s black lamb; and God loves us both.” 22 Eliza Follen’s poem of 1844, “On hearing of the terror of the children of American slaves at the thought of being sold,” encouraged young readers to empathize with slave children who have the same joys and fears that they have. 23 The idea of the equality of all men before God was strongly supported by stories and non-fiction items that showed black slaves to have the abilities and good qualities of all human beings: In 265 THE CONCORD REVIEW “The Slave Poet” (1845), Eliza Follen introduced children to the life and poetry of George Moses Horton, the North Carolinian who sold his poetry to purchase his freedom. 24 Lydia Maria Child reviewed a book, “Arithmetic” (1832), about the excellent speed and accuracy of Africans at mental arithmetic. 25 Follen published an eloquent poem by a slave woman entitled “Inscription Under the Picture of an Aged Negro Woman” (1846). 26 Goodrich’s Peter Parley states, in The Tales of Peter Parley About Africa, that the Euro- peans’ misrepresentation of Negroes as a “stupid, debased portion of the human family” is just a distortion to justify their “barbarous and cruel treatment” of them. 27 Historian John Crandall states that Negroes often appear in stories as models of Christian piety, and that the writers explain that whatever vices they possess result from the brutal experience of slavery. 28 If Negroes are equal members of the human race before God, the argument proceeded, then their enslavement is morally wrong. In a footnote to her story “Jumbo and Zairee” of 1831, Child mentions the kind slave master of the two African children but asserts that the master-slave relationship is not justifiable under any circumstances: “The principle is wrong, even if there are nine hundred and ninety-nine good masters out of a thousand.” 29 The slave trade now merited the most stinging criticism in the juvenile literature. 30 In “Jumbo and Zairee,” two African children are kidnapped on the coast of Africa and endure the hardships of the Middle Passage to enslavement in America. Five Africans died during the trip: The hardhearted captain did not seem to pity his miserable captives in the least; he was only angry to have them die, because he thought he should not get quite so much money. You will ask me if this man was an American? One of our own countrymen, who make it their boast that men are born free and equal? I am sorry to say that he was an American. Let us hope there are but few such. 31 The power of the “Jumbo and Zairee” story derives from the ele- ments that it shares with much abolitionist writing: the decent but mistaken slave owner, the brutal overseer, and the splitting up of slave families. 32 The domestic slave trade also received powerful condemnation in Child’s shocking story of 1834, “Mary French 266 Anna Elizabeth Blech and Susan Eaton.” Mary French is white, and Susan Eaton is black, the daughter of a freed slave. Best friends who live on the western shores of the Mississippi, they are kidnapped by an evil peddler who whips them, cuts and kinks Mary’s hair, blackens her skin with soot and grease, and sells them both into slavery. Mary’s whiteness is ultimately discovered, and she is returned to her family. Susan remains forever lost to slavery. The story concludes with the state- ment: “Yet the only difference between Mary French and Susan Eaton is, that the black color could be rubbed off from Mary’s skin, while from Susan’s it could not.” 33 Professor Etsuko Tatekani states that the story is a powerful indictment of the domestic slave trade that fostered kidnapping of free blacks who “existed in legal limbo, neither slave nor citizen.” 34 Finally, the escalation of the attack on slavery in the chil- dren’s literature of the 1830s and 1840s was based on the view of slavery as a contradiction of American principles. In a story from The Juvenile Miscellany, “The Prisoners Set Free” (1831), Mrs. Ellsworth tells her children that she hopes they “will be able to understand the inconsistency and injustice of keeping slaves in a free country like ours.” 35 Again in “Jumbo and Zairee,” when a cruel overseer stands over Zairee with a whip to ensure that she eats, Child writes with stinging irony: This was in the United States of America, which boasts of being the only true republic in the world! The asylum of the distressed! The only land of perfect freedom and equality! “Shame on my country— everlasting shame.” History blushes as she writes the page of American slavery, and Europe points her finger at it in derision. 36 Gone is the need to avoid insulting the Southern slave master’s view of the legitimacy of slavery. The writers of these pieces are adamant in their criticism of slavery and the slave trade. Although the criticisms did not appear regularly, they did, as a whole, ex- press the moral and ideological case against slavery and a scathing indictment of the society that condoned it. In the decade of the 1850s, there were many violent conflicts about slavery, and the threat of secession of the Southern states from the Union loomed. Under the Compromise of 1850, Cali- 267 THE CONCORD REVIEW fornia was admitted to the Union as a free state; slavery, through popular sovereignty, was allowed in Utah and New Mexico; the domestic slave trade was abolished in Washington DC; and the Fugitive Slave Act was strengthened. The new Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 forced citizens to help catch runaway slaves under penalty of fine or imprisonment. There were several riots by Northern- ers who felt they were being forced to contribute directly to the injustices of slavery. There was widespread resistance and civil disobedience. Southerners saw Northern resistance as proof that the North would disregard laws in order to tamper with slavery. 37 The Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 caused “Bleeding Kansas,” a full-scale guerilla war fought over whether the territory would be slave or free. It split the Democratic Party along North-South lines, destroyed the Whig party, and led to the creation of the sectional Republican Party with Northern interests. 38 In 1855, John Brown, a radical abolitionist, murdered a pro-slavery family in Kansas. 39 Violence spread to Congress where, in 1856, Charles Sumner, an abolitionist Senator from Massachusetts was severely injured when a South Carolina Representative beat him with a cane on the Senate floor. 40 Against this backdrop of escalating sectional conflict, historian John Crandall finds that references to the issue of slav- ery practically disappeared from mainstream juvenile journals. 41 The Youth’s Companion avoided the slavery issue and received ap- proval for avoiding sectional conflicts, especially from Southern readers. A reader from Americus, Georgia, wrote in 1850: “In these times of political feverishness, it is no small satisfaction to perceive that those subjects which are calculated to stir up strife and to embitter sectional jealousies are most judiciously excluded from your columns.” 42 In 1856, the editor of The Youth’s Cabinet, “Uncle Frank” Woodworth, urged his young readers to preserve the Union: “Well I care not so much under what political banner you range yourself, though I may have some preference on this point, but I wish, above all things, that you may all be true to this motto, [quoting Daniel Webster] ‘Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable.’” 43 Sarah Hale, Elizabeth Peabody, and the other editors of The Child’s Friend, who took over after 268 Anna Elizabeth Blech the departure of Eliza Follen in 1850, were silent on the issue of slavery. 44 Elizabeth Peabody, a pioneer in children’s education, wrote in 1856 why she omitted slavery in her United States history book: 45 “A book intended for the public schools of all the United States, is not the place for discussions of a subject so vital to the interests of the Union as the slavery question.” 46 Unable to rec- oncile patriotism with reform in the case of slavery, the writers of children’s literature in the juvenile journals, who were responsible for the moral and intellectual education of their young readers, became silent on the issue of slavery or urged their readers to forget sectional interests in favor of preserving the Union. Their response to the looming crisis over slavery revealed the order of Northern values, preservation of the Union first, moral integrity and social reform second. For these writers for children, the need to restore a national consensus and save the Union took prece- dence over sectional differences. 269 THE CONCORD REVIEW 1 Mary Lystad, From Dr. Mather to Dr. Seuss: 200 Years of American Books for Children (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Schenkman Publishing Co., 1980) pp. 28, 52 2 Anne Scott MacLeod, “Education for Freedom: Children’s Fiction in Jacksonian America,” Harvard Educational Review Vol. 46, No. 3 (August 1976) p. 426 3 Anne Scott MacLeod, A Moral Tale: Children’s Fiction and American Culture 1820–1860 (Hamden, Connecticut: Archon Books, 1975) p. 10 4 Ibid., p. 114 5 John C. Crandall, “Patriotism and Humanitarian Reform in Children’s Literature 1825–1860,” American Quarterly Vol. 21, No. 1 (Spring 1969) p. 17 6 Ibid., p. 17 Professor Crandall states that he has read about 10,000 pieces of children’s literature from this period as well as the almost complete files of all the major juvenile periodicals of 1826–1865. (page 3) 7 Anne Scott MacLeod, A Moral Tale, p. 113 8 Lydia Maria Child, Evenings in New England (Boston: Cummings, Hilliard & Co., 1824) pp. 138–147, quoted in MacLeod, A Moral Tale, pp. 113–114 Literary Historian Carolyn Karcher points out that in this story, Child hints at a growing stronger abolitionist stance by having her young character choose Haiti, a republic established by slave revolutionaries and not recognized by the United States government until the Civil War, as the place of relocation of his slave, rather than Liberia, a “puppet state for emancipated slaves established by the slaveholder-dominated American Colonization Society.” (note 16, pp. 135–136) 9 MacLeod, A Moral Tale, p. 114 10 Nathaniel Willis, Youth’s Companion II, 8 (July 18, 1828) p. 32; Crandall, p. 12 11 Samuel Griswold Goodrich, Tales of Peter Parley about Africa (Philadelphia: Desilver, Thomas & Co., 1836; Archive.org 2007) p. 112 12 Samuel Griswold Goodrich, First Book of History for Children and Youth (Boston: Richardson, Lord & Holbrook, 1831; Archive.org 2006) p. 80 13 MacLeod, A Moral Tale, p. 111 14 Milton Meltzer and Patricia G. Holland, eds. Lydia Maria Child: Selected Letters, 1817–1880 (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1982) p. 6 270 Anna Elizabeth Blech 15 Carolyn L. Karcher, ed., A Lydia Maria Child Reader (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1997) p. 136 16 Crandall, p. 13 Child’s Juvenile Miscellany folded after she published her Appeal in Favor of that Class of Americans called Africans (1833), which is, according to the historian Carolyn Karcher, the “most comprehensive indictment of slavery ever written by a white abolitionist” (p. 136). The public was outraged by her critique, and her writings were boycotted. 17 Elizabeth Bancroft Schlesinger, “Two Harvard Wives: Eliza Farrar and Eliza Follen,” The New England Quarterly Vol. 38, No. 2 (June 1965) p. 164 18 Deborah C. De Rosa, Domestic Abolitionism and Juvenile Literature. 1830–1865 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003) p. 27 19 Ibid., p. 25 20 John C. Crandall, “Patriotism and Humanitarian Reform in Children’s Literature 1825–1860,” American Quarterly. Vol. 21, No. 1 (Spring 1969) p. 13 21 Lydia Maria Child, “New Books: Arithmetic,” The Juvenile Miscellany II, Third Series, 3 (July–August 1832) p. 321, Google Books online 22 Lydia Maria Child, “The Little White Lamb and the Little Black Lamb,” The Juvenile Miscellany IV, Third Series, 1 (March–April 1833) pp. 55–56, Google Books online 23 Eliza Lee Follen, “Lines: On hearing of the terror of the children of American slaves at the thought of being sold,” Child’s Friend Vol. II (1844) p. 36, Google Books online 24 Eliza Lee Follen, “The Slave Poet,” Child’s Friend Vol. 4 (1845) p. 255, Google Books online 25 Child, “New Books: Arithmetic, pp. 320–321 26 Eliza Lee Follen, “Inscription under the Picture of an Aged Negro Woman,” Child’s Friend Vol. 5 (1846) p. 143, Google Books online 27 Goodrich, Tales of Peter Parley, pp. 123–124 28 Crandall, p. 14 29 Lydia Maria Child, “Jumbo and Zairee,” The Juvenile Miscellany V, New Series, 3 (January–February 1831) p. 291, quoted in Carolyn L. Karcher, ed., A Lydia Maria Child Reader (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1997) p. 156 30 Crandall, p. 15 31 Child, “Jumbo and Zairee,” p. 291, quoted in Karcher, p. 155 271 THE CONCORD REVIEW 32 MacLeod, A Moral Tale, pp. 115–116 33 Lydia Maria Child, “Mary French and Susan Easton,” The Juvenile Miscellany VI, Third Series, 2, (May–June 1834) p. 202, Google Books online 34 Etsuko Tatekani, “The ‘Omnipresent Aunt’ and the Social Child: Lydia Maria Child’s Juvenile Miscellany,” Children’s Literature 27, (Yale University Press, © 1999 Hollins University) p. 33 35 H.F.G., “The Prisoners Set Free,” The Juvenile Miscellany VI, New Series, 2 (May–June 1831) p. 208, Google Books online 36 Child, “Jumbo and Zairee,” p. 291, quoted in Karcher, p. 157 37 Louis Filler, Crusade Against Slavery: Friends. Foes, and Reforms 1820–1860 (Algonac, Michigan: Reference Publications, Inc., 1986) p. 231 38 Ibid., p. 261 39 Ibid., p. 284 40 Ibid., p. 290 41 Crandall, “Patriotism and Humanitarian Reform in Children’s Literature 1825–1860,” p. 17 42 “Letter to the Editor,” Youth’s Companion XXIV, p. 29 (November 14, 1850) p. 116, quoted in Crandall, p. 18 43 Frank Woodworm, “Uncle Frank’s Monthly Table-Talks: Catching the Measles,” Youth’s Cabinet II, Third Series, 5 (November 1856) p. 149, Google Books online 44 De Rosa, pp. 86, 89 45 Nina Baym, American Women Writers and the Work of History, 1790–1860 (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1955) p. 62 46 Elizabeth Palmer Peabody, Chronological History of the United States. Arranged with Plates on Bern’s Principle (New York: Sheldon, Blakeman, 1856) 272 Anna Elizabeth Blech Bibliography Baym, Nina, American Women Writers and the Work of History, 1790–1860 New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1955 Nina Baym is Emeritus Professor of English and Jubilee Professor of Liberal Arts and Sciences at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Professor Baym explores the extensive writing about history published by many American women between the founding of the nation and the onset of the Civil War. Her thesis is that these women contributed greatly to the forging of national identity in the antebellum period despite the strictures about women’s place being in the home. Her book provided useful information about the educator, Elizabeth Palmer Peabody, and her omission of slavery from her history of the United States. Child, Lydia Maria, Evenings in New England Boston: Cummings, Hilliard & Co., 1824: 138–147, quoted in Anne Scott MacLeod, A Moral Tale: Children’s Fiction and American Culture 1820–1860 Hamden, Connecticut: Archon Books, 1975, pp. 113–114 Lydia Maria Child was a prolific writer of literature for children and adults. She became a disciple of William Lloyd Garrison, the fiery abolitionist, in 1831, and from then on, devoted her life to the abolitionist cause, even though it affected her ability to support herself and her husband. A true idealist, she wrote an Appeal in Favor of that Class of Americans called Africans (1833), which is, according to the historian Carolyn Karcher, the “most comprehensive indictment of slavery ever written by a white abolitionist” (p. 136). The public was outraged by her critique, her writings were boycotted, and she was ostracized by her community. Despite this, she continued to write for the abolitionist cause. Evenings in New England is Child’s first book of stories for children. She did not put her name on it and wrote simply, written by “an American.” Most of the story is in the form of a dialogue between an aunt and her niece and nephew. The story reveals Child’s early moderate abolitionist views before her conscience was fired up by Garrison. 273 THE CONCORD REVIEW Child, Lydia Maria, “Jumbo and Zairee,” The Juvenile Miscellany New Series, 5 (January 1831): 285–299, quoted in Carolyn L. Karcher, ed., A Lydia Maria Child Reader Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1997: 153–159 This is Child’s most outspoken fiction story against slavery, written after she met the abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison. Child, Lydia Maria, “Mary French and Susan Easton,” The Juvenile Miscellany VI, Third Series, 2 (May–June 1834) pp. 186–202, Google Books online This shocking story is a condemnation of the domestic slave trade in the United States in the antebellum period that fostered kidnapping of free black people whose legal status was ambiguous, neither slave nor citizen. Child’s husband, the abolitionist David Lee Child, had just signed a report by the Committee on the Domestic Slave Trade of the United States to the New England Anti-Slavery Convention of 1834 that addressed the plight of free people of color. Child, Lydia Maria, “New Books: Arithmetic” The Juvenile Miscellany II, Third Series, 3 (July–August 1832) pp. 320–321, Google Books online Child reviews the book, Arithmetic, by Mr. Clarkson, the “friend of African slaves,” about the facility of the Africans at mental arithmetic, “which is quicker and more certain than that of the Europeans.” This review contains Child’s ironic referral to Africans as a “baser race” approaching “brute creation” and concludes with her condemnation of people who feel superior to other people, because all are equal before God. Child, Lydia Maria, “The Little White Lamb and the Little Black Lamb,” The Juvenile Miscellany IV, Third Series, 1 (March–April 1833) pp. 53–56, Google Books online This is a short, sweet story addressed to very young readers about the loving relationship of a little white girl and her black nanny and stressing the equality of all people before God. Crandall, John C., “Patriotism and Humanitarian Reform in Children’s Literature 1825–1860,” American Quarterly Vol. 21, No. 1 (Spring 1969): 3–22 The late John C. Crandall (d. 1995) was Professor of History at the State University of New York, Brockport for 37 years and Director of the University’s Peace Corps/College 274 Anna Elizabeth Blech Degree Program. This is an excellent, thoughtful article by a scholar who has read approximately 10,000 items of juvenile literature and the almost unbroken files of the major periodicals between 1825 and 1865. He analyzes the treatment in the juvenile literature of philanthropy to poor people, the physically handicapped, the mentally ill, criminals, and juvenile delinquents, temperance reform, the peace crusade, and the attitudes to slavery in the North and South. His thesis is that writers of children’s literature were able to use all the reform issues except slavery to buttress patriotic feeling in children. Crandall has very thoroughly investigated the mainstream periodical children’s literature of this period on the slavery issue. De Rosa, Deborah C., Domestic Abolitionism and Juvenile Literature, 1830–1865 Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003 Deborah C. De Rosa is Assistant Professor of English at Northern Illinois University. Her very well-documented thesis is that 19th century women, who wanted to express their abolitionist ideas and still maintain the codes of gender and respectability for women at the time, could express themselves by writing children’s literature. These women could maintain their identity as mother-educators and be “feminine” while entering the public arena through expressing abolitionist views in their literature for children. Her book provides a lens through which to view Lydia Maria Child and Eliza Lee Follen. G., H. F., “The Prisoners Set Free,” The Juvenile Miscellany VI, New Series, 2 (May–June 1831) pp. 201–210, Google Books online Lydia Maria Child recruited some of her abolitionist friends to write for The Juvenile Miscellany. They signed with their initials in order to avoid censure for their views. This story draws an analogy between the condition of slaves and both the condition of a man in debtor’s prison and of children’s pets in cages. The story contains the idea that slavery is a contradiction of American principles. Filler, Louis, Crusade Against Slavery: Friends. Foes, and Reforms 1820–1860 Algonac, Michigan: Reference Publications, Inc., 1986 275 THE CONCORD REVIEW Louis Filler (1911–1998) was Distinguished University Professor of American Culture and Society at Antioch College in Yellow Springs, Ohio, where he taught for over four decades, beginning in 1953. This book is a very well-documented study of the growth of the anti-slavery sentiment and activism before the Civil War. Fuller stresses the fact that not all people who had anti-slavery sentiments were abolitionists. This is a book for scholars and is a dense read. The book was useful for understanding the escalating sectional tensions over slavery in the 1850s. Follen, Eliza Lee, “Inscription under the Picture of an Aged Negro Woman,” Child’s Friend Vol. 5, p. 143 (1846), Google Books online Eliza Lee Follen was a popular writer for children and adults who edited the Unitarian-sponsored juvenile periodical, The Child’s Friend, from 1843 to 1850. It was a book-sized publication that contained travel, biography, and religious tales for the moral edification of the young reader. Follen was an abolitionist, and The Child’s Friend contained some powerful indictments of slavery while under her supervision, many of which she wrote herself. This heartbreaking poem is written by a female slave in the British Empire, and has an introduction by Follen: “Will not these eloquent lines touch the hearts of American women and American girls who will soon be women?” Follen, Eliza Lee, “Lines: On hearing of the terror of the children of American slaves at the thought of being sold,” Child’s Friend Vol. II, p. 36 (1844), Google Books online Eliza Follen wrote this poem which encourages American children to empathize with the plight of slave children. Follen, Eliza Lee, “The Slave Poet,” Child’s Friend Vol. 4, p. 255 (1845), Google Books online Eliza Lee Follen tells her readers in this piece about the slave poet James Horton who has tried, so far unsuccessfully, to purchase his freedom by selling his poetry. According to De Rosa, Follen realized the importance of offering children biographies of notable African Americans and challenging traditional stereotypes about African slaves. In this piece, she writes of the recent freedom of the English West India slaves and calls for the liberation of American slaves. 276 Anna Elizabeth Blech Goodrich, Samuel Griswold, First Book of History For Children and Youth Boston: Richardson, Lord & Holbrook, 1831; Archive.org, 2006 Samuel Griswold Goodrich (1793–1860) is credited with originating a distinctive American children’s literature for American children. He wrote a series, beginning in 1827, under the name Peter Parley, of books about geography, biography, history, science, and various tales. In 1857, he wrote that he was the author and editor of approximately 170 volumes, and that 7 million copies of his books had been sold worldwide. Goodrich stated that his aim in writing for children was “to enlarge the circle of knowledge, to invigorate the understanding, to strengthen the moral nerve, to purify and exalt the imagination” (Goodrich, Reflections of a Lifetime, p. 321). The First Book of History is one of Goodrich’s first books. It is devoted to United States history and describes all the states in terms of geography, history, and culture. It has two chapters on the Puritans, seven chapters on the American Revolution, and provides a history of the country after the revolution up to the time of Andrew Jackson’s presidency. This book contains the view of slavery—e.g., gradual emancipation, sending the slaves off to Liberia—that was typical of anti-slavery sentiment at the time. Goodrich, Samuel Griswold, Tales of Peter Parley about Africa Philadelphia: Desilver, Thomas & Co., 1836; Archive.org, 2007 This is a fictional but didactic book about Peter Parley’s experiences in Africa. Peter Parley states that there are many good people who have slaves but that it is a bad system with many attendant evils. Goodrich powerfully describes the cruelties of slavery and the slave trade. Karcher, Carolyn L., ed., A Lydia Maria Child Reader Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1997 Carolyn L. Karcher is Professor Emerita of English, American Studies, and Women’s Studies at Temple University. This book is a superb collection of Lydia Maria Child’s writings divided by topics: The Indian Question, Children’s Literature and Domestic Advice, Slavery Race, and Reconstruction, Journalism and Social Critique, Sexuality and the Woman Question, and Religion, with scholarly and well-written 277 THE CONCORD REVIEW introductions by Karcher for each section. Despite an analysis that is sometimes influenced by left-wing politics, her scholarship and insights are exemplary. This book provided much information about the life of Lydia Maria Child and her role as editor of The Juvenile Miscellany. “Letter to the Editor,” Youth’s Companion, XXTV, 29 (November 14, 1850) p. 116, quoted in John C. Crandall, “Patriotism and Humanitarian Reform in Children’s Literature 1825–1860,” American Quarterly Vol. 21, No. 1 (Spring 1969) p. 18 The Youth’s Companion (1827–1929) was an American Children’s periodical that existed for more than 100 years. The Companion was published in Boston by the Perry Mason Company. Its founder, Nathaniel Willis, wanted to educate his young readers and have them learn the values of “piety, morality, and brotherly love” from the stories and poems. Its motto was “no sectarianism, no controversy.” Lystad, Mary, From Dr. Mather to Dr. Seuss: 200 Years of American Books for Children Cambridge, Massachusetts: Schenkman Publishing Co., 1980 Mary Lystad is a social historian and an award-winning children’s book author. This book is based on her research on collections in the Rare Book Division of the Library of Congress. Her thesis is that the change in the content of books for children reflects people’s attitudes about what should be valued in human relationships and achievement. Her book is interesting because it quantifies the percent of books dealing with different topics, e.g., fiction vs. nonfiction, over time. Chapter Three on the children’s literature from 1796 to 1835 was particularly relevant. MacLeod, Anne Scott, “Education for Freedom: Children’s Fiction in Jacksonian America,” Harvard Educational Review Vol. 46, No. 3 (August 1976) pp. 425–435 Anne Scott MacLeod is Professor Emerita at the University of Maryland’s College of Information Studies. She has a master’s degree in Library Science and a PhD in History from the University of Maryland. She is considered the pre-eminent expert in the field of children’s literature, having published several books and articles in the field. This is an excellent article, which draws on a wide array of sources, about the 278 Anna Elizabeth Blech concerns of writers for children in the antebellum period. Her thesis is that the stories for children of this period reveal the concern of Jacksonian Americans about ensuring moral integrity in their children in the face of social change. The primary function of children’s fiction was the moral education of a new generation, emphasizing social responsibility rather than individual aggrandizement. This was a very useful article for understanding the juvenile literature of this period. MacLeod, Anne Scott, A Moral Tale: Children’s Fiction and American Culture 1820–1860 Hamden, Connecticut: Archon Books, 1975 This book is a superb and scholarly analysis of children’s fiction of the antebellum period. MacLeod states that the stories for the young at this time reveal the anxiety of Americans about their society. The “relentless emphasis upon a child’s inner character betrayed the fear that a decline in individual morality would destroy the young American community.” This book contains excellent background information on the authors of juvenile literature as well as an excellent analysis of how social reform issues and attitudes to slavery were revealed in this literature. Meltzer, Milton, and Patricia G. Holland, eds., Lydia Maria Child: Selected Letters, 1817–1880 Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1982 Milton Meltzer was adjunct professor during this project in the W.E.B. Du Bois Department of Afro-American Studies at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. He is the author of 40 works of history and biography. Four of his books were nominated for the National Book Award. Patricia G. Holland directs a project at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst to locate and publish the papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. This is an excellent edition of Lydia Maria Child’s Letters divided into chapters by dates, with interesting and scholarly introductions to each chapter. This book provided a deeper understanding of Lydia Maria Child and her involvement with The Juvenile Miscellany. Peabody, Elizabeth Palmer, Chronological History of the United States, Arranged with Plates on Bern’s Principle New York: Sheldon, Blakeman, 1856 279 THE CONCORD REVIEW Elizabeth Palmer Peabody was a teacher and educational reformer who is most famous for founding the kindergarten in America. She was an abolitionist. Peabody did not include a discussion of slavery in her United States history for schoolchildren because she thought it was too divisive an issue. Schlesinger, Elizabeth Bancroft, “Two Harvard Wives: Eliza Farrar and Eliza Follen,” The New England Quarterly Vol. 38, No. 2 (June 1965) pp. 147–167 Elizabeth Bancroft Schlesinger (1886–1977) is the wife of the Harvard historian, Arthur M. Schlesinger, and the mother of Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. who won the Pulitzer Prize in history in 1945 and served in John F. Kennedy’s administration. She pioneered the study of women’s history after World War II and wrote articles about 19th century American women of note. This article contains a good biography of Eliza Lee Follen and an evaluation of her writing. Schlesinger’s thesis is that both these women lived useful, productive lives within the limitations of the female role of the time. This article has excellent information about the life of Eliza Lee Follen. Tatekani, Etsuko, “The ‘Omnipresent Aunt’ and the Social Child: Lydia Maria Child’s Juvenile Miscellany,” Children’s Literature 27, Yale University Press, © 1999 Hollins University, pp. 22–39 Etsuko Tatekani is Associate Professor of English at the University of Tsukuba, Japan. In this article, she analyzes three stories from The Juvenile Miscellany: “The Little Rebels,” “The Irish Immigrants,’’ and “Mary French and Susan Easton.” Her thesis is that the magazine “politicizes the relationship between adults and children by aligning children with marginalized groups thereby explicitly and implicitly offering a critique of domestic colonialism.” (p. 23) The jargon words are off-putting (“otherness,” “disenfranchised,” “domestic colonialism,” “patriarchal”), but this paper has an interesting viewpoint and contributed to an understanding of the “Mary French and Susan Easton” story as a criticism of the domestic slave trade and provided interesting information about the concurrent involvement of Lydia Maria Child’s husband, David Child, with the issue. 280 Anna Elizabeth Blech Willis, Nathaniel, Youth’s Companion II, 8 (July 18, 1828) p. 32, quoted in John C. Crandall, “Patriotism and Humanitarian Reform in Children’s Literature 1825–1860,” American Quarterly Vol. 21, No. 1 (Spring 1969) p. 12 Nathaniel Willis was the founder of Youth’s Companion and its editor from 1827 to 1856. He wanted to educate his young readers and have them learn values of “piety, morality, and brotherly love” from the stories and poems. The motto of the Companion was “no sectarianism, no controversy.” In this quote, Willis echoes the prevailing anti-slavery sentiment of the day, the moderate stance of gradual emancipation. Woodworth, Frank, “Uncle Frank’s Monthly Table-Talks: Catching the Measles,” Youth’s Cabinet II, Third Series, 5 (November 1856) pp. 148–149, Google Books online The Youth’s Cabinet was originally an anti-slavery newspaper until it was bought by Francis C. Woodworth in 1846. As editor of Youth’s Cabinet, Frank Woodworth drastically changed the magazine which now focused on geography, history, and Christian morality. In this piece, Woodworth urges his young readers to preserve the Union. 281 THE CONCORD REVIEW Since 1987, The Concord Review has published 1,044 history research papers, averaging 6,000 words, on a wide variety of historical topics by high school students in thirty- nine countries. We have sent these essays to our subscribers in thirty-two countries. This quarterly, the only one in the world for the academic work of secondary students, is tax-exempt and non-profit, and relies on subscriptions to support itself. The cost of a yearly subscription is $40. Orders for 26 or more [class sets] will receive a 40% discount. Schools in California, Connecticut, Georgia, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, Singapore, Thailand, Vermont, and Virginia now have class sets, and we hope you will consider ordering one. We are listed with the major subscription services, and you can also place your order for issues online through them. VARSITY ACADEMICS ® Subscribe at www.tcr.org [visit our website/blog at http://www.tcr.org/blog] We are a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt Massachusetts corporation. DONATE TCR is the only journal in the world to publish the academic research papers of secondary students. A donation now in any amount will help us continue to recognize exemplary academic work. Click here to contribute. Notes on Contributors Katherine Rosenberg (Caesar Augustus) is a Junior at Horace Greeley High School in Chappaqua, New York, where she is a member of the school’s Academic Challenge team and earned a summa cum laude three times on the National Latin Exam. She runs cross country, plays softball, and plays the violin, viola and piano. Gabriel Grand (The New York Times) is a Senior at the Horace Mann School in the Bronx, New York, where he was awarded the Robert Caro Prize for Literary Excellence in History. He is interested in Spanish, music and science. He spent a month last Summer in Spain, and he is the president of the school’s Mock Trial team, and a member of the school’s crew team. Theresa L. Rager (History of Tuberculosis) is a Senior at Summit Country Day School in Cincinnati, Ohio, where she was given the Notre Dame book award. She is a member of the National Honor Society and plans to major in biology in college before going to medical school, and perhaps on to a Ph.D. as well. Gabriel Kelly (Commercial Revolution) is a Senior at Franklin Regional High School in Murrysville, Pennsylvania, where he is a member of the marching band. He was completing his Eagle Scout project last Summer, and he wrote this paper as an independent study project. He plans a history major in college. Malini Gandhi (Miscegenation) is a Senior at Newton North High School in Newtonville, Massachusetts, where she teaches middle school students in ecology, botany and environmental studies in the Summer. She is captain of the Envirothon Science team at school and is a member of the Science Olympiad team. She has won a number of writing awards and the Princeton book award, as well as a gold medal in the National Spanish Exam. Reid Grinspoon (Eugenics in Massachusetts) will be at Harvard in Fall 2013. He was a National Merit Commended Scholar as a Junior and took part in the National Outdoor Leadership School course in the Rocky Mountains. He was captain of Varsity Lacrosse & Varsity Cross Country, and has spent a summer in Israel. THE CONCORD REVIEW 283 Kaitavjeet Chowdhary (Boss Tweed) is a Senior at Glastonbury High School in Glastonbury, Connecticut, where he plays Varsity Tennis and is captain of the Debate team. He is president of the school’s Model UN club, and has conducted research in a microbiology lab in the Summer. He plays the euphonium and plans to become a physician-scientist. Aleezé Qadir (Mughal Empire) is a Senior at the University of Chicago Laboratory High School in Chicago, Illinois, where she won prizes twice on the National Spanish exam. She is a Pakistani- American Muslim from Chicago, of Pashtun and Baloch descent. Most of her family lives in Pakistan, (Karachi and Quetta) where she spends a few months each year. She is very interested in singing and performing in school productions. Andrew Burton (U.S.–UK in WWII) is a Senior and IB Diploma candidate at Upper Canada College in Toronto, where his essay on the Battle of Vimy Ridge was awarded a Vimy Beaverbrook Prize in 2012. He plays saxophone in the UCC Jazz Ensemble and tutors children in music at the Dixon Hall School of Music. Edyt Dickstein (Conditions for Democracy) is a Senior at Rae Kushner Yeshiva High School in Livingston, New York, where she is captain of the school’s Model UN team and the Debate team, and editor-in-chief of the school newspaper. She has won a number of poetry awards and plans a history major in college. Anna Elizabeth Blech (Slavery in Children’s Literature) is a Junior at Hunter College High School on Manhattan Island in New York, where she has received several writing awards. She won first place at the New York City Science and Engineering Fair in microbiology. She has been involved in various school productions, and she was reading William Manchester’s biography of Churchill—The Last Lion —when she sent in this paper. A check for $40 to The Concord Review must come with this form. The next four issues of the journal will be available online to the author... Mail one copy of this form, (and the check for $40), with each essay, to: The Concord Review, 730 Boston Post Road, Suite 24, Sudbury, MA 01776 USA By signing this form, the author affirms that this paper is his/her own academic work. Author’s Signature Gender: M or F Print Name: Title of Essay Home Phone Home Address Author email address Year of Graduation Date of Birth Name of School School Address School Phone Name of History Teacher for whom it was written Email: Title of Course (if any) for which essay was written Name of History Department Head Name of School Principal Name of Local Newspaper Address of Local Newspaper Biographical Information (for Notes on Contributors)—Please provide information on the author’s background, any academic honors and interests, career goals, community service, travel, internships, or other activities and achievements. Seniors, please let us know your next school or job, so that if your essay is printed next year, we will have your location: U U U U U U s s s s s A Form to Accompany Essays PLEASE FILL THIS OUT FOR THE NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS Member Schools and National Partners in The Consortium for Varsity Academics® MEMBER SCHOOLS Menlo School (CA) Singapore American School (Singapore) NATIONAL PARTNERS American Council of Trustees and Alumni Anonymous (3) Carnegie Corporation of New York Earhart Foundation Gilder-Lehrman Institute Robert Grusky The History Channel Lagemann Foundation Leadership and Learning Center National Center on Education and the Economy Douglas B. Reeves Deborah Rose Sandra Priest Rose For information on joining the Consortium, please contact Will Fitzhugh at fi[email protected] Annual Membership is $5,000, payable to The Concord Review “e copies you sent [Summer 2009 issue] are absolutely awesome! I share your work all the time, and I expect that you’re going to get additional friends joining your mission sooner rather than later. Your work is vital to the direction our nation is taking.” Ellio Witney, Head of Schools, KIPP Houston “e leading U.S. proponent of more research work for the nation’s teens is Will Fitzhugh, who has been publishing high school student [history research] papers in his Concord Review journal since 1987...” Jay Mathews, e Washington Post “I believe e Concord Review is one of the most imaginative, creative, and supportive initiatives in public education. It is a wonderful incentive to high school students to take scholarship and writing seriously.” John Silber, President Emeritus, Boston University “I very much like and support what you’re doing with e Concord Review. It’s original, important, and greatly needed, now more than ever, with the problem of historic illiteracy growing steadily worse among the high school generation nearly everywhere in the country.” David McCullough, Historian “We have been glad to have reprints of essays published in e Concord Review, submied by our applicants over the years, to add to the information we consider in making admissions decisions...All of us here in the Admissions Oce are big fans of e Concord Review.” William R. Fitzsimmons, Dean of Admissions, Harvard College HARVARD COLLEGE Oce of Admissions and Financial Aid September 15, 2010 Mr. Will Fitzhugh e Concord Review 730 Boston Post Road, Suite 24 Sudbury, Massachuses 01776 USA Dear Will, We agree with your argument that high school students who have read a complete nonction book or two, and wrien a serious research paper or two, will be beer prepared for college academic work than those who have not. e Concord Review, founded in 1987, remains the only journal in the world for the academic papers of secondary students, and we in the Admissions Oce here are always glad to see reprints of papers which students have had published in the Review and which they send to us as part of their application materials. Over the years, more than 10% (107) of these authors have come to college at Harvard. Since 1998, when it started, we have been supporters of your National Writing Board, which is still unique in supplying independent three-page assessments of the research papers of secondary students. e NWB reports also provide a useful addition to the college application materials of high school students who are seeking admission to selective colleges. For all our undergraduates, even those in the sciences, such competence, both in reading nonction books and in the writing of serious research papers, is essential for academic success. Some of our high schools now place too lile emphasis on this, but e Concord Review and the National Writing Board are doing a national service in encouraging our secondary students, and their teachers, to spend more time and eort on developing these abilities. Sincerely, Bill William R. Fitzsimmons Dean of Admissions and Financial Aid WRF:oap Adc|c|s|:a||·e Ođce. :e i:aĨ|e :|:ee| · Cac|:|dge, \assac|cseĨs c¯1}: