The Art of Courtly Lucknow

Mark e l GudeIndia’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow Stephen Markel, Ph.D., is the curator and department head of South and Southeast Asian Art at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Project director for this publication and its accompanying exhibition, he has also curated numerous exhibitions and published widely on South Asian decorative art, sculpture, and painting. Stephen Markel with Tushara Bindu Gude is associate curator in the South and Southeast Asian Art department at LACMA and co-curator of the exhibition India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow. She received her Ph.D. in art history from the University of California, Los Angeles. Tushara Bindu Gude • Muzaffar Alam is George V. Bobrinskoy Professor in South Asian Languages and Civilizations at the University of Chicago. is a professor in the department of art history at the University of Minnesota. Catherine Asher is a senior curator for South Asia at the Victoria and Albert Museum, London. Rosemary Crill is curator of the Royal Photograph Collection, United Kingdom. Sophie Gordon is an independent scholar specializing in the history of India from the eighteenth to the twentieth century. rosie Llewellyn-Jones teaches ethnomusicology at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Peter Manuel Carla Petievich , executive director of the Hoshyar Foundation, is professor emerita of history, Montclair State University, and visiting professor at the South Asia Institute, University of Texas. is a visual arts curator at the British Library. India’s Fabled City This is the first book to explore fully the opulent art and refined lifestyle of Lucknow, a cosmopolitan Indo-IslamicEuropean capital in northern India that flourished in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Cultural successor to the resplendent Mughal Empire and fated to succumb to British imperial expansion, Lucknow was home to some of the most vibrant artistic expression of its time, encompassing an unusually wide range of mediums. The city fostered a rare intersection of South Asian and European traditions, as well as Persian and Islamic influences, and the court of the ruling nawabs was a showcase of sophisticated cultural diversity at its most magnificent. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow includes comprehensive introductory essays by Los Angeles County Museum of Art curators Stephen Markel and Tushara Bindu Gude, and contributions by nine additional scholars on multiple aspects of Lucknow’s cultural heritage. This beautifully designed volume features more than 250 sumptuous illustrations, including oil paintings, album paintings, illustrated historical and religious manuscripts, textiles and garments, photographs, and decorative art objects such as ornate metalwork, glassware, and jewelry. Period photographs provide an incredible architectural survey, and major essays cover the literary and musical cultures of Lucknow. A true feast for the senses and intellect, India’s Fabled City offers an illuminating account of a uniquely luxuriant and dynamic culture, which lives on today as an emblem of a lost past while serving as a cultural model and source of national pride. India’s Fabled Cit y: The Art of courtly Lucknow Malini roy Sanjay Subrahmanyam is professor and Doshi Chair of Indian History at UCLA . Los Angeles County Museum of Art DelMonico Books•Prestel Printed in China www.prestel.com ^ Delmonico Pr e stel Lucknow front: 16. Back: 21. The Art of Courtly · Mir Kalan Khan, Lovers in a Landscape (detail), c. 1760 –70 A Dancer Balances a Bottle, c. 1770 India’s Fabled Cit y Lucknow The Art of Courtly 1 India’s Fabled Cit y Lucknow Stephen Markel with The Art of Courtly Tushara Bindu Gude and contributions by Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam Catherine Asher rosemary Crill Sophie Gordon rosie Llewellyn-Jones Peter Manuel Carla Petievich Malini roy Los Angeles County Museum of Art DelMonico Books • Prestel Munich berlin London New York 2 3 4 5 . .... 2010-Feb... 1760–65 Page 6: 156.....Contents Foreword Michael Govan .. 1770 Page 2: 4...................... Mir Kalan Khan............. 1765–85 6 7 ....... 121 This book was published in conjunction with the exhibition India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow.............. A Partridge and an Iris....... or any other information storage and retrieval system or otherwise................ Carpenter Foundation and the National Endowment for the Arts......... which was organized by the Los Angeles County Museum of Art and supported in part by grants from the E.............................. Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam.......de prestel......... c..... Musée Guimet........ Newland. Q.... II.... 2010–February 27..................... electronic or mechanical....... c..... China Jacket front: 16..................54´207479494--dc22 2010027701 ISBN: 978-3-7913-5075-2 © 2010 Museum Associates................. c.. Art...... recording.. NY 10003 Tel: 212 995 2720 Fax: 212 995 2733 E-mail: sales@prestel-usa.......... Los Angeles County Museum of Art All rights reserved............. IV........... 1760–70 A Dancer Balances a Bottle.............. Rhodes and Leona B....... Robertson Proofreader: Dianne Woo Indexer: Kathleen Preciado Copublished by the Los Angeles County Museum of Art 5905 Wilshire Boulevard Los Angeles. Designer: Jin Son Supervising Photographer: Peter Brenner Production Manager: Karen Knapp Rights and Reproductions Coordinator: Cheryle T.......................... Jacket Back: 21.......... Art and society--India-Oudh--Exhibitions.......D... [et al...... The book was made possible in part by the Andrew W............ Stephen. ISBN 978-3-7913-5075-2 (hardcover) 1.......... Checklist of the Exhibition ................. Title... 3.1st ed......................266 Index.......................... Alam........ No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means.......... a member of Verlagsgruppe Random House GmbH Prestel Verlag Königinstrasse 9 80539 Munich Germany Tel: 49 89 242908 300 Fax: 49 89 242908 335 E-mail: sales@prestel.... 14 India's Fabled City: Narratives of an Exhibition Tushara Bindu Gude . Los Angeles County Museum of Art.............................com “A Sacred Interest”: The role of Photography in The “City of Mourning” Sophie Gordon ....... with Tushara Bindu Gude and contributions by Muzaffar Alam ....... Suite 603 New York...................................................... c. 1810–20 Pages 4–5: 157.. 4. Paris April 6–July 11........................ Ltd......................uk Prestel Publishing 900 Broadway.. Musée Guimet (Paris........... Los Angeles County Museum of Art Head of Publications: Nola Butler Editor in Chief: Thomas Frick Editor: Joseph N....... I.. 27.............................. III.. -... 199 Textiles and Dress in Lucknow in The Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries Rosemary Crill .... Mellon Foundation....E......250 Printing and binding: Toppan Printing Co........................... Art and society--India--Lucknow--Exhibitions..8 Chronology .................. Los Angeles County Museum of Art........262 Acknowledgments ... Gude.....10 The Dynastic History of Lucknow Stephen Markel ................ Indic--India--Oudh--Exhibitions... 145 Origins of The Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh Malini Roy ....................................... c.......... 55 Hybrid Visions: The Cultural Landscape of Awadh Tushara Bindu Gude . Art....................... N7308.................. 2011....................... 2011... A Royal Lion Hunt at Allahabad. Lovers in a Landscape (detail)............... France) V... 103 Lucknow’s Architectural Heritage Catherine Asher ............ LACMA................................. 227 Music in Lucknow’s Gilded Age Peter Manuel .. 2......... Tushara Bindu..... without written permission from the publisher........................................... Muzaffar. Catalog issued in connection with an exhibition held Dec..............com prestel.. 2011 Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet............252 Selected Bibliography .................. 187 “This Blaze of Wealth and Magnificence”: The Luxury Arts of Lucknow Stephen Markel . 2011 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Markel............. Women’s Dancing Party................ 6-July 11............268 Mir Kalan Khan... including photocopy..... 243 Glossary... India’s fabled city : the art of courtly Lucknow / Stephen Markel .. Style of Mihr Chand............... 1780 Page 9: 118. A Turkish Sultana (detail).264 Lenders to the Exhibition ..............]........ an imprint of Prestel Publishing Prestel...... Indic--India--Lucknow--Exhibitions...........de Prestel Publishing Ltd...........org and DelMonico Books. CA 90036 lacma................ 165 Of Princes and Poets in Eighteenth-Century Lucknow Exhibition Itinerary: Los Angeles County Museum of Art December 12............ and Apr................. Los Angeles.... 12..................... Paris........... 24 Lucknow and European Society Rosie Llewellyn-Jones . 4 Bloomsbury Place London WC1A 2QA United Kingdom Tel: 44 20 7323 5004 Fax: 44 20 7636 8004 Email: sales@ prestel-uk............ p...co........ 69 Innovations Pious and Impious: Expressive culture in Nawabi Lucknow Carla Petievich .......... cm........ Additional support for the exhibition and book was provided by the Southern Asian Art Council.....L83M37 2010 709..... c................... and selecting potential contributors to the accompanying publication. Given the substantial range and diversity of the approximately two hundred works of art in the exhibition. the capital of the Mughal Empire’s province of Awadh. poets. and photographs. administrative matters. military adventurers. joined LACMA in 2006. We are proud that the Los Angeles County Museum of Art can be ranked at the forefront of world-class museums with the expertise essential for presenting the extraordinary artistic and cultural traditions of legendary Lucknow. and was principally responsible Michael Govan CEO and Wallis Annenberg Director Los Angeles County Museum of Art 8 9 . discusses the development of its hybrid artistic traditions. European artists. Markel selected the decorative art objects and was primarily responsible for loan negotiations. In this way it has been possible to offer a more nuanced interpretation of Lucknow’s rich body of aesthetic achievements. A distinctive aesthetic vision developed in Lucknow as a result of the dynamic interaction between the Mughal courtly traditions and the diverse artistic imagery introduced by the city’s many multinational residents. this beautifully illustrated volume of historical and media-based essays by leading international scholars covers a broad range of Lucknow’s distinctive humanities. seduced by tales of the wealth and largesse of its rulers and the beauty of the city. Whereas the exhibition is primarily arranged thematically and chronologically. Project director Stephen Markel. and curatorial decisions regarding the structure and content of the exhibition publication. Lucknow rose in prominence to become a cultural epicenter. and courtiers migrated there in large numbers seeking security and patronage. The exhibition’s co-curator. prints. Indian artists. and explores cultural issues within the broader narrative of South Asian colonial history. Markel realized that a multilayered interpretive approach to the material was required to do it justice. As with most museum projects this ambitious in scope. selection of paintings. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow presents the full array of artworks associated with Lucknow. and Images from a Changing World: Kalighat Paintings of Calcutta (1999). Dr. developed the Lucknow exhibition over the course of several years by locating appropriate works of art in collections worldwide. Accordingly. From the mid-eighteenth century until the establishment of formal British rule in India in 1858. travelers. In turn. including its renowned literature and music. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow required a long gestation period. Dr. Tushara Bindu Gude. refining the exhibition concept through discussions with pertinent scholars. the exhibition and its publication are designed to complement rather than duplicate each other. Gude fine-tuned the preliminary for devising the exhibition’s themes and organization. Romance of the Taj Mahal (1989 – 90). and commercial and political agents were also soon lured to the region. Dr. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow represents the culmination of a series of important exhibitions on later Indian art organized by LACMA’s Department of South and Southeast Asian Art: From Merchants to Emperors: British Artists and India 1757–1930 (1986 – 87). LACMA’s Harry and Yvonne Lenart Curator and Department Head of South and Southeast Asian Art. recommended additions.Foreword India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow is the first major international exhibition to focus exclusively on the vibrant artistic traditions and refined cosmopolitan culture of the northern Indian city of Lucknow. Associate Curator of South and Southeast Asian Art. drawings. when he shifts the Awadh capital back to Faizabad and begins extensive building program. 1764 Battle of Buxar (Baksar). including extant gateway Rumi Darwaza. 1856 Awadh annexed by the English East India Company. and Daulat Khana. 1734 –70) probably migrates to Awadh during this period. 1754–75 Rule of Nawab Shuja al-Daula.Chronology Compiled by Stephen Markel 1759–1806 Reign of Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II. Formally resides in permanent family home in Delhi (palace built by Mughal Prince Dara Shikoh [1615 –1659]). (1753 –1807) in Lucknow. He defeats the shaikhzadas of Lucknow. Constructs Bara Imambara. Establishes dominance of the Company. Lord Robert Clive (1725 – 1775–1800 Major General Claude Martin (1735– 1800) in Lucknow. 1801 Richard Colley Wellesley. Shah Alam II. principally the Qaisar Bagh Palace complex. 1722–39 Rule of first nawab (governor) of c. 1858 Felice Beato (1832 –1909) arrives in Lucknow to Constructs Chattar Manzil. serves as his tomb). and atlases. Brief. Serves only four months before being deposed for his violent anti-British views. Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk. c. First British landscape and architectural artist to visit Awadh. Constructs only a few structures. 1798–1814 Rule of Nawab Saadat Ali Khan. 1763–75 Jean-Baptiste-Joseph Gentil (1726 –1799) in Faizabad. Assembles extensive library and collection of technological rarities. Creates portraits of the nawab and family that inspire numerous copies. Establishes studio headed by preeminent artist Mihr Chand (fl. Desires but fails to restore the glory of the Mughal Empire. Wajid Ali Shah exiled to Calcutta. Important painter Mir Kalan Khan (fl. governor-general of India (1798 –1805). 1739–54 Rule of Nawab Safdar Jang. 1760 – 63) defeated by greatly outnumbered forces of the English East India Company. who was Nawab to 1819. c. Paris. Returns Awadh capital to Lucknow. Precipitates first of four migration waves of poets. Designs royal regalia for Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s coronation in 1819. whose collection survives in London. 1781. 1736 – 47). 1803 (primary residence of nawabs until completion of Qaisar Bagh in 1852). and establishes nawabi dynasty. Major patron of Indian painting and manuscripts whose collection items survive primarily in Berlin. Residents responsible for political and financial decisions of court. French military officer in Compagnie des Indes Orientales employed by Shuja al-Daula. 1739 Delhi sacked by Iranian King Nadir Shah Awadh. Long but impotent reign. and London. Major patron of Indian painting. c. Distinguished military officer and able administrator. 1805 (designed by Gore Ouseley). 1748–54 Reign of Mughal Emperor Ahmad Shah. 1797–98 Rule of Nawab Wazir Ali Khan. 1789. mutual defense fund. which is forcefully repressed. 1848 – 52. Constructs numerous edifices. Constructs Sibtainabad Imambara (also known as Chota Imambara. 1858 Local minor rajas and taluqdars (wealthy Muslim and Hindu landowners and landlords) assume nawabs’ former role as patrons of the arts in Lucknow. Serves as Lucknow. appointed to Awadh court in Faizabad (serves intermittently to 1782). 1556 –1605) establishes province (suba) of Awadh. 1827–37 Reign of King Nasir Al-Din Haidar. Important patron of Indian painting. 1775–97 Rule of Nawab Asaf al-Daula. prime minister (wazir) of the Mughal Empire. 1786 – 91. forces Saadat Ali Khan to cede half of Awadh’s territory and its revenue to permanent British control. where he continues as a patron of music and poetry until his death in 1887. 1719–48 Reign of Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah. Dilkusha Kothi. Numerous Residents serve until annexation of Awadh in 1856. 1784–88 (intermittently) German neoclassical painter Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810) active in Lucknow. c. 1796 (serves as his tomb). rules from temporary capital at Faizabad. Great patron of the arts. During his long rule an independent style of art and culture develops in Awadh. 1780–82 British civil servant Richard Johnson 1814–37 Robert Home (1752 –1834) serves as court artist at Lucknow. Constructs Shah Najaf Imambara (serves as his tomb and that of three wives). Scandalous reputation. Period of violent revolt against British colonial rule in northern and central India. and country house Constantia (La Martinière). 1837–42 Reign of King Muhammad Ali Shah. (1741–1795) in Faizabad and Lucknow. 1773 First British Resident Nathaniel Middleton (r. Short and ineffectual rule. French-born military officer in the English East India Company and Renaissance man who becomes the superintendent of the Lucknow Arsenal under Asaf al-Daula. Commissions several architectural projects. but frequently based in Lucknow as dictated by events. 1759 – 86). 10 11 . 1771–72 English artist Tilly Kettle (1735 –1786) engaged by Shuja al-Daula in Faizabad. 1783 William Hodges (1744 –1797) in Faizabad and 1774) restores Shuja al-Daula to power in exchange for trade concessions. Serves as prime minister of the Mughal Empire. thereafter King of Awadh. Serves in Lucknow first as the deputy governor responsible for the western provinces of Awadh. Designs and constructs town house Lakh-i Pera. whose collection items survive in Paris and London libraries. 1765 Treaty of Allahabad. Rules Awadh from Faizabad. 1773–76 and 1780–88 Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier 1857–58 Great Uprising (also known as the Sepoy Mutiny or Rebellion and as the First War of Indian Independence). and intellectuals to Faizabad and Lucknow in Awadh. c. and Lal Barahdari (darbar hall later converted to coronation hall and throne room for Ghazi al-Din Haidar). Franco-Swiss military officer and engineer in the English East India Company. c. he continues to favor Lucknow as his primary residence until signing Treaty of Allahabad in 1765. manuscripts. an Iranian Shia appointed by Muhammad Shah. 1814–27 Rule and reign of Ghazi al-Din Haidar. photograph the sites of important events during the Uprising in order to memorialize British heroism. After becoming nawab. 1580 Mughal Emperor Akbar (r. and the nawab of Bengal Mir Qasim (r. including Husainabad Imambara. and Jami Masjid. but he revives the declining Mughal aesthetic style to a refined level throughout the humanities. nawab authority confined to administrative and personnel matters. and substantial war restitution. 1842–47 Reign of King Amjad Ali Shah. High period of nawabi art and culture. artists. 1847–56 Reign of King Wajid Ali Shah. completed c. His long reign suffers numerous attacks culminating in the sack of Delhi in 1739 and the disintegration of the Mughal Empire. pious rule. 1837–78 (serves as his tomb). principally the royal observatory. 1845 (completed by his widow). Combined armies of Shuja al-Daula. 1832 – 40. And after this there is morning, a new dawn, Majaz, The twilight of Lucknow’s sorrows fades with us. Note to the Reader Published on the occasion of the exhibition of the same name, this book provides the general reader and scholarly audiences with a historical overview and interpretive discussions of the works of art featured in India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow. The checklist in the back of the book provides full caption information on the objects exhibited. It is organized by the exhibition’s themes, and checklist items are numbered consecutively. These numbers are used in page references as well as in the abbreviated checklist captions to allow for easy cross-reference. Figures, separately numbered consecutively throughout the book, are comparative, nonchecklist illustrations; full caption information for these is provided with the images. The checklist is complete and accurate as of July 28, 2010. Indian words and names have been rendered in the roman alphabet using various conventions, all with an eye toward simplicity. Preference has been given to phonetic spellings and versions familiar to English-language readers, such as the Anglicized “Lucknow” rather than the more accurate “Lakhna’u” or “Lakhnau.” Diacritical marks have not been used. When dates are given in the Islamic calendar, they are preceded by AH; as these refer to lunar years, a slash may be used to indicate ambiguity in stating their solar/CE equivalent. Dimensions given generally follow the order height x width x depth. Occasional variants include: length (l) x width (w), and height (h) x diameter (diam.). Asrar al-Haq Majaz (1911–1955) 12 13 The Dynastic History of Lucknow Stephen Markel RiveRs of wealth flowed, Riches Rained down fRom the sky . . . theRe was a pRolifeRation of pleasuRe-seeking, an excess of mateRial wealth. 1 This evocative characterization of the abundance enjoyed in the northern Indian city of Lucknow during its majestic heyday in the mid-eighteenth through the mid-nineteenth centuries epitomizes its popular conception in the minds of Indians and Europeans alike. It is also the key to understanding the motivation of myriad immigrants of diverse occupations and nationalities who came to Lucknow seeking their fortunes and often fame or power. While the story of the region’s origins begins in ancient religious lore, the later history of Lucknow relevant here began in 1580, when the Mughal Emperor Akbar (r. 1556 – 1605) established the administrative province of Awadh (also known in literature by its Sanskritized name, Avadh, and by its Anglicized forms, Oudh or Oude). Prosperous from its bountiful agriculture, Lucknow remained an otherwise unremarkable provincial capital and commercial center until political events in the Mughal capital of Delhi engendered several waves of migration to the safety and affluence of Awadh. The first exodus from Delhi was precipitated by its sack in 1739 by the Iranian ruler Nadir Shah (r. 1736 – 47). During the second half of the eighteenth century Delhi was also invaded by the Sikhs, the Marathas, and the Afghan Rohillas, all of whose raids contributed to further instability in the imperial capital. A second and a third surge of immigrants to Awadh occurred during the rules of the nawabs (governors) Shuja al-Daula (r. 1754 –75) and Asaf al-Daula (r. 1775 – 97), respectively. A fourth influx to Lucknow followed the occupation of Delhi in 1803 by British troops and their assumption of political control over the weakened Mughal Empire. As a result of the emigration of many of Delhi’s leading cultural luminaries and intelligentsia to the blossoming court of Awadh, the region experienced a rapid rise to eminence. Constrained geographically, militarily, and politically by the growing hegemony of the English East India Company, Awadh’s rulers ultimately turned to artistic pursuits rather than territorial acquisition to assert their dynastic ambitions. The riches and political importance of Awadh lured supplicants from near and far who joined the nawabs and court elite in the cultural ferment. Local minor rajas and wealthy landholders frequently sought to curry favor from the nawabs. Numerous British and Continental visitors, many of whom became long-term residents, were also attracted to Awadh in hopes of profit for both their companies and themselves. 14 15 MaRkel : The Dynastic HistoRy of Lucknow Lucknow’s hereditary dynasty began in 1722 when an Iranian Shia Muslim noble named Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk (r. 1722–39) was appointed the nawab of Awadh by the Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah (r. 1719–48). Although nominally in charge of the region, Saadat Khan still had to conquer the local land barons who ruled Lucknow, the shaikhzadas, in order to begin his governorship. Through able as well as devious administration Saadat Khan consolidated his control over Awadh and secured his political base and increasing autonomy. In 1739 Saadat Khan conspired with Nadir Shah to conquer Delhi but died immediately before the attack, reportedly by suicide. Saadat Khan’s 2 Mir Qasim (r. 1760–63), were decisively defeated at the Battle of Buxar (Baksar) in Bihar, in eastern India, by the greatly outnumbered British forces led by Major Hector Munro (1726–1805). Shuja al-Daula shrewdly threw himself upon the mercy of Lord Robert Clive (1725–1774), who, unwilling to take over the administration of the vast realms of those defeated and wanting a buffer zone against the Marathas and the remaining Mughal Empire, restored Shuja al-Daula to power in Awadh through the Treaty of Allahabad in 1765, this in exchange for duty-free trade concessions throughout eastern India and parts of present-day Bangladesh, a mutual defense alliance funded by Awadh, and a substantial war restitution of five million rupees.4 On his return to Lucknow, Shuja al-Daula curtailed his military aggression and relocated his capital to Faizabad. He developed Faizabad into an important cultural center and erected luxurious palaces and lush gardens,5 but it served as Awadh’s capital for only another decade, until Shuja al-Daula’s death in 1775. Shuja al-Daula’s son and successor, Asaf al-Daula, returned the capital to Lucknow 1. Tilly Kettle, Shuja al-Daula, Nawab of Awadh, Holding a Bow, 1772 nephew and son-in-law Safdar Jang (r. 1739–54) was then appointed the governor of Awadh by Muhammad Shah. After Safdar Jang repulsed several military incursions, he was rewarded by being promoted to wazir (chief minister) of the Mughal Empire. During Safdar Jang’s long rule, Awadh enjoyed a lasting peace that enabled the development of an independent style of art and culture. Both Saadat Khan and Safdar Jang regarded Delhi as their permanent family home. Consequently, they ruled Awadh from temporary quarters in a fort at Faizabad, approximately ninety miles east of Lucknow. The early nawabs and their officers often traveled back and forth between Faizabad and Lucknow, residing in the city where current events soon after his accession, reportedly to establish his independence and escape the interference of his mother, the powerful widow of Shuja al-Daula, Bahu Begam.6 It was during the rule of Asaf al-Daula that the artistic glories of Lucknow and the Awadh dynasty truly began to flourish. Asaf al-Daula reveled in a life of courtly splendor and strove to surpass his rival potentates, the Nizam Ali Khan of Hyderabad (r. 1762–1803) and Tipu Sultan of Mysore (r. 1783–99).7 He spent lavish sums on the luxuries of royalty and built imposing palatial and religious architecture to proclaim the magnificence of his dynasty. Grand palaces, mosques, and mausoleums were erected, inspired by the architectural marvels of the great Mughals but given a European flavor through hybrid flourishes and embellishment on the interior with numerous European glass chandeliers. Asaf al-Daula and the nawabs of Lucknow also commissioned special halls called imambaras in honor of Shia religious leaders (imams) for use in the Shia observance of Muharram.8 The significance of the reigns of Shuja al-Daula and Asaf al-Daula cannot be understated. Shuja al-Daula and his primary wife, Bahu Begam, cultivated a vibrant, urbane culture for the Awadh court at Faizabad. Asaf dictated their attention. Faizabad was closer to the eastern provinces of Awadh, whereas Lucknow was centrally located and also functioned more readily as the base of operations for activities in the western provinces. Thus, the two cities of Faizabad and Lucknow served as alternating seats of nawabi power and presence. 3 When Safdar Jang died in 1754, he was succeeded by his son Shuja al-Daula as the nawab of Awadh. Shuja al-Daula had been living in Lucknow in his capacity as the deputy governor responsible for the western provinces of Awadh, and after becoming nawab, he continued to favor Lucknow as his primary residence. Like his father, Shuja al-Daula also served valiantly and skillfully at the Mughal court, and eventually was appointed wazir under Shah Alam II (r. 1759–1806). The course of Lucknow’s history changed dramatically in 1764. In what proved a futile attempt to curb the growing power of the English East India Company, 14. Muhammad Shah and Nadir Shah, c. 1740 Pages 14–15: 2. Muhammad Azam, Nasir al-din Haidar , c. 1830 the combined but ineffectual armies of Shuja al-Daula, Shah Alam II, and the recently deposed nawab of Bengal, 16 17 MaRkel : The Dynastic HistoRy of Lucknow nonetheless was responsible for fostering a sophisticated aesthetic vision for the Awadh court at Lucknow. Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s coronation was an exceedingly lavish affair. The long-term practical effect of the collusion was that Ghazi al-Din Haidar and his reigning descendants became entrenched in financial and political obligations that would help lead to the complete annexation of Awadh in 1856. c. Richard Colley Wellesley. They in turn attracted various European artists to Awadh 13 who not only produced numerous portraits and other works in western styles but also helped stimulate a dynamic cross-cultural interaction in the arts and architecture. Lord Mornington and 1st Marquis of Wellesley. and dancers 11 but also enticed many Britons and Europeans into long-term residences while they served at court in various military or advisory capacities. Ghazi al-Din Haidar proudly proclaimed the fulfillment of the Awadh dynasty’s imperial aspirations. Ghazi al-Din Haidar. who was then Indian governor-general (1813–22). but the crown and sumptuous garments of his imperial regalia were designed in a 36. he ruled until 1827.10 musicians. The prosperity and patronage of their courts not only attracted numerous Indian painters. Ghazi al-din Haidar . Wazir Ali Khan (r. but he ruled for a mere four tumultuous months before being deposed for his violent anti-British views by Sir John Shore. modeled in ceremony and symbolic accoutrements upon Mughal empowerment rituals. the governor-general of India (1793–97). and eventually to the establishment of formal British rule over India. who in 1819 was officially crowned king of Awadh. forced Saadat Ali Khan to surrender even more political author- ity and to cede half of Awadh’s territory and the considerable revenue derived from it to permanent British control. After the death of Asaf al-Daula in 1797. Muhammad Azam. which in turn defined the stylistic identity for much of the dynasty’s future artistic achievement. The two nawabs also enabled Awadh to become a fertile environment for the arts. especially of Indian painting. He had a broad thoroughfare constructed for European visitors so they would not have to transverse Lucknow’s notorious crowded lanes.al-Daula. His assumption of an independent throne was aggressively promoted on behalf of the Company by Francis Rawdon-Hastings. These expatriates 12 are significant in the present context because some of them became active collectors and patrons of the arts. the English East India Company (“the Company”) quickly demanded and was accorded far greater political and economic control over the Lucknow court. and he commissioned numerous country homes and a palace complex built in an imposing hybrid architectural style. 1797–98). 1st Marquess of Hastings. Asaf al-Daula’s chosen successor was his adopted son. when the succeeding governor-general (from 1798 to 1805). Further concessions were imposed in 1801.9 poets. though neither praised during his life nor remembered by historians for any momentous political accomplishments. 1830 18 19 MaRkel : The Dynastic HistoRy of Lucknow .14 Despite Saadat Ali Khan’s enfeebling loss of half his domain and virtually all his political power—or some might say because of his great loss—he proved a remarkable builder who transformed Lucknow’s urban landscape. Shore installed Asaf al-Daula’s young half-brother Saadat Ali Khan (r. 1798–1814) as the new puppet nawab of Lucknow and forced him to sign a succession settlement ceding control of the Allahabad Fort and committing to a substantial annual subsidy to the British.15 Another major chapter in Lucknow’s history opened with the accession in 1814 of Saadat Ali Khan’s son. singers.16 In casting off the nominal yoke of Mughal subjugation to assert his sovereignty. Ghazi al-Din 19 Popular genre paintings and stock photographs were also presumably available. especially after the widespread retaliatory destruction in 1858 following the Great Uprising of 1857 (also known as the Sepoy Mutiny or Rebellion and the First War of Indian Independence). After less than a decade of Wajid Ali Shah’s reign. where he continued to patronize music and poetry. (16. Darogah Abbas Ali. 1847–56). including a walled garden for his wife Sikander Begam. especially the six-month siege of the Residency. 1880 Haidar’s brother Muhammad Ali Shah (r. muted.20 hybrid European style by his English court artist Robert Home (1752–1834). metalware. in exile until his death in 1887. in 1856 Awadh was annexed by the English East India Company and the former king was banished to Calcutta (Kolkata). Uttar Pradesh. Finally. and in scholarly publications and exhibitions such as India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow. and cotton.8 x 32 cm). Wajid Ali Shah inherited a kingship that was virtually bereft of political power. and in arts such as music and poetry. especially music. an enormous palatial complex built between 1848 and 1852.21 ests of the Company. but is chiefly remembered for his dalliances and avoidance of administrative responsibility. Accordingly. parts of the Moti Mahal complex. principally the royal observatory. He also commissioned a number of architectural projects. many of whom aspired to become gentry (179). he was a devoted practitioner and patron of the arts. In consequence perhaps. who was responsible for promoting the commercial inter18 A lucrative commercial market functioned as a second form of new patronage for the artists of Lucknow. velvet. continued in Lucknow well into the early twentieth century. the aesthetic legacy of Lucknow lives on in the arts and crafts being produced there today. The principal new arts patrons were the local minor rajas and taluqdars. and lived. a class of wealthy Muslim and Hindu landowners and landlords. dance. in which he is entombed. it is not unlikely that some of the craftsmen who produced the nawabi and subsequently royal architecture of Lucknow were hired to build the many Hindu and Jain temples of Awadh that were commissioned by the wealthy Hindu nobles at court or by the city’s rich Jain jewelers and merchants. including the grand Husainabad Imambara. who was succeeded by his son Wajid Ali Shah (r. he had little actual political power under the controlling oversight of the British Resident. 1827–37). 6 9⁄16 x 12 1⁄2 in. in cinema and music extolling Lucknow’s once suave sophistication. 1842–47). pearls. diamonds. from An IllustRated HistoRical Album of the Rajas and TaluQdaRs of Oudh. Many notable compositions were created during his reign. The Royal Collection Three primary sources of artistic sponsorship developed to fill the void left by the forced departure of Awadh’s ruler and court. 20 21 MaRkel : The Dynastic HistoRy of Lucknow . and jewelry. a tragic struggle for succession ensued. India. sophisticated artistic expression in the media of painting. and poetry. as well as commission various monuments. Lucknow became a “must see” stop on tourist itineraries for European and Indians alike (although the emotional connotations of the sites visited certainly differed for the two groups). gold. With limited governmental responsibilities. Fig. c. 179. p. emeralds. however. 1. and the Shah Najaf Imambara. Although the aesthetic glories of Lucknow declined sharply at this time. CRown PResented to EdwaRd VII when PRince of Wales by the TaluQdaRs of Awadh. including issuing appropriately aggrandizing coinage and commemorative medals.17 Although Ghazi al-Din Haidar expended considerable effort and expense in proclaiming his newfound kingly status.22 Although but a shadow of its former resplendence. 22). Ghazi al-Din Haidar was free to patronize literature and poetry. a thriving trade in Lucknow’s famed silver metalware and jewelry sprang up in the city’s main market (182. including the Chota Chattar Manzil. 1837–42) was finally installed by the British as the new king of Awadh and promptly set about restoring an effective administration and constructing numerous edifices. probably Lucknow. He built only a few structures. Muhammad Ali Shah was followed briefly by his pious son Amjad Ali Shah (r. which serves as his mausoleum. enamels. 1875. When he died childless after being poisoned in 1837.His most magnificent monument was the Qaisar Bagh. Because of the widespread renown of the cataclysmic events of 1857–58. Ghazi al-Din Haidar was succeeded by his son Nasir al-Din Haidar (r. Such as Ghulam Rasool and his son Ghulam Nabi Shori “Shori Miyan” (fl. 1987). Abdul Halim Sharar. See Fisher. the grandson of the Prophet. 5. 17. Assembly of Rivals: Delhi. 19. Muharram commemorates the Battle of Karbala in 680 and the massacre of the third Imam. Husain. 105. Sharar. 1771 to 1772. Fisher. Studies in the Anatomy of a Transformation: Awadh from Mughal to Colonial Rule (New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House. Wilkinson. 2. Nidha Mal (fl. 1765–1775 (Lahore: Minerva Book Shop. 15. 8. the British. 1722 – 54. 14. 1735–75). Metcalf. who was engaged by Shuja al-Daula in Faizabad from c. Vol. and Michael H. especially “Origin and Growth of Ta’alluqadari Tenures in Awadh. 4. Ewer with Coriander Flower Pattern. T. Thomas Daniell (1749 –1840) and William Daniell (1769 –1837). and Mir Ghulam Hasan (c. a supplement to the Quran concerned with Islamic law. British Residents. Especially Mirza Rafi’ “Sauda” (1713 –1780). 22 . and Michael H. Wynyard R. Lucknow. and the Mughals. Under their rule. 1954). 21. R. c. quoted in Carla Petievich. Originally intended to advise the court on foreign and economic policies. 215 – 43. Talwar Oldenburg. 1735 –1786). Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava. and the British. the British. the capital of Awadh was as follows: Faizabad. 1799).. Ph. 1998). 170 – 89. and the British Raj: Northern India in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.” 157–76. 6. “The Resident in Court Ritual. 1945). 47. For historical studies of the taluqdars. 1759 – 86). and ed. 11 .1. North India Between Empires. Colonel AntoineLouis Henri Polier (1741–1795). Michael H. p. 120 – 41. Muhammad Taqi “Mir” (1722 –1810). c. Fisher. William Hodges (1744 –1797). The Making of Colonial Lucknow. Lakhna’u ka Dabistan-i Sha’iri (Lahore: Urdu Markaz. the “nawabi period” is generally defined as continuing until the annexation of Awadh in 1856. diss. Lucknow and the Urdu Ghazal (New Delhi: Manohar. Whereas the Mughal emperors were Sunni Muslims. 70. Barnett. The Shias differ from the more numerous Sunnis in that they consider an alternate historical line of religious leaders as the true followers of the Prophet Muhammad (c. c. Shuja-ud-Daulah. and Jean-Baptiste-Joseph Gentil (1726 – 1799). see Thomas R. Barnett. Fisher. See Catherine Asher’s essay in this volume. In strictly chronological terms. “The ‘Country Houses’ of Lucknow. 235 – 36. Lucknow became the leading center of Shia learning in India and one of the greatest in the vast Islamic world. ed. 570 – 632).” Modern Asian Studies 24:3 (1990): 419 – 58. c. Including Mir Kalan Khan (fl. “The Imperial Coronation of 1819: Awadh. 56 – 58. 1600 –1900. figs.” in Lucknow: City of Illusion. 1955. Aligarh Muslim University. 38. 9. 13. 1856–1877 (Princeton: Princeton University Press. and Saiyid Zaheer Husain Jafri. pp. Left: 182. A Clash of Cultures. 7.. Faizabad. See Fisher. 48 – 49. the Mughals. Francesco Renaldi (1755 –c. Shias also do not ascribe to the authority of the Sunna. The First Two Nawabs of Awadh. A Clash of Cultures. Veena 21 . A Clash of Cultures: Awadh. Neeta Das. and George Chinnery (1774 –1854). Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain (1975. 18. 1980). 1999). 93 –110. Even though from this point onward the sovereigns of Awadh technically reigned as kings rather than ruled as governors. (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala & Co. 1979). the Residents’ authority increased over time. 1976). were first posted at the Awadh court during the rule of Shuja al-Daula. and “The Land Controlling Classes in Awadh—A Study of Changes in Their Composition. 126. Boulder. 3.” 73 – 81. Lucknow. North India Between Empires: Awadh. The earliest and best known of the British artists was Tilly Kettle (1735 –1786). 1860 22 23 MaRkel : The Dynastic HistoRy of Lucknow . and Mihr Chand (fl. 45 – 47.” 341–75. T. until they determined virtually all governmental matters (apart from purely administrative decisions) and rivaled the nawabs in prestige and even pomp. Most notably Major General Claude Martin (1735 –1800). Rosie Llewellyn-Jones (New York: Alkazi Collection of Photography. 1754 – 65. Later notable European artists who worked in Lucknow for part of their careers included Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810). Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. 1984). 1720–1801 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.D. especially “The Taluqdari Style of Life: A Leisured Aristocracy. 12 . Land. trans. 1992). 1765 –75. Indian Silver 1858–1947: Silver from the Indian Sub-Continent and Burma Made by Local Craftsmen in Western Forms (London: W. Richard E. 10. the Lucknow nawabs were Shia. 1790 –1795). 2nd ed. 2. Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava. 2006). c. 16. whose death helped foster a severe sectarian split within Islam. 1764 –1858. Abul Lais Siddiqi. Wilkinson. 1775 –onward. E. CO: Westview Press. who functioned as the English East India Company’s political agents in situ. Munich: Prestel. and the Mughals (New Delhi: Mahohar. 1734 –70). Lucknow. S. 20.” Modern Asian Studies 19:2 (1985): 239 –77. 1942). Landlords. Robert Home (1752 –1834). and practices. traditional courtly paintings. The region’s cosmopolitan culture and its complex political. rather than duplicate. and. encompassing subjects that have never before been the focus of a major museum exhibition. including the richness of its Urdu poetry. Many such artworks circulated far beyond the political boundaries of the kingdom. styles. Majaz. memory. Asrar al-Haq Majaz (1911–1955) 1 The visual culture of Awadh. social. An extraordinarily sophisticated and ethnically diverse community flourished in the Awadhi capitals of Faizabad and Lucknow during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. While such issues are also addressed in this publication. The twilight of Lucknow’s sorrows fades with us. its various essays—many of which are focused on particular media—are intended to complement. hybridity. and nostalgia. portraits. the organization and emphases of the exhibition. colonialism. a new dawn. as well as landscapes. Varied collections were taken to England and Europe by travelers and by officials and merchants of the various East India Companies. The “fabled” city that is the focus of this investigation was known for many extraordinary things. and photographs by Indian and European artists working for elite patrons in the region. the exhibition is organized along several intersecting narrative lines that allow for a consideration of stylistic developments in Awadh’s arts as well as related issues of identity. These were reflected in architecture. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow examines the full range of artistic traditions associated with the region of Awadh. and of interest to both. while paintings. encompassed a rich variety of artistic forms. later. While such poetry was but one 24 25 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition .India’s Fabled City: Narratives of an Exhibition Tushara Bindu Gude And after this there is morning. and textiles. decorative arts. from the time of its emergence as an independent nawabi state in the mid-eighteenth century through the aftermath of the Uprising in the midnineteenth century. photographs of Lucknow exposed the city to distant eyes. of value to a scholarly one. and cultural histories—as many of the essays in this volume make clear—prevent any easy or simplistic approach to the presentation of its arts. prints. The region and its arts were thus refracted through many diverse lenses which are considered throughout this exhibition. In order to do justice to these complexities. as well as present the visual material in a manner that is at once comprehensible to a general audience. for instance. Other Delhi4 bred poets. thus provides India’s Fabled City with an evocative narrative structure against which the history of the region and its arts are anchored. The palace here was the abode of light. of their beloved native city. dating from the mid-eighteenth through the midnineteenth centuries. and legacy. PRocession of Ghazi al-Din Haidar thRough the StReets of Lucknow (detail). expatriates and travelers. Some segments of the exhibition are organized chronologically in order to chart—against this poetic narrative—Lucknow’s cultural emergence. .6 Utilizing imagery recalling a new bride’s farewell to her parental home or the raising of a corpse upon a funeral bier. which are crucial for understanding both the sources of the region’s various artistic traditions and the forms through which the nawabs expressed their sovereignty well into the nineteenth century. My house is becoming foreign to me. his famous 1784 – 85 masnavi. especially British. One of these poets. Faizabad and then Lucknow had eclipsed Delhi to become the cultural center of northern India.7 Poetry. anguish. “The Nawabs of Awadhas Sovereigns and Heirs to Mughal Glory. suggesting the multiple perspectives that informed Lucknow’s history. the last king of Awadh. came to appreciate the particular charms of the Awadhi capital. and destruction following the 1857 Uprising. is such. addresses love’s attendant sorrows so that disappointment. Luxury and splendour always flourished there. and cruelty are also among its subjects. That memories of cities themselves could inform poems of great eloquence is suggested by several verses that bracket the history of Lucknow from the time of its emergence as a North Indian cultural capital to its 1856 annexation by the English East India Company.5 Whether we are referring then to Lucknow’s South Asian and Persian residents and immigrants or to European. furthermore. and courtiers flocked to Awadh as Delhi suffered a long period of unrest that began with Nadir Shah’s sack and plunder of the imperial Mughal capital in 1739. . Mir Hasan (1727–1787). Artists. 1775 Pages 24–25: 56.” describes Awadh’s relationships to Mughal Delhi. That it seems the bricks have turned into marble. and KhusRau and ShiRin. The exhibition’s first main section. From the mid-eighteenth century until the establishment of formal British rule in India in 1858. Muhammad Taqi “Mir” (1722 –1810). cultural or otherwise. Its whiteness. I am leaving my home. . heartbreak. How should I describe the grandeur of the fort? The mountain seems to droop on seeing its height. Much of this poetry. such an important feature of Lucknow’s culture.facet of Lucknow’s elegant literary culture. 1820 Bayan (The Mirror of Eloquence). appears to have modeled the city in Sihr al22. after Lucknow itself: 26 27 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . Several eighteenth-century Mughal and Awadhi paintings document the manner in which the region’s cultural preeminence was initially built upon the dissolution of the imperial capital and the Several of Mir’s younger contemporaries shared his view that Lucknow could never rival the magnificence. culture. migrated to Lucknow in 1782 and wrote nostalgically of what he perceived to be his forced estrangement from Delhi: Far better than Lucknow were the ruins of Delhi: Would that I had died back there than let my madness lead me here!3 A little more than seventy years later. The introduction to the exhibition is titled “Hybrid Visions” and consists of a few key artworks. Four bearers are lifting my palanquin. the story of the city—a place that promised the fulfillment of desire and fantasy—reverberates remarkably with the imagery of many Urdu verses extolling the seductive allure of one’s beloved. 2 How to tell you about the extent of the city? It is like Isfahan. Wajid Ali Shah poignantly couched his forced departure from the beloved city of his birth in terms of loss and death. wonderful to look at. the multifaceted expressions contained in the region’s poetry provide apt metaphors for the ambiguous and complex political and social relationships which shaped Lucknow’s history and culture. c. however. Wajid Ali Shah—a renowned poet who wrote under the name Akhtar—expressed his exile from Awadh in the following words: Father. Layla and Majnun. c. as good as half the world. flowering. poets. p. which continued to find royal favor even after the advent of photography.” presenting complementary and conflicting images of Lucknow.emigration of imperially trained artists. The range of the latter is conveyed by the picturesque aesthetic of William Hodges and Thomas and William Daniell. and prints in the fourth section. for instance. Tilly Kettle was one of the first professional British artists to travel to India. Photographs by both Indian and European practitioners are featured in several sections of the exhibition. 30). 154.” consists primarily of portraits that serve to introduce Awadh’s rulers—from Shuja al-Daula to Wajid Ali Shah—as well as highlight their patronage of various artists who flocked to India in the late eighteenth century in the wake of significant political gains made by the East India Company. 180). 31). Indian and European works of art especially 28 29 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . PoRtRait of a EuRopean Woman. The first of these. These sections also examine the nature of artistic and cultural interaction at Lucknow in the years before the Uprising. architecture. 26. New styles as well as the innovative treatment of subject matter—as in composite illustrations of Persian and South Asian romances. p. the traditional approach of Indian artists—as conveyed. The next three areas of the exhibition explore various thematic subjects through which the development of the Awadhi style is assessed. “The Allure of Faizabad and Lucknow. 178. 23. p. here it is explored in relation to more traditional manners of depiction. “The Nawabs of Awadh as Patrons. and European—that were brought to bear upon the region’s to Faizullah. 239. for instance. and spent a year in Faizabad in about 1771–72. 122. p. indigenous. 1765 p. Attributed Because the bulk of the surviving visual documentation for Lucknow’s architecture consists of late-nineteenthcentury photographs. In certain ways. 17. and courtly decorative arts. particularly in portraiture. these Awadhi copies are juxtaposed here in order to examine their differing approaches to the depiction of the built environment and their underlying sensibilities. perhaps not surprising given the importance of poetry among Awadhi elites—were soon formulated in the kingdom (22. Awadh’s rulers articulated a continuum between the Mughals’ and their own rule through the collecting of imperial manuscripts and the adoption of other Mughal prerogatives. several examples are brought together to illustrate the city’s major religious and secular monuments. They join drawings. 23). in Jean-Baptiste Gentil’s Palais Indiennes—and the stylistic synthesis evident in later Indian panoramas and watercolors by artists such as Sita Ram (107. A Composite of Scenes fRom PeRsian LiteRatuRe Entitled “LoveRs and Beloved. early 17th century p. and other sights of Awadh (34. 34). p. the topographic interest of amateur British military artists. c. The various styles of these buildings reflect the multiple sources—Mughal. watercolors. as were other works by subsequent European painters at Awadh (1. Although European-style portraiture was thus a significant feature of Awadh’s artistic history. 13.” where they collectively present a vision of the landscape. Several of his portraits were copied by Indian artists. p. of various paintings and prints can be seen to continue earlier artistic practices in which painters at the Mughal court assimilated and experimented with the styles and subject matter of European artworks (13. 31. 35. 4. architecture. the whole bewildering mixture of Europe and Asia and the air of wealth which despite bad taste and inconsistency.13 While colonial political machinations are not the focus of this exhibition. minars. Spires of gold glitter in the sun. “Courtly Opulence in Awadh. Is this a city in Oudh? Is this the capital of a semibarbarous race.12 The British decision to annex the province of Awadh was legitimized in large part by both official pronouncements and sensationalistic accounts of debauched nawabi rule. as is evident in the former’s equation of Lucknow with the romanticized East—both in literary translation (One Thousand and One Nights) and in imagination (Thomas Moore’s 1817 poem Lalla Rookh)—as well as the latter’s mention of “a corrupt. cages of wild beasts and brilliant birds.9 4. A similar range of styles can be seen in Lucknow’s decorative arts traditions. erected by a corrupt.” As is well known. language of oriental despotism informed much British 30 31 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition .107. Look for miles and miles away. domes azure and golden. and some derision.8 lying before us. A Turkish Sultana.” 10 In contrast to these incredulous descriptions of Lucknow. as it seems. several examples of which are gathered together in the fifth section of the exhibition.” The cumulative effect of Lucknow’s built environment was described with awe. long facades of fair perspective in pillar and column. There is nothing mean or squalid to be seen. . Russell. the 11 Similar sentiments were echoed some years later in My Indian Mutiny Diary. half-grecian looking houses of several stories high with pillars. Sita Ram. c. . effete. 1814 –15 architecture. . iron railing and balustrades (entirely foreign in this country). lofty colonnades. Russell: A vision of palaces. gardens. and the towers of the fairy-city gleam in its midst. by Honoria Lawrence in 1843: Gilded domes surmounted by the crescent—tall. 1810 –20 writing on Muslim India. and still the ocean spreads. effete. cupolas. terraced roofs—all rising up amid a calm still ocean of the brightest verdure. altogether comes nearer to anything I have seen to realize my early ideas of the Arabian Nights and Lala Rookh. and more brilliant. . Notions similar to those expressed by Lawrence. slender pillars. and degraded dynasty” as the architects of the “fairy-city. the glittering crowds. make a confused and very dazzling picture. and others—regarding various realms of artistic activity—persisted well into the twentieth century. fountains and cypress trees . Turrets and gilded spheres shine like constellations. colonnades. domes and minarets.14 Rosie Llewellyn-Jones has noted that the most negative assessments of nawabi architecture were directed toward those buildings that were stylistically unique in either their particular presentation of disparate European architectural elements or their commingling of European and Both Lawrence’s and Russell’s observations reflect nineteenth-century orientalist constructions of India. Here the sight-worthiness of the place consists not in any one building but in the architectural groups. the culture of colonialism and its effects on nineteenth-century assessments of Awadhi art and architecture inform its approach to some degree. the long vistas or arches. written by the Irish war correspondent William H. GeneRal Claude MaRtin’s House Constantia Set in Its PaRk at Lucknow. . other observers noted the “squalid poverty” and “wretched habitations” of Lucknow’s “swarming population. verandas and windows. and degraded dynasty? I confess I felt inclined to rub my eyes again and again. There is a city more vast than Paris. and depraved moral characters. Lucknow. Lucknow which depicts a gathering at Polier’s home and hints at the various pursuits that must have engaged many like men in late-eighteenth-century India—the employment of Indian servants. (61 x 76. Polier’s and Wombwell’s adoption of Indian dress and habits are portrayed 68. is the European visual equivalent of the nawabs’ own architectural “excess.” 17 European engagement with the city was not always characterized by the harsh judgments that came to be heaped upon Lucknow. as is demonstrated by two of the middle sections of the exhibition. 2. In the late eighteenth century especially. fig. 18 Europe. and the collecting of Indian artworks. Fig 26. individually in other paintings. many of which he also supplied to Nawab Asaf al-Daula. La Martinière College.” The households of Polier and Martin included their Indian wives and their Anglo-Indian children—as was the case for many. Fig. Colonel John Mordaunt. and European visual and cultural codes—other works suggest the ways that European émigrés to Lucknow styled their lives in similarly hybrid fashion. the perceived decadence of Awadh’s architecture came to be interpreted as a sign of its rulers’ self-centered.19 Both Polier and Martin were highly cognizant of their own cultural identities within the increasingly Britishdominated arena where they amassed their great fortunes. One of the means through which both men effected their self-transformations was through the collecting of art. Iranian Shia. decorative objects. As Europeans became familiar with more traditional South Asian architecture. India. 24 x 30 in. for it must have seemed to them that any action would bring British criticism from one quarter or another. both wished to return. and scientific inventions. and decorative arts indicates some of the ways the nawabs proclaimed a sovereign identity—articulated over the course of their rule through the integration of Mughal.16 Such relationships are not without a certain degree of controversy or ambiguity. the commissioning of European oil paintings. If the examination of early Awadhi painting traditions. he left his two Indian wives behind. oil on canvas.” The most famous record of this period is Johann Zoffany’s Colonel Mordaunt’s Cock Match. weak.22 His Enlightenment-era interests were also reflected in his vast collection of natural history specimens and drawings confusion that might have been occasioned by contradictory and shifting foreign attitudes to Lucknow’s hybrid arts recalls a verse by the Lucknow poet Khwajah Haidar Ali Atish (1777–1847): On the chess-board of love Where the heart Squares off against the Beloved I’m bewildered into checkmate. men in India prior to the early-nineteenth-century hardening of colonial policies and attitudes toward Indian and European social and sexual interactions (Fig. Polier fashioned himself socially as a European orientalist while privately he lived as a Mughal nobleman. “A Cosmopolitan Culture. Llewellyn-Jones writes that it is perhaps “No wonder that the response of the last three nawabs was to withdraw into the more familiar world of Muslim culture.21 While Martin acquired many Indian items. architecture. Fishing with MaRtin’s Adopted Son James MaRtin. the constructing and maintaining 32 33 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . 66.20 Maya Jasanoff has noted the different ways in which Polier and Martin pursued wealth and prestige at Lucknow.South Asian traditions. Constantia (or La Martinière). and these are examined in the sixth section of the exhibition. When Polier finally departed Lucknow. c. ultimately. Uttar Pradesh. and the Frenchman Major General Claude Martin (105. 35. to their native Although they were severely constrained politically through the course of the early nineteenth century. the Swiss-born military adventurer Colonel AntoineLouis Polier. 1784 – 86. Lucknow’s buildings also came to be compared unfavorably with the Mughal monuments of Delhi and Agra. emulated the elevated status of a European aristocrat. 230). 34. 1786. mostly British. Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810). Boulone. the nawab’s minister Hasan Reza Khan. European critics. p. his primary interests lay in European artworks. Martin. by Indian artists (106. p. Company officials such as John Wombwell. the commander of his bodyguard. portraiture. These two men appear together with Martin in yet another Zoffany painting. Fig. Bibi of Colonel (Later Major-GeneRal) Claude MaRtin. Martin’s massive country mansion and tomb. The 15 of estates. p. 180. p. a remarkable degree of acculturation appears to have accompanied the interactions that took place in Lucknow between its Indian and European residents. Increasingly through the nineteenth century. 228).2 cm). on the other hand. 2). seeing miscegenation in the building styles with which they were most familiar—and thus readily able to criticize—never once considered the parallels between Western pastiches of oriental exotica and the nawabi refashioning of European architectural forms. p. in which a lively group of competitors and spectators includes Nawab Asaf al-Daula. Mihr Chand.116. c. 1765 –73 34 35 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . Mihr Chand. Mihr Chand. 1770 –76 Right: 150. The Nawab of Awadh’s Hunting Dogs and Falcons with Their CaRetakeRs. 1773 –76 top: 34. c. A Female HeRmit with Two Ascetics befoRe a Hut. c. The Nawab of Awadh’s Hunting Cheetahs and Their CaRetakeRs. 1844 left: 121. After Emily Eden. Venus. After Emily Eden. Nilgai. 1844 bottom: 35. 134. 159. 1770 110. invested considerable energy in the acquisition of Persian and 121. c. 38). Raja Anand Dev and Raja DhRub Dev. A Game of Polo. Paintings that once belonged to Arthur Wellesley. It is in this section that the distinctive painting styles of Awadhi artists—many known by name—are explored. p. 35.23 Polier. While such collections speak to colonialism’s role in both the dispersal of Indian royal collections and the formation of national European ones. 39) and Richard Johnson (133. A Game of Polo. Ram Sahai. left: 152. Clear artistic relationships between a few of their paintings suggest the elite and interconnected worlds of these late-eighteenthcentury orientalists (152.” where they join paintings acquired by other visitors to Faizabad and Lucknow. whose eight years of service in India were spent largely in the South. 1780 36 37 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . 9). 118. Sanskrit manuscripts as well as Mughal.(110). c. p. p. and Awadhi paintings (116. 150. p. Several folios from Polier’s various albums are included in the seventh section of the exhibition. such as Jean-Baptiste Gentil (141. conversely. c. “European Patrons and Collectors. 39. Deccani. Patak Chand. indicate the broader market in which Lucknow paintings were circulating by the century’s end (158. 1st Duke of Wellington. 1785 Right: 153. p. c. 153). Spoonbill. 136). this selection particularly highlights the direct European patronage of Indian court artists. 1770 136. ShiRin DiscoveRs the Body of FaRhad. 1800 133. 1770 top: 141. c. Shuja quli Khan and a Woman on a TeRRace. c. 1800 Right: 159. A EuRopean PRincess. c. c. A PRincess Watching a Maid Killing a Snake. Style of Mir Kalan Khan.left: 158. The LoveRs Elope. 1760 bottom: 134. 1770 38 39 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . c. Mir Kalan Khan. 25 Other works. 176).This world of activity at Lucknow was nearing its end by the time of Claude Martin’s death there in 1800. the Relief of Lucknow. this is explored through photography and paintings in the eighth section of the exhibition. William Simpson.24 It would take many more years before the British finally deposed. the Shah Najaf. 1864 left: 176. We may evoke the potential threat of the situation in the late-eighteenth century through reference. the only European artist present in India during the Uprising— indicate the ways in which the rebellion was memorialized in terms of masculine British above: 175. particularly those verses in which the beloved is cast in the role of a stealthy hunter: I worry about the nightingales Now that spring has come: The hunter pitches camp Right outside the garden. it had entered the British popular and artistic imagination. Indian soldiers and their local supporters at Lucknow joined the spreading North Indian rebellion against the East India Company. in contrived and illegal fashion. 1859 40 41 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . once again. View of the Qaisar Bagh in Lucknow. William Simpson. the last king of Awadh. the British rapidly gained military and political ascendency in the region during the following years.” Few paintings by British and European artists document the aggressions directed at the city or its pillage (175. in 1857. and the opportunities for such intercultural explorations gradually ceased to exist. 1861 oveRleaf: 171. such as Thomas Jones Barker’s 1859 history painting The Relief of Lucknow. “The Great Uprising of 1857: European Visions. to the imagery of Urdu poetry. Thomas Jones Barker. 1857. Having strategically inserted themselves at Awadh when Shuja al-Daula was nawab. 1857—based on the sketches of Swedish artist Egron Lundgren. By the time the rebellion was suppressed in 1858. One year later. 42 43 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . large parts of Lucknow were razed.30 The role of British women in the racial estrangement and segregation between Indians and Europeans was considerable.27 One of these. 9 November 1857. their plights— underscored by fears of their sexual violation by Indian rebels—were also the subject of several Victorian-era paintings (173). they showed no mercy. 42–43).29 The public appetite for stories of the Uprising and eventual British victory was fed by various photographers as well as by popular songs. Thomas HenRy Kavanagh VC Being Disguised as a Native duRing the Indian Mutiny at the Siege of Lucknow. women were residing in various enclaves of northern India by the mid-nineteenth century. when Campbell’s forces came under fire from Indians at the Sikander Bagh (Secundra Bagh): They forced their way in.26 Louis William Desanges’ paintings from his Victoria Cross series—which were displayed for many years in the Crystal Palace and photographically reproduced for public consumption—include several portraits of British soldiers at Lucknow. and myths such as those describing Jessie Brown’s sonorous dream of bagpipes in advance of Lucknow’s relief by a Scottish regiment (172). 1859 – 62. presents a later. Frederick Goodall. According to one popular retelling of this episode. Kavanagh’s assuming the clothing of an “Oriental” allowed him to escape the besieged British Residency in November 1857 in order to guide Sir Colin Campbell’s relief forces into Lucknow. Why.valor and heroism (171. and two thousand of the mutineers were piled together in one gory mass as a monument of our vengeance. O Heavens? For what rapture has Time exacted this revenge? Not only has a class of Lucknow been toppled. entitled Thomas Henry Kavanagh VC (1821–1882) Being Disguised as a Native during the Indian Mutiny at Lucknow.33 44 45 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . Following the rebellion’s suppression. The Flight fRom Lucknow. and. which in 1858 was ruined and bereft of its rulers: The leaf of the World’s Book has overturned in an instant. mostly British. the bayonet did its deadly work till all was still. maddened with resistance and the memory of Cawnpore. O Anis! There is also a revolution in Poesy’s kingdom. both as a punitive expression of British power and in an effort to secure and regulate the city.31 The gulf that came to separate two increasingly distant worlds is evoked by the much earlier verses of Shaikh Qalandar Bakhsh Jurat (1748 –1810): Now you don’t let me throw myself down even on the dust of your street. while your tears flowed. 1858 A number of European. Alas!—and what carpets you used to spread out for my sake! Now you rub out the very name of love from your heart and make me weep—and you used to read poetry with me. 1859 – 62 left: 173. pp. but the shock of the Uprising itself would forever alter British racial attitudes and policy in South Asia.32 The poet Mir Babar Ali “Anis” (1802 –1874) lamented the fate of Lucknow. 9th November 1857. performances. Jessie’s DReam (The Relief of Lucknow). darker side of the European adoption of Indian dress (174). Humanity shudders at the remembrance of such a scene.28 above: 174. Abraham Solomon. Caught in the Uprising. 1858 Bottom: 172. but the murderers of helpless women and children at Cawnpore deserved no quarter. Chevalier Louis-William Desanges. sways beneath her veils. Hand ORnament. . . and decorated at the front with a brilliant ornament of rose diamonds and silver depicting two fishes rampant. . and the imagery of twentieth-century Indian films p. a gold anklet is seen around her shin. (201.35 They were depicted by many European and Indian artists in paintings and photographs that stand in rather stark contrast to imagined views of wives and consorts in the protected domestic spaces of the zenana. raises her eyes to the heavens before closing them to smack her lips together.34 Above: 193. textiles and jewelry (191. . and the teaching of social etiquette. writhing like a serpent in paradise until her act is over. . 194. to which Egron Lundgren was invited. the radiance of which is nonetheless dimmed by the fire that burns in her eyes. . Nose ORnament. poetry recitals. 196. nine- teenth-century Indian photographs. 195. 197). more effervescent and serpentine. pp. describe in enchanted detail the dancers and their performance: The cloth of her attire is of incandescent colours and like the veil threaded with gold and silver. is indicated in the exhibition’s ninth section. His memoirs Lundgren’s painting joins several other works—eighteenth. Although the term for these courtesans. p. . Raja Man Singh. almost furtively now and then exposes her foot or calf. Finger Ring. 187. 49. Man Singh shifted his allegiances between the competing factions. or taluqdars. is inclusive of a range of female performers. c. mid-19th century 46 47 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition .and nineteenth-century Indian and European paintings. 193. Negative perceptions of the importance 19th century Center: 196. however. images that belie the latter women’s sometimes considerable political influence (185. 1870. 186. . 48) —that are brought together here in order to examine the impact of Lucknow’s refined and highly romanticized courtesan culture upon the city’s legacy. tawaif. an indication of the ways in which British victory was achieved with native assistance. c. he was rewarded with considerable properties and powers. 1870 52–53). She has rings in her ears and her hair is swept up and plaited across her skull. c. Pair of eaRRings. which presents the 19th century Right: 191. In early 1859 Man Singh threw a banquet for Colin Campbell at Lucknow. organized the festivity depicted in a painting that appears in the concluding portion of the exhibition. One of these landowners. the borders replete with pearls and precious stones . as diaphanous as a phantom. more supple even than her. and who can blush at will. . and another girl. Lundgren’s painting of the event illustrates that even at this time the legendary female entertainers of Lucknow were still to be found in the city (189. shimmering as an airy feather. Her entire forehead is concealed by a large flashing diamond gew-gaw.” which includes artworks largely commissioned by its prosperous Hindu and Muslim landowning and merchant classes in the late nineteenth century. of women and feminine themes in the courtly culture of Lucknow significantly affected British and Indian assessments of the city well into the twentieth century. FoRehead ORnament. Hair ORnament.” Through the course of the Uprising. kissing. takes her place and sways to and fro in her turn. On the British side by the Uprising’s end.36 Satyajit Ray’s famous 1977 film The Chess Players (Shatranj ke Khilari).That Lucknow was not left utterly barren of artistic patronage and creativity. . p. Left: 197. and when she coyly. 188. stretches out her arms. “Post-Uprising Artistic Production at Lucknow. 1870 Right: 195. 48). 194. Respected tawaifs were even employed to sing and recite poetry at Lucknow’s Shia religious assemblies. the neck and arms too bear sparkling ruby trinkets. “Legacy of Glory: Lucknow in the Popular Imagination. . their highest ranks consisted of well-educated and exquisitely mannered women who were employed by Lucknow’s elite classes for musical and dance performances. c. the dancer slinks to and fro with panther steps . and sings verses from a sleepy lullaby. 1981 Top: 186. 1780 Bottom left: 188. film poster. Attributed to Nevasi Lal. c. Two Nautch GiRls Dancing the KuhaRwa befoRe a Nobleman and His CouRtieRs. UmRao Jaan. 1772 Bottom Right: 201. designer. Vasudeo.Top: 187. 1785 48 49 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . c. Attributed to Nevasi Lal. 1780 –1800 Bottom: 185. AcRobats PeRfoRming on a TightRope. An Indian Dancing GiRl with a Hookah. Tilly Kettle. Noblewomen Playing Chess. c. The Painter’s Eye. and Class in the Heart of Empire. and 2006)—consciously recall the city’s rich and cultivated history through the person of the tawaif. Assembly of Rivals: Delhi. See also. a description of Nasir al-Din Haidar’s wives as “creatures of the Arabian tales. 25. (1858. Assembly of Rivals. Hichberger. 36. The more sensationalistic accounts include William Knighton’s The Private Life of an Eastern King. 1998). 1994). UK: Scolar. Painting of India (Geneva: Albert Skira. A Fatal Friendship. Martin’s decision to remain in Lucknow. 59 – 63. Pictorial Victorians: The Inscription of Values in Word and Image (Athens: Ohio University Press. “Domesticity under Siege: British Women and Imperial Crisis at the Siege of Lucknow. including that of Lucknow [Indian Painting (Paris: Pierre Tisné. “Lifestyle as Resistance: The Case of the Courtesans of Lucknow.3 (2005). W. The New Cambridge History of India III. or even pre-Partition years. 1957). filth.” in Violette Graf. 1995)]. and cultural memory. and Shi’a Ideology in Pre-Rebellion Lucknow.” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies n. 2007). and Sten Nilsson. Emily Eden had earlier described. 30. 1999). “Egron Lundgren. 65 – 66. Edge of Empire: Lives. or The Private Life of an Eastern Queen (London: Oxford University Press. in their reference to the shared precolonial courtly history of northern India. Together with Eliju Jan’s Story. A Fatal Friendship. Vol. 92 –113. Sleeman. ed.. 45 –114. ed. reprint New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. His verse expressed the hopes of a progressive Urdu poet for the future of the city in the years surrounding India’s Independence. 2006). 55. From Pluralism to Separatism: Qasbas in Colonial Awadh (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 15. 315. 1999). 162. 6. 10. 17. “Urdu.s. Joany Hichberger.annexation of Awadh through an indictment of its ruling elites.. are explored in several studies: Doris M. A Fatal Friendship: The Nawabs. 1995). A Man of the Enlightenment in EighteenthCentury India: The Letters of Claude Martin 1766–1800 (Delhi: Permanent Black.3 (2005): 432 – 44. William Howard Russell.” in Veena Talwar Oldenburg.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. “Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh. “Assimilation and Transculturation in Eighteenth-Century India: A Response to Pankaj Mishra. 1988).” 39 Recollections of Lucknow’s past are what inspired. national identity. Vol. 13. 1815–1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press. Kestner. his reports to Lord Dalhousie provided some of its justification [Maj.” Journal of Historical Geography 26:3 (2000): 403 –28. 1989). and Suranjan Ganguly. 98. The cultural roles of courtesans.1 (2000): 43 – 60. Llewellyn-Jones. 1921)]. Quoted in Veena Talwar Oldenburg. 2004). 234. Projit Bihari Mukharji. 35. 13 –14. Awadh. Our Soldiers and the Victoria Cross: A General Account of the Regiments and Men of the British Army and Stories of the Brave Deeds which Won the Prize “For Valour” (London: Ward. 62]. 1961). The film was based on the 1924 short story. 26. quoted in Petievich. 38. See Carla Petievich’s essay in this volume for further discussion of poetry at Lucknow. Images of the Army. See Carla Petievich. Lucknow: Memories of a City (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 3. Forging Identities: Gender. 39. see Sten Nilsson and Narayani Gupta.. 20. 27. 28. 24:1 (2008): 77–113. The Making of Colonial Lucknow. 200 –201. eds. “Royalty’s Courtesans and God’s Mortal Wives: Keepers of Culture in Precolonial India. Hambly. Thumri in Historical and Stylistic Perspectives (Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass. See the 1801 inventory of Martin’s estate. quoted in D.” Studies in History n. 1858. for instance. Ibid. 18. A Very Ingenious Man: Claude Martin in Early Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford University Press. Martin’s Press.” Common Knowledge 11.and post-colonial India. 31.” in James Duncan and Derek Gregory. Hichberger. 75.” Women’s Writing 8:1 (2001): 21– 58. [Rosie Llewellyn-Jones.38 These can be contrasted with stereotyped filmic representations of chaste and idealized Hindu womanhood. no.s. 1994). H. “Embodying War: British Women and Domestic Defilement in the Indian ‘Mutiny. with Private Correspondence Relative to the Annexation of Oude to British India. For a full discussion of developments in the city in the immediate postUprising years. See Michael H. who for some time in 1858 accompanied the reporter William Russell. and Conquest in the East. 88]. 73 – 93. 30 – 31.” Victorian Literature and Culture 24 (1996): 51– 54. Visions of India: The Sketchbooks of William Simpson 1859–62 (Oxford: Phaidon.” Manushi 92 – 93 (1996): 41– 50. Lucknow. J. by the Hindi writer Munshi Premchand. Alison Blunt. Some of these controversies are expressed in an exchange between Pankaj Mishra and William Dalrymple: Pankaj Mishra. Matthews and C. It should be noted that Russell’s account attempts to give an honest and fair account of the uprising and of British conduct in India. 1981. 114]. 20. and the Urdu Ghazal (New Delhi: Manohar. Suvorova. 12. and Basil Gray’s remarks on the lifeless and superficial character of Lucknow painting [Douglas Barrett and Basil Gray. 2. and Umrao Jaan (three versions: 1971. “Victorian Military Painting and the Constructing of Masculinity. Ideologies of the Raj.. 1992).s. Regula Burckhart Qureshi. 312 – 31. A good deal of recent literature treats the subject of these women and the imagery they inspired: Pamela Gerrish Nunn. 1942). The former. ed.. 230. Quoted in Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. Shackle. the Commander-in-Chief. Ambiguity. 1859 50 51 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . 116]. W. 1. Quoted in Mushirul Hasan. Engaging Scoundrels: True Tales of Old Lucknow (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. “Tawa’if. of the same title. see 110 – 33.’ 1857– 8. in terms similar to those of Lawrence.” Gender. “Egron Lundgren. Osama Faruqi (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1. M. Gen. Military Musicians. 1983).. I thank Carlo Coppola for sharing with me his research on Majaz. and Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. “The Flight from Lucknow: British Women Travelling and Writing Home. 92:102 (1970): 138 – 43. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. 1984). 489 – 519. rather than return to Europe. Up the Country: Letters Written to Her Sister from the Upper Provinces of India (London: Virago. 34. “‘There Are Thousands Drunk by the Passion of These Eyes. Oxford Art Journal 7:2 (1984): 42 – 51. 9. 2000). Maya Jasanoff. Writes of Passage: Reading Travel Writing (New York: Routledge. 2003). The mention of Cawnpore (Kanpur) references the 1857 massacre there of some 200 European women and children. For a number of reasons. For a study examining various dimensions of these interracial relationships. in part. The Courtesan’s Arts: Cross-Cultural Perspectives (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 21. Masnavi: A Study of Urdu Romance. Egron Lundgren. A depiction of Kavanagh in Indian dress was also painted by Egron Lundgren [Nilsson. 236 – 41. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow was organized to convey some sense of Lucknow’s extraordinary history and aesthetic achievements as well as its unique place within the imaginative visual discourses of colonialism.” 139]. Percy Brown’s characterization of Awadhi architecture as indicative of stagnation and “tawdry pretence” [Indian Architecture: The Islamic Period (Bombay: Taraporevala. 1963). see Veena Talwar Oldenburg. 244 – 57.” Common Knowledge 11. Pakeezah (1971). 23. 37. The Painter’s Eye: Egron Lundgren and India (Stockholm: Nationalmuseum.“ one of them “so beautiful.. Quoted in Anna A. with Revelations of Life in the Zenana. the city would never achieve the same prominence it enjoyed in precolonial. Wanderings of a Pilgrim in Search of the Picturesque.’ Bollywood’s Tawa’if: Narrating the Nation and ‘The Muslim. Quoted in Petievich. 57– 58. 8. 1992). During Four and Twenty Years in the East. Other 37 [The Private Life of an Eastern King. Sleeman. 1994). reprint New Delhi: Asian Educational Services. For information on Lundgren. From a longer ghazal by Jurat.” in Gavin R.. 2007). I could think of nothing but Lalla Rookh in her bridal attire” [Fanny Parks. Oriental and India Office Collections.4 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Beeton’s book was written for young boys. Thomas Metcalf. “More Trouble Than It Is Worth. as well as at Lucknow. 22. Ibid.. 1857. 2000). 33. Claudia Klaver. 46. and Tyler. Llewellyn-Jones.” in Feldman and Gordon.” Apollo n. 6 – 9. “The Representation of Colonialism in Satyajit Ray’s The Chess Players. and the Tawaif: The Islamicate Roots of Hindi Cinema. 1992). 2 Vols. Place. first published in 1855 29.. 112 –13. Srinivasan. 136 – 54. 31:2 (2008): 290 – 316. Problem Pictures: Women and Men in Victorian Painting (Hants. and Veena Talwar Oldenburg. 174 – 89. a royal garden at Lucknow: “Such a place! The only residence I have coveted in India. 14. Shaam-e-Awadh: Writings on Lucknow (New Delhi: Penguin. S. was prompted in part by Polier’s murder in France in 1795. March 3. provides one examination of the discourse that set British masculinity in opposition to Indian effeminacy. 1 (1850. Patronage. the words of the poet Majaz with which this essay opened. Although Sleeman advised against the annexation of Awadh. Nautch EnteRtainment by Man Singh in Honor of LoRd Clyde. Quoted in Nilsson and Gupta. Ibid. 1849 –1850. “Democratizing Glory? The Victoria Cross Paintings of Louis Desanges. See also the account of Sir William H. 24. see Vinay Lal. The Lucknow Menagerie: Natural History Drawings from the Collection of Claude Martin (1735–1800) (London: Hobhouse. 1722 –1856. Images of the Army: The Military in British Art. Don’t you remember where in the ‘Arabian Nights. Darius Cooper.s. 32. 2006). Quoted in Oldenburg. Alison Blunt. 1856–1877 (Princeton: Princeton University Press. “Spatial Stories under Siege: British Women Writing from Lucknow in 1857. 2001). ed. 72. 125 – 43. 445 – 85. also documented the looting of the Qaisar Bagh. “The Career of Colonel Polier and Late-Eighteenth-Century Orientalism. Alison Blunt. 1750 –1850 (New York: Knopf. the British. Colonialism and Nationalism in Asian Cinema (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. and disease—to which some observers alluded in their descriptions of Lucknow—also contributed to the ideology of difference which informed British colonial attitudes and policy in India. both in pre. 161– 81. trans.’” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies n. O. Women in the Medieval Islamic World: Power. Communities. after the rebellion had long since been suppressed [Mildred Archer.” in Zoya Hasan. 30. 5. For a discussion of the poem’s evocation of the city. Usamah Ansari. eds. 7. 1985). including its poets from Delhi. 1972). Fisher. 10. My Indian Mutiny Diary. Pages 52–53: 189. and William Dalrymple. and Piety (New York: St. An Anthology of Classical Urdu Love Lyrics (London: Oxford University Press. 16. It also appears to have been influenced by his own fears of losing his wealth to European taxation. “Jessie’s Dream at Lucknow: Popular Memorializations of Dissent. 32:1 (2009): 46 – 62. A painting by Lundgren (1815 –1875). 127–28. The Courtesan’s Arts. Michael Edwardes (London: Cassell. 2005). Resident at Lucknow from 1849 to 1856. Sex and the Family in Colonial India: The Making of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. British Library. 1997). also speak eloquently to memories of “the unpartitioned homeland of the people of al-Hind. G.’ Zobeide bets her ‘garden of delights’ against the Caliph’s ‘palace of pictures?’ I am sure this was ‘the garden of delights!’ [Emily Eden. 1986)].” in Martha Feldman and Bonnie Gordon. See also Sanjay Subrahmanyam. Peter Manuel. films of the postcolonial era that are set in Lucknow—for example. “Poetry into Prose: The Rewriting of Oudh in Satyajit Ray’s The Chess Players. Bengal Inventories. 63 –70. and the City of Lucknow (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Chaudhvin ka Chand (1960). By Atish. Adrien McNeil. Phillip Rawson’s comments on the shallowness of late Mughal painting styles.. ed. M. 1867). “Female Agency and Patrilineal Constraints: Situating Courtesans in Twentieth-Century India. ed. For discussions of the film. Mukul Kesavan. see Durba Ghosh. in a letter written to Fanny Parks from Lucknow. Beeton. and the State (New Delhi: Kali for Women. Lock. A Journey through the Kingdom of Oude. see Rosie Llewellyn-Jones et al. “Nawabi Lucknow: Through Western Eyes. and Culture 7:3 (2000): 229 – 46. “Masculinity and Femininity in The Chess Players. Such films are important for understanding the development of a Bollywood trope— inspired in large part by the city of Lucknow—that links courtesans indelibly with urbane Muslim culture. 4. Reporter of the Indian Mutiny. and Julia Thomas. 19.” in Wimal Dissanayake. and Joseph A. See. Assembly of Rivals. Culture. Metcalf further notes (171–77) that perceptions of India’s dirt. 11.” The Journal of Commonwealth Literature 30 (1995): 17–24. ed. J. 1857– 8. Series 3. 122 –23]. Shaam-e-Awadh. For one such collection of his paintings. 204 – 5]. William Simpson traveled to Lucknow in November 1860. 52 53 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . and quadrant-arched gate tops. Perhaps the nawabs would not have indulged themselves with so many purchases of European goods. Lucknow would have been saved from many rogues and rascals who preyed on the rich city. which was sent out. English steam engines would not have powered the garden fountains or the fish-shaped pleasure boats. a cluster of courtyard houses (havelis) around a medieval fort. from England. it was Constantia. instead of the exuberant series of royal dwellings with their Palladian-style mansions. There would have been no sober British Residency with its bungalows and Banqueting Hall. would not have existed in anything like its built form. had it not been for the European buildings that had gone before it. In particular. in sections. Nor would we have the extraordinary photographic panorama by a Frenchman taken about 1850. or even an iron bridge over the Gomti. and they would certainly not have been persuaded into buying expensive astronomical equipment for the royal observatory.Ros i e Lle w e lly n -Jon es Lucknow and European Society Imagine for a moment that the court of Lucknow had forbidden Europeans from entering Awadh. before the Uprising/Mutiny and British revenge changed the city forever. the baroque palace tomb of the Frenchman Major General Claude Martin which gave the Qaisar Bagh its statues. or of Lucknow itself as it emerged from the forest banks along the river Gomti to become a shining city of polished stucco and brass domes. that “fatal friendship” which developed between the court and the Company would not have happened and the princely state of Awadh might well have survived until India’s Independence in 1947. There would be none of the iconic portraits of the nawabs by Company-school painters. Secular buildings would have been unremarkable. 54 55 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . the last palace complex. The Qaisar Bagh. How would this have affected the development of the city? Firstly. More importantly. including the English East India Company officials as well as the so-called adventurers. Grecian columns. we would have much less visual evidence. which was then part of Turkish Arabia. was described as a “perfect Museum. which was becoming a political force while at the same time maintaining its mercantile role. Her husband. a British officer’s wife. and because he came from a working-class background. oil on canvas. and who didn’t hope to get nawabi money through wages (often ridiculously high).” And this unfortunately set the pattern for most European interaction with 1 evening. and interpreters. of course.By the time of Shuja al-Daula’s death in 1775. and someone who tried to win favors with extravagant gifts to powerful Company officers (111). like the aristocratic Ambrose Pierre Antoine. Haidar Beg Khan. of the friendly relations with the Nawab Asaf al-Daula and his ministers during the spring of 1788. It must have been a grand occasion. 54 x 72 1⁄2 in. John Wombwell. because his employer. jockeys. The Resident played the harpsichord and Elizabeth Plowden. But Europeans. acrobats. Although Martin lived in Lucknow for twenty-five years. was dismissed after only a year. who was in charge of the royal stables at Versailles before the French Revolution. Europeans were not. another fact which probably did not endear him to his contemporaries. a true polymath who could turn his hand to many things. and another minister. It was the extraordinary wealth of the nawabs which attracted the Company and the majority of Europeans who flocked to the city during its heyday. and people from Iraq. grooms. 1786.” He was a Frenchman. (The elephants fought on the opposite Page 54: Fig. cooks. musicians. Captain Richard Plowden. and the visitors were entertained by nautch dancers and a “set of Mimics. so much so that his town house. in a house overlooking the river. astronomers. The English East India Company was among the first to realize and then to exploit the nawabs’ wealth. He farmed indigo on his Najafgarh estate near Cawnpore (Kanpur). at the nawab’s request. boastful. It would be difficult to single out many. Chevalier de L’Etang. Certainly Martin was regarded as a slightly comical figure. acted as banker and moneylender to many. Victoria Memorial Hall. and. In the early 1800s. Others served briefly. cobblers. and the ARtist. for the nawab was there too. mechanical toys.” one of whom “emulated a Monkey exceedingly well. if any. Pair of Silver-BaRreled Pistols PResented by Claude MaRtin to Lt. exported goods to Europe. the nawabi dynasty was already under a heavy financial obligation to the English East India Company. Lucknow. Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810). The fact that Martin had made (most of) his fortune by his own hard work was overlooked. funneled in from Awadh’s fertile countryside. and who took up a similar post in Lucknow. he was never truly accepted into English society there partly because he was French. constructed and flew hot-air balloons. Elizabeth Plowden. and other goods in kind. managed the nawab’s armory. They went as guests with the British Resident’s family to watch an elephant fight hosted by the nawab. Martin was an avid collector. was to cement “the Friendship between the Company and the Vizier [Shuja al-Daula] and the obtaining of large Sums of Money said to be due from him. which was beautifully decorated with swags of roses and jasmine bound with silver thread. was estimated to have an annual net income of over a million pounds sterling once all his expenses had been paid. to only a slightly lesser extent. later named Farhat Bakhsh. toast. heightened by the comparatively small number of people far from home. and particularly the British. Plowden’s keen eyes often picked up details that male writers thought too trivial to mention. by European art. India. It was land revenue. Uttar Pradesh. including the nawab. property. foreigners who went to Lucknow for purely altruistic reasons. experimented with electricity. Hasan Reza Khan. architecture. furnishings. (137 x 183. and a pantomime on the palace terrace.) The Plowdens also visited Claude Martin and admired his collection of medals and newly arrived prints from England. Shuja al-Daula’s son. English tutors. Other groups of foreigners included Armenians. (Mrs. It is true 111. gifts. Saadat Ali Khan. Alexander Ross in December 1786. c. librarians. and passion fruit was served. some ninety miles east of Lucknow. All hoped to profit in some way from their proximity to unlimited riches. Afghans. puppet shows. Col. with six of his relatives. During the following days there were nawabi fireworks parties on the river. Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier with His FRiends MajorGeneRal Claude MaRtin. Iranians. gunsmiths. not only because of their political hold over the nawabs. that funded the capital city and its extravagant lifestyle. with too little to do.” The chief minister. detail below the nawabs during the next eighty years. by the Europeans themselves. who were themselves out to make as much money as they could. sang a Persian song for him. Kolkata 56 57 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . commissions. The task of Nathaniel Middleton. cast cannon and bells. yet he was an extraordinarily talented man. the Nawab Saadat Ali Khan.) A breakfast of tea. Some remained for all of their working lives and received a pension when they retired. who had deserted from the army of the Compagnie des Indes in 1760 and joined that of the English East India Company when he saw it would be the victor in the battle for South India.5 cm). said he was mistreating the horses. jugglers. but because these same nawabs were fascinated by the European artifacts offered for sale. bribes. letter writers. as well as army officers. speaking imperfect English. There is a charming account by Mrs. alone in seeking work and opportunities in Lucknow. Europeans were employed by the nawabs in a wide variety of occupations—there were coachmakers and coachmen. and the Plowdens thoroughly enjoyed a season of entertainments in Lucknow. and was an inspired amateur architect. Chinese.3 Few of Martin’s contemporaries appreciated him. and prone to gossip. 1786 or bank. and he also attended a dinner in the British Residency one February 1787. A British Resident was appointed to the court in 1774 while it was still at Faizabad. was a breakfast guest at the Plowdens’ house. He was also the richest European in India of his era. and his successor John Bristow. had commanded the nawab’s body2 guard. 3. formed the most influential group. Snobbery was rampant among British society. some invested in indigo. industrious lives.) Tilly Kettle was the first European artist in India. even where the founder member was a Spanish nobleman (Don Joseph Chamois de Quiros Chevalier). and Girl Sally. The nawabs clearly found no conflict with any Islamic strictures that frowned on the representation of living forms. shipped via Calcutta. 1870s these families lived in the city. at a place he named Polierganj. Campagnac. Polier left all three of his wives in Martin’s care. as well as language. the more colorful Europeans that one usually associates with courtly Lucknow. his irreligious beliefs. and the two men first met in Faizabad. so that each family tree weaves in and out of the others in a complicated pattern. and painters. did the same. Given the attitudes towards Martin.. (Claude Martin. One such family was that of J. demonstrated by the books in his extensive library. Some were connoisseurs and patrons. an Irish trader (James Duhan). from Edinburgh. whose father and grandfather had both worked for Asaf al-Daula. Martin had a superior set of contacts whom he sent on buying sprees for luxury European goods. that is.that he did sell European goods to Asaf al-Daula at grossly inflated prices. or an enterprising Englishman (Richard Rotton). but the three friends had much in common. or marrying Indian women. The statues along Constantia’s parapets. tion. as “Civil Engineer to his Majesty.” used here for convenience. On his return to France. He bequeathed Constantia. his favorite. in post-Uprising photographs. Also much copied were Martin’s distinctive octagonal towers. Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier was born in Switzerland. who commissioned a series of natural history drawings from Indian artists. Later Polier established his household in Lucknow. but others. The community adapted itself to changing circumstances. but her only income was from a pension of twenty rupees a month from the nawab.” having been recommended by the Marquis of Hastings. was not adopted until the twentieth century. completed after his death (109). imported thousands of sheets of English drawing paper. La MaRtinièRe. including some British Residents. who was only thirteen when she entered his household. Delmerick. Duhan. Johannes. the court language used for formal correspondence until the death of the last nawab in 1887. these families became poorer during the nineteenth century. a French soldier (Major Jacques Maximilian Deverinne). The initial fortunes made by the founders were used up by their descendants. Their names indicate the provenance of their founders—Catania. F. because it was so universal. and more. Elizabeth Plowden wrote that after a pleasant dinner with Martin. after completing a number of portraits in p. In attitude Martin was a product of the European Enlightenment. were copied extensively and appear on buildings. Sinclair. 2. generation after genera- 58 59 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . Few Europeans at the end of the eighteenth century commented on the habit of keeping Indian mistresses. On his death in 1845 he left his house to his daughter Charlotte. however. Qui(e)ros. In fact. Both Martin and Polier dictated letters in Persian. The majority of these families led respectable. 109. Sinclair married and had a large family. Both Polier and de Boigne pursued careers mainly outside Lucknow. and she had to borrow money to save herself from starvation.” (The term “AngloIndian. it was not surprising that his real friends were European. It was. Sangster. Some were shopkeepers. and married among themselves. Nazareth. He was initially on a salary of 1. although when they did get into trouble their mixed ancestry was cited in a disparaging way. He arrived in Lucknow in 1822 to work for King Ghazi al-Din Haidar. although its location has not been identified. the Scottish engineer who built the Khurshid Manzil for Saadat Ali Khan also copied the moat that had originally surrounded Martin’s town house. ended up stealing from beggars in the poorhouse. armament dealers. and his philanthropy. The children of these mixed marriages were described as “country-born” or “East Indian. born at Chambery. so that by the annexation of Awadh some were existing on a pittance. one of whom he abandoned in England. The bibis of European men were treated in the same way as upper-class Muslim women. Even this ceased on annexation. Francis Frith. Munro Sinclair. Similarly John Sangster.4 These are not names usually associated with Lucknow’s European society. Frith & Co. known as bibis. molded by Indian craftsmen from local clay. including the Qaisar Bagh. De Boigne had three Indian wives. In this they were not alone—the majority of unmarried European men in eighteenth-century India took local wives or mistresses. which occur in later nawabi buildings. and he left the other two poorly provided for in India. which were spectacular set-pieces that took weeks to prepare. Braganza. they were kept hidden from view and did not mingle socially with men (Fig. Martin had seven young Indian and Anglo-Indian mistresses. Deverinne. Close relation- ships with them gave the men insights into local culture and customs. Another close friend was General Count Benoit de Boigne. both of visiting European artists and local painters.” Three sons served in the nawab’s army. and “Chinese crayons” for his painters. then in independent Savoy.) A considerable number of AngloIndian families are recorded in Lucknow. rather than British. including harems of women.” Its architectural influence on later European buildings by the nawabs was immense. at Shuja al-Daula’s court. including Boulone. like the Alam Bagh palace and the Khurshid Manzil.500 rupees a month and in charge of the nawab’s fireworks. In general though. and significantly. as a school for children of “any religion. engineers. Rotton. his rational treatment of the peasants on his estate. Unlike the transient European population. described as “East Indian. taking up different occupations when necessary. others were soldiers. she went into his zenana to see Polier’s family. 33). and which was filled from the Gomti. 229). then other Western artists would not have followed him. p. Thomas Longcroft. illuminated manuscripts. captures the spacious grandeur of this area. p. The fact that he was nicknamed “Rupee Johnson” and was a deeply corrupt and arrogant man probably had a lot to do with it. pencils. and priceless books became available for sale and European collectors in Lucknow snapped them up (127. and the river. he was able to amass an outstanding collection of Mughal paintings (135. encouraged by Kettle’s example. If he had not been successful with his commissions from Shuja al-Daula. Charles Smith. pp. he traveled to Faizabad. their ministers. near the Daulat Khana palace. having hoped for fat commissions from the nawabs found that actually getting their fee could take years and many applications did not seem to deter them. creating highly detailed images of the palaces. Polier built up a large collection of over five hundred Persian and Arabic manuscripts. there were no less than four prominent artists in residence at Lucknow—Ozias Humphry. p.the south. Captain Robert Smith’s eightpart panorama.5 Two Englishmen. were successively employed as court artists. 137. p. At one point. Lucknow. as regal figures (28. 63. 50. at court. portraying them at full length. Here. which includes 60 61 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . Gateway to Palace. during the winter from 1771 to 1772 he painted Shuja al-Daula and his numerous sons. Johann Zoffany. and Home not only painted Ghazi al-Din Haidar but designed the crown for his coronation. and his furniture. As it is. drawn in 1832. and probably a camera obscura out into the city. 62). In the break-up of the Mughal Empire. 142–43). 138. the magnificent gateways. Richard Johnson was appointed Assistant British Resident in 1781. Kettle’s decision to visit Faizabad was to have important consequences. p. These men not only painted the nawabs. 1798 developed by Asaf al-Daula and embellished by his successors (53. The fact that some of them. exquisite Indian paintings. but took sketchbooks. and although he lived in Lucknow for only eighteen months. we can re-create something of the city and its inhabitants from the work of European painters. and Europeans. 63. Robert Home and George Duncan Beechey. 132. with its animalheaded pleasure barges. his coronation robes. the mosques. and Thomas Longcroft (50). in the summer of 1786. and is shown seated with one of them open at his elbow in the well-known painting by Zoffany. 62). Palace GaRden in a River Landscape. Shah Jahan. 1780 62 63 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . Mohan Singh. Mohan Singh. Bahadur Singh. StoRy of the Elephants and Rabbits. c. c. 1785 left: 135. PoRtRait of a Mufti.left: 137. 1770 Right: 138. 1770 Below: 132. c. c. StoRy of the Elephants and Rabbits. 1775 Right: 127. c. which was designed by the architect and dramatist Sir John Vanbrugh. and the bridges which crossed the river.6 He was responsible for fitting up the pinnace the Sultan of Oude in magnificent style. who was sent by the Company as an aide-de-camp. on England’s northeast coast. King Nasir al-Din Haidar left himself open to criticism when he employed George Harris Derusett. the nawabs themselves seemed remarkably open to exploitation. from fever in 1790. Others had done the same. which sailed up and down the Gomti. from Captain Duncan McLeod (Khurshid Manzil) and from Colonel Polier. a weak ruler and a man with a playboy reputation. p.Claude Martin. Derusett was soon put in charge of the nawab’s pleasure boats. south of the city (82). Dilkusha Kothi. To conclude. but it was never really used. particularly of Asaf al-Daula. As a result. Barowen. (It didn’t seem to work the other way around. symbolically. 1855 – 66 p. He paid ridiculously high prices for goods that were commonplace in the West. where he oversaw the French chef. and probably Asafi Kothi). p.” to manage his social life and then the royal household. A close friend to the Nawab Saadat Ali Khan was the aristocratic Englishman Sir Gore Ouseley. Because Dilkusha was based on an English country house. the illegitimate son of the Earl of Peterborough. comfortable house. velvet drapes. orchestrated for a few years by his Irish hairdresser. with adjoining bungalows.” which the Colonel had uprooted from the Plowdens’ garden. his own tomb remains unfinished. and the artist himself (Fig. where the women needed separate quarters from the men. with teak planking. Mordaunt was soon estab- 64 65 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . lookingglasses. After Mordaunt’s death. but he was unable to do more than report the “shocking indecencies” to the governor-general. The fondness. John Wombwell. shows that superficial Europeanization in Lucknow. from Captain Marsack (an unidentified house). Nasir al-Din Haidar was the most Anglophile of the nawabs. orchestrated by the barber. the nawab was said to have cried like a child at his funeral. and “an extensive garden planted with the choicest Trees. debauched parties. and with it the opportunity for the latter to exploit the former. it could not easily fulfill the requirements of a Muslim court. 38. Ouseley was one of the Europeans commissioned by the nawabs to erect their Lucknow houses in “the European taste” and he complied by supervising the construction of Dilkusha Kothi. 3. Put in charge of the nawab’s wardrobe. He also indulged his European favorite. the Company’s accountant. but he was not untypical in retiring from the court with a fortune. 228. for European trinkets was legendary. He was not the kind of European who added luster to Lucknow society. Scandalous stories of drunken. 105.) But at the same time. a well. who was briefly court architect to Asaf al-Daula. apart from overnight stays by the nawab or his European friends. had no deep or lasting roots in the make-up of the city. lished by the nawab in a large. 66). Derusett made money from goods and services bought on the nawab’s behalf. 54). at a favorite entertainment (Fig. Colonel John Mordaunt. The lively painting by Zoffany entitled Colonel Mordaunt’s Cock Match— which inspired several copies—shows the relationship (which some think was homosexual) between the two men. But he enjoyed his short life to the full. Reinventing himself and changing his name from Quigley. and. with the nawab “attired in the dress of an European lady!” soon reached the British Resident’s ears. and four dozen bottles of brandy. Dilkusha was modified from its original plan. Samuel Bourne. the “barber of Lucknow. or so poorly maintained as to become ruinous. and purchased food and drink for the royal kitchens. who also collected illustrated Mughal manuscripts. No significant buildings were erected during his reign. This was a close copy of Seaton Delaval. and soon learned that the best way to get his bills paid was to present them when Nasir al-Din Haidar was drunk. Next Derusett was employed as superintendent of the palace. though perhaps with more finesse. 82. no matter how convincing it appeared to Europeans. It was almost destroyed by some unspecified catastrophe after 1857 and is in ruins today. a house in Northumberland. he established a tailor’s shop where his elaborate European costumes were made. how fluid were the barriers between There was considerable interaction between some of the nawabs and some favored Europeans. The fact that other similarly commissioned “European” buildings have been demolished. Other Europeandesigned buildings were commissioned from the ubiquitous Claude Martin (Bibiapur. apart from some disgruntled employees who said the nawabs owed them money. The presence of Europeans in nawabi Lucknow undoubtedly enhanced the city. India Office Records. 5. Ghazi al-Din Haidar. A hookah is by his side. 2000). but this was as far as religious recognition went. Nasir al-Din Haidar wore the more conventional dress of a fashionable Regency buck. A Fatal Friendship: The Nawabs. The nawabs attended Christmas parties at the Residency. From the 1780s. the Company accountant. and the arts. see A Man of the Enlightenment. Colonel Mordaunt’s Cockfight. and a Protestant parson’s outfit which he used to 105. For more on Derusett. For Martin’s letter to Lt. Rosie LlewellynJones (New Delhi: Alkazi Collection of Photography. with the building of the Daulat Khana. one imagines. the British. by the late eighteenth century. India Office Records. 35. played by bandsmen. Saadat Ali Khan had an English admiral’s uniform. a regimental dress. One or two European women converted to Islam. p. and in the background are female musicians and servants (106. Among Anglo-Indian families it was more common to slip from one religion to the other and children would sometimes have both Christian and Muslim names. 2. When they went out they were driven in coaches imported from England. of a fashionable Persian gentleman. to whom he gave the pistols illustrated. pressure was put on Awadh’s rulers to reform their administration. pianists. c. or painted. both physically and culturally.European and Indian society in Lucknow? Was there a genuine crossover of culture? A copy of a now-vanished painting by Zoffany shows Colonel Polier seated on the veranda of his house. Papers of Richard Chicheley Plowden. 68). Indian dance. a curiosity about the natural world and the flora and fauna around them. and a gem-studded turban. Europeans kept harems of women. British Library. a professor of Persian and Hindustani at the Company’s military academy in Surrey. Europeans were invited by them to Indian festivals. He is watching three dancing girls who seem to be explaining the finer points of rhythm to him. British Library. who became Sultan Mariam Begam when she married 1. from his usual restrictive clothes (Fig. Munich: Prestel.” in Engaging Scoundrels: True Tales of Old Lucknow (Delhi: Oxford University Press. Meer Hassan Ali she spent twelve years in Lucknow and wrote a fascinating account of Muslim life there called Observations on the Mussulmauns of India. 2008). with tight white trousers and a fitted blue jacket. Col. 2006). wearing European clothes. 1800 surprise guests. Diary of Mrs. see Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. As Mrs. Wajid Ali Shah deliberately retreated into a more familiar world of Urdu poetry. A Very Ingenious Man: Claude Martin in Early Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford University Press. 3. 65 – 85. Reports on their moral failings were sent to the governor-general in Calcutta. and bagpipers. The love affair with the West was over. In return.. now in the Victoria & Albert Museum. after a Painting by Johann Zoffany. Some enjoyed listening to western music. although his new Qaisar Bagh Palace was recognizably a series of European-inspired vistas. notably Mary Angela Short. John Wombwell. an Englishwoman who married Hassan Ali. surrounded by European furniture and paintings and enjoying European luxuries. 1992). ed. 98. There were very few cases of conversion. quoted in Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. For an account of Claude Martin’s life. 2003). is pictured relaxing in native dress. 4. 66 67 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . Prints and Drawings Department. is borne out by a number of portraits and descriptions from Lucknow. He also had a selection of wigs. For a recent study of Lucknow’s Anglo-Indian community. His flowing mustache is worn in the style introduced by the nawabs. 6. while the earlier nawabs themselves led the way in eagerly embracing the European style. who brought with them. Bengal Secret Consultations 28 December 1774. the nawabs lived in European-style palaces. City of Illusion. see Rosie Llewellyn-Jones’s chapter “The Barber of Lucknow. is reproduced in Lucknow. He is wearing a white angarkha under a gold brocade coat. 230). The Wasikadars of Awadh (Delhi: Rupa & Co. There was a genuine appreciation of Indian literature. Ross. 88 – 89. see Malcolm Speirs. Elizabeth Plowden. drama. in Mss Eur C 149 Misc. But there was a distinct change during the later years of the nawabi period. a welcome change. at least two rulers of Awadh were described. art.” Europeans who adopted Indian dress and habits. including the spring celebrations (Basant) and Eid. 1985). p. As the financial demands of the East India Company increased. The idea of the “white mughals. and A Man of the Enlightenment in EighteenthCentury India: The Letters of Claude Martin 1766–1800 (Delhi: Permanent Black. Resident for much of Wajid Ali Shah’s nine-year reign. and Muslim women in the harems of European men were not urged to become Christians. which they certainly would not have done at home. and the City of Lucknow (Delhi: Oxford University Press. particularly by Sir William Sleeman. There was also Biddy Timms. and music by these men. But at the same time it might have avoided the tragedy of annexation in 1856 followed by the Uprising a year later. 38 – 39. Certainly Lucknow would have been poorer without the input from Europe. This panorama. As we have seen. have received considerable scholarly and novelistic attention.T u s h a ra B i n du Gu de Hybrid Visions: The Cultural Landscape of Awadh The cosmopolitan natures of the successive Awadhi capitals of Faizabad and Lucknow. which situates Awadhi art within the spaces of history and memory. reflects these realities only partially. for instance. 70) —as well as in various histories. impressions. Yet the term “hybrid” that is so often used to describe the arts of Awadh. p. Awadh’s arts—though certainly affected by the encounters between Indian and European artists and patrons—were also shaped by other types of histories. 106. 1784 – 86. especially the interactions between their Indian residents and European visitors. in particular reference to the Indian assimilation of European styles and influences as well as the European adoption of Indian lifestyles and pursuits. The imagery. and processes. My approach is informed in many ways by recent studies concerning the geographical dimensions of art history which are apparent in. relationships. In this essay I address some of the complexities of artistic production in Faizabad and Lucknow through a consideration not only of the meeting that took place there between East and West but also of Awadh’s provincial Mughal history and its ruling dynasty’s own Persian Shia ancestry. 1782 – 88. Following on the discussion contained in my introduction to the exhibition. and bodies of correspondence. by an Indian artist after Zoffany (Fig. the shifting political realities of the province. Such interactions are fabulously recorded in the arts—in paintings such as Johann Zoffany’s Colonel Mordaunt’s Cock Match. or Colonel Antoine-Louis-Henri Polier Watching a Nautch. in large part. and judgments contained in these sources follow. our 68 69 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . 34. 228. I am here interested in an exploration of Awadh as a place of artistic invention. p. memoirs. and son-in-law.8 In one such painting from Faizabad. setting. now in the British Library. London. The political relationship between Awadh and Delhi is given expression in such paintings as Muhammad Shah with Courtiers. in doing so. in the Bodleian Top: Fig. Colonel Antoine-Louis HenRi Polier Watching a Nautch. p. for instance. The importance of both Delhi and Shia Iran to nawabi conceptions of kingship are also reflected in several hybrid Awadhi works. in the establishment of regional autonomy by various provincial Mughal governors during the eighteenth century.5 cm). The exact date of the painting is unknown. from which a number of artists are known to have migrated to Awadh following the Persian sack of Delhi in 1739 and the emperor’s death in 1748. and easily comprehend their individual stylistic characteristics. From the mid-eighteenth through the mid-nineteenth centuries. and Europe. The historical Awadh. compare late-eighteenth-century paintings from Awadh with contemporaneous works from Murshidabad and Farrukhabad. and Safdar Jang. 1786 – 88 can be dated in the years prior to 1764. Bodleian Library MS Douce Or. Iran. image 16 ⁄ x 13 ⁄ (41 x 34. Akbar’s 3 interest of this painting lies in the emerging political configuration that it documents. We may. The history with 2 which this essay is concerned begins with Awadh’s incorporation. Muhammad Shah with CouRtieRs. (46. The late-Mughal history of Awadh was paralleled in other provinces where painting schools that were at first dependent upon the Mughal idiom went on to develop their own distinctive styles. and color palette—firmly link it to paintings of Muhammad Shah’s atelier. Although this appointment was subject to the approval of the emperor. The impact of the last named has tended to overshadow the role of imperial Mughal art and indigenous traditions in the mediation of Awadh’s hybrid artistic forms. 4. By the late eighteenth century. however. as the historian Richard Barnett has shown. 1556 –1605) and thus into a political relationship that would greatly influence the aspirations and cultural activities of Awadh’s later rulers. who is identified by an inscription above the fan held across his right shoulder. It was for these reasons as well that it would also be drawn into the commercial and expansionist designs of the English East India Company. India. 1750– 60 Page 68: 106. attributed to the artist Chitarman. the region’s distinct cultural contours were defined—by its various inhabitants and observers— in relation to Delhi. c. as well as in later works that were executed in Faizabad. Awadh encompassed a cultural region of great antiquity but was first designated as a distinct administrative province during the thirteenth century under the Delhi Sultanate. peripheries. c. 1730. as it is inscribed on the verso with this date as well as the initials of 70 71 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . Saadat Khan BuRhan al-Mulk. the familiar figure of Saadat Khan appears yet again. 4). It continued to be recognized as such— though its exact geographical boundaries are unclear— under successive waves of Muslim rule.3. for Saadat Khan named Safdar Jang as his deputy governor and. Among the four men surround- paper. it was one of several crucial steps. and the exchanges between them. Oxford (fig. Although his appointment was initially intended as a rebuke—for bottom: 5. For this achievement Muhammad Shah bestowed upon him the title Burhan al-Mulk (“Proof of the Realm”). opaque watercolor and gold on Library.2 x 38.9 Safdar Jang’s own instincts for political survival.7 Virtually the same likeness of Saadat Khan appears in a roughly contemporaneous Mughal painting depicting the nobleman with Muhammad Shah. Such considerations are especially relevant to 1 Awadh’s extractable revenues were then far less than those of his previous subedari of Agra—Saadat Khan managed to control various local rebellions and double the province’s remittances to Delhi. became the first Mughal subedar to designate his own successor. in 1580. Attributed to Chitarman. 1730. but Awadh appears to have figured somewhat remotely in the concerns of this emperor and his immediate successors. 14 r 1 8 1 8 1 8 12 ing the centrally seated Mughal emperor is Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk.references to regional Indian styles and in discussions of artistic centers. by which he gained the offices and power to exploit imperial weakness. c. 72) court historian Abul Fazl described the province in favorable terms. The Los Angeles County Museum of Art’s painting of a prince hunting with cheetah (26. 6 5 That Awadh was oriented artistically toward the Mughals is well known. its formal properties—compositional symmetry. Safdar Jang (5).a. although in this instance he is shown seated with his nephew. into the dominions of the Mughal Emperor Akbar (r. for instance. fol.4 cm). Saadat Khan was appointed governor (subedar) of Awadh in 1722. 4 however. led to the further expansion of Awadhi territory and its consolidation as an independent dynastic state. page 18 ⁄ x 15 ⁄ in. Awadh had emerged as a prosperous agricultural and trading region as well as an important strategic asset to an empire then facing threats from aggressive regional powers. capital of the eastern provinces of Bengal.12 At least one of the reasons that much work remains to be done on these and other provincial Mughal styles lies with the fact that their distance—in geographical. In Murshidabad and Farrukhabad. A yellow palette and figural type consisting of rather long-legged figures with faces marked by full cheeks and sharp noses and chins is common to paintings produced there between 1760 and 1770. and visual senses—from the Mughal imperial center at the height of its power led to 72 73 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . 1760 –70 William Fullarton.Above: 26. Thus. during the rule there of Mir Qasim Khan (1760 – 63). PRince Hunting with Cheetah. Bihar.10 The painting A Princess and Her Companions Enjoying a Terrace Ambiance (25) belongs to a relatively small group of works from Farrukhabad. temporal.11 Delhi-trained Lucknow artists are also thought to have contributed to the Murshidabad style under Mir Qasim. an area of Awadh that was for some time in the eighteenth century under Indo-Afghan rule. A PRincess and Her Companions Enjoying a TeRRace Ambiance. as at Faizabad and Lucknow. Its style—reflected particularly in the finely stippled faces with sharply delineated eyes and the short figural proportions—is typical of works produced in Murshidabad. the emergence of regional painting styles can be linked with strong local patronage and the availability of talented artists. 1764 or earlier Right: 25. a Company surgeon who was stationed in Bengal and Bihar between 1744 and 1766. Farrukhabad painting derives largely from the Lucknow work of the imperially trained artist Faqirullah. The exchange of visual vocabularies between Delhi and its provinces as well as among the provinces themselves was effected by the movement of artists and patrons during these tumultuous years. Attributed to Muhammad Faqirullah Khan. and Orissa. c. The British Museum’s painting A Royal Encampment Scene. a region described by Barnett and other scholars as existing “between empires. No less a scholar than Ananda K. The eighteenth century. literally “deputy” or “vice-regent/ governor.their early characterization as weak offshoots. was once viewed as a period of severe disruption and revolutionary change in South Asia.17 Thus. Jagan (composition) and Asir (painting). c. 9). went to pieces. The wealth of the nawabs permitted comparable spectacles—visual demonstrations of dominion—that involved numerous guests. entertainers. proclaimed of late Mughal painting that “nothing of importance is later than Muhammad Shah and hardly anything of supreme excellence later than about 1640. Sur century indicate that certainly by the time of Asaf al-Daula. Jagan (composition). for if such hybridity is considered to be one of its hallmarks.16 It is not difficult to see how this view is reflected in the opinions of Coomaraswamy and Brown. c. then its sources. and staff to supply a party’s every need over a period as long as two or three months. Coomaraswamy. Both Saadat Khan and Safdar Jang considered Delhi to be their principal place of residence. Akbar Is EnteRtained by His Foster BRother Azim Khan at Dipalpur . with provinces such as Awadh maintaining important continuities with the Mughal imperium and its forms of rule. the Mughal school .19 Such temporary and movable settlements had been a feature of Mughal campaigns since the sixteenth century and are variously rendered in imperial manuscripts such as the Akbarnama (8. 1590 – 95 Right: 9. wherein painting in the Mughal provinces occupies a position inferior to those normative art forms—Mughal and European—against which it was judged.18 Later Awadhi rulers. and neither one erected any permanent buildings in Awadh. Indian painting came to increasingly admit European influences. for instance. . the Awadh nawabs had adopted an imperial manner in both the substance and scale of their regional tours and hunting expeditions. . the cultural authority of the Mughals was remarkably long-lived. indicates the historical processes of the eighteenth century to have been rather more evolutionary in character. It is with this in mind that we may begin to explore the nature of hybridity in Awadh’s art. the emblematic practices of Mughal kingship and authority were re-created in various successor states. it was destined to become a “stagnant reflection” of western art. 7.” that is. and the transfer of power to Lucknow and Hyderabad. they provide a useful vantage point from which to examine the arts of Awadh.” 13 Much the same sentiment was expressed earlier by Percy Brown. known by their title of nawab. precedents. and deployment bear closer examination. with the results that many examples of a degraded art were produced. Much recent scholarship. in the late eighteenth century. when these historical changes occurred.” increasingly viewed themselves as hereditary regional rulers but were nonetheless conscious in their emulation of the Mughals. hundreds of transport elephants and pack animals.20 Das (painting).”14 When. 1780 – 85 Historical sources from the late eighteenth Left: 8. however. who claimed: “On the break-up of the Mughal court at Delhi. 1590 – 95 74 75 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . A Royal Encampment Scene. While regional political independence was built upon the dissolution of imperial control. c.15 While we no longer accept such judgments. and a bewildering number of servants. and Madhav (faces). thousands of soldiers. imaginatively depicts a vast camp. between the declining Mughal power and the rising British colonial one. Akbar Is EnteRtained by His Foster BRother Azim Khan at Dipalpur . whom they continued to nominally recognize as overlords into the early nineteenth century. the royal enclosure of which is constructed of tents in a red color normally reserved for imperial use (7). dating from about 1780 – 85. a Swiss-born soldier and engineer who lived in India for thirty years. In its vision of receding terraces. the Dancer painting does indeed prefigure the treatment in the British Museum Encampment Scene and related works. and enclosed gardens. however. 1770. which can be attributed to the artist Faizullah or a close follower (21). The Dublin painting. waterways. Comparable scenes. obscures our understanding of the many artistic sources available to Indian painters and the particular uses to which they were adapted. Polier gave an album containing similar paintings to Lady Coote. were rendered for Polier by the artist Mihr Chand (fl. a task greatly facilitated by the influx of talent to Faizabad and Lucknow during the late 6. Patronage of the arts was one of the most visible ways in which the nawabs expressed their roles as inheritors of Mughal power. many of which he spent in Awadh. Scholars have noted that the paintings appear to represent a particular development. c. A Dancer Balances a Bottle. c. 1780 – 85 Left: 21.Royal pursuits were among the most common subjects of Indian courtly paintings. p. such as one in the Chester Beatty Library. 21 represented by several exuberant terrace scenes. Viewing the turn toward a more scientifically rendered perspective solely in terms of an increasingly dominant Europeanized aesthetic. These are 22 Above: 184. Berlin. derives certain stylistic features from earlier Mughal paintings that must have been known to artists working in Awadh. of architectural monuments and courtly gardens. His own album of such views is today in the collection of the Museum für Asiatische Kunst. from slightly earlier Awadhi works. Dublin. under strong European influence. It is one of several paintings associated with the patronage of Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier. wife of the English East India Company officer Sir Eyre Coote (156. c. 1759 – 86) and his workshop. 1770 76 77 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . 184). The British Museum painting was originally presented by Polier to the artist Ozias Humphry. What makes A Royal Encampment Scene unique is the precision with which the artist rendered the scene according to the rules of single-point perspective. for instance. A Dancer Balances a Bottle. AcRobats PeRfoRming on a TightRope for a Women’s Dancing PaRty. c. 6). The Awadhi interest in imperial painting of the Shah Jahan period has been recognized by Milo Beach.24 Much the same approach is taken in A Dancer Balances a Bottle. although the artist—perhaps Mihr Chand—has seated the shaikh beneath an early variation of the scalloped archway that is encountered as a framing device in many Awadhi portraits and figure studies. In the far distance. the Padshahnama artists combined the formal requirements of courtly portraiture with the desire for naturalism through their illusionistic rendering of landscapes that recede through the middle and upper parts of the pictures. and several others 23 Chishti. which was in the possession of Asaf al-Daula by 1776 –77. an illustrated history of Shah Jahan’s reign (1628 – 58). 75) and comparable paintings. 26 gold on paper. It is. opaque watercolor and 10. a fortress—a schematic rendering that recalls the images of Daulatabad or Udgir in the Padshahnama—is besieged by cannon. p. 6.8 cm). unclear whether the Padshahnama itself was the direct source for Awadhi works of this type. many of which were acquired by the nawabs and other collectors in Awadh. left image 14 3⁄ 8 x 10 1⁄ 8 in. Attributed to the Kashmiri Painter. who notes that such revivals—which occurred in other areas as well—were given distinctly local shapes. every receding plane is punctuated by minutely rendered figures. (35. display landscape conventions that recall various folios of the Padshahnama in their conceptualization of pictorial space and their attention to distant details. Attributed to Mihr Chand. for instance.28 The latter. we might consider their relationships to earlier traditions and Walled cities and fortresses were often rendered from a bird’s-eye 78 79 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . the thirteenth-century Sufi shaikh considered by the Mughals to be the spiritual source of their authority (10). In outdoor scenes.25 However. such as the architec- tural vistas now at the Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Its landscape conventions were developments after the Flemish “world landscapes” that were adapted for Mughal painting as early as the late sixteenth century and would have been available to later Indian painters through a range of works. The Dublin painting. We might also consider the compositional balance evident in the Dublin painting. Shah Jahan Visits the ShRine of Khwaja Muin Al-Din Chishti at Ajmer .6 x 25. 27 like it. 5. rarely adopt the high aerial view common to many of the Polier paintings. Khwaja Muin al-Din Chishti. depicts Khwaja Muin al-Din eighteenth century. (7. asserted much more strongly in the Polier paintings. 5. suggestFigs. of course. as in the two folios illustrating Shah Jahan’s visit to the shrine of Khwaja Muin al-Din Chishti at Ajmer (Figs. 1656.4 cm). c. for instance. where the primary activity occurs across the lower part of the picture. Although differing from traditional Indian paintings that frequently depict buildings from multiple vantage points in order to stress The painting clearly continues the tradition of naturalistic portraiture perfected in Shah Jahan’s time. (36.2 x 22. Another Faizabad painting of about 1770 in the Chester Beatty Library. as late expressions of the formal symmetry codified in the jharoka (balcony) scenes of the Padshahnama. 80) 131. which also illustrate important Mughal monuments. this positioning allowed the artist to provide unobstructed frontal views of the most important features of the mosque complex: the entrance into its vast courtyard and the mosque itself. The Royal Collection RCIN1005025. It should be noted at the outset that these paintings of architectural monuments such as the Red Fort and Jami Masjid at Delhi and the Taj Mahal at Agra (130. India. 1770 ing that the Awadhi painters of such works were creatively responding to older models as well as new stimuli and patronage. while various figures and activities were scattered across layered and ever-more-distant hills.viewpoint. Paralleling the migrations from Delhi was the outward flow of imperial manuscripts and paintings. folio 205B–A also examine the uses to which Awadhi artists applied their refinements of such techniques as linear perspective. right image 13 7⁄ 8 x 8 7⁄ 8 in. Mughal Empire. Returning to the British Museum Encampment Scene p. One of the most famous of these acquisitions was the Padshahnama manuscript. are of a decidedly different sort than the later architectural studies by Indian artists that are usually associated with European patronage in India. ambitious landscape and architectural vistas of this type are unknown from the reign of Muhammad Shah and his immediate successors. Although the hilly landscapes of the Padshahnama have been replaced by neat rows of pavilions and gardens. In the Awadhi painting of the Jami Masjid. fol. Hodges was clearly impressed by the elegance and scale of the palace. 82. Delhi. His memoirs describe the palace as a vast and desolate complex within a city containing the “remains of many handsome buildings. often admiring. Od. translate the Indian built landscape through a language of empire. c. Uttar Pradesh.6. yet one that is so idealized as to reinforce the structure. for instance. 1774. and picturesque aesthetics. the artist here achieves a similar goal. Taj Mahal.5 x 142. 63-Ft. Attributed to Mihr Chand. R. 18 5⁄ 32 x 55 19⁄ 32 in. Hodges writes. FoRtification of Shuja Al-Daula at Faizabad. Rés. that at the end of his tour to Faizabad: “I could not help viewing with a melancholy tions of architecture can be illustrated through a comparison of William Hodges’s drawing of about 1783 depicting part of Shuja al-Daula’s palace at Faizabad and Top: 130. Bahu Begam. 7). A similar elevated viewing position. oriental despotism. Setting the mosque complex 29 military adventurer Jean-Baptiste Gentil (45.31 By the time of Hodges’s visit to Faizabad.Fig. by an Indian architect in the employ of the French 80 81 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . India. of Indian architecture and recognized its fundamentally different cultural origins from classically inspired European traditions. Although later Awadhi artists adopted the oblique views of such monuments favored by European artists working in a picturesque mode. written and visual. (46. dating from about 1774. here again. Tillotson—continued to be produced alongside them well into the nineteenth century. c. Fig. describing the public audience hall as richer than its counterpart at Lucknow. The Indian painting belongs to a series of twenty-four within a receding cityscape is an innovative turn. Asaf al-Daula had moved his court to the city of Lucknow. which include some ground plans. 1773 –76 a painting of the same structure. Although he appears to have worked either from memory or a secondary source (judging from the general misunderstanding of the tomb’s upper structures). p. Bibliothèque nationale de France. in addition to subtle shifts from a strict linear perspective. Attributed to Mihr Chand. symmetry and order—fundamental features of the site’s plan—are stressed. so that his descriptions. paintings reflecting a traditionally Indian way of seeing architecture—as described by Giles H.” 32 Hodges was appreciative. 23 (Collection Gentil) their constituent parts and functions.5 cm). symmetrical view divorced from contextual surroundings. a fact he deduced from its decaying decoration. watercolor on paper. Other paintings from the set. c. His various writings also reveal an awareness of contemporaneous European political and intellectual discourses. It shows a frontal. Faizabad. 1773 –76 Bottom: 131. although his mother. The differences between these competing depic30 architectural studies commissioned by Gentil and largely focused on Delhi. Est. Jami Masjid. and order of the Jami Masjid. symmetry. 7. reveal similar preferences. allowed the artist of the Taj Mahal painting to render the river view of the tomb complex in such a way as to fully reveal the triple-arched and -domed side mosques while presenting the tomb in frontal view. continued to maintain a considerable presence at the former Awadhi capital.. and fixed the Government at Lucknow. for instance. bearing their own name. Thomas Daniell (England. Lucknow. the present Nabob of Oud. 8. was employed by Hodges in several of his drawings. Fig. William Hodges. on the demise of his father.” He adds. Accordingly. de-emphasize the symmetry of much Indian architecture. They were followed by other amateur and professional artists whose visual descriptions of Lucknow evoke the grandeur of a city that had then become a magnet for fortune-seekers of all nationalities. 16 1⁄2 x 23 5⁄ 8 in. as. 1769 –1837). in the present instance.concern the miserable appearance of all the territories which were under the absolute direction of Mussulman tyrants. 9. although Faizabad palace describes the structure raised by Shuja al-Daula as “certainly the most splendid monument of the arts in Hindostan at the time: it occupies a large tract of ground. Wajid Ali Shah of Awadh in the QaisaR bagh. however: The great buildings in Hindostan raised by the Mogul chiefs. their palaces in particular. appears to have been minimal. As late as the reign of Wajid Ali Shah.5 x 95. Indian artists—and presumably their Indian patrons as well—preferred a vision of architecture that revealed a building as completely as possible rather than from a single point of view. 8). X432 /3(5) Fig. 49. England. from ORiental SceneRy. are subject to a revolution not known in other countries. This conventionally picturesque approach allowed the artist to 45. offering an oblique view of the building from the river. The diagonal composition. and is in many parts very beautiful. PaRt 3. aquatint in color on paper. The circa 1850 – 56 painting of Awadh’s last ruler carried in procession through his palace complex of the Qaisar Bagh reveals the persistence of this Indian way of seeing (fig. c. India. 1850 – 56. Their impact upon Indian artists in Awadh.3 cm). 124–25.” The text accompanying his aquatints of the 33 Geoff Quilley observes that it also highlighted a building’s grandeur—note how Shuja al-Daula’s palace ascends from the banks. The Punj Mahalla Gate. Vegetal growth appears on the chattri at the left edge of the drawing.34 their works from Faizabad and Lucknow—which they visited in 1789 —are less insistent in representing its buildings as ruins (48. Private collection 82 83 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . its roof chattris silhouetted against the sky—while drawing attention to their “elegiac ruination and abandonment. opaque watercolor and gold on paper. where he has raised a monument of barbarous magnificence. c. Thomas Daniell and William Daniell. 1801. London. and to establish one for themselves. 1783 48. Asoph ul Dowlah. who traveled through India between 1786 and 1794. Gate of the Lal Bagh at Faizabad. 1801 Fig. 9). (42 x 60 cm). while a large piece of the fortified embankment appears to topple away at the right. plate 3. reveal similar aesthetic concerns. for it is a principle among the great men of that country to leave the house of their fathers to ruin and decay. pp. left Fizabad. 1749 –1840) and William Daniell (England. 27 3⁄ 8 x 37 1⁄2 in. The British Library. A View of PaRt of the Palace of the Late Nawab Shuja al-Daula at Faizabad. however. Hodges’s drawing of the Faizabad palace emphasizes its ruinous state. The various paintings and aquatints of Thomas and William Daniell.” 35 Not all European landscape artists visiting India depicted Awadhi monuments in the same manner as Hodges. (69. in the middle of the river. the main shrine is depicted within its boundary walls. for instance.37 Other notable structures appearing in the scroll 84 85 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . The scroll is. stood an octagonal pavilion known only from late-nineteenth-century photographs which show it reduced to a single story (54. C.36 He describes the structure recognizable as the Shah Najaf as the “New Imam Barah—built by his present Majesty” (54A). which was erected by Ghazi al-Din to house a venerated impression of the Prophet Muhammad’s footprints. 164). Lucknow fRom the Gomti. 1826 An interesting comparison—which again highlights the different concerns of Indian and European artists and patrons while also addressing Lucknow’s hybrid architecture and its Shia history—can be drawn from two extraordinary panoramic landscapes of Lucknow. Beginning with the stone bridge. dating from 1826 or earlier. many presented obliquely as they must have appeared from the Gomti River. and the Bara Imambara (54B). In the Yale Top: 54B. the complex of religious buildings near the Macchi Bhawan Palace are identified as the Shah Pir Muhammad Masjid. Major General Claude Martin’s former home. a fairly accurate topographical representation of Lucknow as viewed from the Gomti and a valuable guide to buildings that have since disappeared. The Farhat Bakhsh. 1826 left: 164. In between these two buildings. in fact. Felice Beato. was presumably made for the same British visitor whose handwritten notes identifying the buildings accompanied the scroll into the collection of the Yale Center for British Art. is clearly depicted. 1858 panorama. To the left of the Shah Najaf. BARa Chattar Manzil with the King’s FISH-SHAPED Boat. The central portion of the scroll is particularly interesting in depicting the riverine buildings that would eventually become incorporated into the Bara Chattar Manzil Palace complex. One of these. The Shah Najaf Imambara was commissioned by Ghazi al-Din Haidar. The scroll unrolls from right to left and is inscribed with various place names. The artist employed European-style perspective in his depiction of this and several other buildings. To its right is a European-style “folly” that was mirrored by a similar structure erected on the opposite bank of the river. which was purchased by Saadat Ali Khan.54A. the old Jami Masjid. is the small shrine—few traces of which now remain—known as the Qadam Rasul. Lucknow fRom the Gomti. the gilded and festooned dome is clearly visible beyond the main entrance gateway. include the British Residency and the Moti Mahal Palace. Lucknow fRom the Gomti. completed during Ghazi al-Din’s reign. the artist has taken a completely different approach to the illustration of the Shia monuments. Behind the last structure of the Moti Mahal stands the 38 Taken fRom the BARa ImambaRa (detail). 10. Two-paRt PanoRama of the Husainabad ImambaRa (detail). The artist of the Yale scroll attempted to depict an accurate view of the city for his European patron. Muhammad faqirullah khan. It is for one such patron that a panorama of about 1848 now in the British Library was likely to have been made. 9 1⁄2 x 22 3⁄ 8 in.54D. came to be utilized in a variety of paintings for Indian patrons as well.177 In both of these. in addition to the style of the painting. of course. 1858 Bottom: Fig. Uttar Pradesh. PanoRama of Lucknow. 1832 –1909). including the enclosed building just outside the Husainabad Bazaar gateway—with its corner towers reminiscent of Saadat Ali Khan’s Dilkusha Kothi and the west facade towers of Ghazi al-Din’s Darshan Bilas—can be seen (55H. That the artist attempted to represent the architecture along this avenue accurately can be seen by comparison with Felice Beato’s 1858 panoramic photographs showing both the Husainabad Imambara and the view from the Bara Imambara complex (fig. EX. the primary figures of which are unfinished but visible through their faint pencil outlines. p. 10. 1826 Top: 163. In showing the various parts of each complex as if experiencing them individually.7 cm). This concern. circa 1760–70. three towers are visible in this scroll. Felice Beato. is typical of the many “Company-school” works—so-called for their obvious adaptations to European visual tastes—that depict Indian architectural monuments. The procession unfolds across several sheets of paper pasted together and presents the short journey from the Husainabad Imambara complex to the Bara Imambara. the low-lying structures. A domed structure rising behind one of the palace building’s walls—and now long since gone—may be the famous “moti-” or “pearl-”like dome for which this royal complex was known (54D). Albumen prints. India. Felice Beato (Greece. The style. 163). 1858. however. While these secondary buildings are depicted as if in passing. (24 x 56. the artist was also conditioned by 86 87 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh .2361. Lucknow. for its visual concerns and pictorial techniques are somewhat different from those in the Yale panorama. the European-style house with moat and towers built by Saadat Ali Khan. 88).39 This later panorama depicts a royal procession of Muhammad Ali Shah. The Alkazi Collection of Photography Khurshid Manzil. a princess and her companions enjoying a terrace ambiance. Their depictions are informed by European techniques of perspective—evident in the oblique views of various buildings and gateways. the imambara. an interior view of its west gate visible in the distance (55A). Both the outer 88 89 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . c. Somewhat abruptly—and perhaps indicating a missing section of the scroll. 1867 the reflecting pool. through which one enters the main area of the complex. John Edward Saché. 63). The procession begins in the forecourt of the 63. the image of which is familiar to us from photographs dating from the later nineteenth century (55G. c. and the jawab. This is followed by a complete image of the interior court as taken in by an observer having just passed through the south gate and scanning the court from west to east. The buildings of the Bara Imambara are depicted in similar fashion. painterly ways of depicting architecture in India. It includes the mosque located in the northwest corner. Husainabad Imambara. the tomb of Zinat Algiya. Unfinished PanoRama of Lucknow fRom the Reign of Muhammad Ali Shah. The south gate of the forecourt.55. the building placed opposite the tomb for the sake of architectural symmetry (55B–E). appears next. 1848 55E 55D 55C 55B 55A 55H 55G 55F more traditional. which may have included an exiting view of the south gate—the east gate of the forecourt appears (55F). This is followed by a view of its exuberant east facade. Husainabad Bazaar Gateway. “House of the Imam”) were built in Lucknow during the reign of the nawabs and speak to the Twelver or Imami Shia orientation of Awadh’s Muslim elites. We must recall that Saadat Khan originally came to India from Nishapur. the Asafi Masjid and the Imambara are revealed. while the twelfth and last Imam is believed by Shias to have disappeared into a mystical realm from which he will return at some future date. Muslims by their insistence that the descendants of Ali. their consolidation of authority was built upon wresting control Finally. Iran. were his rightful successors. L). but Iranian nobility professing the faith were nevertheless able to rise through the ranks of the Mughal administration. as well as the monumental gateways marking the second and third courts (55K. Twelver Shias hold the view that Ali. As such. N). 40 Many imambaras (Urdu. as the first Imam. where the ruling Safavid dynasty had propagated Twelver Shiism in the establishment of their own state. the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law. While the establishment of a Shia state was not a factor in his or his immediate successors’ early bids for regional independence. Shias in India were largely outnumbered by Sunni Muslims. The third Imam. Shia beliefs are generally distinguished from those of Sunni 90 91 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . is especially revered. Husain. belying the fact that their immense scales prevent such an inclusive view from being captured in photographs assuming a similar viewing position (55M. whether through the leading of Friday congregational prayers or the declaration of jihad by any person or by the state. was followed by eleven descendants.55J 55I 55N 55M 55L 55K and inner facades of the great Rumi Darwaza are shown (55I. J). as did Saadat Khan. many orthodox Shias from the late ninth century onward insisted that the absence of the Hidden Imam precluded the institutionalization of religious authority. who was killed in the year 680. The MuhaRRam Festival: Asaf al-Daula. The British Library Add. It was also 44 refers to the name of the battlefield in Iraq where Husain—the third Imam— was slain. One of these. The latter was also commemorated in several Company-style paintings depicting Asaf al-Daula’s personal participation in the mourning rituals held at his complex (fig.3230 of Awadh from local elites.5 cm). is a copy of the sixteenth-century Al-Kadhimiya Masjid in Baghdad. a two-domed structure housing the tombs of the seventh and ninth Imams (69).43 The construction of the Asafi Masjid was integral to this effort as it was built in response to pressure from Asaf’s court and Usuli theologians to establish a Shia Friday congregational mosque. the sovereignty of the Awadhi expressed through architectural monuments that replicated important Shia shrines in Sunni Iraq. the Shah Najaf Imambara of Ghazi al-Din Haidar—mentioned above in the context of the Yale panoramic scroll— was intended to replicate the shrine of Imam Ali in Najaf.47 While the cultural identity and religious affiliation of the nawabs were directly addressed through the built environment of Lucknow.41 Increasing nawabi wealth and power through the latter half of the eighteenth century attracted many additional Shias to the region. (42 x 54. Nawab of Awadh. though it bears little resemblance to the model but for its single dome and square plan. both Sunni and Hindu. 69. all point to the importance of the complex in visually affirming Lucknow as Asaf al-Daula’s new capital. Hussein Keshani has noted that the Bara Imambara’s integration into the administrative center of the Macchi Bhawan Palace. The Kazmain Karbala. The karbalas at Lucknow were used for burials as well as for the interring of taziyas— model replicas of Husain’s tomb—at the end of the Muharram mourning procession. which was rooted in the Awadhi rulers’ ancestral ties to Shia Safavid Iran. was assiduously maintained by the nawabs through their marriage alliances and administrative appointments. and such structures further underscore the Shia orientation of Lucknow’s Muslim nobility. Lucknow’s Bara Imambara. watercolor on paper. 1795.46 From the late eighteenth through mid-nineteenth centuries. Darogah Abbas Ali.42 Structures accommodating the public mourning rituals of Muharram. the month in which the martyrdom of Imam Husain is commemorated. 45 erected by a nobleman in the service of Muhammad Ali Shah. Kazmain KaRbala. “Karbala” Fig. Listening at Night to the Maulvi Reading fRom the ScRiptuRes. India. 16 1 ⁄ 2 x 21 1⁄2 in. Shias. the synthesis of both Mughal and vernacular architectural forms in the imambara building. the Bara Imambara complex was also an assertion of the Awadh regime’s cultural and religious identity. built by Asaf al-Daula between 1784 and 1791. Thus. never constituted more than a small percentage of Awadh’s urban population. 11). 1874 92 93 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . and the liberal deployment throughout of the fish emblem that was adopted as the Awadhi royal insignia.This identity. from The Lucknow Album: Containing a SeRies of Fifty PhotogRaphic Views of Lucknow. the Asafi Masjid’s visual parallels to Delhi’s Jami Masjid. however. as well as religious converts. Awadhi support for the Iraqi shrine cities and their clergies—following upon the practice of Safavid monarchs—was also expressed through generous donations of gifts and money from Lucknow’s nobility and rulers. its particular configuration and form revealing the nawab’s assertion of political autonomy and religious piety.Or. remains the largest monument of its kind. had been erected in India since the sixteenth century. 1 1. India. for instance. of Awadh (fig. always nominally acknowledged their subordination to the Mughal throne. family members. from the seventh Imam. court artist at Lucknow from 1814 to 1837. His sovereignty could not simply be asserted symbolically. was noted disparagingly by many contemporaneous observers. 12).48 From the late eighteenth through the mid-nineteenth centuries. Its completion was punctuated by a British gun salute. and attendants may have been intended to record one aspect of the coronation day’s events (63. The ceremony—which included the British Resident and numerous Company officials—was preceded by a procession to Lucknow’s most important Shia shrine. upon which Ghazi al-Din sits in the painting. 1830 Right: Fig. Nasir al-din Haidar .51 A painting on three panels in the Victoria and Albert Museum depicting Ghazi al-Din in procession through Lucknow with a number of British and Indian guests.3 x 156. worldly goods and rarities.rulers was also proclaimed in other meaningful ways. including the impressive gem-studded golden throne. 15). or king. Ghazi al-Din’s crown and clothing were European in origin. Ghazi al-Din directly challenged the traditional authority of his.50 As can be seen in the painting. which drew its authoritative symbols from Mughal and European traditions. encouraged Ghazi al-Din’s coronation as they wished to undermine continuing Mughal claims to power in northern India. An oil portrait of Awadh’s first king. 49 Home was responsible for designing much of the coronation paraphernalia. The Awadh rulers had. the Awadhi rulers viewed themselves as the true rulers of the Muslim community. also thought to have been based on an as yet unidentified European model (2). reflecting his efforts to also situate his sovereign claims within a widening sphere of British dominion. Yet. A remarkable painting by Robert Home. c. 1820. the Dargah of Hazrat Abbas. The nawabi interest in collecting European artworks and objects. but had to be substantively legitimated. 94 95 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . whether Hindu or Muslim. Tracing their descent. RCIN408019 Later images of Ghazi al-Din as well as of his successors repeat much of the regal imagery first captured in Robert Home’s painting. and canopy—all constructed of precious materials— was perhaps intended to evoke the famous Peacock Throne of Shah Jahan. which had been seized in Delhi as plunder by Nadir Shah. The British. commemorates the 1819 coronation of Ghazi al-Din Haidar as the padshah. Their authority rested with the Imams whose teachings could be interpreted by the Shia theologians known as mujtahid. The opulence of the throne. painted around 1830 by the Indian artist Muhammad Azam.2 cm). Ghazi al-Din’s coronation included the participation of an appointed mujtahid—who placed the European-style crown upon his head—and occurred on October ninth. Ghazi Al-Din Haidar. Left: 2. an act of resistance as such activities boldly proclaimed the nawabs’ control of their state’s financial resources. however. the rituals and emblems associated with European kingship came to be superficially inscribed upon a fundamentally Mughal. c. oil on canvas. A similar crown and ermine- trimmed robe with jeweled collar are included in Muhammad Azam’s portrait of Nasir al-Din Haidar. pp.and Shia-oriented Awadhi throne. Eventually. and based its claims of legitimacy upon the Awadh dynasty’s Shia ancestry. among other things. Receiving TRibute. the playing of “God Save the King. Accordingly. and possession of. Musa al-Kazim. By declaring himself padshah. King of Awadh. by then. umbrella. the political power of Awadh’s nawabs was increasingly threatened by the English East India Company. It captures the visible trappings of this unprecedented proclamation of sovereignty. the day Shias believe Muhammad appointed Ali as his successor and the first Imam. (241. in part. was likely based upon an earlier painting by Home and depicts the king in his distinctive coronation crown (36. Robert Home. however. 96–97). These collections were also a traditional prerogative of Indian kings. The Royal Collection. Muhammad Azam. on loan to Victoria Memorial Hall. in fact. up to this point. The works of British portrait artists were incorporated into indigenous rituals of kingship. various assertions of sovereignty continued to be made. and were also presented alongside the many exotic and ordinary wares that filled the royal display spaces known as aina khanas (glass houses). surmounted by an umbrella. issuing coins bearing the name of the reigning emperor and having his name read in the Friday mosque services. 95 x 61 1⁄2 in. 12.” and the Mughal courtly custom of exchanging articles of tribute and honor. demonstrating their access to. they were given away as gifts. Natasha Eaton has suggested that the acquisition of European items on such a magnificent scale was. p. This was achieved through demonstrating that his family’s Shia genealogy gave them a claim to power equal to that of the Mughal dynasty. largely powerless overlord. c.56. PRocession of Ghazi al-Din Haidar thRough the StReets of Lucknow. 1820 96 97 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . as he was descended from Muhammad Ali Shah. and slight modeling. by his nimbus. a collection of his poetry dated 1849 – 50 and now in the Khalili collection. is adorned with the king’s distinctive coat of arms. the brother of Ghazi al-Din Haidar. from the Isqhnamah. Amjad Ali Shah. ensconced within rooms filled with European furniture and paintings (40). 40. folio 263v script provides a fascinating glimpse of Awadhi royal tastes and prerogatives in the mid-nineteenth century. The manu53 dated 1849 – 50 98 99 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . Wajid Ali Shah EnthRoned. from a divan. the painting differs from European works in its more direct emphasis on Wajid Ali Shah’s kingly nature as indicated. The manuscript also contains paintings recording the succession leading to Wajid Ali Shah’s coronation. Accordingly. the Ishqnamah contains scenes of Wajid Ali Shah’s investiture as a prince by his grandfather and his designation as heir-apparent by his father. whose coronation in the presence of the British Resident is depicted in one of its later folios. Wajid Ali Shah. A similar depiction appears in the Ishqnamah. another collection of poetry written by Wajid Ali Shah and dated to the same year as his Divan. In this instance the portrayal has been interpreted through the lens of traditional South Asian manuscript painting. or appearing on an appropriately decorated outdoor terrace. While the impact of European artistic styles is expressed through the frontal portrait. the king leaning against a bolster while seated on a carpet with his consort. London. Episodes from Wajid Ali Shah’s life as a king are distinguished in the manuscript images by the presence of the European crown on the ruler’s head. wearing the now familiar European crown and robes and seated upon the coronation throne (39).The appeal of the coronation regalia and emblems and their importance to Awadhi conceptions of kingship in subsequent reigns is also illustrated through two manuscripts associated with the patronage of the region’s last king. as in a folio depicting Wajid Ali Shah granting several petitioners 39.52 The latter was the first of its kind for an Indian ruler and appeared on the coins and commemorative medals struck in Ghazi al-Din’s name and in direct effrontery to the Mughal emperor. dated 1849/50 (AH 1266). Wajid Ali Shah as a PRince with SaRfaRaz Mahal and a Female Attendant. and in keeping with Mughal tradition whereby the emperors’ Timurid genealogy and links to their predecessors were recorded in many a painting. The pages of Wajid Ali Shah’s Divan. leave to travel to Karbala and one in which he bestows honorific robes upon recent Shia converts. for instance. dressed in rich Lucknowi costume. treatment of space. Several of the images depict Wajid Ali Shah. which was a variation of the one designed for Ghazi al-Din Haidar. Some depict him in settings that reveal the Europeanized aesthetic of Lucknow’s palace architecture. The Divan also contains on its opening page a portrait of Wajid Ali Shah. A few paintings speak to the continuing Shia presence at court. And others recall the courtly scenes familiar from earlier painting traditions. The Ishqnamah details the life and loves of the king. cat. 134 – 35. 158. 260. Toward a Geography of Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Coomaraswamy.” in After the Great Mughals: Painting in Delhi and the Regional Courts in the 18th and 19th Centuries. Lucknow: City of Illusion (New York: Alkazi Collection of Photography. 1993). 1782. Archer. 1725 (Johnson album 4. P. 42 . trans. In this volume the pleasures of the zenana. [Milo Cleveland Beach and Ebba Koch. 100 101 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh .” Ph. Saiyid Zaheer Husain Jafri. Cornell University. Delhi: Low Price. 44 – 45]. 1972). 25. Interaction of Cultures: Indian and Western Painting. Chitra: Cities and Monuments of Eighteenth-Century India from French Archives (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. India. 21. the rulers of Awadh cultivated an image of rule that reflected their Mughal inheritance and their own distinctive religious heritage. Marshall (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 40. Ibid. and the Boston Museum of Fine Art’s c. 1998). CT: Yale University Press. 1744–1797: The Art of Exploration (New Haven. Coomaraswamy. 1780 (64. cat. Cole. UK: Ashgate. 59 –79. 125. Percy Brown. 4). are now so feebly rendered that dignity is lost and nothing remains but a sense of all-pervading squalor. 189 –204. See. Ibid. Eight of the ten paintings in the album. Vol. eds. Boston. North India Between Empires: Awadh. decorative arts. 1997). The manuscript was presented by Asaf al-Daula to the governor-general of Bengal. 24. Skelton. in fact. 41 . Michael H. 1793). Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. 17. One painting of the series. H. 255 – 57. cat. P. Geoff Quilley and John Bonehill. 38. cat.” in G. and 1783 (London: the author. . 1977. Reflections of India: Paintings from the 16th to the 19th Century (Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum. In the British Library painting of c. 1– 52. 66. 3rd: The Mughal and Deccani Schools (Portland: Portland Art Museum. 39. 36 – 38. fol.. A similar painting is in the collection of the British Library (Add. Michael H. no. 2006). cat. as the latter reveals a cursory treatment of shadows that appears in provincial Mughal paintings in the mid-1760s [Ananda K. 1780–1910. fig. 68 –79. “Painting and Understanding Mughal Architecture. 181– 90. [Life in England in Aquatint and Lithography. in the present volume. Hoey (1885. Saadat Khan holds a fan in his right hand. North India Between Empires. 2004). Dublin (Ms.” Manuscripts of the Middle East 6 (1992): 5 – 40. 19 –20.333]. 20. Fisher.” in Beach and Koch.. few high-ranking Mughal noblemen held posts in Awadh and no Mughal monuments were erected there. Archer described the Ishqnamah manuscript quite disparagingly in a 1955 publication: The paintings reveal the tawdry Europeanized palace to which the journals and memoirs constantly refer. c. 2001). 4. Ibid. 2003). as in the Bodleian example. 43n1. 1980). etc. Indian Painting Under the Mughals. 18 –19. now a king with a golden halo.1 (1956): 10 –22. 35. Rudrangshu Mukherjee. 57. the cultural interactions which were brought together in the creation of a unique Awadhi aesthetic cannot be discussed solely in terms of a stylistic shift from an imperial Mughal-derived style to a heavily Europeanized one. R. see Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. Ibid. G.” 18.p. 52 . “The Imperial Coronation of 1819: Awadh.5 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. R. Leach.948) [Falk and Archer. although the fan has been replaced with a sword [Linda York Leach.143) [Milo C. pl. 11. CXLIX. Juan R. “Lucknow’s Imambaras and Karbalas. King of the World: The Padshahnama. 61– 66. 11 . 3. 46 – 50. J. 2003). and Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann and Elizabeth Pilliod. Catalogue. Mughal and Other Indian Paintings. 43.] A portrait of Saadat Khan with an attendant. H. painting.” Marg 10. as discussed in the various essays in this volume. e. Indian Miniatures in the India Office Library (London: Sotheby Parke Bernet. Stuart Cary Welch. “Introduction.] Abu’l-Fazl Allami. J. 1770. . 1995). and. 1979). see Hussein Keshani. before the latenineteenth-century construction of their conjoined platform. diss. [Abu Talib. ed. 163. Indian Painting. Toronto (924. Coomaraswamy. The rooms are decorated with Indian portraits and British sporting prints. “Islamic Manuscript in the British Royal Collection. 253. music. 17) that through the seventeenth century.413) [Edwin Binney. and textiles. 2000).861).” Comparative Studies in Society and History 25:4 (1983): 593 – 616. cat. [Cole. 1782. Time and Place: The Geohistory of Art (Hants. nearly replicates the stance of the above-mentioned works. eds. UK: Manchester University Press. 2007). 23 (New York: Nour Foundation in association with Azimuth Editions and Oxford University Press. 23. The coat of arms is discussed in Fisher.. 47. 36 – 44. 7. 45. Windsor Castle (London: Azimuth. The main architectural elements of the garden are depicted frontally while the garden and central pool are depicted from a bird’s-eye perspective. 1775 – 80 portrait of Shuja al-Daula (1990. ed.D. ed. the Mughals. Munich: Prestel. Indian Painting: From Cave Temples to the Colonial Period (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts. Coomaraswamy was. furniture and wall-lamps in the worst British taste. 1773 portrait of a woman (2001. Ibid. 25 –26. 1765 –1804. 13. “The Imperial Coronation. “Architecture and the Twelver Shi’i Tradition. 2001). 2:685 – 87.” Modern Asian Studies 19:2 (1985): 239 –77. Part VI. Richard B. 40. and Peter Chelkowski. For a discussion of the differences between Indian and European approaches to the depiction of architectural monuments in late-eighteenth. 1930). 36. . 19. Navy and Army. 1953). . 2002). 62 – 63.. An Imperial Mughal Manuscript from the Royal Library. depict architectural or landscape views. 1770–1880 (London: Oxford University Press. 2006). ed. is remarkably similar to the Dublin work and may precede it in date. The Architecture of Lucknow and Its Dependencies. Tillotson. North India Between Empires.] Ebba Koch. 1722–1856: A Descriptive Inventory and an Analysis of Nawabi Types (New Delhi: Vikas. Architecture.” Middle Eastern Studies 22:4 (1986): 461– 80. Roots of North Indian Shi’ism in Iran and Iraq (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. who played an important role in the establishment of Shia theological scholarship in Awadh. “The Padshahnama and Mughal Historical Manuscripts.” The Eighteenth Century in Indian History: Evolution or Revolution. see Muhammad Isa Waley. is portrayed throughout his regal routine avidly seeking with monotonous regularity the tedious company of unhappy women. 27. Surrey. “Critical Cosmopolitanism: Gifting and Collecting Art at Lucknow. Engaging Scoundrels: True Tales of Old Lucknow (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Banmali Tandan. for instance.g. Michael H. 1981). For a brief description of the manuscript and its contents. “‘Indian Money’ and the Shi’i Shrine Cities of Iraq. 1. 10. For a discussion of the view of these two structures in this scroll and its evidence for the early appearance of the monuments.] 37. 21 . Tim Barringer. The painting depicting the Red Fort at Delhi (MIK I 5005. W. Ithaca. Nawab Wazir of Oudh. see Neeta Das. 237– 42. Jardin que fit faire Alemgir dans l’intérieur du palais pour ses femmes à Dely. Barnett. I. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. MA: Harvard University Press. 6... The Nasser D. Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library (London: Scorpion Cavendish. It was previously in the collection of the book collector Major John Roland Abbey. .” 255. “The Hierarchical Principles of Shah-Jahani Painting. 138. 129]. The New Cambridge History of India I. 18. We see the garish stucco building with its shoddy woodwork and frescoes. The Mughal Empire. 49. Najaf was one of the cities visited by Sayyid Dildar Ali Nasirabadi. 11) is illustrated in Gadebusch. 104.12. Delhi: Oxford University Press. The style of the painting is even more revealing. Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the Museum of Fine Arts. Barbara Schmitz (Mumbai: Marg. Indian Painting for the British. Studies in the Anatomy of a Transformation: Awadh from Mughal to Colonial Rule (New Delhi: Gyan. cat. Lucknow: Pustak Kendra. 76. to the subject with which this essay began. inscribed “Malab [Mahtab] Bague. Visual expressions of the political relationship between the emperors and provincial governors are found in architecture. Marshall. 69. 90 – 91.. figs. 1998). “Celestial Gardens: Mughal Miniatures from an Eighteenth-Century Album. 1750 – 80. 48. Indian Miniature Painting from the Collection of Edwin Binney. Many artistic precedents and new influences were mediated by a court and clientele whose cultural identities were far more complex than the terms “provincial Mughal” or “Company style” might suggest. ed. its feasts. 32 . I. A Clash of Cultures: Awadh. pl. 34. 1750 (Oxford: Clarendon. 31 .” Muqarnas 23 (2006): 219 – 50. 33. “Murshidabad Painting.. A. Select Views in India Drawn on the Spot in the Years 1780. 9. Being a Translation of “Tahfzihu’l Ghafilin. Occidentalism: Islamic Art in the 19th Century. the British. 2005). “Monumental Grief: The Bara Imambara. William Hodges. Jafri notes (Studies. [Toby Falk and Mildred Archer.. 1550 to A. 122 and 123. William Hodges. 261– 65. King of the World. A-in-i-Akbari. pls. and their roles in Muharram rituals. 101–11. 2001). Abu Talib describes some of dangers of these expeditions as well as their toll on local villages. 1775 – 97.D. the British and the Mughals (New Delhi: Manohar. Keshani.343]. Raffael Dedo Gadebusch. Barnett. 1955). ed. and 1783 (London: n. and embracings. 160 and 446. R. 421. 101]. 252 – 56. Barnett. As a Shia dynasty ruling over a largely Sunni and Hindu population. 30. 2. its carpets. 2.” in Lucknow Then and Now. calling it an 1826 visual record of Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s reign. 38.” 69. 706.] For a general discussion of the imambara and karbala complexes at Lucknow. 1998). See Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann. North India Between Empires. who in 1799 presented it to George III. Sir John Shore (Lord Teignmouth). Art Collections. cat. 178 –79. 31]. 27. 13. and the ruler of Oudh.” Orientations 31:9 (2000): 72. Cole. 164 – 65. 275 –76. 90 –102. “Kerbala in Context: A Study of Muharram in Lucknow.. 500. the measure of Awadh’s art by Mughal and European standards and the need for a more comprehensive understanding of its hybrid visual culture. 44. 53.” attempts an aerial view while utilizing a rudimentary perspective to render the receding side walls of the enclosed garden. 125 –26. [Barnett. For a discussion of this manuscript. “Towards a New Naturalism: Portraiture in Murshidabad and Avadh. As the Ishqnamah and the other paintings discussed in this essay indicate. Juan R. Magazines. and the Mughals. see Stephen Vernoit. 343]. 1973). in Stephen Markel’s essay. 32. Drawing Books. cat. Richards. 5. Beach. Barnett. 12 . 46. [John F. History of Asafu’d Daulah. Boston (14. J. dancing. For additional photographs. in the Chester Beatty Library. Mildred Archer has noted a watermark of 1846 on the paper used for the scroll. “Political Marriage Alliances at the Shi’i Court of Awadh. 28. see Robert Skelton. attributed to an artist working in Faizabad.. 113]. 179). P. 50.” in Llewellyn-Jones. “Architecture and the Twelver Shi’i Tradition: The Great Imambara Complex of Lucknow. A later copy is in the Royal Ontario Museum. 1781. the San Diego Museum of Art’s c. Jarrett (1927. This painting and a few others from the series are illustrated in Jean-Marie Lafont. 1987). 137– 41. NY. “Trade and Empire in Awadh. A drawing of Saadat Khan in the Museum of Fine Arts. 29.” 227– 33.” in Art and the British Empire.” A Contemporary Record of Events Connected with his Administration.Or.] Joachim K. [Company Drawings in the India Office Library (London: Her Majesty’s Stationary Office. Geoff Quilley. the Chester Beatty Library’s slightly later portrait of Shuja al-Daula. 22 . 1985).and early-nineteenth-century India. The pictorial languages and styles which were employed by Awadhi artists from the late eighteenth through the nineteenth centuries likewise reflect the adaptation of various influences to a distinctly Indian vision. 2004). Paradigms of Indian Architecture: Space and Time in Representation and Design (Richmond. Tillotson. King of the World. 1989). Mildred and W. Precedents for Saadat Khan’s autonomous governance had been established by his predecessors in the region who appointed their own administrators and also began to fundamentally alter the ownership rights of land revenues. ed. India: Art and Culture 1300–1900 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. it seems. The Mughal administrative configuration of the province was maintained in large part until the twentieth century. 2:693 – 94. 34. We have returned. Travels in India During the Years 1780. Fisher. 8 – 9. The Roots of North Indian Shi’ism. 14.7). cat. Keith Guy Hjortshoj. “Murshidabad Painting. see G. 108 – 9. a combination of views typical of many Indian paintings. trans. 13.21) [Leach. formerly portrayed with voluptuous line and fevered colour. The Archers mistakenly identify the date and subject of the manuscript.. 6. 54. S. Eventually they came to also incorporate the symbolic language of European kingship. for instance. Milo Cleveland Beach. 107. Catalogue. VA: Art Services International. “Celestial Gardens. 1971).. Mughal and Other Indian Paintings 2:699.] For discussions of various aspects of the Murshidabad painting style and its development. and Douglas Fordham (Manchester. 1785 – 88). 51 . 6.D. Rosie LlewellynJones (Mumbai: Marg. from the Library of J. Natasha Eaton. 1924). Fisher. Indian Miniatures. Ibid.” in Beach and Koch. 1781. North India Between Empires. Mildred and W.. 1786 –1850. H. William Hodges. 1997). 30 – 31. 1770–1860. 16. 26. c. UK: Curzon. 3rd. 205. See. 15. LVIII. although his left hand grasps a document. Bautze. Mughal Painting (Cambridge.136) [Joan Cummins.54 1. Abbey (London: Curwen. which is unfinished. 158. 8. G. The Ehrenfeld Collection (Alexandria.” Past & Present 94 (1982): 85 –102. The original Lucknow manner which had still persisted under Asaf-ud-Daula is now dead. and the British 1720–1801 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. . quoting Percy Brown’s condemnation of Indian artists copying European paintings and techniques (Brown. 28 –29.Despite its many extraordinary paintings which attest to the blending of courtly artistic traditions and precedents with nineteenth-century Lucknowi visual and royal culture. Lucknow: City of Illusion. Panoramas. now in the collection of the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. Losty. 1 Detailed information on the court at Faizabad is extremely limited. which increased dramatically from the middle of the eighteenth century till the annexation of Awadh in 1856. particularly in their capital of the time. Lucknow in English. This description of Faizabad in the 1760s suits the development of Lucknow as well: Shuja’ al-dawla.Car l a Pet i ev i c h Innovations Pious and Impious: Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow When the nawab of Awadh. for in them the 102 103 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . Asaf al-Daula. dance. The Awadh court poured its wealth into patronage of almost all the high arts—particularly architecture. cultural and political efflorescence made it the premier “successor-state” to the Mughal Empire in north India. the court (darbar) and culture (tahzib) that he established in Lucknow were to become the stuff of legend. music. to a lesser extent. Bahu Begam and Sadr-al-Nisa [Asaf al-Daula’s parents and grandmother] developed a distinguished court culture in Awadh. “ran away from home” in 1775 because of strong differences between himself and his mother and grandmother. Of all the high arts into which wealth was poured we are particularly concerned here with the expressive forms of literature and. poetry and Shi’i religious scholarship and ritual performances. By contrast we know a great deal about Lucknow. performance genres. These narratives generally trace the shift of political power away from Indian rulers and toward the British. painting. Awadh’s economic. the two are not really separate. Faizabad. Indeed. Lucknow in Urdu English discussions of Lucknow have focused on Awadh’s political encounter with the British. known as islah-i zaban (literally “correction of language”). their role as patrons ameliorated their status as clients of former minions. 1775 Asaf al-Daula” (He to whom God does not give. As for the displaced Mughals. and KhusRau and ShiRin (detail). of course. as we see in the following verse by the Urdu master Mushafi (Ghulam Hamdani “Mushafi. and Turkish nouns. Knighton suggests that this sort of opulence offended conventional sensibilities. I have not written a political disquisition but merely a personal narrative. featuring all the achievements in art. the refugee princes enjoyed substantial allowances and were expected to behave like kings. But Asaf al-Daula and his successors were well aware that lavish cultural patronage created political authority in addition to stimulating the economy of Awadh. even during periods which saw great developments in regional languages. conversely. and these erstwhile Dihlavis (residents of Delhi) were delighted to continue on. was understood to be a necessary part of the process of elevating Urdu to the requisite level as a language of belles lettres. as clients of refugee Mughal royals. the very nawabs (and. whereas English sources tell us about Asaf’s corpulence. I present his apologia in detail. . The literati paid great attention to the incorporation of Persian lexical items into Urdu and to the ascription of gender to Persian. Thus. There were. remained the premier language of scientific knowledge. to be sure.4 Historians view the work as largely fictitious. English language sources reflect a British understanding of “responsible rulership” that was more oriented toward fiscal policies of military spending and revenue collection. c. The extensive cultural interactions and exchange between Indian and European actors at the Lucknow court are often told as the stories of the nawabs’ fascination for all things European. to suggest that someone was deficient in either was to diminish their intellectual stature. Arabic. in all that the reader will find recorded. It lent force to the city’s growing reputation as “the place to be. no matter what their achievement in Urdu. the language of the Quran. and therefore the state of the country is but incidentally alluded to in the following pages. Its importance in India never disappeared. One of the most notorious (and entertaining) works in this connection is the Englishman William Knighton’s account of the court of King Nasir al-Din Haidar. including the emperor’s family. To ascribe knowledge of Persian and Arabic to anyone. kings) who appear in Urdu sources as heroic patrons of the arts.9 The nawabs were eager to host such Mughal princes as Sulaiman Shikoh.12 This process. have benefited the British far more than the people of Awadh. and to make it the central characteristic of the “vibrant.British are telling their own story. is no secret. was to designate that person learned. or to support garrisons of British soldiers in Indian cities. and competitive. but whose? The British understood it as a poor administrative choice on the part of the nawabs. Thus in Urdu we have the very famous and popular saying “Jis ko na de maula. or ilm.8 Alongside the artists seeking asylum from the disruptions of Delhi in the latter half of the eighteenth century came Mughal nobility of all kinds. us ko de Page 102: 22. The philosophy of rulership is significant here. or the Orient? 3 The voyeurism ran in both directions.6 From Delhi to Lucknow The Asaf al-Daula of Urdu built his new capital as a cultural center (markaz) to rival Mughal Delhi—with little or no regard for British opinion—for the Mughals had set the standard for Indo-Muslim culture. distinctive Lucknowi aesthetic” which this exhibition showcases. Indo-Muslim rulers engaged in conspicuous consumption as a deliberate policy. exaggeration has been strictly guarded against . . conscious attempts were also made to elevate it to the same level of sophistication.” 1750 –1824): Mushafi. in Lucknow. and general unfitness to rule. while Urdu poetry self-consciously emulated Persian models. which the nawabs (and the Mughals before them) certainly understood. who proved to be excellent bargaining chips in the perennial negotiations that took place between recalcitrant servants and their erstwhile (and still nominal) imperial overlords. but especially to a poet. Indians trained by the British also tend to be dismissive of 7 Poetry was the form in which the Quran came down to the Prophet Muhammad and for this reason it has been especially valued in the Islamicate. and that it would be a blessing to its numerous inhabitants were the Indian government to do for it what it has so well done for the Punjab. put Persian on the shelf: Now is the time for Hindavi [Urdu]. The Lucknow of Urdu—and by this we mean not just the language and literature of Urdu but the entire culture connected with it—this Lucknow is a city in glorious cultural efflorescence. rivaling them and emulating them. However. to him will Asaf al-Daula give). Who can say whether the Occident was more exotic. Much there was that was strange—much there was that was horrible about that life. later.10 In Lucknow Persian continued to be held in high esteem.2 though of course the fascination was mutual. 104 105 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . effeminacy.” Poetry: Arabic to Persian to Urdu Knighton’s “faction” makes for more entertaining reading than the drier accounts of revenue collection and troop movements. but. the Awadh nobility intermarried with Mughal nobility. That Oude is one of the most miserably-governed countries under heaven. Arabic. Poets as well were accustomed to leading quasi-nomadic lives in search of patronage. and have endeavored solely to describe the inner life of the palace as I found it. for it encapsulates very well the gist of Lucknow as it appears in English sources: I have adhered simply to the truth. compelling political reasons to encourage lavishness. over time the preeminent language of literature (adab) came to be Persian. My task is done. every one will admit. But the Lucknow of the English language is by and large a very different place from the Lucknow of Urdu. as it perpetuated their own aura of majesty. The British wished to see Indian rulers collect land revenues and turn them over to the British to pay off war indemnities. The relationship between the two was ambivalent. For their part.5 but in the 1855 preface to its second edition Knighton attests to its utter facticity. Such policies would. which is the present focus. in other words. too. I witnessed many scenes which I could not describe without offending conventional propriety. admiring. architecture. and literature described in the opening quotation.11 Thus. Layla and Majnun. They could count on taking recourse in the Awadh rulers should their primary patrons’ circumstances diminish. this book has not been written with any political object. however. Arise and fulfill your duties to Dawn. The Lord of the goblet-shaped sky beheld the heavens and turning to his companions. or delicacy. Karbala is arguably the central event in Shiism. Both were prolific and much20 celebrated in the Lucknow of their time. The tragedy could be felt by all. Various aspects of Muharram celebration were elaborated to new degrees. An example of nazuk khayali (delicacy of thought) in imagery can be seen in the following sher by the great Lucknow ustad. Lakhnawiyat’s elegance of expression centered around nazakat.” 18 While the grandeur and pathos of Anis’s language is largely lost in translation.13 In Lucknow the most (in) famous such expression was known as rekhti (about which more later). whereas pre-nineteenth-century ghazals had tended to run to five. who had inherited—but did not much perpetuate—a martial tradition.22 but they were particularly prolific in the lyric ghazal form. surrounded as they are by the enemy army and cut off from water in the heat of the desert summer: Baqir lies crumpled somewhere on the ground. Hyder observes that the history of Urdu literature “simply cannot be written” without mention of these two masters. Their battlefield scenes are thought to have raised the elegy to epic proportions. or nine shers. so that more complicated meters were favored over shorter ones. The length of lyric poems grew to twenty-five or more. For an embattled community such as the Shias this was tremendously powerful. To attain this state through empathy and identification with the martyrs is a sign of virtue rather than resignation.Mushafi farsi ko taq pe rakh Ab hai ashaar-e Hindavi ka rivaj within the Islamicate. warriors! This is our day of trial and strife. and he calls his followers to arms: When the sun had passed its nightly journey and dropped the dawn’s veil to reveal her radiant face. and the sense of possibility seems to have been limitless. The great story of Shiism transcended its minority position 106 107 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . pining for but a cool breeze? Urdu as a Language of Erudition and Elaboration: Lakhnawiyat Patrons prized versatility highly. Where can the famished women convey them to safety? What fault of theirs has brought upon them this incessant storm of arrows— (surely it cannot be) the fault of the young ones. marsiyas are recited to induce weeping in their audience. This is the summer—this heat and this thirst— the moon-faced children cry themselves into fretful sleep. To shed tears is part and parcel of a ritual enacted for the purpose of obtaining religious virtue. Poets were encouraged to work within the full range of “classical” genres. including the largely non-Muslim devotional poetry of Awadhi and the idiom of secluded women (see below). Piety. and to offer them water as they made their way along the procession route in the hot sun. They were known to employ a “somewhat maverick use of symbols as influenced by their environs on the subcontinent. Put baldly. 19 which was also important in this sociocultural milieu.14 Matam processions drew admiring crowds from all over the city to empathize with the self-flagellators. the Noble One cried. seven. elaboration. and served to reinforce Shia communal identity as much as any other ritual.15 for it marked the point at which the Muslim community divided and the descendants of Ali became a permanent (and persecuted) minority. This refinement. or “Lucknow-ness. Patrons encouraged the compositions of marsiya. to the most revered of Lucknow’s cultural innovations. from here will flow the blood of Muhammad’s line!” Urdu poets in Lucknow experimented with many forms of vernacular expression. Both poets bore noble literary pedigrees. King Nasir al-Din Haidar extended Muharram celebrations from ten to thirty days. At the same time. and appealed not only to non-Shias but to non-Muslims as well. “Our time has come! Give praise to God. Let us turn first. . but the heroism of Husain and his followers inspired all Lucknowis.17 And it was Lucknowi poets of the nineteenth century who set the standard by which mourning elegies are measured ever since. parched as they are. and Marsiya The nawabs were very conscious of their Safavid Iranian heritage and new developments in art marked this legacy especially in celebrations of Shiism. the dawn of Husain’s doomsday breaks. His marsiyas are valued for their combination of emotional verisimilitude and their elegance of language. and versatility are all part and parcel of that distinctive quality people call Lakhnawiyat.21 In the lines below. . Khwaja Haidar Ali Atish (d. Such engagement beyond the realm of Indo-Muslim courts was following a practice that had long been in place in India. Sakina lies in a faint somewhere else. Such usages were especially encouraged by the rulers of .24 The length of poetic lines also grew.16 The ability to transport the elegy’s audience to a state of tears testifies to the marsiya-poet’s (and the reciter’s) skill. excerpted from one of Anis’s best-loved marsiyas. Yes. the following lines evoke the desperate condition of Husain’s clan. 1838): The two greatest names in marsiya-goi (marsiya composition) were those of the contemporaries and rivals Mir Babar Ali “Anis” (1802 –1874) and Mirza Salamat Ali “Dabir” (1803 –1875). delicacy of sensibility. elegiac poetry on the betrayal and martyrdom of Imam Husain and his followers at Karbala (in 680). always with an eye to infusing the new literature with greater elegance and refinement. Shia Imaginary. They began to incorporate Persian constructions and a great deal of Persian vocabulary into their Urdu ghazals. but posterity has favored Anis with greater longevity and popularity. Marsiyas were typically recited in gatherings (majalis) during the mourning month of Muharram. inventing new rituals to commemorate the birth of all Shiism’s imams. Awadh.”23 One example of the elaboration favored by poetic masters came in the number of verses (known as shers) that they might compose for a single ghazal. The sigh fails to achieve full expression. Lucknowi politesse has been amply lampooned in anecdotes and twentieth-century literature such as Munshi Premchand’s famous short story. A ke sine se labon par dam atakta hai abas Therna achha nahin jab ho irada dur ka 25 cally. Nasikh has managed to layer them both into an image of simultaneous agony and triumphant catharsis. Perhaps ironiPerhaps Mir’s most devastating critique comes in an equally famous dismissal of the Lucknowi poet Jurat’s ghazals. as the reader will have surmised from the foregoing discussion. for even non-Lucknowis admire refinement and good manners. which he calls “not poetry. While the working of the language and its effect can’t really be translated. what have you done to me? Yarab shahr apna yun chhuraya tu ne Virane main mujh ko la bithaya tu ne Main aur kahan yih Lakhnau ki khilqat Ae vae kya kiya khudaya tu ne 28 The elegance of this expression lies in its euphony. 1838). as émigrés expressed a preference for their abandoned home (Delhi) over Lucknow. Mira sina hai mashriq aftab-i dagh-i hijran ka Tulu-i subh-i mahshar chak hai mere gariban ka Such appreciation was quite muted. however. and Persianized phrasing. The ghazal audience understands that to die while still striving for fulfillment in love is the ultimate achievement of the lover (ashiq). this perceived overelaboration was called “paying homage to language” (riayat-i lafzi). was known as “the Imam of Lakhnawiyat. Lucknow The delicacy here is in the image rather than in refined vocabulary. during the late eighteenth century. you’ve robbed me of my city Brought and sat me in this wilderness: What can there be between me and these Lakhnavis? Dear God. In Urdu literary criticism (all of which postdates Lucknow’s political and cultural demise in 1856). It conveys both desire and lack of fulfillment. We can see it in the following nostalgic rubai (quatrain) by the émigré poet Mushafi. and the most famous source of these was the great Delhi ustad Mir Taqi “Mir” (1722 –1810). Night is the high time of both Separation’s pain and the anxious anticipation of union. Thus.27 They would not do so if their beloved city’s so-called decadent tehzib were not based on nazakat. and it is not an accident that many of these critics are themselves identified with Delhi. 108 109 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . which is the state of the lover himself at his own death. but it carried the sense of “indulgence in verbiage” and suggested that elaboration was taken to extremes well beyond good taste. its cadence. Delhi vs. Atish’s contemporary and rival. my breath rising up from my breast only to stick to my lips: It’s no good to tarry when one’s goal remains remote. dying on his lips. but descriptions of kissing and licking” (chumachati). This was not the case in its time. “The Chess Players” (Shatranj ke khilari). It features Mir requesting that a fellow traveler (a Lucknowi) on a stagecoach not speak to him lest his language be compromised during the course of the exchange. its Perso-Arabic vocabulary. though they might use another term for the oft-invoked British label of effeminacy. There exists an anecdote about him that is so famous as to be almost cliché. It is perhaps the first word we see when critics speak of Lucknow’s decadence. the imagery can be explicated. But there is always an overlay in such parody. The poet uses the narrator-lover’s sigh to symbolize his dire state overall. The poet Shaikh Imam Bakhsh “Nasikh” (d.” A good example of Lakhnawiyat in Nasikh’s poetry is: My breast is the eastern horizon Whence the wounded sun of Separation rises: The dawn of Doomsday breaks Through the rend in my collar.26 Lakhnawiyat as ExcesS There were also less delicate expressions of contempt. and this has been the source of detractors’ criticism of Lakhnawiyat. failure subtly becomes success. plenty of Lucknowis are actually happy to embrace the label of decadence. but the tone is restrained. Dawn is the time of both disappointment and release. Though he spent the last thirty years of his life in Lucknow he never really reconciled himself to his loss of Delhi. In North India and Pakistan just about everyone knows the joke relating how two Lucknowi gentlemen took so much time insisting that the other board a train first that it eventually departed. And note the contrast in tenor from Mushafi’s rubai (above) when Mir remarks nostalgically on the move from Delhi to Lucknow: Far better than Lucknow the ruins of Delhi: Would that I had died back there than let my madness lead me here! Kharaba Dilli ka dah-chand bahtar Lakhnau se tha Wahin ae kash mar jata sarasima na ata yan 29 One person’s refinement can be another’s excess. The critique was extended to Lucknow’s culture overall. which was made into a lush film by Satyajit Ray in 1977. one of the great ustads of the early generation of refugees: Lord. leaving them both behind on the railway platform.How futile. when there was no sense of exaggeration having outer limits. The achievement of the verse lies in its bundling of imagery on top of all that. called rekhti. Rangin said that he had picked up the idiomatic expressions of courtesans (tawaifs) during the course of a misspent youth.36 The normative ghazal features an always-grammatically-male narrator and revolves around his emotional universe: the largely internalized and metaphysical struggles of human longing for the divine. depend on the help of Lord Shiv? Among all the literary innovations in Lucknow perhaps the most notorious was a new style in which Jurat sometimes composed. not least the homoerotic. Invention: Rekhti narrated in a grammatically feminine voice. When my heart faded I couldn’t help but recall the withering of a bud not yet in bloom. and the lascivious shenanigans of illicit liaisons—including within the zenana itself—form its core. why do you keep mentioning Rangin’s name. which was “Colorful. and poets sincerely subscribed to the notion that the loftiness of their ideas and expression was ennobling. Its tone is largely playful. ghazal poetry took itself very seriously.” As it happens. to flaunt its un-loftiness. remover of obstacles. it often seemed. As we saw in the earlier expression by Atish.35 Its geographic world sets its themes: the travails of burdensome husbands. too. extant Urdu poetry of eighteenth. here is an example from the oeuvre of Saadat Yar Khan “Rangin” (1756 –1834 /35): Don’t flood me with desirous words. Insha could also be playful and irreverent and his wicked wit often got him into trouble.” and the “anything goes” milieu of Lucknow at the turn of the nineteenth century. apparently only their patrons did! And was there no difference between the idiom of courtesans and that of their social rivals. you spent the night out. whose undisguised presence in rekhti was probably the reason the whole corpus of poetry was suppressed in the twentieth century: 40 Since I’ve been facing the lane of desire I’m obliged to chant the name of Ali. rekhti poets were at pains. the anti-ghazal.30 It was deliberately transgressive of established poetic norms.38 A close friend and rival of Rangin. had this ventriloquism really been the diction of tawaifs. Nurse! Fibs will only blacken your face.Urdu as a Language of Play. With apologies.39 He. That is arguable. the way I ran around yesterday. your ugly face gives me the creeps old hag. Whereas the creation of images was at the core of the normative ghazal. For one. and that he invented rekhti as a form of tribute born of admiration for their pithy wit. old woman. and Mir’s devastating comment about chumachati might logically have been occasioned by a recitation of rekhti. Outrageous in diction. the annoyances and quotidian spats between housewives and their domestic servants.37 The contrast between the two ghazal styles is striking. the rivalries among co-wives. old nurse. mocking a literary tradition that takes itself very seriously. respectably married women? Rekhti self-consciously presents itself as a parody. you’ve gone and made enemies of all my friends: what else do you have in store for me.33 Rekhti was male-authored poetry 110 111 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . dear— You’re skulking about all wrinkled and disheveled! I can’t bear what I’ve had to suffer at your hands: whatever you do is done haphazardly! Girlfriend.31 Certainly its identity has come close to “chumachati” in popular imagination. Mockery.32 but is certainly consistent with both his nom de plume (takhallus). Don’t ask me about her fingers’ tenderness: They’ve a smoothness like the tips of mung bean shoots. Though written almost exclusively in ghazal form. rekhti parodied the ghazal by deliberately discoursing on very different themes. rekhti pushed the boundaries of what could be expressed in lyric form. rekhti was all about the idiom in which it was expressed. They are the only two full diwans of rekhti that date from the first third of the nineteenth century. I can’t tell you the state of my shins! Why not go make offerings at the Prophet’s feet? Don’t you. Rekhti is probably as much a parodic approximation as it is the actual language women really spoke. for what is lost in translation.and nineteenth-century courtesans was narrated in the normative. Largely playful in tone. may God make your mouth ulcerate! What are you muttering about? just wait till tomorrow morning— old woman. Even tawaifs did not compose in tawaifi zaban.41 Don’t try to put one over on me. again. masculine voice of rekhta (the contemporaneous term for Urdu ghazal). I shall beat you to a pulp! Well. old nurse? Rangin is credited with inventing rekhti as a poetic voice. Insha Allah Khan “Insha” (1756 –1818) was another extremely versatile poet in Lucknow. The following ghazal displays Insha’s versatility and treats a range of themes. don’t stare at me wide-eyed like that! Nurse. keep your distance. then perhaps the idiom of rekhti should have been called “tawaifi zaban” 34 rather than “begamati zaban. completed a diwan-i rekhti (collection of rekhti poems) in answer to Rangin’s. or at least the ennobling sacrifice of impossible human love. old nurse? When you don’t so much as say a word to him. Its distinctive idiom is often called begamati zaban (the language of respectable ladies) because most of the events it depicts are narrated by women of the zenana (women’s quarters of elite houses). too. From your spreading and squelching of rumors. at your hands I’ve been cut to the quick: I’d feed you to the vultures if I could. acknowledged the importance of Nasikh in Urdu poetic tradition (admittedly while paying ultimate tribute to Mir. . and substantially more among those settled in Lucknow—except with regard to style and dress.49 45 My Khizru’s well is neither sweet nor saline: its water is neither heavy nor light. and the (so-called) characteristic effeminacy of Lakhnawiyat: It’s clear that luxury and enjoyment and the company of musicians and dancing girls produce the same emotional effect in such unclean matters as manure does in the growth of plants. and rekhti is meant only for laughter and joking among friends. Ghalib apna yeh aqidah hai baqaul-e Nasikh. The volume of Jan Sahib is present as an example of it.47 Ghalib. I keep faith with the words of Nasikh: He who does not follow Mir is not one of us. troubled heart? Please God. can still this restless. my dear! She drank and got fractious. after 1856. why not compose a verse yourself. there can be no doubt about Mir’s mastery: He who is not his follower is cut off. her sweetheart: My dear one. We would certainly have said that the romantic poetry of India had returned to its roots. . which is only employed by one woman when addressing another. But since previous poetry was founded on truth. my very soul will be wounded in the grave should my co-wife show ire to the children when I’m gone. Azad draws a line connecting music. Sir. the Delhi ustad par excellence.46 Though a Dihlavi. rekhti.Who but you on God’s earth.48 In another ingenious utterance in the pioneering and authoritative Ab-i Hayat. the wretch. In this connection. ap be bahra hai jo muteqad-e Mir nahin Nasikh. get lost. It is possible that Azad had not read enough rekhti to appreciate its array of tone. my sweetheart: why not give full throat to this sitar! 43 I tell you. I swear I’ll give my life for you. leave my house. if we go by where he lived): Rekhti has pretty much been savaged in Urdu literary criticism beginning with Urdu’s earliest literary history. the invention of rekhti should be understood as one cause of the effeminacy and lack of ambition and cowardice that grew up among the common people. my dear! Shall I set fire to your tricks. who is known exclusively as a composer of rekhti. Lost even to himself. even greater feminine skills were shown by Sayyid Insha. Insha. my sweet. He published three diwans perhaps half a century later than Rangin and Insha. from out of Rekhtah he produced rekhti. dogana. who seems often to communicate a genuine sympathy for women’s experience through his representations: Shubha Nasikh nahin kuch Mir ki ustadi men. my artful dogana? One might note that neither are Azad’s audacious pronouncements devoid of amusement. . rekhti made less progress among the cheerful starvelings of Delhi. guard my daughter’s honor when I’m gone. The riddles and magic spells that Sayyid Insha composed in rekhti are not devoid of amusement. My rival swallowed a dagger and died. Even the great Mirza Asadullah Khan “Ghalib” (1797–1869). artless dogana! Play me with open jawari. keen to locate himself within this tradition. ap be bahra hai jo muteqad-e Mir nahin 50 112 113 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . and that he had only a slight acquaintance with the work of Jan Sahib. or as Azad of Insha and Rangin. who was both a Dihlavi and a Lucknowi. let me see her don the bridal veil! what matters it to me to see her settled after I’m gone? By far the most prolific of rekhti poets was Mir Yar Ali Khan “Jan Sahib” (1818?–1897?). had said: Nasikh. writes poetry. Although the original invention was that of Miyan Rangin. we cannot call it anything but buffoonery. He seems to have started out in Lucknow and. courtesans. Accordingly. too. you wretch? OK. I give up! May your eyes and knees never give out on you: don’t swear false oaths. but not all Dihlavis were so dismissive of Lucknow’s poets as Mir was of Jurat. simple. either! The Delhi-Lucknow rivalry raged on. you win.44 Can I express to you how much you bore me? Go. found patronage from the nawab of Rampur. its author Muhammad Husain Azad’s manner of expression is no less flowery than that associated with the quality of Lakhnawiyat when he offers the following assessment: Miyan Rangin prepared the newest bouquets and displayed them before the people of the mushaira—that is. my sweet! That miserable Jan Sahib. Nabi Bakhsh is a bad son-in-law: Please God.42 In the opening sher below he invokes the special term. the Ab-i Hayat (1880). and on whom the passage of traditional arts has historically depended—existed wherever there was patronage. is wedded [here] to a story of Islamic origin. Tawaifs Courtesans—those remarkable people (mostly women). Radha kanhaiya ka qissa [The Tale of Radha and Krishna]. and rekhti and “one cause of the effeminacy and lack of ambition and cowardice that grew up among the common people. Lakhnawiyat. Wajid Ali himself is said to have appeared in it as the Hindu god-king Indra. including Mir Hasan’s Sihr-al Bayan and Gulzar-i Nasim. some of whom populated Wajid Ali Shah’s parikhana. he was an accomplished Urdu poet who wrote under the nom de plume of “Akhtar” (Star). The texts of most thumris (see Peter Manuel’s essay in this volume) and 53 As in the case of kathak dance and thumri. fantasy and romance. writers and filmmakers have been particularly fond of emphasizing the connection between Lucknow and courtesans (tawaifs).55 And as in the case of those other two art forms. poetry.59 where Lucknowi culture is characterized not by the term Lakhnawiyat but by “tawaif bazi” (frequenting courtesans). As Hansen has noted. Furthermore. John Pemble notes that European music was in general not popular at court. and he concludes that operatic influence “does seem far-fetched. though they do not distinguish between those who might have shaped the distinctive culture of Lucknow and those who merely traded sex for money.56 As long as a secondary literature has existed. there was a strong connection with tawaifs.52 In Urdu. several Urdu literary historians have opined that the Indarsabha was based on Western opera. British public health records attest to the presence of commercialized trade in female company from at least the third quarter of the nineteenth century.60 Land revenue records attest to the prosperity of at least the most successful courtesans. rather than aesthetic orientation. as I have argued above. Memoirs and Novels a great deal of kathak dance concerned stories about the Hindu god Krishna in his guise as a romantic hero. Specific motifs seem to be imitated from several Urdu romances [masnawis].51 But there was an active contemporaneous literary scene going on in Delhi: it just happened to be within the walls of the Red Fort where the British had essentially imprisoned the Mughal emperor. The author of Guzishta This debate is of interest to contemporary scholars who argue for a long history of composite “Hindu-Muslim” expressive culture in North India. [it] was a multimedia piece incorporating narrative. with the women of his parikhana (literally “fairy house”) playing the roles of Indra’s women. the Nawab encouraged the Radha-Krishna themes found in other courts. Most of what we “know” about this connection comes in the form of fiction. introduced into Lucknow’s court by visiting European musicians. Kathryn Hansen writes: In the theatrical realm. Upon ascending the throne he adapted several Persianstyle romances for the stage and sponsored performances of them in Qaisar Bagh.) While British revenue records have proved the most reliable to historians for reconstructing nineteenth-century Lucknow’s social history. and he maintained a parikhana (harem) for the ample provision of female artists. this Hindu icon. Wajid Ali was also a lavish patron of the arts. who are often far more learned than women of good repute. the difference in treatment is noticeable. he established a rahaskhana (drama hall) where the amorous exploits of Krishna and his female devotees were enacted. who invested heavily in real estate. Treated in very similar fashion to Asaf al-Daula by British historiographers and their Indian pupils. or feeding poor Shias on the tenth day. The last (and ultimately deposed) king of Awadh. his court is depicted as one of heedless decadence in both historiography and tale. and the Indar Sabha offers them fertile ground.” From another perspective.The foregoing examples remind us that the Delhi-Lucknow divide was not entirely straightforward. To quote Hansen again: 114 115 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . as many other scholars have discussed. The work fuses Hindu and Muslim elements of plot. Ashura. Drama was not much patronized at earlier Muslim courts.61 The perceived connections between courtesans. were less extravagant. drama became an extraordinarily popular expressive form in Indo-Muslim culture during the later nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. . dance and music within the visually opulent setting of Indra’s heaven.54 We may know more about Wajid Ali Shah than any other nawabi patron.62 Certainly legend tells of women of the kotha (courtesan’s quarters) standing in the street to offer water to Muharram mourners as they processed by. and Shia identity remain strong. with [his] popular symbolic relevance to India’s Muslim kings. and where resources. [Indra]. . by far the most oft-quoted source on its cultural history is that of Abdul Halim Sharar (1860 –1926). and language in a form more indicative of its Indian and Awadhi origins than anything European. The Indar Sabha (1853) by Agha Hasan Amanat was first staged in Lucknow. but Lucknow is known for its remarkable engagement with indigenous forms of expression. It happened that the particular conditions and resources necessary to cultivate this style coalesced in Lucknow between about 1775 and 1856. Wajid Ali Shah and Drama The Indarsabha set a new standard for popular drama in North India. Hansen tells of a controversy concerning whether or not the Indar Sabha was a European-influenced work: Given the absence of antecedents for theatre in the Indo-Islamic tradition. or holding majalis. Hindi literary historians have linked the Indarsabha to the Indian folk traditions.” This is repeated almost verbatim in a 2002 article 58 and in essence as recently as 2009. Attracted to song and dance from childhood. The paris and devs belong to the dastan story-telling tradition imported from Persia. Replete with pageantry.63 (There were doubtless good incentives to convert to Shiism when one was seeking support from a patron class that emulated a Shia royal family.57 Recall that in 1880 Azad drew a causal relation between courtesans and rekhti. meter. He also penned a skit. . the gatherings in which marsiyas or soz were recited. the most famous early Urdu drama—claimed by some to be the first ever—was also based on a Hindu theme. Scholars have suggested that most of Lucknow’s tawaifs were Shia. which is not to say that the connection did not exist. claiming Amanat’s play as a vital bridge between ancient Sanskrit drama and a more recent regional theatre. Hearsay has it that Wajid Ali himself participated in these private sports in the role of Krishna. first played in Huzur Bagh in 1843. “Nasikh ki mansukh sha’iri. 2. “Gender Politics and the Urdu Ghazal: Exploratory Observations on Rekhta vs.” Modern Asian Studies 44:2 (2010): 267– 309.. v. “Rekhta ka mujid” [The Inventor of Rekhti]. 30.71 Thus it is entirely appropriate to doff our hats to the role played by Lucknowi tawaifs in developing and sustaining extant classical music and dance forms. Fisher. Kulliyat-i Mushafi (Delhi: Majlis-i Isha’at-i Adab. 1972). Guha. Reliving Karbala: Martyrdom in South Asian Memory (New York: Oxford University Press. 1. “Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh. C. and Ralph Russell and Khurshidul Islam. however. learned.66 The second quintessential source on Lucknow and its courtesan culture (tawaif bazi. Here the sense is “my heart is so scarred by this separation that it is like a burning sun trapped within my bosom. too. knowing that the process will be repeated again the next night. Guzishta Lakhnau was written as a series of journalistic essays ultimately compiled into book form around 1920. 2007).” in connection with the Peshwas of Maharashtra. that Rangin coined the term rekhti. and Ruth Vanita and Saleem Kidwai. ed. Santha. hers is Ada. vol. including Michael H. “Transvestic Words: The Rekhti in Urdu. In the past decade several scholars have written about rekhti. “The Pursuit of Persian: Language in Mughal Politics.” Journal of Women’s History 16:1 (2004): 12 – 53. 4th diwan. 1720–1801 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. This is a common discursive ploy of Azad in Ab-i Hayat (see note 46 below) and one of the ways in which he plays favorites among the writers he discusses. ghazal no. (London: Hope and Co. The Golden Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press. Petievich. rubai no. “grace”). 3rd ed. Anis was the grandson of Mir Hasan Dihlawi. Classical Urdu Literature from the Beginning to Iqbal (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. May 2006]. 8. The Private Life of an Eastern King. and full treatment of the Urdu marsiya. 10. M. Begums of Awadh. Sayyid Abdullah also discusses Lakhnawiyat in his essay. Annemarie Schimmel.” Cf. nor vice versa. Reliving Karbala. as if to underline the connection of the city with the profession. 23. Vanita. 26.” Indian Economic and Social History Review 46:2 (2009): 147– 82. Three Mughal Poets: Mir. ed. ed. ghazal 58. 7. v. the suffering has reached its peak until the next night. ed. This was called Persian tartib. Ibid. “Doganas and Zanakhis: The Invention and Subsequent Erasure of Urdu Poetry’s ‘Lesbian’ Voice. 1969). the Lucknow Sharar wanted—and wanted us—to remember. See Fisher. “The Art of the Urdu Marsiya”].” Knighton. “Married among Their Companions”. for Marathi and Persian. 5. Ahmed Ali. Extant evidence indicates that literary activity during the period of Lucknow’s heyday expanded largely in the direction of established indigenous and existing Islamicate cultures. the tear in his collar that the afflicted lover makes as he is driven to distraction. and the Middle East. Barnett. 1973). writes about the softness of communal boundaries in his work on marsiya. and the lover achieves temporary relief. vol. “Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh. 1981). Kulliyat-i Atish. Umrao Jan has shaped the image of Lucknow and tawaifs for all of South Asia (201. 1. 6. Sa’adat Yar Khan Rangin (Karachi: Anjuman Taraqqi-i Urdu. and Sumit Guha. 420. It cannot be superseded in importance for Muslims. “Hidden in Plain View: Brajbhasha Poets at the Mughal Court.73 Lakhnawi expressive culture did as much to contribute to the legend of nawabi Awadh as did its architectural achievements. who purports to be an old “friend” of a retired courtesan named Umrao Jan. it is still not quite contemporaneous with the period it describes. 22 . 1.). 27.” in Urdu Texts and Contexts: The Selected Essays of C. 1966). 224. Mir Hasan (Cambridge. It may be. See Hyder. See Carla Petievich. and the lover can bear the pain no more. in Tahqiq ki raushni men (Lahore: Shaikh Ghulam Ali and Sons.68 which is how their friendship is accidentally renewed. 597. Margrit Pernau has aptly suggested that the diction of rekhti would be better called tawaifi zuban than begumati zuban [personal communication. 1855). 489 – 513. draws particular attention to the free borrowing of non-elite modes of expression in discussing rekhti poetry. The argument would involve the importance of Muhammad’s revelations and the formation of Islam itself.” in Wali se Iqbal tak. 11 . Gavin R. 21 . The literature on this debate does not address the more serious “problem” of Hashmi Bijapuri. 17. 7. and the Urdu Ghazal (New Delhi: Manohar. but Persian did not. and Syed Akbar Hyder. Same-Sex Love in India: Readings from Literature and History (New York: St. 2001). 30. The Private Life of an Eastern King. royal and noble patronage of many arts in Lucknow proved to have a longlasting impact on the expressive culture of North India. who speaks of a regional cosmopolitanism on the part of Bengali rulers. equating that moment of afflicted ecstasy with the sun emerging over the morning horizon in a catharsis. 24:2 (2004): 23 – 31. marsiya (elegy). (Lahore: Maktaba Khayaban-i Adab. and Busch. 31 . 1722 –1856. Petievich. King of Oude. the year Awadh was annexed by the British. See especially Muzaffar Alam. 2004). Conclusion 13. 14. Mir Muzaffar Husain Zamir. in its first and best-known English translation it became The Courtesan of Lucknow. Sauda. Cf.67 The story is framed by a character impersonating the author. bursting from his body and emerging like the sun over the eastern horizon. Siddiqi (Allahabad: Ram Narayan Lal Beni Madhav. 1357. Cf. The tropes it introduces are taken up repeatedly in a whole subgenre of “tawaif films. “Hidden in Plain View. 24. 1998). religious communal identity was still weak or at least not exclusivist in tone. 42 – 66. S. the beloved has not come as promised. When Men Speak as Women.65 A rich and evocative source. 1. Cf.d. Lucknow. When Men Speak as Women: Vocal Masquerade in Indo-Muslim Poetry (Delhi: Oxford University Press. Arabic nouns bore gender..” The Urdu novel’s title is merely the heroine’s name. and Abul Lais Siddiqi. See Hyder. whose diwan predates Rangin’s Diwan-i Angekhta by more than a century.” in Women in the Medieval Islamic World. and qasida.” Indian Economic and Social History Review 38:3 (July–September): 223 – 48. and was easily recognized by stringing together a series of nouns using the Persian grammatical form of izafat. North India Between Empires: Awadh. 346. “Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh. Hambly (New York: St. 1697). 3rd ed.” See the essay by Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam in this volume. even into present times. Furthermore.” Ruth Vanita. 116 117 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . Naim. 25. for Dakani. In summary. from which much of this discussion is drawn. preface. 28. 1–18.) for an example.” Nur Naqvi. Z. 1967). 12 . “Transitions and Translations. (Lahore: Urdu Markaz. The other major image in this verse is that of the chak-i gariban. See Carla Petievich. Ab-i Hayat: Shaping the Canon of Urdu Poetry (Delhi: Oxford University Press. see Hyder. 1500 –1800. Dabir was born in Delhi and moved to Lucknow early on. 28. for the importance of Persian. M. “Bygone Lucknow”). K. Nasikh draws together the bursting heart and the rend in the lover’s collar. Ibid.72 From the very serious marsiya to the more playful rekhti. See Richard B. See the ghazal verse by Nasikh below (mira sina hai. A. Kumkum Chatterjee. and the narrative forms masnawi. 33. Courtesans could never be begams. 91–104. Shaam-e Awadh: Writings on Lucknow (Delhi: Penguin India. vol.Lakhnau (lit. ed. The Private Life of an Eastern King. iv. he must have been the genius behind this poetic innovation. 273. 2.. 2006). Ruswa induces Ada to tell her life story. and Knighton. p. Martin’s Press. ghazal 11. Khwaja Haidar Ali Atish. Veena Talwar Oldenburg. When Men Speak as Women. 18. as they represented competing social spheres. Such izafat constructions replaced the use of postpositions in standard Urdu grammar. n. cited by many. 2007).” in Queering India: Same-Sex Love and Eroticism in Indian Culture and Society. See Sabir Ali Khan. Yet what it describes is the Lucknow of Urdu. See William Knighton. rather. from the very self-serious linguistic developments in islah-i zaban and Urdu ghazal to the spectacle of the Indar Sabha and its parody in the Bandar Sabha (Monkey Court). 19. Mir Taqi Mir.69 A tremendously popular work. 1972). The night is over. Martin’s Press. 47– 60. Fisher. Naim.. Andalib Shadani. 48).” Naim. Umrao Jan “Ada” (1905). Ruth Vanita (New York: Routledge. and this was the language plumbed most deeply to enrich Urdu poetry’s lexical expanse.” Comparative Studies of South Asia. 16. Reliving Karbala. who speaks of “growing up in a Lucknow so sweetly corrupt. 1967). Africa. MA: Harvard University Press. 1992). as Adrian McNeil calls it) is an early-twentieth-century Urdu novel by the writer and polymath Mirza Hadi “Ruswa. 4. Kulliyat-i Shaikh Imam Bakhsh Nasikh (Lucknow: Nawal Kishore. 1.” 70 Saleem Kidwai has pointed out how close the relationship continues to be between poets and the tawaifs who render their work musically. among the popular classes. See Rosie Llewellyn-Jones’s essay in this volume.64 Sharar was born in 1856. v. which also serves to evoke bygone Lucknow. This seems to have originated from the prejudice that since Insha was ultimately a better poet than Rangin. “The Art of the Urdu Marsiya. Fisher. 1975). “the disgraced”. Generally considered to be the lyric ghazal and rubai (quatrain). 29. See Frances Pritchett with Shamsar Rahman Faruqi. 2nd ed.” When dawn finally arrives. Lakhna’u ka Dabistan-i sha’iri. Ibid. 3. “Married among Their Companions: Female Homoerotic Relations in Nineteenth-Century Urdu Rekhti Poetry in India. 20. Pakistan. Compiled for a Member of the Household of His Late Majesty King Nuseer-u-Deen. “Transitions and Translations: Regional Power and Vernacular Identity in the Dakhan.. 1952). For an eloquent. His work in this style is strikingly reminiscent of that of the Dakani court poet Hashmi Bijapuri (d. 32 .. Reliving Karbala: “Readers of elegiac poetry helped create a Shi’i-tinged traditional culture in a society where. Assembly of Rivals: Delhi. a great masnawi poet who had migrated to Lucknow from the former Awadhi capital of Faizabad and who is sometimes included as one of the “Four Pillars of Urdu.” Modern Asian Studies 32:2 (May 1998): 317– 49. Petievich. Kulliyat-i Mir (Allahabad: Ram Narayan Lal Beni Madho. 1st diwan. Rekhti. 9. tawaifs 15. Allison Busch. for Brajbhasha. “Cultural Flows and Cosmopolitanism in Mughal India: The Bishnupur Kingdom. 2000). A less credible theory enjoyed some currency in Urdu literary criticism several decades ago that Insha Allah Khan Insha had in fact been the inventor of rekhti. but it is Karbala that truly cemented Shiism. the Mughals and the British. has made this point in discussing one of Anis’s most famous marsiyas [Naim.” in In Urdu Texts and Contexts. Both of them are poets (his takhallus is Ruswa. 2002). It is as though his wounded heart explodes. Jurat’s poetic output was by no means confined to this style. “Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh”. Carla Petievich. 1963). where he became the pupil of a great marsiya-go (marsiya composer). Naim (New Delhi: Permanent Black. “Lifestyle as Resistance: The Case of the Courtesans of Lucknow. yet wives. Mughal and Persian Paintings and Illustrated Manuscripts in the Raza Library.” Other attempts at historiographical analysis of the Lucknow legend in the realm of literature have similarly failed to halt the juggernaut of cherished conventional wisdom. 59. among numerous others. Kathryn Hansen and David Lelyveld (Delhi: Oxford University Press. followed by a salacious and raciness of tone in the following three shers. Clearly the image here is of the dogana playing the narrator “like a sitar. Kathryn Hansen. Begams were also expected to display refinement if they ever met outsiders. and English (Oxford: Oxford University Press). When Men Speak as Women. 46. Martha Feldman and Bonnie Gordon (New York: Oxford University Press. Cf. of course. Platts. 41 .” There are tropes about the garden. 118 119 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . singing irresistible songs in the disguise of a jogin (female mendicant). They are also of a temporal nature. 37. rather than treating of the soul’s longing for the divine as is the ideal in rekhta. 73. Cf. Naim for discussion of this verse. The seventh verse speaks of propitiating both the Prophet and Lord Shiva. 494]. eventually earns her lover’s release. But one does notice that Guzishta Lakhnau. Shaam-e Awadh. especially of Saleem Kidwai. I am indebted to C. 52 . coquetry. 65. 2002: “the observance of purdah remained strict. It is possible that Rangin was welcomed into the kotha (courtesan’s quarters) as a friend and not a client. 35. One notable attempt to deal historiographically with tawaifs and Lucknowi culture from the perspective of women’s participation and the impact of the feminine is Fisher. Dance in Thumri (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications. Through the intervention of Kala Devi (black genie). piercing. and the State: NineteenthCentury Awadh. Cf. so it is entirely likely that Sharar witnessed in childhood some of what he reported on. His descendants and the Government of India share custody of that remarkable collection to this day. by which time it had come to carry more social opprobrium than cultural cachet. and the lovers are reunited. which means “circle/ing. that of Nawab Mirza “Shauq” or that of Daya Shankar “Nasim. however. Peter Manuel. she smuggles Gulfam into Indra’s heaven. “Married among Their Companions. “Tawa’if. Rampur: Rampur Raza Library.” This is why an English translation of Abdul Halim Sharar’s famous work. “Baharistan-i naz vs. 42 . is undaunted. has already taken on the characteristic tone of nostalgia that dominates talk of Lucknow. Mah-Laqa Bai “Chanda” et al. It is interesting to consider how closely. McNeil recently argued (not counterintuitively) that an increase in tawaif bazi should be read as the by-product of economic need on the part of disenfranchised women. Even in contemporary India many a middle-class family arranges for its daughters to be instructed in these arts. and customs and cultural practices do not die out the instant political change occurs.” for two recent discussions.” Again. and Regula Burckhardt Qureshi.. 2006). etc. “The Singing Ladies Find a Voice. Assembly of Rivals. Lucknow: Fire of Grace: The Story of Its Revolution. has translated it “The Lucknow that Was. Thus. Ibid.. which is thought to elicit softer. A Dictionary of Urdu. now a far cry from the ideal of the male warrior of the Mughal period. 2003). and Amaresh Mishra. and the poem concludes with a more normative. or shrill sounds. 50. 69. 64. I rely for much of the following discussion on the ethnographic and ethnomusicological work of others. Ab-i Hayat (note 20 above). 47. 1980). Hansen summarizes Indar Sabha’s plot as follows: “The events take place in the court of the mythic Indra. “Female Agency and Patrilineal Constraints: Situating Courtesans in Twentieth-Century India. When Men Speak as Women.” Literally “may your eyes never extend beyond your knees. 70. 45. But it is rather strong to call them “buffoonery. blandishment.” (Platts. king of the gods. Do adabi iskul (Lucknow: Uttar Pradesh Urdu Akademi. Petievich. and Petievich. 38.” See also Mallika Pukhraj. Ada means “Grace. Jawari is the bridge on a sitar. Kidwai foregrounds the importance of professional singers’ studied distance from the term tawaif since the late nineteenth century. Cf. and Shi’a Ideology in Pre-Rebellion Lucknow. ed. edited and translated into English by Saleem Kidwai as Song Sung True: A Memoir (New Delhi: Kali for Women. fascination. and will likely make little impact on the legend of the city. 39. trans. Though misogynistic to a great degree. Kidwai.are valued for the refinement of manners and expression that clearly distinguish them from more commonplace prostitutes. Classical Hindi. “Married among Their Companions. Thanks to Frances Pritchett and Syed Akbar Hyder for reminding me of this “exchange. his theory will do little to detract from the soft. the gatherings inside her home. 31).” The title of the translation by E. and.” in The Courtesan’s Arts. an earthly prince. Insha’s oeuvre contains mostly normative rekhta ghazals and it is for this work that he is held in high esteem within the Urdu literary tradition. M. and Its Aftermath (New Delhi: HarperCollins India. these verses show how rekhti’s content can be quite different from normative lyric poetry.. 1992). There is every reason to credit the sincerity of Sharar’s reportage. David Matthews (New Delhi: Rupa & Co. 54. The Courtesan’s Arts. which was based on the famous Urdu and Hindi short story of the same title by Munshi Premchand. The Life of Music in North India: The Organization of an Artistic Tradition (Detroit: Wayne State University Press. See also Projesh Banerji. 55. Indra grants his blessings to the couple. gives a much more faithful rendering of the original Urdu (Mashriqi tamaddun ka akhiri namuna). elegance. 326 –27. Conversely. 312 – 331. Bezubani zuban na ho jaye (unpublished). courtesan culture is associated with economies of surplus and conspicuous consumption. 1986). which is thought to give rise to more open. and Vanita. graceful manner on carriage. 223. 1998). Neuman.. and ambivalently. There is a great deal more extant evidence of interaction with Europeans in the form of visual culture. 58. 72 . Umrao Jan Ada. Sabz Pari (emerald fairy) has been smitten by love for Gulfam (rose-hued). Pakeezah (1972). 53. Ali Jawad Zaidi.” Azad. Grounds for Play: The Nautanki Theatre of North India (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. “Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh. Military Musicians..” Casci does not offer documentation in support of this described process. Husaini. and the whiteness of her nails are like. the pods at the end. The concerns expressed above are for others rather than oneself (which would be standard in rekhta. a wistfulness in the second that is reminiscent of a normative rekhta ghazal. and Oldenburg. Adrian McNeil. 2006) there is the perennial favorite. housed in the Raza Library at Rampur.. For other fond treatments of the Lucknow we love to evoke. See Simonetta Casci. Khushwant Singh and M. “Tawa’if. The Making of Colonial Lucknow. 66. Guzishta Lakhnau (lit. 48. One did not need to be Shia in order to participate or support the Muharram processors in this way—it was something Lucknowis of all stripes were wont to do. it has enjoyed a renaissance outside of India in the past half century because of its usefulness in reconstructing a glorious Muslim cultural history. The term derives from tauf. The pari. Rekhta does not speak of household affairs or the mundane concerns of life. lustrous focus of Lucknowi culture that is held so dear. Desai. 44. amorous signs and gestures. Displeased at this infraction. Indra casts Gulfam into a well and clips the wings of Sabz Pari. This play by Bharatendu Harishchandra is referred to in Hansen. “Bygone Lucknow”) is titled “Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture” (see note 65 below). It remains a work of extraordinary authority in Urdu letters. which was rare. Pritchett. known as band jawari (closed). 223 – 50. Ab-i Hayat. See Pritchett. A Dictionary. in Carla Petievich. Grounds for Play. 2006). 61 . including Delhi. Rampur (New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts.” 140. Daniel M. 36. charm. The nawab of Rampur was able to purchase a huge chunk of the legendary nawabi library following Awadh’s annexation in 1856 by the British. He was obliged to flee Lucknow at one point. 1990). but many women have gone on record to explain that nonpaying male company was discouraged. Khwaja Khizr is the name of a prophet skilled in divination who is said to have discovered and drunk of the fountain of life. in Shaam-e Awadh. 1974). “Lifestyle as Resistance: The Case of the Courtesans of Lucknow. 34. Lucknow’s courtesans probably came from an extensive range of ethnicities and caste backgrounds. all of which are entirely appropriate for a courtesan-poet. The editor of Jan Sahib’s diwan writes (not quite technically accurately) that jawari is the name of a run[ner] (dauRa) which is bound to the top of a sitar or tamboura by which its voice opens and closes. A. Veena Talwar Oldenburg.” Social Scientist 21:9 –11 (September–November 1993): 173 – 96. 71 . 62 . 1996). raucous. Petievich. 69. S. the beloved’s figures are long and slender like the bean. Harcourt and Fakhr Husain of Sharar’s Guzishta Lakhnau.” Feminist Studies 16:2 (1990): 259 – 87. 1942). rounder notes with fewer piercing vibrations. See Mirza Hadi Ruswa.” There are two general kinds of jawari settings. who sits in state encircled by fairies. 57. the lane outside the beloved’s house. see Kathryn Hansen’s numerous publications on the subject. Lucknow.” 49. the mung bean—rather than the commonly encountered mung lentil—is a bushy annual that bears the pods near the tips of slender branches. by 1920.” But see Kokila Dang.” The reference to Gulzar-i Nasim could be to either of two famous Lucknowi masnawis of the nineteenth century. welfare. “Prostitutes. “The Singing Ladies Find a Voice.” Seminar no. I am indebted to Kathryn Hansen. See. Oldenburg. wherein the narrator is obsessed with his own condition). see Oldenburg. “Tawaif. Thus. See Oldenburg. 77.” in A Wilderness of Possibilities: Urdu Studies in Transnational Perspective. and they do so for their elite male clients.” in Feldman and Gordon. The Courtesan of Lucknow (Delhi: Hind Pocket Books. self-aggrandizing signature verse to close the ghazal. It is this last theme that inspired the title of Vanita’s essay on rekhti. first published in 1975. all quotes from 75 –77. 60. sitar adept. The range here includes the first verse’s piety. 1961). 7. for technical help in elucidating this verse. I refer here to the 1977 film Shatranj ke khilari by Satyajit Ray. though there are those who dismiss kathak especially as degraded because of its development at a “decadent” court by women of ill repute. trans. 56. 40.” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 32:1 (2009): 46 – 62. and khuli jawari. Military Musicians. 540 (2004): unpaginated. 67. Whether or not he is right. McNeil. hence he is considered as the saint of waters [John T. Sept.. Tourism. perhaps. 2005). Patrons. Amelia Maciszewski. and New Delhi: Aryan Books International. beauty. As my own research has concerned mostly the work of published poetcourtesans. after having taking a bit too much liberty with Nawab Saadat Ali Khan. and Shi’a Ideology.” In addition to two film versions of Umrao Jan (1982. Barbara Schmitz and Ziyaud-Din A. the narrator remarks on the delightful “waters” as she dips into her Khizru’s “well. 332 – 52. 43. 68.” Economic and Political Weekly. 183) the distinctive style called Lakhnawiyat might just as accurately describe most of northern Indo-Muslim culture in the nineteenth century. Thumri in Historical and Stylistic Perspectives (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas. published Ab-i Hayat in 1880. but when rekhta speaks of the inhabitants of such conventional loci it is only to underline the narrator’s condition as a forlorn lover. 63. the Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. it is not entirely so. ed. Much has been written on this novel and there is no need to add to that literature here. As I have argued before (Assembly of Rivals. for example. eds. In voicing a mother’s preoccupation for her children’s 51 . Tazkirah-i rekhti. a Delhi writer. 209. According to Webster’s New International Dictionary of the English Language (2nd ed. and Tales: The Problematics of TwentyFirst-Century Musical Patronage of North India’s Courtesans.. concubines and courtesans had an effeminate influence on the male identity. “Lucknow Nawabs: Architecture and Identity. Renaissance. 1526 –1858). These reactions reflect the time at which they were expressed. But over time. had become firmly embedded. 1722 –c. the nawabs were able to assert an increasing level of independence until Awadh became a kingdom in its own right. and this is partly reflected in their architecture. 1797) tended to be more impressed than later visitors who came once notions of European authority. and in particular that of the British.Cat h e ri n e As h er Lucknow’s Architectural Heritage The city of Lucknow and its surrounding territory of Awadh is extraordinarily rich in its built environment. It is perhaps not surprising that the first significant monument built by the nawabs of Awadh was not in Awadh itself but in the Mughal capital of Delhi. This sense of British entitlement led to the annexation of Awadh by the English East India Company in 1856. Europeans likened the architecture of Awadh to fantasies based on the enchanting Arabian Nights. as Mughal power waned. The nawabs of Awadh perceived themselves as the cultural successors of the Mughal dynasty in India (r. before this critical date. Our concern here is the appearance of the built landscape of Awadh. reflecting a wealthy court and its elite. For example. Safdar Jang’s domed tomb is set in a 120 121 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . Establishing Nawabi Authority in Awadh The nawabs of Awadh were initially appointed in the eighteenth century as governors of this agriculturally rich and economically vibrant province of the Mughal Empire. who was essentially a semi-independent ruler of Awadh but continued to see himself as a vassal of the Delhi-based Mughals. a reliance on Mughal prototypes diminished as the nawabs sought their own innovative forms. However. they also considered it the epitome of decadence and bad taste. which in some measure were shaped by European models. and he paid tribute to them on an annual basis. especially Lucknow. visitors to the royal court of Awadh early in the regime’s life (c. It is the tomb of Safdar Jang. His ties to the Mughals were expressed by his final resting place. Thus buildings with a brick core were covered with stucco. Although European renderings of these buildings usually indicate that the stucco was left plain. also could be some distance from the palace. who would in the long run pose the greater threat. as well as Safdar Jang’s tomb. StReet Scene with Gateway and Mosque (GANJ AND TRIPOLIA GATEWAY). the Lal Bagh (45. in ways that stone 52. however. on the riverbank. known as the Macchi Bhawan. there is some evidence that polychrome was applied. which would have enclosed multiple buildings and gardens. with elaborate ornament rendered in stucco. Mausoleum of Safdar Jang. although William Hodges.could not be manipulated. 1530 – 40. 48. Little remains of the palace. but a pencil-and-watercolor illustration by the uncle and nephew team of Thomas and William Daniell (49. as had the British. The gate leading to it. 1856 122 123 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . Delhi. Few buildings. often enclosed with high walls to protect the inhabitants from prying eyes. as the Mughals had taken some of the nawab’s territory. View of the BaRa ImambaRa Complex. Faizabad. William Carpenter. under whose patronage numerous grand edifices were erected. p. and even royal emblems. 1820 –22 Page 120: 59. pp. cuspings. 124–25) indicates that it was probably similar to the palace complex at Faizabad. used for royal outings. However. as was the Lal Bagh. is likely an indication of the once-lush garden that lay inside. 1864 – 65 Mughal-style garden and is the last large-scale tomb built in Delhi. which stands on a high hill dominating the landscape overlooking the river. Samuel Bourne. It was located more centrally within the province of Awadh. Asaf al-Daula. 82). and it anticipates much of what we will observe in the architecture of Lucknow with its exuberant cusped arches and dominant floral design (6). was already a market center of considerable importance. the tradition of structural tombs does continue in Awadh. Safdar Jang’s tomb is modeled on the latesixteenth-century mausoleum of the Mughal Emperor Humayun (r. The most notable monument of pre-nawabi Lucknow was a Sunni mosque (masjid) built by the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb (r. Since at least the twelfth century. also in Delhi. which would have given the architecture of Awadh an extraordinarily exuberant air. especially in its use of red sandstone and white marble trim. was the capital of Awadh from 1765 to 1775. located about ninety miles east of Lucknow. 1555 – 56). In 1775. the court was shifted from Faizabad to Lucknow. c. It may have played a role in inspiring the many buildings intended for worship by Luck- now’s Shia nawabs. and the city. Awadh was far from the quarries that provided red sandstone and marble for Mughal monuments. manuals intended for Muslim rulers had stated that kings must build grand walled palaces to indicate their strength and to impress their supporters as well as their enemies. during the rule of Nawab Shuja al-Daula. The rendition shows massive exterior walls. This was important. 1658 –1707). Palaces in early modern South Asia were not a single large building but a series of pavilions with gardens. when Shuja al-Daula was succeeded by his son and heir apparent. 6. including floral forms. remain from this time. Walled gardens. which could be sculpted with numerous designs. situated on the Gomti River. Asaf al-Daula’s concern was not so much with providing religious institutions as with building within a large fortified palace complex. an English artist. and others left us impressions of the palace and the entrance to a walled royal garden. 49. Thomas Daniell and William Daniell. 1789 124 125 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . The Palace of Nawab Shuja al-Daula fRom the River Gomti (THE MACcHI BHAwAN). The imambara was entered by gateways on the east and west. although it is not clear if there is a direct link between these structures in the Deccan and those in Lucknow. Its triple arched entrance is surmounted by large finials that give the gateway a distinctive air. 128).1 For the Shia. This entrance. ornament. possibly constructed as a famine relief project. Husain is seen as the ultimate martyr and a significant spiritual force. Awadhi cuisine became renowned for its richness. The Persian poetry of eighteenth-century Mughal Delhi had lamented the stagnation and demise of that capital. The elaborate gate is among the most exuberant of all the buildings in Lucknow. So. All Shia believers annually commemorate Husain’s murder. the uniqueness of Awadhi culture was further refined and became increasingly distinct from that of Mughal Delhi. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson. then holders of political authority. and even building type. in the Deccan. p. While there are various sects within Shia Islam. only the west one. often weeping profusely over the tragedy of Husain’s death. Much of Asaf al-Daula’s patronage was directed at the ritual of mourning Husain by constructing imambaras. Imambaras (also known as Husainiya) were relatively new to the South Asian landscape and are a South Asian innovation. 129. known as the Rumi Darwaza. Awadhi poetry was now more often written in Urdu than Persian. Also part of the complex was the imambara itself. They probably first were built in the late sixteenth century in Hyderabad. 62. In any event. Typical of the Awadh nawabs’ architecture. In Lucknow. 58. surely was intended as a triumphal arch not dissimilar to the one at the Mughal emperor’s palace at Fatehpur Sikri. appears to date between 1784 and 1791. architecture under Asaf al-Daula surpassed earlier structures in terms of scale. The nawabs of Awadh were originally from Iran. also of Iranian descent. 120. Women gather in a separate venue and focus on the recitation of poetry. p. all Shia believe that the wrongful death of the Prophet Muhammad’s grandson Husain at the Battle of Karbala in 680 was a travesty on the part of the Sunni Umayyads. These are buildings intended for the storage of taziya and other paraphernalia associated with commemorative events during Muharram. whose population was predominately Shia. Asaf al-Daula’s Bara Imambara (also known as the Asafi Imambara) is by far the largest ever built anywhere (57. once paired with the nearly identical one on the east side. survives. the gate was highly creative. the procession of models of Husain’s tomb called taziya. 61. which falls on the tenth day of the month of Muharram. by a Shia ruler there.Asaf al-Daula and the City of Imambaras Under Asaf al-Daula’s leadership. was attached to the no-longer-extant Macchi Bhawan palace complex. The Bara Imambara. 57. characterized by a sense of dynamic articulation never expressed in the more orderly structures of the Mughals. and men in ritual procession who engage in selfflagellation in remembrance of the martyr. but especially for the recitation of poetry mourning Husain. not a form taken from Iran. which was imagined to surpass that of the Mughal table. 1862 p. although exactly how this is done varies within the Islamic world. Husain’s martyrdom is commemorated over a multiple-day period that includes the recitation of poetry focusing on themes of mourning. while the Urdu verse of the Lucknow court was light-hearted and celebrated love and the female form. a huge free-standing mosque and a deep step-well whose cool chambers could be used for residential purposes during the hot 126 127 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . Originally this colossal complex. consisting of three courtyards and buildings that enclose them. 59. Distant View of the Bara ImamBara Complex. too. 1862. Felice Beato.5 cm.2 x 37. Uttar Pradesh. albumen print. 25. Samuel Bourne.Top: 58. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson (England. THE Rumi DaRwaza AND THE FIRST COURTYARD OF the BaRa ImambaRa COMPLEX . India. 13. 1858 Left: FIG. The Alkazi Collection of Photography 128 129 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . The Southwest VIEW of the BaRa ImambaRa. 1864 – 65 Bottom: 61. Lucknow. active 1862 – 63). Asafi Masjid in the BaRa ImambaRa COMPLEX . There European-inspired statues of tunic-clad females and animals are found. The Husainabad ImambaRa. Another imambara. 3 The garden and pool in which the 130 131 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . THE JAWAB OPPOSITE THE TOMB OF ZINAT ALGIYA IN the Husainabad ImambaRa COMPLEX . 1865 – 66 Right: 66. and was used as the ruler’s own tomb (68). 67). Inside the compound is a tomb modeled on the Taj Mahal (1632 – 43). built by King Ghazi al-Din Haidar. the house of Awadh’s royal emblem. Samuel Bourne. was intended as a replica of the burial site of the Prophet Muhammad’s son-in-law. Samuel Bourne. built about 1837.Left: 65. who were both an increasing presence in Lucknow and a growing potential threat to Awadhi sovereignty. 88. At the time of the imambara’s construction. although its spatial tensions and emphasis on height recall the aesthetics of eighteenthand nineteenth-century Mughal architecture (66). In Awadh there were twenty-one recorded imambaras. 1880 weather. The building itself is an elegant structure with cusped entrance arches and a lacelike domed parapet. it had the largest vaulted hall that ever spanned an uninterrupted space. 1862 Imambara. The Shah Najaf appears austere from the exterior. The Bara Imambara is decorated with fully three-dimensional floral motifs rendered in stucco and pairs of curved fish. The complex and its decor were clearly intended to flaunt the Shia nawabs’ increasing wealth and to indicate a shifting power balance vis-à-vis the Mughal court. for example the Husainabad 67. Ali. not uncommon in secular architecture. p. not far from the larger one (63. of the Bara Imambara. called the Shah Najaf. It also was aimed at Europeans. ten of which were built by ruling monarchs and the rest by the elite. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson. 65. but unique in this religious context. 1865 – 66 68. These imambaras are much smaller versions 2 Husainabad Imambara is situated is unusual for a Muslim religious setting. although its interior is ornately embellished with European glass chandeliers and a profusion of stucco adornment. 66. Shah Najaf ImambaRa. TOMB OF ZINAT ALGIYA IN the Husainabad ImambaRa COMPLEX . but many came either as traders promoting their own interests and/or as mercenary soldiers. p. 108. The Lucknow school still operates in the very mansion he bequeathed. Martin’s will provided for his own tomb within the dwelling and for the founding of boys’ schools not only in Lucknow but also in Calcutta and in Lyon. 109. 14. 1870s. He and his Indian consorts lived in this immense mansion on the bank of the Gomti. who arrived in mid-eighteenth-century India as a common solider. A case in point is the Frenchman Claude Martin. Francis Frith. c.European-Style Architecture in Lucknow Europeans had ventured to South Asia in considerable numbers since the late sixteenth century. 6 1⁄4 x 8 1⁄4 in. He also provided for his Indian consorts’ welfare. which came to be known as La Martinière. La MaRtinièRe and the Lath. European men felt it was perfectly acceptable to have long-term relationships with Indian women. Martin’s most notable architectural contribution is his own sumptuous dwelling. France. albumen print. In eighteenth-century India. La MaRtinièRe and the Lath (detail). which he called Constantia (107. even though children were involved. Lucknow. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson. 30. Constantia. he settled in nawabi Lucknow and eventually.4 He was rich enough to lend sizable sums of money to Nawab Asaf al-Daula. p. owing to his remarkable abilities as well as good luck. Many of these arrangements ended abruptly. Some came in official capacities. when the men departed permanently for Europe. became extraordinarily wealthy. (16 x 21 cm). 58). India. but above: 108. Uttar Pradesh. the most ambitious of whom were able to make significant fortunes. The Alkazi Collection of Photography 132 133 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . 1862 Right: Fig. The last ruler of Awadh. a hunting lodge. BARa Chattar Manzil AND FARHAT BAKHSH. This particular form was later emulated in some of the pavilions of the Qaisar Bagh Palace built in the mid-nineteenth century by the nawabs. domed tomb still stands on the Constantia estate. Early photographs indicate its appearance. In addition to pavilions built in the European style. possibly a statement of European superiority over what was seen as a symbol of nawabi decadence (74. 134 135 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . 1864 – 65 p. the Awadhi nawabs did build a number of western-style pavilions. 75. Her squareplan. a self-made architect from England’s elite. built at some distance from the main palace yet still on the riverbank. A photograph by Shepherd and Robertson dating to 1862. and lions. 77. 154–55). is one such building (82. and a guesthouse for Europeans. pp. European photographers documented its ruin in detail. were palace complexes that combined Europeanstyle porticoes. a reference to Martin’s birthplace of Lyon. 162. While Constantia had ancillary service structures. very little remains of this palace. VIEW fRom the South. 6 64). Their palaces were replete with European goods that ranged from chairs to mechanical “toys. greatly damaged in the Uprising of 1857– 58. Samuel Bourne. 136–37). it was built in the European manner as an enormous single structure with multiple rooms and stories. although in a ruined condition. Its only surviving structure has been greatly altered over the years and today is the Central Drug Research Institute. this Lucknowi country house was modeled on an eighteenthcentury English one. The exterior porch featured classical Corinthian columns. Constantia’s roof’s parapet is embellished with stucco sculptures of classical gods. All the same. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson. as EuroAmerican observers tend to critique the desire for such objects. today in the Khalili collection. most of which are in a ruined condition today. A watercolor by a Lucknowi artist. Wajid Ali Shah. and other features with Indian-style domes and typical nawabi stucco ornament. built his own palace estate known as the Qaisar Bagh. DARSHAN BILAS AND CHOTA Chattar Manzil. They would not be seen as indications of avarice and decadence.Martin insured the financial stability of his favorites. the highly symmetrical arrangement of the entire complex conformed to an Islamic desire for balance in architectural layout. A structure known as the Dilkusha (Heart Pleasing). once part of a large multipavilion complex. Designed in about 1805 by Sir Gore Ouseley. of the palace’s throne room indicates that the interior with its cusped arches and painted ceiling conformed closely to the idiom established under the Mughals and then adapted to Lucknowi taste under the rulers of Awadh (37. Its construction began about 1803. goddesses. Awadh’s nawabs were perhaps not as smitten by European architecture for their own uses as they were by European objects of art and furnishings. which was built not far from the British Residency. often a distance from the nawab’s administrative headquarters. not far from the Chattar Manzil. At the apex are arches that from a distance appear as the outline of a dome in silhouette. which was largely destroyed in the Uprising. pp. among others.” 5 which for a Muslim monarch would fall into the category of luxury objects. Dilkusha. p. Notable was the Chattar Manzil. Martin’s mansion proved a significant influence on many of the royal buildings of Lucknow. 138. indicates the combination of European and Indian styles on the exterior of this complex that captured the imagination of European visitors (73). windows. in particular Boulone. p. had multiple functions: it was a starting point for ceremonial processions. 139. Today many are damaged. Once a vast complex. 1862 Bottom: 72. London. Top: 73. largely for the use of their European residents and guests. 1850 –99 136 137 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage .37. The Audience Chamber of the Kings of Awadh. 1864 – 65 1864 – 65 138 139 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage .Top: 74. View in the Qaisar Bagh PALACE . West Gateway of the Qaisar Bagh Palace. Samuel Bourne. Qaisar Bagh. VineRy and Buildings. Qaisar Pasand. Samuel Bourne. Bottom: 79. 1864 – 65 Bottom: 77. Samuel Bourne. Samuel Bourne. 1864 – 65 Top: 75. their small sizes reflect the norm for eighteenth.12 although only nine survive and most have been rebuilt. jewelers. indicates sober buildings constructed in a Georgian style. the Muslim Queen Begam Rabia. bears stucco floral motifs and cusped arches similar to that on Lucknow’s Islamic architecture. Photographed frequently by professional and amateur photographers after it was largely destroyed in the Uprising (169). By the end of nawabi rule at least fourteen Jain temples graced the streets of Lucknow. who worked specially for British patrons. Tikait Rai. where during the six-month siege in 1857– 58 British men. and ornate gateways leading to the market. A survey of the architecture of the various faith communities shows that decor on all building types is similar. especially had he been able to foresee the disastrous events of the 1856 British annexation. A watercolor by the Indian artist Sita 7 Ali Shah. and to a lesser extent the nawabi elite.9 During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the economy of Awadh prospered largely due to the richness of the soil. of which one still survives. They also bear images of Hindu deities that would not. 1864 – 65 Nawab Shuja al-Daula agreed to have a British agent at court. The most visible architecture in the city of Lucknow belonged to the royal family and the elite. This should not be seen as an indication of these communities’ relationship to the nawabi elite. 142–43). and is richly embellished with floral stucco patterns. which allowed for the bountiful production of crops. buildings on the thirty-three-acre complex had been rarely recorded before this time. when compared with Asaf al-Daula’s huge imambara. Ruins of the Residency. Diversity in Awadh Literature pertaining to the nawabi period in Awadh tends to focus on the nawabs themselves.11 Maharaja Balkishen. an impressive bridge. following much earlier traditions in which Jains were invited to Muslim courts to serve as bankers. and most of them died before the Residency’s liberation. the colorful Europeans residing in the city. a Hindu minister to Nawab Asaf al-Daula. One of the finest of these Jain temples is in a neighborhood known as Sahedetganj. dating to the nineteenth century. it mostly ignores the role of the large population in Awadhi society who were not Muslims. Less is known about the Jains of Lucknow. and merchants. as well as others of the nawabi period. a Hindu minister to King Wajid Ali Shah. women. a service to the general population. of course. pp. wife of King Muhammad 140 141 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . when 8 169. A typical temple is included in Robert Smith’s photographic panorama of Lucknow (53. Lucknow’s last ruler. Few remain today. such as palaces and imambaras. rather. provided a substantial market town. although it would be interesting to know the extent of the nawab’s enthusiasm. including Benares (Varanasi). In a neighborhood of Lucknow known as Aliganj. built a temple dedicated to the monkey god Hanuman. not far from Chowk. This same tradition indicates that Nawab Asaf al-Daula invited Jains from other parts of North India to settle in the city. also Shia.and nineteenth-century temples found throughout North India. She built it after a dream revealing a buried image of the god and her subsequent delivery of a longawaited child thanks to the deity’s blessing. it reflects a style that bespeaks the sophisticated exuberance of the period which was embraced universally by the elite. be found on Muslim religious architecture. which have been particularly well maintained. a far cry from the exuberance of much contemporary nawabi architecture. Ram. especially grain. and children were trapped. Thus the architecture of Awadh must not be thought of as being unique to Muslim patrons. and obviously attracts the most attention. rather. The complex was commenced in 1773. It included a fine temple.10 The decor on Taikat Rai’s temple in the market town of Taikatnagar. ending nawabi rule in Awadh. Samuel Bourne. moneylenders. founded towns in the hinterlands of Awadh and provided them with temples. one of the holiest cities for Hindus. with their tall spirelike superstructures are still seen today on the banks of the Gomti.Among Lucknow’s most famous—or perhaps infamous—European-style complexes is the British Residency. This Hindu minister also built a tank for the storage of water in Lucknow. The Hindu and Jain temples of Awadh tend to be relatively small especially. and similar temples. but local tradition claims that in the early twentieth century there were about four hundred Jain families living in Lucknow’s Chowk area. which he named Maharajaganj after himself. but Awadh’s population of other faiths also built in the city and in the surrounding countryside. 1992). The Architecture of Lucknow. 244 – 45. “The ‘Country Houses’ of Lucknow.” in Llewellyn-Jones. 2006). Part II (Calcutta: Viswavinode Press. “Monumental Grief: The Bara Imambara. 219 – 50. 69. ill. Lucknow: City of Illusion. ed. 142 143 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . Neeta Das. “The Residency and the River. 2. The Architecture of Lucknow. The Architecture of Lucknow and Its Dependencies. Tandan. Tandan. Jaina Inscriptions (Containing Index of Places.53. 11. For Sita Ram’s illustration. and Hussein Keshani. 9. 4. 6. See Tandan. Hanuman’s Tale: Messages of a Divine Monkey (New York: Oxford University Press.” in Jones. The Architecture of Lucknow. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. 12 . 30. 192 – 99. “Architecture and the Twelver Shi’i Tradition: The Great Imambara Complex of Lucknow. 2007). Lucknow: City of Illusion. 12. 2001).” 195. Puran Chand Nahar. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones (Delhi: Alkazi Collection of Photography. see Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. 180 – 91. 2000). Engaging Scoundrels: True Tales of Old Lucknow (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 101– 33. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. for historical information about the Shia tradition and the Bara Imambara. Banmali Tandan. PanoRama of Lucknow. For a detailed account. 10. 30 – 40. Captain Robert Smith. 70.” in Lucknow: City of Illusion. 8. See Peter Chelkowski. 114 – 45. New York: Prestel. see Llewellyn-Jones. 30 – 43. “The Residency and the River.” Muqarnas 23 (2006). etc.). 1927). 7. ill. 11 . 5. Philip Lutgendorf. 1722 –1856 (New Delhi: Vikas. 3. Glossary of Names of Acharyas. A Very Ingenious Man: Claude Martin in Early Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford University Press. 1832 1. clear. Initially. What interest there was came from the British and Indian elites living within the city. there had been little demand for photographs. Photography in Lucknow follows a distinct trajectory. possibly surpassed in the nineteenth century only by Calcutta. and distributed widely across India and the rest of the world. The architect and a functionary of the Husainabad Imambara. principally because Lucknow offered little of archaeological interest that would attract the attention of European antiquarians. This allowed photographic images to be sold. the calotype process had by 1850 superseded the daguerreotype almost everywhere. who took up photography in the 1850s. disseminating not only aesthetically pleasing pictures but also information and knowledge in an easily accessible format. unlike any other location in South Asia. however. Ahmad Ali Khan. published. and likely to fade. 144 145 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . the daguerreotype was the more successful medium in India. produced many portraits to satisfy this demand. grainy. The prints created from paper negatives (called calotypes) were. at least. The greatest single advantage of the process was the ability to print multiple positive prints from a single negative. With chemical and technological advances. as well as photographing some of the royal palaces and religious buildings. and apparently permanent. however. the primary market. rough. the imperial capital.So p h i e G o r d o n “A Sacred Interest”: The Role of Photography in the “City of Mourning” Photography arrived in India only a few months after the daguerreotype and the calotype processes had been revealed to the public in France and Britain for the first time in 1839. positive image that was created on a sheet of highly polished silver-plated copper was sharp. in contrast. Before 1857. The unique. The events of 1857– 58 ensured that Lucknow became one of the most photographed cities in the country. Page 144: 71. Lawrie and Company. 15.3 x 35. (32. Canadian Centre for Architecture 146 147 Gordon : The Role of Photography GoRdon Role of Photography . Rumi DaRwaza. W. G. albumen print. 12 3⁄4 x 14 1⁄ 8 in. 1850 – 51.9 x 2. Lucknow. BaRa Chattar Manzil FRom the Gomti River . India. Alexis de la Grange. 1895 Fig. Two-PaRt PanoRama Showing the Stone BRidge. Uttar Pradesh. AuRangzeb Mosque. and BaRa ImambaRa Complex.8 cm). fig. and the King. Initially the photographs depicted the scarred city and the extent of the destruction. although occasionally an alternative view of the city and its culture emerges. Uttar Pradesh. so one has no hold on him. two of the most theatrical constructions in the city. 1885. there is evidence that photography reached Lucknow surprisingly early. The albums include over one hundred portraits of prominent members of both the European and Indian communities. C. . p. as well as a series of architectural studies. stated that photography was already flourishing in the city in 1850 after a British member of the army taught the necessary skills to Ahmad Ali Khan. Mookherjee then continued: “his portrait taking was very creditable and his architectural views were in high demand. . he was appointed Court Photographer. 16. and a two-part panoramic view encompassing the river Gomti on the left and the processional route that emerges from the Rumi Darwaza on the right (fig.4 Khan’s portraits include both formal and informal portraits of King Wajid Ali Shah and the royal family (41. Among the portraits of the Europeans is one of the photographer John Dannenberg. In the king’s portrait. 1855 While most early photographic activity in India occurred in the great imperial metropolises of Calcutta. Mumtaz Alam Nawab Qaisar Mahal Sahiba of Awadh. The albums function as a poignant record of the city prior to the changes that were about to take place. elaborately painted borders incorporating symbols of the Awadhi court have been added to each. c. . Bombay. Ahmad Ali Khan. 163. They also provide an opportunity to examine how the city was perceived by one high-status individual. there was an unprecedented demand for images of Lucknow showing the sites where the fighting had occurred. the darogah of the Husainabad Imambara. the views showed how Lucknow was transformed into a colonial city following the widespread demolition and rebuilding programs. Mookherjee. and does not take pay. see note 5. suggest that Khan must have been of a relatively high social status. For source. which demonstrate a 148 149 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . domestic picture of the ruler. under the strictest injunctions of secrecy. the French aristocrat Baron Alexis de la Grange journeyed across India. c. Wajid Ali Shah. formerly in the possession of The Times war correspondent William Russell. who worked in the city before 1857. The majority of the images concentrated on those spots where particular scenes of British heroism or conflict had taken place in 1857. 16). Wajid Ali Shah. the likenesses of his Queen and the ladies of the Royal Harem. Lucknow. pp.Occasionally a traveler reaching the city would produce a view as part of a series of pictures depicting various locations across India. An account written much later states that he was appointed as an official court photographer: “Through Ali Naki Khan. and Madras. c. however. He is a gentleman. display the range of work that Khan produced before May 1857. Early Photography in Lucknow: Ahmad Ali Khan Left: 41.1 Using Khan’s nickname “Chotay Miya. India.6 In contrast. concentrating particularly on the Chattar Manzil complex and the Husainabad Imambara. a delicate gold-leaf nimbus has been applied to the photograph. Ahmad Ali Khan. 15. surrounding the royal head in an attempt to evoke the tradition of Mughal painting (41).” 5 A set of formal photographs of the king and his begam exist in the British Library. The Reverend Henry Polehampton wrote to his mother in England about his experiences attempting to obtain a portrait from Khan: “He is the only man in the station who does daguerreotypes and everybody wants them. later. Wajid Ali Shah with His Queen Begum Akhtar Mahal Sahiba and Their Daughter Khan was known to take photographs of sitters upon request. 146–47). These remarkable studies. without any of the Fig.” 2 surprising access to the women of this Muslim court. writing in 1883. permitted him to take. and various British individuals took advantage of this in order to send portraits back to their families. He made what are probably the earliest surviving photographs of Lucknow: a view of the Asafi Masjid. Following the Uprising.” Mookherjee also describes Khan as the architect of both the Husainabad and the Qaisar Bagh complexes. In 1850 – 51. the corrupt Prime Minister. in the tradition of earlier artistexplorers such as Thomas and William Daniell or William Hodges. (copy of lost photograph). Ahmad Ali Khan. 1855 Right: 42. King of Oudh. 42. so he is becoming an important person. The art historian P. photographing a number of important architectural and cultural sites. a photograph showing Wajid Ali Shah with Begam Akhtar Mahal Sahiba and one of his daughters presents us with an informal.” 3 Two albums in the British Library. partially following the path taken by the royal processional route that passes through the Rumi Darwaza and the Husainabad gateway. who continued to photograph at least until about 1862. Navigating the city via the river was the easiest and quickest way to move long distances. View of the Chattar Manzil Palace Complex. 1857–58 Most of Khan’s photographs of the Chattar Manzil. 17.symbols of royalty. albumen print. and this continued to be a familiar viewpoint into the 1850s.” Photography during the UprisinG. In doing so. the city: the British and their memories of “the Mutiny. Following the outbreak of the conflict in Lucknow in May 1857. It is difficult to read these images without imposing upon them the knowledge of what is to come. binding it closely to the identity of the city. and it would have been a viewpoint familiar to the royal family and members of court. Even Ahmad Ali Khan. Ahmad Ali Khan (fl. thus emphasizing the nawab’s role as the center of power. Although the majority of Muslims in the city were Sunnis. 17. 16. and died a miserable man. alias Chota Meah” was proposed at a meeting in Calcutta on 29 July 1862. 1864 – 65 150 151 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . “Mahamedoodolah Ahmud Ali Khan. shifted his gaze to acknowledge the new power in p. nawabi city (fig. this photograph would not have been taken for public consumption. yet although they do serve as important historical documents of buildings that were subsequently destroyed. but he did in fact manage to rehabilitate himself after the Uprising to the extent of joining the Bengal Photographic Society in 1862. P. He placed the nawab at the center of the vision. seated on a European-style sofa (fig. Some members of the British military. took photographs in late 1857 and early 1858. 1856. When the palace does not appear in the frame. Khan also photographed the Husainabad Imambara from many different viewpoints. Khan highlights two different. By concentrating on these two structures. royal and Shia. officers often had the means and the time to learn heart of the royal seat of power. Although known today through an early publication. thus occupies a central position in the religious life of the city. 70). the photographs also function as an impression of the pre-Uprising city in the mind of one of its more prominent citizens. however. processions move through the city from one religious site to another. The Alkazi Collection of Photography Bottom: 70. C.10 The members of the society were most probably unaware that in February 1858 they had viewed at a society meeting some photographs that “were taken by the Darogah who has since gone over to the rebels. Ahmad Ali Khan joined his fellow countrymen and fought against the British. View fRom the Chattar Manzil. but overlapping. the home of the nawabs for almost fifty years.” 11 No photographs taken during the conflict can be attributed to Khan. possible conceptual maps for the original. King Muhammad Ali Shah. which is reflected through Khan’s photography. Mookherjee wrote that Khan subsequently “lost his fortune and name. and the public processions and commemorations served to define the Shia community. Lucknow was. In Lucknow. depict the complex viewed from the riverside. an important Shia center. and the mourning rituals 1850s– 60s). 149). India. c. where some of the images were subsequently published. c. The majority of Ahmad Ali Khan’s photographs would never have been seen outside the circle of those who commissioned them had it not been for the 1857 Uprising and the resulting looting of property. amidst its chattris. as an important Shia complex. These two identities. associated with the Prophet’s grandson Husain are commemorated annually in the month of Muharram in imambaras around the city.” 9 It is not known exactly what Khan’s fate was. Samuel Bourne. These public spaces were frequently described in religious terms. 7 Khan’s architectural views present a valuable record of Lucknow as it was prior to the Uprising. emphasizing the associations with the Muharram performances. looking over the city from the Top: Fig. It also serves as the burial site for its royal patron. it is usually because the photographer was standing on the rooftop of the Chattar Manzil. Khan placed himself and the palace at the source of the outward gaze. and still is. Khan’s views concentrate on the seat of royal power—the Chattar Manzil—and the most important religious structure in the city—the Husainabad Imambara.8 The Husainabad Imambara. Earlier artists had documented the city from the river. were to be comprehensively overwritten after 1857. A number of Khan’s negatives and albums passed into the hands of British army officers and consequently made their way back to Britain. the nawabs were Shias of Persian origin. then Lucknow. 2nd March. and copies may be seen at No. both of the Royal Engineers. each photograph was given a title that placed it within the larger narrative of the Uprising. stopping at various sites on the way to highlight the places where events that had significance for the British had taken place. By August. the newspaper The Englishman was carrying advertisements for the photographs: We have the pleasure to inform our readers that M. while for others. p. where he exhibited his work from the Crimea and Istanbul. as well as two remarkable panoramas that amply demonstrate his technical skills: a sequence of eight views taken from one of the minarets of the mosque in the Bara Imambara (163. 154–55). Thus a view of La Martinière became “The Martiniere School. pp. Baillie GuaRd Gate. 1858 and in the annual exhibition of the Bengal Photographic Society. a few months later.14 The work of both men was purely documentary. The narrative that Beato created through his photographs presented a new conceptual map of the city: skeletons in the courtyard in order to obtain the most affecting image (166. have just been brought to Calcutta. The first of Beato’s several visits to Lucknow took place at the beginning of April 1858. and the Middle East.the new technology for their own amusement. the pictorial romance of this terrible war. arrived in Lucknow and each produced a handful of views showing various buildings while they were occupied by the British troops. His first experience of war photography was covering the Crimean conflict in Russia in 1855 – 56. and a six-part backdrop to aid the act of remembering the conflict. such as the storming of the Sikander Bagh and the subsequent hand-to-hand fighting.22 When for sale with Hering. The work by these military photographers makes an interesting comparison with the highly polished and often staged work of the commercial photographer Felice Beato. and Dilkusha Kothi. 167). as it has been proven beyond doubt that he arranged the 21 followed in the wake of the troops as they proceeded through the city. Bagh complex (162. in fact. p. 157). capturing the chaos of the city as events were still unfolding. 165. A contemporaneous reviewer noted that “these admirable views give us. Beato arrived in Calcutta on February 13. First Attack of Sir Colin Campbell in November 1857. many of whom would have been directly affected by the Uprising. the photographs were also shown in London at the end of 1858 at the exhibition of the London Photographic Society. to an understanding of war now. Beato’s views of Lucknow of the principal sites there. 1858. who arrived in India in early 1858.” 20 one that was entirely focused on Lucknow as the location of the Uprising (164. and will be indispensable to future historians. as our contemporaries say. Felice Beato. Beato also licensed his photographs for sale in 1861– 62 through the British photographer and print-seller Henry Hering. Captain John Milliken and Lance Corporal Jones.”23 The building becomes the Beato produced over sixty images of the city.18 Felice traveled on to Kanpur first. One particular image of the interior of the Sikander Bagh has become Beato’s most notoriously staged scene. and toward the British Residency. It moved from east to west along the route taken by the relieving British troops. p. 156. Beato 167. Second Attack. mapping out a route with his camera that began on the eastern edge of Lucknow at Dilkusha and La Martinière. where he was stationed with the Madras Fusiliers. taken since the siege. Mr Beato intends publishing them at once. this was in fact usually left to the imagination of graphic artists. just a few weeks after the British had finally regained control of the city. 154–55). although the technical limitations of photography at the time made it impossible to photograph any scenes of the fighting. Felice had traveled from Greece with hundreds of glass-plate negatives pre-prepared so he was able to leave for the trouble spots to begin work almost immediately. Lucknow. He arrived in the outskirts of Lucknow in December 1857 and photographed at La Martinière (Constantia) and at the Alam Bagh. and were purchased by soldiers and British people living in India.” 15 was a commercial photographer who began his career working in Greece. described as “a native of Corfu. and other North Indian cities. 37 Cossitollah [Beato’s studio]. Delhi. Musa Bagh. Beato (1832 –1909). Patrick Fitzgerald of the Indian Medical Service was probably the first photographer to work during the conflict. 19 The photographs were popular. 85. pp.16 He was followed to Calcutta by his brother Antonio in July. They are necessary. The royal city through which religious mourners had processed now became a site of a different kind of mourning panoramic sequence taken from the roof of the Roshan al-Daula Kothi in the Qaisar In addition to being displayed at the gallery in Calcutta 152 153 GoRdon : The Role of Photography .17 The expedition had evidently been carefully planned in advance. This took the photographer along the grand processional route that passed through the Rumi Darwaza. photography was part of their training in Britain.12 Dr. including the Sikander Bagh (Secundra Bagh). and only a few days later attended a meeting of the Bengal Photographic Society. so the photographs were widely seen over a number of years. while Antonio later established a studio where the negatives would be printed up and sold. The photographs were used by artists such as Egron Lundgren in the preparation of their own work and even as the basis for stained-glass memorial windows in the parish church of Stratfield Mortimer in England.13 In early 1858. Turkey. such as the Royal Engineers. and ended in the west at Musa Bagh. 162. Felice Beato. Taken fRom the BARa ImambaRa. PanoRama of Lucknow. 1858 163. 1858 154 155 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . Taken fRom the Qaisar Bagh Palace. Felice Beato. PanoRama of Lucknow. and pilgrimage—that of the British tourist recalling the fate of his compatriots and the sacrifices that they made for imperial ambition. Above: 165.. Felice Beato. AND THE 4TH PUNJAB REGT. while tales of Indian duplicity would serve as warnings to future generations. Beato’s photographs were also the first steps in the collective myth-making process in which stories of British heroism during the Uprising were recalled and held up as examples to inspire others. InteRior of the Sikander Bagh. 1858 Right: 166. The route outlined by Beato’s photographs was to be repeated by subsequent photographers as well as in countless guidebooks to Lucknow over subsequent decades. This persistent remembrance of the Uprising altered completely the British perception of Lucknow and indeed of India. after the SLAUGHTER OF 2.000 REBELS BY THE 93RD HIGHLANDERS. Felice Beato. Ruins of the BatteRy in the Residency Compound. 1858 156 157 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . 150). 73. an untouchable relic preserved forever in the British mind. despite containing poor-quality copies of Beato’s photographs. . empty streets and picturesque trees.27 Top: 78. p.” 25 Also in Lucknow in 1859 was John Dannenberg. and it was accompanied by a printed leaflet quoting rich. The images also show how Lucknow was tidied up.24 The husband and wife partnership of Major Robert and Harriet Tytler made a small number of views of the city (78. a handful of other photographers came to Lucknow. 1858 The album. it embraces every scene of the mutiny of 1857. immediately after the end of the conflict. The Tytlers had taken up photography in February 1858 in Delhi. p. including Lucknow. Dannenberg was absent during the conflict. Dannenberg reprinted a handful of his Lucknow photographs and published them in an album titled Mutiny Memorials alongside doctored copies of Beato’s work. but returned to the city in mid-1859 and prepared a series of views which were displayed in Calcutta in February 1860. p. places have the adumbrations of human souls still inhabiting their precincts as a sort of delicious spiritual aroma of self-sacrifice pervading the localities where noble life and beautiful human love were shed in profusion for a nation’s cause. VIEW of the UPPER PORTION of the Qaisar Pasand. 127. the Tytlers had produced about 500 negatives of views in North India. whose appearance in the city before 1857 has already been noted. Robert Tytler had received advice from the commercial photographers Charles Shepherd and Felice Beato as well as the amateur Dr.Photography after the Uprising In 1858 – 59. sold well and demonstrates the continued appetite of images of the sites associated with the Uprising. His views of Hazratganj depict yet another image of Lucknow: the peaceful commercial center. The short-lived partnership of Shepherd and Robertson (Charles Shepherd had worked with Robert Tytler in Delhi) produced in about 1862 a number of important architectural views (57. p. many of which closely followed Beato’s compositions. 1858 – 59 Left: 81. Samuel Bourne arrived in Lucknow in December 1864 and remained for a few weeks. with wide. 13. A reviewer noted: “The collection is unquestionably the finest ever exhibited in Calcutta. 132. and then the positive prints were shown at meetings of the Bengal Photographic Society. John Murray. where over the course of several months. . By March 1859. although none produced work that had the same impact as Beato’s. Possibly by Robert Christopher Tytler and Harriet Christina Tytler. photographing all aspects of the city. “improved” and re-created as a picturesque and peaceful colonial town. c. Qaisar Pasand. First the negatives. This appetite had been fed by a succession of commercial photographers who worked in Lucknow from the 1860s onward. in 1892. carefully 158 159 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . He presented the album as his own work. The Bengal Hurkaru noted they were “a very superior collection of views taken by the collodion albumen process at Lucknow. The photographers captured many of the same locations that Beato had photographed. 108. Photography shows the extent of the demolitions: large areas around the Qaisar Bagh and Chattar Manzil were cleared completely (70. Robert Christopher Tytler and Harriet Christina Tytler. fulsome reviews from the newspapers: If . p. Fig. 128) that were subsequently incorporated into the Bourne and Shepherd stock. 135.”26 Years later. but gradually the buildings were being either pulled down or repaired. Only the Residency remained as a shell. then this album of Mutiny memorials will remain a sort of incence to the heroic dead in pictorial form. from the cavalry lines at Meerut to the Residency at Lucknow. 81). which exists in two editions. a dramatic production popularly attributed to the Lucknow-based poet Amanat Ali.”29 The photographs show a few of the women in theatrical costumes for a version of the Indar Sabha. 1864 – 65. Samuel Bourne. India. and moving in a westerly direction. states in the preface that its patrons are “the nobility and gentry of Oudh. Abbas Ali was moving outside the boundaries of the dominant European understanding of the city.28 The order of the photographs follows that established by Beato. The shrine known as Dargah Hazrat Abbas. W. Edward Saché. Similar views were taken by John and linked to the Muharram processions. literary. It contains twenty-four portraits of All of these photographers concentrated on one site above all others: the British Residency. Photo 577/(49) Karbala are the last three images in the book (69. as well as sometimes Classical associations.His book The Lucknow Album was published in 1874 in Calcutta. and dramatic styles that were popular at the court of Wajid Ali Shah Although British photographers were largely responsible for the dominant vision of the post-1857 city. p. 144). 7 1⁄2 x 12 5⁄ 8 in. also published in 1874 (200. and the Talkatora Fig. and many a tear will fall at the contemplation of some well-remembered spot. and uses highly emotional language with strong religious overtones. became an iconic representation of the British perception of Lucknow. The book is concerned almost entirely with the events of 1857. first in Nainital and in 1882 in Lucknow. Saché took his first views of Lucknow in about 1867. The book. to heighten emotions. 160 161 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . Darogah Abbas Ali women with descriptive text. the Kasmain Karbala. The text encourages the visitor to pause for reflection at various locations. and their 69. The photographer G. three photographs have been included that recall Lucknow’s Islamic associations. Simply by incorporating the images. The British Library. beginning in the east of the city with the Alam Bagh. 18. but it was not until 1871 that he set up a permanent studio on Hazratganj. 1874 sudden appearance hints that Abbas Ali may possess a different conceptual map of the city that looks back to the period when Lucknow was described in religious terms avoiding any reference to the Uprising (fig. 162). The image. The play incorporated many of the different musical. and was aimed at an Indian clientele. Uttar Pradesh. and contains fifty albumen prints accompanied by descriptive text. Lawrie began his career in Saché’s studio before setting up his own establishment. which was the one view of Lucknow that every British visitor had to acquire for his photograph album. TalkatoRa Karbala (top) and Dargah HazRat Abbas (bottom). over which a sort of holy radiance will appear to linger as the book is sorrowfully closed. written in 1853. Lawrie and Company eventually became the most important studio in the city at the end of the nineteenth century (71. This breaks the east-west progression. often with the Union Jack flying on the tower. Abbas Ali’s conception of the city is extended further with the book The Beauties of Lucknow. (19 x 32 cm). 18). HazRatganj. Lucknow. p. employing biblical metaphors. albumen print. who had established a photographic studio in nearby Nainital in 1867. Darogah Abbas Ali. one in English and one in Urdu. emphasizing the role of Lucknow as a pilgrimage site for the British: [T]his album will bear a sacred interest. also p. from The Lucknow Album: Containing a SeRies of Fifty PhotogRaphic Views of Lucknow. one photographer—Abbas Ali—produced a range of work in the 1860s–70s that acknowledges both the British and the Indian cities. Into this landscape of Christian mourning. 93). 136. 203 –17. The Beauties of Lucknow. 4. 3. include the professional photographers Oscar Mallitte and Edmund David Lyon. 59:237 (1981). and. 183. The Englishman. John Murray and Robert and Harriet Tytler.31 It also suggests how an Indian audience may have read the architectural photographs of the city: not as sites linked to the Uprising. 1892. The British vision of the city was predominant in photographic images from the nineteenth century. 19. and Actresses of the Oudh Court and of Lucknow (Calcutta: Calcutta Central Press. 18. 1859. 1886. but not the religious ceremonies. a Biographical Sketch (Selkirk: Scottish Chronicle Offices. the Chini bazaar. Gummoon Jan. 12 . 7. contains about five pre-1857 views of Lucknow which may be attributable to Dannenberg. “The Indar Sabha Phenomenon: Public Theatre and Consumption in Greater India (1853 –1956). when he left for Malta. but the work of Abbas Ali reminds us of the multivariant ways that the city was conceptualized by its inhabitants and its visitors. Edward and Thomas Polehampton. The chronology of the photographers’ visits to Lucknow can be ascertained by examining the architectural evidence in the images. “Beato’s Photograph of the Interior of the Sikandarbagh at Lucknow. 141– 42.18.” RES 43 (Spring 2003). 2. all the work by Khan to have survived employs either the calotype or wet collodion process. Journal of the Bengal Photographic Society 1:2 (September 1862). about 10 x 12 inches. 1874 15. the Addiscombe Military Academy. Examples of Milliken’s work survive in the Canadian Centre for Architecture. Years later. quote on 82. the Roshan al-Daula Kothi. Hering published a list of Beato’s photographs for sale. No author’s name is provided on the title page. or a longing for a lost cultural heritage. Although Polehampton mentions daguerreotypes. and the amateur Donald Horne Macfarlane. Abbas Ali.. Antonio Beato remained in Calcutta until December 1859. Letters and Diary of the Rev. while the origins of the Indar Sabha are still debated. reprint New Delhi and Chennai: Asian Educational Services. preface. 2000). but as representations of the city’s rich cultural past. prepared in advance. such as Dr. Lucknow: City of Illusion (London: Alkazi Collection of Photography. stated “his Indian views . one of the defenders of Lucknow during the Indian Mutiny 1857–8. 1858. The changes were rapid. 1858. Rouse. 1858). what was important in the 1870s was that the audience “believed they were beholding a direct link to the Awadh court and its sumptuous ambience. L. Munich: Prestel. The Bengal Hurkaru. Views include the Lal Barahdari. August 27. the most Celebrated and Popular Living Histrionic Singers. February 23. ed. but not discussed here. with drastic alterations happening within weeks.” British Journal of Photography. Beato During the Indian Mutiny in 1857–58. Jones’s photographs can be found in the National Army Museum. The titles link the majority of the views directly to the Uprising. xi. printed leaflet with the album Mutiny Memorials. H. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. 4. “Abject to Object: Colonialism Presented through the Imagery of Muharram. began teaching photography in the mid-1850s. were using calotypes. The Royal Engineers introduced photography to the curriculum in 1856. 249. 5. London. from The Beauties of Lucknow. 1858. C. A “Mutiny” album in the National Media Museum.. Low. May 28. 16. 31 . C. The Lucknow Album (Calcutta: G. The Beauties of Lucknow. 1874). 183. 185. where the officers for the English East India Company were trained. Rachel Dwyer and Christopher Pinney (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Here it probably means a superintendent—someone with responsibility for the structure and running of the building. Consisting of . 10. February 22. Lieutenant-Colonel Gould Hunter-Weston. eds.1. 26. Pictorial Lucknow. Bradford. (left) and Lall-PuRRee. Mookherjee. 2006). 24. London. Further portraits of the royal women can be found in the “Warner Album” in The Alkazi Collection of Photography (ACP 2001. John Fraser. Mookherjee. 8. As an Indian publication for an Indian (male) audience.. A Magnificent Collection of Photographic Views and Panoramas Taken by Signor F. Mookherjee in Pictorial Lucknow. Lucknow has always been a city of mourning. P. 162 163 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . and a view of the Jilau Khana in the Qaisar Bagh which also appears in Dannenberg’s 1892 album. 29. Beato gave a talk in London about his work. “Respectable Native Inhabitants” as “Ahmud Ally Khan. a “Lucknow immemorable for the Oriental magnificence of the entertainments” at the pre-1857 court. W. Fitzgerald displayed some of his Lucknow views at the Madras Photographic Society in December 1860. Dancing GiRl 14. Henry S. 2. Beato’s photographs of sites affected by the Uprising are relatively easy to locate in institutions. February 23. Montreal. the British Library.. 1914). 17. 76 –114..0001). 22 . ed. 13. 1860. whether through Shia religious associations. and the Late War in China. 30. Pictorial Lucknow (Lucknow 1883. The Bengal Hurkaru. The Bengal Hurkaru and India Gazette. 23.” Darogah can imply various positions of authority. but the work is attributed to Abbas Ali by P. 39 – 40.” in Pleasure and the Nation: The History. Khan is listed in the Bengal Directory for 1856 under the heading. A Memoir.. Darogah Abbas Ali. Brown. March 2. The Englishman. his contemporaries in India. Agra. 9. Mutiny Memorials. Beato was using glass-plate negatives. February 26. Darogah of Hoosunabad. preface. of the Indar Sabha (right).. While the Uprising undoubtedly remains a watershed in the photographic depiction of the city. 28.” is much rarer. the sites of 1857 conflict. Others who photographed in Lucknow in the late 1850s–early 1860s. depending on the context. Politics and Consumption of Public Culture in India. 21 . and Sarnath and his ethnographic portraits of “Indian types. Rebecca M. The British Journal of Photography reported the lecture. 1874). 1859. 11 .” Journal of the Society of Army Historical Research. 1862. His work of other sites. Journal of the London Photographic Society. 200. the book evokes a melancholy longing for the past glories of Lucknow. had all been taken upon plates previously prepared at Athens. Photo 254 /1. 20. particularly given the traditional reading of the Indar Sabha as a metaphor for the court of Wajid Ali Shah. Examples survive in the British Library (Photo 591) and in the Alkazi Collection of Photography. Dancing Girls. 2003).. Baptist Mission Press. 6. Low. Polehampton (London: Richard Bentley. 27.” 30 The photographs function as glimpses of this now-extinct court. including Amritsar. 51– 55. 183. Lieutenant-Colonel Gould Hunter-Weston of Hunterston . Rare Photographic Memorials of the Mutiny. 25. Kathryn Hansen. M ali n i roy Origins of the Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh While the affiliation between the Mughals and the province of Awadh began as early as the late sixteenth century when Akbar incorporated the province as part of the Mughal Empire, it is curious that a painting tradition in either a local vernacular or in a substyle of the Mughal tradition did not appear till the mid-eighteenth century during the rule of the provincial ruler Nawab Shuja al-Daula. With Delhi in turmoil, some artists belonging to the imperial atelier, which had burgeoned under the supervision of Muhammad Shah (r. 1719 – 48) in the earlier part of the century, redirected their attention toward soliciting patronage from provincial rulers, courtiers, and European officers in the cities of Faizabad and Lucknow. Subsequently the Awadhi substyle, a derivative of the later Mughal painting tradition, emerged. Several key artists including Mir Kalan Khan (fl. c. 1734 –70) and Nidha Mal (fl. c. 1735 –75) are known to have relocated to the provincial Mughal court from Delhi. As these artists disseminated their knowledge of the later Mughal style to the rising generation of artists, the emerging Awadhi style was strongly locked into the Mughal idiom. By the mid-1760s, the painterly style would gradually shift into a distinctive substyle; by reflecting on European models, artists became increasingly conscious of “imparting volume to their figures and spatial depth to their compositions.” 1 In point of fact, artists were keen to break away from the Mughal mind-set and improve preexisting compositional formats in order to include realistic landscape settings. Specifically, the widespread use of aerial perspective to create distant landscape vistas in the backgrounds, complete with mountain ranges and small rounded bushes, would become a trademark of Awadhi painting. From the outset, artists painted a few 164 165 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh portraits of Shuja al-Daula as well as of unidentified courtiers, ragamala paintings (visualizations of the 2 collections, further clues on nawabi patronage may yet come to light. A small number of portraits of Shuja al-Daula, which can be assigned to the first half of his rule (1754 – 64), are suggestive of sporadic patronage. In general, the lack of inscriptions, dates, and artists’ attributions make it difficult to determine the precise chronology of production. Additionally, although most portraits are not inscribed with the sitter’s identity, through the common physiognomy and costume drawn by artists one can differentiate between portraits of Shuja al-Daula, Asaf al-Daula, and unidentified Awadhi noblemen. In the first years of his rule, Shuja al-Daula is pictured as a relatively slender man with a distinctive mustache. An early portrait picturing Shuja al-Daula standing on a terrace accompanied by two attendants followed the classic Mughal model of a terrace portrait (Fig. 19). musical modes), and terrace scenes of princes and princesses enjoying entertainments. Of course, for the art historian it is a challenge to differentiate between paintings produced at Awadh and Delhi during this intermediate phase. By the 1770s, the Awadhi substyle entered into a new phase. The arrival of British and French officers to the region brought forth momentous change; the diffusion of European culture culminated in a dynamic milieu that would affect all aspects of nawabi culture and the fine arts. As European officers lavished their attention on local artists, the Awadhi painting tradition effloresced into its most productive phase. Artists such as Mihr Chand (fl. 1759 – 86), Nevasi Lal (fl. c. 1760 –75), Mohan Singh (fl. c. 1763 – 82), and Gobind Singh (fl. 1775 – 82) were commissioned to produce portraits of Shuja al-Daula and Mughal emperors, ragamala paintings, and illustrations to literary texts. With European officers acquiring a multitude of loose paintings, illustrated manuscripts as well as albums containing Awadhi examples, which have since found their way into private and public collections, a considerable amount of information on the Awadhi tradition is revealed. Although it would be conventional to propose Shuja al-Daula as the leading patron of the later Mughal painting tradition in Awadh, in fact, there is substantial evidence that points to European patronage as the principal force that encouraged local artists to flourish particularly in the second half of the eighteenth century. 12. Style of Mir Kalan Khan, EuRopean Woman Seated on a TeRRace Smoking a Venetian-Style Water Pipe, c. Presented in strict profile, he holds a pink flower in his left hand and a hookah mouthpiece in the other. His attendant holds the base of the hookah. Even though the sitter’s identity is not provided, through the distinctive attire of the green khilat (ceremonial robe) trimmed with fur and the turban with a decorative crescent-shaped band, commonly worn by Awadhi nobles, the sitter’s identity is disclosed. Only the nawab of Awadh would be pictured in this particular garment. A second portrait of Shuja al-Daula (fig. 20), which can be dated no earlier than 1759, is inscribed “Wazir al-Mamalik navvab Shuja al-Dawla Bahadur.”4 Again, following Mughal convention, the nawab is pictured standing outdoors and elegantly dressed in a floor-length white jama, accentuated by select pieces of jewelry including a feathered aigrette on his turban. In this study, the nawab has put on weight; rather than a neat mustache, Shuja al-Daula’s facial hair has developed. The portly figure, drooping mustache, and slight growth on his cheeks would appear in other studies of the nawab. In addition to portraits of Shuja al-Daula, the Awadhi repertoire included illustrations of specific episodes from literature and poetry (11, p. paintings (140, 141, 168; 24, Scarcely any paintings can be directly linked to nawabi patronage; very few paintings are marked with seals or inscriptions that would suggest that they once belonged to the collection of the nawab of Awadh. One known example is found on the reverse of a mid-eighteenth-century portrait, European Woman Seated on a Terrace Smoking a Top: Fig. 19. Sital Singh, An Indian pRince smoking a hookah; India, Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, c. 1754; opaque 1760 –75 Page 164: 15. Attributed to Mir Kalan Khan, A PRincess Visiting a FoRest ShRine at Night, c. 1760 Venetian-Style Water Pipe (12). It is inscribed “sarkar navvab Shuja al-Dawla . . . Bahadur Sahib” (His Excellency the Regent, Shuja al-Daula the hero). Although this 3 watercolor and gold on paper, page 15 7⁄ 8 x 10 3⁄4 in. (40.3 x 27.3 cm), image 11 x 8 3⁄ 8 in. (27.9 x 21.1 cm); Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris, Estampes, Rés. Od. 43, pet. fol. 18 (Collection Gentil) Bottom: FIG. 20. Wazir al-Mamalik Nawab Shuja al-Daula Bahadur ; India, Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, c. 1759; watercolor on paper, 9 7⁄ 8 x 7 1⁄ 8 in. (25.4 x 18.2 cm); Museum für Islamische Kunst I.4598 folio 19 p. 173), ragamala p. 183), as well as a high number of or celebrating religious inscription does not offer a precise date, nor indicate patronage, it clearly implies that it had passed through Shuja al-Daula’s hands. As there are countless unpublished Awadhi paintings in both private and public terrace scenes picturing individuals observing musical performances (Fig. 21, p. 172) festivities. Much of this early phase of painting is undoubtedly indebted to the arrival of leading artists 166 167 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh from Delhi. Of the Mughal artists to settle in the region, Mir Kalan Khan and Nidha Mal were the most prolific. Despite the lack of biographical information on these artists, the number of surviving works provides an insight into the continuation of their careers. As a leading artist of Muhammad Shah’s atelier in Delhi, Mir Kalan Khan is often associated with the Awadhi painting tradition.5 Trained at the imperial atelier in the Mughal tradition, in his painterly style in Awadh Khan demonstrated a preference for eclectic compositions and experimenting with non-Mughal idioms (16, al-Daula inset within a hunting scene (157, pp. 4–5). 17). A key painting, which documents Khan’s encounter with the nawab of Awadh, is a portrait of Shuja Using a panoramic view of the Allahabad fort as the backdrop, Khan portrayed Shuja al-Daula dynamically slaying a lion. The nawab’s identity is readily discernible; Khan opted to render the nawab’s physiognomy complete with drooping moustache and beard that was similar in style to Left: 17. Mir Kalan Khan, ChRist (Jesus) as a Child in the Temple, c. 1760 Right: 11. Mir Kalan Khan, A DRowning Man Saved fRom MaRine MonsteRs by a PRincely Boat, c. 1750 – 60 Opposite: 16. Mir Kalan Khan, LoveRs in a Landscape, c. 1760 –70 168 169 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh 8 These highly stylized paintings were filled to the brim with multiple vignettes of harem entertainments. 24. Awadhi nobleman accompanied by ladies of the harem watching entertainments. 21. is representative of his later style (fig. lanterns. 76. but Mir Kalan Khan’s approach would more often result in an unexpected aesthetic harmony. A second major Mughal artist to have an impact on the rising generation of Awadhi artists is the painter Nidha Mal. though the subject matter is not always immediately comprehensible. These grandiose illustrations were painted with 18. Nidha Mal brought to Awadh his shrewd awareness of spatial conventions. 172). 173). juxtaposed with brilliant white. and a “partiality to the color white (20). From the mid-1760s. One might expect that his paintings have a pastiche appearance. c. Mir Kalan Khan’s genre scenes are also particularly interesting.Along with his forte in portraiture. Awadhi artists developed a partiality toward painting nighttime terrace scenes that pictured women celebrating festivals or playing games. p. Nidha Mal painted several noteworthy portraits of Muhammad Shah accompanied by his courtiers. p. officers affiliated to the French Compagnie des Indes Orientales and the English East India Company were stationed in The rising generation was directly influenced by the models introduced by artists such as Mir Kalan Khan and Nidha Mal. Both the concept of lavish terrace scenes and this combined color palette would appear in works by Nidha Mal’s contemporaries (3. In particular. of an unidentified 7 precision. During the height of his career in Delhi. p. Drawing on existing Delhi paintings. c. including Italianate and Flemish styles of landscapes (18). the collections amassed by European officers testify that additional sources of patronage were available to Awadhi artists. one of the rising stars in the Awadhi art scene during the 1760s and 1770s.” One of his paintings. Mir Kalan Khan. or even Bijapuri models. For this composition. would radically transform terrace scenes into confections of multilayered “idealized palaces surrounded by formal gardens” that would recede to the horizon (21. An Awadh Nobleman Reclining on a Couch by Moonlight. 21. 1755 – 65 170 171 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . 1760 the work of his contemporaries. In spite of the lack of information substantiating nawabi patronage. p. Village Life in Kashmir . and armies fighting battles in the far distance. they were symbolic of the flourishing courtly life in the cities of Lucknow and Faizabad. 172). 169). 20. Faizullah. Not only would these paintings become paradigms within the Awadhi tradition. lush gardens with birds. figural depictions from Rajput or Safavid paintings (16. and candelabra to illuminate night scenes.6 In some instances. p. his pictorial style of terrace scenes. Mir Kalan Khan would mix these various ideas within a single composition. Khan had a tendency to paint within a single composition specific vignettes or episodes from a variety of literary texts. It is often unclear whether the artist intended to embellish a story or simply used characters from various literary texts to create whimsical theatrical scenes. p. pavilions are strategically placed on the terrace and adorned with colorful textiles and women are dressed in flowing garments (fig. This experimental phase embraced a variety of painterly modes. Nidha Mal notably adopted a striking color palette consisting of shades of bright orange and yellow-greens. 172). they incorporated fireworks. Nidha Mal. Lucknow. promised gift of Mr. c. c.5 cm). CelebRating Shab-i BaRat. c. An Awadhi Nobleman. 1755 – 65. Museum für Islamische Kunst. c. (26. and Mrs. 1770 172 173 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . Uttar Pradesh.FIG. L. opaque watercolor on paper. Faizullah. Field. India. Nidha Mal. Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. opaque watercolor and gold on paper. PRobably Shuja Al-Daula. PRincess Zib an-Nisa Watching FiRewoRks. 21. 1768 Opposite: 24. I. with Five Ladies of the HaRem Watching EnteRtaineRs in a Water GaRden. Lucknow or Faizabad.5 x 37. 22. The Women of Egypt Cut Their FingeRs Peeling ORanges when FiRst Seeing YUSUF’s Beauty. Bensky H. Uttar Pradesh.4596 folio 23 Right: 3.10. 10 3⁄ 8 x 14 3⁄4 in.2004 Above: FIG. An Al FResco EnteRtainment for PRinces. 1754 –75. India. Of the artists affiliated to Gentil’s studio. 7. In addition to the illustrated volumes.4 x 54. 1770. 1774 Mughal Empire. In the period leading up to Shuja al-Daula’s death in 1775. 81). 23. the collections amassed by Jean-Baptiste Gentil. Gentil’s career in India commenced with the Compagnie des Indes Orientales from 1752 through the early 1760s. Gentil enlisted several artists to produce a wide range of illustrations that would be incorporated into several volumes. APAC. 4039 folio 19r Top: 29.13 Although artists trained in the Mughal style drew the illustrations. The British Library. focal point of Gentil’s collection was a series of illustrated albums. and Richard Johnson are central to understanding the Awadhi tradition. These decorative illustrations were painted in a water-based medium and did not include the surrounding landscape. these works are more often described as products of the socalled Company school. 1774 Bottom: 27.” 14 Gentil’s manuscripts were filled with informal vignettes that were either imbedded within the text or painted on the periphery of maps. (38. including a volume containing individual maps Gentil’s memoirs also account for another major project: during the winter of 1774 –75. Faizabad. Various Indian artists including Nevasi Lal and the region. p. these men would solicit examples of Indian paintings from local artists. Antoine-Louis Polier. Nevasi Lal. 11 23). As a direct consequence of their collective patronage. only Mohan Singh and Nevasi Lal have been identified.10 a history of the Mohan Singh. from Jean-Baptiste Gentil’s Atlas of the Mughal EmpiRe. In particular. JeanBaptiste Gentil (1726 –1799) was the earliest to establish a small studio in the city of Faizabad. TReaty of the Nawab with the BRitish at BenaRes in 1765. Gentil commissioned a series of large-format architectural drawings of buildings in Faizabad and Delhi. a volume on Indian coins. This term is used to categorize “a special type of Indian painting which was produced for Europeans and was heavily influenced by European taste. Of the major connoisseurs in the region. While the delineation of figures and objects remained in the traditional Indian style. Add. watercolor and ink on paper. AFter a Painting by Tilly Kettle. from A “Gentil Album” Depicting ManneRs and Customs of People of India.5 cm). Leaving the French company. Nawab Shuja al-Daula with His Ten Sons. artists pasted multiple sheets of paper in a horizontal format in order to picture an entire façade of a building. he entrusted his 174 175 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh .FIG. The PRovince of Awadh. 15 1⁄ 8 x 21 1⁄2 in. Gentil opted to take up a private post as the aide-de-camp for Shuja al-Daula by the mid-1760s.12 as well as a manuscript depicting native people (27). Or. Within this series we find an illustration of Shuja al-Daula’s palace in Faizabad (Fig. owing to the time constraint imposed by Gentil the artists were only able to produce hastily drawn illustrations that were accentuated with watercolors. At the 9 of the Mughal provinces (fig. enormous numbers of paintings were produced in the second half of the eighteenth century.15 To paint this series of illustrations. these collections reveal particular details surrounding the establishment of minor studios by European residents as well as the names and some biographical information on a number of artists who flourished in both Faizabad and Lucknow. Although additional versions of Kettle’s portraits produced by Gentil’s studio cannot be accounted for. Polier was actively engaged in campaigns. p. Uttar Pradesh. only a few portraits of Shuja al-Daula following the common physiognomy as pictured in figure 20 are dated to the early years of his rule. p. Awadhi artists would become aware of new portraiture conventions as well as an updated physiognomy of the nawab. Polier started his career by enlisting as a cadet with the English East India Company. As Nevasi Lal’s works are generally unsigned. 1765 –76 Shuja al-Daula (31. 177). Top: 124. I. Polier established a small studio that was headed by the preeminent artist Mihr Chand. where he received commissions from both Shuja al-Daula and British officers. 239). In addition. 174). folio 40 Particularly noteworthy. p. the British portrait painter. opaque watercolor and gold on paper. c. As Kettle painted several full-length oil paintings of Shuja al-Daula. c. the artist’s repertoire included portraits of Mughal emperors (115.16 Over the course of the next thirteen years. another major connoisseur in the region and contemporary to Gentil. On arriving in Madras in 1758. worked in the capacity of surveyor. who was one of the preeminent artists to flourish in the region. it is curious that he sold off the majority of albums either during his final months in India or after his return to London in 1788. including Sir Robert Barker. India. In 1772. one of Gentil’s leading artists. (19 x 19 cm). Shamsa page. Switzerland. inner field 7 1⁄2 x 7 1⁄2 in. was a native of Lausanne. p. was invited to Faizabad. Polier’s studio ensured symmetry throughout the collection by including similarly designed frontispieces in each of the albums with either a sunburst-shaped medallion or rectangular cartouche that would be inscribed with details of ownership and the contents of the particular album (Fig. Deva GandhaRa Ragini. Polier was assigned to the court of Shuja al-Daula in Faizabad. While Polier endeavored to build up his collection in India. and was promoted to chief engineer in charge of reconstructing Fort William in Calcutta (Kolkata). Antoine-Louis Polier (1741–1795). A DeRvish Receiving a Visitor . 154. Mihr Chand. Kettle’s portraits had a pronounced impact on Awadhi artists. 24. and courtesans as well as drawings of 176 177 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . Even though Gentil’s memoirs state that he commissioned his studio to produce copies of four portraits by Kettle.4594. Indian artist. 124). 239.18 Polier’s collection was extraordinary. as it featured the majority of the known paintings ascribed to the artist Mihr Chand. “painted at Faizabad by Nevasilal. the majority of album leaves were decorated with double. both Nevasi Lal’s contemporaries and later generations of Awadhi artists would often compose portraits of Shuja al-Daula in the style of Tilly Kettle. Lucknow.studio to produce copies of Tilly Kettle’s portraits of Shuja al-Daula. in both the cities of Faizabad and Delhi. 24. to serve in the capacity of chief engineer and architect. Tilly Kettle (1735 –1786). p. together with specimens of calligraphy (117. circa 1772. Within these albums. from which they could produce their own versions. painted a portrait of Shuja al-Daula with His Ten Sons that was based on an original by Kettle (29. without Gentil’s note on the reverse of this work. Nevasi Lal. 1774. several of these appear in the collection of Antoine Polier (31. 178). as of this date only one copy by a member of Gentil’s studio has been located. including group portraits of the nawab accompanied by his progeny or British officers. 1780 Bottom: 117. 1776.17 FIG. Mihr Chand and the members of the studio were responsible for producing at least twelve exquisitely bound albums containing examples of Awadhi paintings as well as examples of seventeenth-century Mughal and Deccani works.” it would not have been possible to identify Nevasi Lal’s hand. Museum für Islamische Kunst. Within months of his arrival. p. dark blue borders and distinctive multicolored floral marginal designs. 180). that were readily available to artists in Awadh. such as European engravings and earlier Mughal. 1760 Bottom Right: 148. for the first time in the history of later Mughal painting. Persian. c. 1786 Right: 115. 24 (Collection Gentil) Top Right: 123. page 15 7⁄ 8 x 10 3⁄4 in. we have first-hand documentation on the patronage of artists. India.Left: 122. As the finest examples of Mihr Chand’s oeuvre were integrated into Polier’s collection. 1720. 1765 –73 Bottom Left: 149. Female Musician. image 9 7⁄ 8 x 8 1⁄ 8 in. Mughal landmarks and subjects of Hindu mythology. Fol. Paris. Mihr Chand.. 149). it has become possible to determine the extent of the working relationship that was formed between the artist and patron. Est. Of immense significance. Mihr Chand. c. Mughal. The Mughal EmpeRor Shah Alam II on a Palace TeRRace in Allahabad.3 x 27. (25 x 20. 43. Mihr Chand. 25. this resource assists in understanding the impact of European patronage on local artists. (40. 123. The Qawwal Sheikh Shir Muhammad Debates with His FolloweRs. Style Of Mihr Chand. the stylistic nuances of a single artist. 148. pet.20 As Polier’s letters have been recently translated from Persian to English and published. c. Although scholars have known that Mihr Chand appropriated heavily from Tilly Kettle’s works to produce his own portraits of Shuja al-Daula. Bibliothèque Nationale de France. The Mughal PRince MiRza Jawan Bakht. 178 179 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . opaque watercolor and gold on paper. Visit of the Qawwal Shir Muhammad with Abul Hasan Qutb Shah. 25. c. Polier’s connection to Mihr Chand is substantiated through a series of personal correspondence sent to the artist in this period.19 c. c. 1765 –73 In addition to the visual evidence. Rés.7 cm). 1759 Top Left: Fig. as well as providing an idea of the resources. Female Musician. Od. it has recently been discovered that Mihr Chand also directly copied existing paintings that he found in Gentil’s collection (Fig.3 cm). and Rajput paintings. Nawab Shuja Al-Daula and His Ten Sons. India. At Polier’s behest. and Two PictuRes of Beauties.4596 folio 18 p. 1774. 11 5⁄16 x 15 7⁄16 in. 26). opaque watercolor and gold on paper.3 x 23. I. he turned to Tilly Kettle’s oil paintings for inspiration.21 This social commentary authenticates Polier’s patronage of the artist as well as indicating the style of paintings that appealed to European clientele. Mihr Chand’s portrayal of the European wearing traditional Awadhi garments and enjoying a dance performance is without doubt Mihr Chand’s notable patron Antoine Polier. 27. bust-length portraits. 27). 28. artists had no option but to follow in his lead. 29. 1780 Right: 155. watercolor and gold on paper. 26. Although scholars debate the sitter’s identity. Collection of Princess Sadruddin Aga Khan Shuja al-Daula’s untimely death in 1775 had no direct repercussions on the Awadhi painting tradition. there is limited information on this nawab’s patronage of Indian artists. the Left: 154.2 cm). it suggests that the artist had cornered the market during the final years of the nawab’s rule. 1780 Awadhi tradition persevered through the continued patronage of European residents and officers in the region. Aside from a few portraits of the rotund Asaf al-Daula receiving courtiers (figs. Mihr Chand. Asad Khan anD Alamgir . Particularly the efforts of Richard Johnson 180 181 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . Uttar Pradesh. Mihr Chand was also asked to produce a series of portraits of Shuja al-Daula that would be assimilated into new albums bound for Polier and that could be presented by Polier to his acquaintances (31. only a few portraits by other artists. Through the end of the eighteenth century. Mihr Chand’s finest painting is that of Colonel Polier Watching a Nautch (fig. Faizabad. portraits of prominent European residents including John Wombwell. 239. Mihr Chand. c.23 Appropriating heavily from Kettle’s work. opaque period. 13 1⁄ 8 x 9 1⁄ 8 in. it is only possible to rely on the evidence of European patronage. c. including Nevasi Lal’s Shuja al-Daula with His Ten Sons. 183). Asaf al-Daula. (33. as well as a version of Shuja al-Daula with his ten sons (fig. FIG. Museum für Islamische Kunst. 154). Nawab Shuja al-Daula. also date to this FIG. after a PoRtRait by Tilly Kettle. 1773 –74. Faizabad. (19 x 28 cm).22 As Mihr Chand’s multiple portraits are dispersed through Polier’s collection and also found elsewhere. Mihr Chand created full-length portraits of Shuja al-Daula standing outdoors. c. India. Uttar Pradesh. As Mihr Chand may not have been afforded the opportunity to compose portraits of the nawab in situ.Within Polier’s collection. transferred the nawabi court from Faizabad to Lucknow. Warren Hastings. p. Colonel Polier Watching a Nautch. Although his eldest son and successor. and Richard Johnson were also painted by Mihr Chand’s contemporaries. Attributed to Mihr Chand. For an overview of the continuation of the Awadhi painting tradition through the end of the eighteenth century. and Other CouRtieRs.7 x 11. Smith-Lesouef 249. Udwat Singh. there are isolated paintings that suggest the patronage of the rulers of Awadh. Asaf Al-Daula Receiving Hasan Reza Khan. his artists were challenged to produce multiple sets of ragamala paintings. Ghulam Reza. Uttar Pradesh. commission Awadhi paintings from local artists. 1775. image 13. Richard Johnson arrived in Calcutta in 1770 and took up the post of a writer in the Bengal Civil Service.2 cm). (47 x 32. (34. including Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810) and Ozias Humphry (1742 –1810). a British civil servant. Johnson’s collection holds paintings ascribed to multiple artists who flourished in Awadh from 1780 to 1782. 1780 – 82 In addition. who worked for Jean-Baptiste Gentil during the 1770s in Faizabad. Gobind Singh. Illustrations by artists including Ghulam Reza’s. This vast resource constitutes the majority of known Awadhi paintings that are held within a single collection. these were sold to the East India House Library in 1807 and currently are held by the British Library in London. In Lucknow. c. which picture the Hindu deity Shiva. 1780 – 82 Bottom Right: 140.5 cm). he had sixty-seven albums. Or. Further causing complications for the local community was that they faced competition from European artists.24 From this list it is evident that Mohan Singh. Ragamala paintings.5 x 12. artists were able to rapidly execute sets of illustrations on topics such as portraits of Mughal emperors or on the occupations of the native people for European consumers to take home as souvenirs. Uttar Pradesh. 6523 Top Right: FIG. Mss. more importantly.2 in. Johnson was assigned to Lucknow. as well as Sanskrit and Persian manuscripts. we find many Lucknow versions of the portraits of Asaf al-Daula and the Mughal Prince Jawan Bakht that were originally painted by Zoffany and other European artists at Lucknow (122. Ghulam Reza.. Muhammad Ashiq. Haidar Beg Khan. Typical sets of ragamala painting include thirty-six ragas and raginis.5 cm).8 in. for Asaf al-Daula’s fleeting attention. BhaiRavi Ragini. India. Ghulam Reza. by modifying their choice of medium from a heavy gouache to watercolor. page 18. 10 1⁄4 x 14 1⁄4 in. his achievements were recognized and he was promoted to the post of assistant to Governor-General Warren Hastings. Artists affiliated with Johnson’s studio include Mohan Singh. opaque watercolor and gold on paper. later Mughal paintings from Murshidabad. feature prominently within Johnson’s collection. and Ram Sahai. The Awadhi tradition of painting did not cease at the end of the eighteenth century. 140). had transferred to Lucknow by 1780. Paris. Although Johnson primarily commissioned new ragamala paintings and illustrations to literary texts. and manuscript illustrations. 182 183 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . deserve recognition. depictions of Hindu deities. Awadh. Top Left: FIG 28. however artists faced hardships in obtaining patronage from Shuja al-Daula’s descendants as well as from the European residents. Compared with the collections assembled by Gentil and Polier. the personification of the various Indian classical modes. Collection of Shawn Ghassemi Bottom Left: 139. c. By the time of Johnson’s departure back to England. Within a short time. (26 x 36. which predominantly feature works of one or two named Awadhi artists. Of course.7 x 28. Although Johnson was in Lucknow only briefly. India. as seen in his delineation of Bhairava Raga and Bhairavi Ragini. Johnson’s atelier produced either nim-qalam (grisaille) illustrations or colored drawings of the various modes. In Calcutta. p. Bibliothèque Nationale de France. c. Rather than producing fully executed paintings. 29. late 18th century. Lucknow. he would continue to expand his collection and. Sital Das. Johnson collected Mughal and Deccani paintings. opaque watercolor on paper.(1753 –1807). No. During the period 1780 – 82. BhaiRava Raga. where he served in the capacity as the assistant to the British Resident Nathaniel Middleton. Hasan Reza Khan PResents a Request to Asaf al-Daula. As a result. are a testament to the artistic accomplishments of Awadhi artists (139. his collection included topographical views and portraits that he had purchased from artists in Lucknow. they consciously adjusted their style for the preferred “Company” idiom in order to attract a wider audience. 178). Alavi (Delhi: Oxford University Press. J. Add. Son of Ganga Ram (fl. 1820 –22. P. with the high number of illustrations produced for Gentil’s various projects. M. R. 1760 –75. India: Art and Culture 1300–1900 (1985. A European Experience of the Mughal Orient. Schmitz (Delhi: Marg.Bahâdur Sâhib) and translated by Prof. trans. A European Experience of the Mughal Orient. “Some Unexpected Sources for Paintings by the Artist Mihr Chand. 12 . c. the British Museum. (34.fr. V&A. 7. which chronicled the author’s life in Lucknow and his passion for women. The inscription on the verso was transcribed (sarkar navvab Shuja’ al-Dawla. Aside from Mohan Singh. P. A European Experience of the Mughal Orient: The Ijaz-i Arsalani (Persian letters 1772–1779) of Antoine-Louis Henri Polier. 13 1⁄2 x 18 3⁄4 in. The British Library. 2001). 35. J. For details regarding Mir Kalan Khan’s early career in Delhi. Or. M. “Towards a New Naturalism.Or.5 x 47. “Mughal Painting during the Reign of Muhammad Shah. “Towards a New Naturalism. reprint New York: Prestel. “Towards a New Naturalism. Thackston. 25 16. see Losty. 15. Ghazi Al-Din Haidar EnteRtains LoRd and Lady MoiRa. Shuja al-Daula was appointed as wazir of the Mughal Empire by Shah Alam II in 1759 – 60.” in After the Great Mughals.4039. Mildred Archer. Wajid Ali Shah held the most promise as patron of art. Of all the later Awadhi rulers. RCIN 1005035. Painting in Delhi and the Regional Courts in the 18th and 19th Centuries. 2003). 26. McInerney. Schmitz (Delhi: Marg.” in After the Great Mughals. Painting in Delhi and the Regional Courts in the 18th and 19th Centuries. Llewellyn-Jones (Mumbai: Marg. Mildred Archer and Graham Parlett.” 49 – 51.” South Asian Studies 26:1 (2010). 11. 26.5 cm).4599) and at the Museum for Asiatic Art in Berlin (MIK I 4063 and 5005). Polier. 360. Receuil de toutes sortes des Dessins sur les usages et coutumes des peuples de l’Indoustan ou empire Mogol. 37a. Mughal Paintings for the British Library (London: Indar Pasricha Fine Arts. 25. Abrégé historique des souverains de l’Indoustan. 22 . ed.including a commemorative scene of Ghazi al-Din Haidar entertaining Lord and Lady Moira at a banquet (fig. APAC. Add. 21 . Bibliothèque nationale de France (hereinafter BnF). 13.25287. 23.742 Royal Collection.Or. Histoire des Pieces de Monnayes qui ont été frappé dans l’Indoustan. 19. “Tilly Kettle and the Court of Oudh..27 1. Uttar Pradesh. Portraiture in Murshidabad and Awadh.” Burlington Magazine 143 (2001). gouache on paper. see Terrance McInerney. 21–29. 11 . 1997). For further information on Khan’s style in Awadh. Although only these two artists have been named. 3. Losty. Polier.5. Fig. Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Losty. 8. This beautifully executed compilation would have been the final opportunity for Awadhi artists to revive the later Mughal painting style that had flourished during the second half of the eighteenth century and to be offered such a major commission from a member of the Awadhi ruling family. IS 25 -180. 2002). “Mughal Painting during the Reign of Muhammad Shah. 1759 – 86). Empire Mogol divisé en 21 soubahs ou gouvernements tiré de differens écrivains du pais en Faisabad en MDCCLXX.63. 4. Leach. European Woman Seated on a Terrace Smoking a Venetian-Style Water Pipe. 24219. 24. ed. no. Company Paintings: Indian Paintings of the British Period (London: Victoria and Albert Museum. Roy. 132 – 33. Alam and S. British Library (hereinafter BL). 1998). fol. Losty. Lucknow or Faizabad. “Archibald Swinton: A New Source for Albums of Indian Miniatures in William Beckford’s Collection. 9. APAC. As an accomplished poet and aficionado of the Awadhi painting tradition.88.fr. BL.” 51– 52. BnF. 20. BnF. Lucian Guthrie Harris. The majority of albums commissioned by Antoine Polier are found in the Museum for Islamic Art in Berlin (MIK I 4593. Other albums are held at the British Library. 26 18. 14. 30. 2. 10. Lucknow. and the Achenbach Collection for Graphic Arts in San Francisco.” in Lucknow: Then and Now.” Apollo (1972): 96 –106. Stuart Cary Welch. 281. 2002). Od. 1750 – 80. Ms. ed B. Ms. he commissioned 103 illustrations to accompany a volume of his poetry entitled the Ishqnamah. Losty. the frontispiece is inscribed with the names of Nevasi Lal and Mohan Singh. Wheeler M.72. and Wajid Ali Shah in darbar with Lord Hardinge. M. “Painting at Lucknow. “Towards a New Naturalism. India. it is very likely that other artists were part of Gentil’s studio. J. 1992). 5. R9) 17. these artists flourished during the period 1780 – 82. Windsor Castle. c. 27. Losty and L.” 49 – 51. 1815 6. P. 184 185 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . Antoine Polier. Inside an album held by Victoria & Albert Museum (hereinafter V&A) (IS 25 -180). Add. 20.” 25. B. c.. using the folk etymology that linked Lucknow (Lakhnau) to Lakhan (or Lakshmana). Arcot. as far as the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. he traced its past back to distant antiquity. 1761–1806). and Hyderabad also come to mind) which profited from the considerable reorientations of the eighteenth century in order to construct or consolidate their own profiles. The fact that they did so at the expense of the declining imperial center at Shahjahanabad-Delhi lent this process a bittersweet taste to a number of contemporary observers. The memoirist Abdul Halim “Sharar” (1860 –1926) famously described Lucknow as the “last exemplar of eastern culture in Hindustan” (Hindustan mem mashriqi tamaddun ka akhiri namuna) in the nostalgic essays that he published in the journal Dil Gudaz between 1913 and the early 1920s. many of whom were obliged for economic and more general material reasons to migrate from Delhi to these newly prosperous centers of power. Lucknow truly emerged into prominence in the latter half of the eighteenth century—when the Mughal Empire as a political structure was entering into a phase of decline and decentralization under the long rule of Shah Alam II (r. as seen through the eyes of some princes and poets who flocked from Delhi to Lucknow in the latter half of the eighteenth century.M u z a f far Alam An d San jay Su b rah m an yam Of Princes and Poets in EighteenthCentury Lucknow Though it had been a garrison and administrative center of some importance through much of the Mughal period in northern India.1 In this respect it was like a number of regional courts and urban centers (Murshidabad. the brother of the hero and god 186 187 Alam and SubRahmanyam : Of PRinces and Poets . Bhopal.2 A patriotic denizen of the town. This brief essay is largely concerned with the nature of the tensions that were inherent in this process. and create a new dispensation based on a deeper fiscal penetration into the countryside and its resources. some of Afghan origin. the Shia culture of which would eventually be fervently defended by his grandson Mir Anis. c. He notes. Most of the eminent people of Delhi bade farewell to their domiciles and turned towards the east. like a stone embedded in a goblet. titled Safdar Jang. and by the time of its writing. Here he writes: O cup-bearer! Bring a jade-colored goblet Place more precious stones at its rim. Burhan al-Mulk was succeeded as the chief regional 4 al-bayan. and some amorous adventures seem to have assuaged his bitterness somewhat while on the road. AuRangzeb. when Asaf al-Daula had moved the center of affairs to Lucknow a decade later. when the major Iranian noble Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk decided for his part to make his power base in the area. However.Rama. and he claimed that “a large population of Hindus and Muslims were settled there before Akbar’s reign. there is a far more extensive section on Faizabad.3 Despite the prestige of Lucknow. were however not amongst the first wave of migrants but rather belonged to a second moment. Burhan al-Mulk chose to center his activities further to the east. who he stated made his residence there and was granted lands and revenues by the Mughals at the very end of the sixteenth century. for example. merchants. which has attracted less attention. In no time persons of every race and creed. What shall we do if the place itself is bad? 13 Two of the great poets of Delhi. are depicted by Sharar as the great local power-holders in the area for much of the high Mughal period until the early eighteenth century. it is clear that Mir Hasan had reconciled himself to Lucknow. he eventually joined a procession to the town of Makanpur in honor of the heterodox saint Shah Madar.12 Gradually. The entire population of Delhi seemed to be making preparations to move there. alongside a relatively brief description of Lucknow. Of the two. Even though I left the place. where he describes the splendid reception given to Warren Hastings by Nawab Asaf al-Daula in 1784 in the most fulsome terms (glossing over the fact that the same period was one of famine and misery in northern India.6 Faizabad and Lucknow had certainly managed to attract a number of migrants from Delhi by the middle decades of the eighteenth century.7 It is thus clear that Mir Hasan saw his departure from Delhi as something to regret.9 It is one of his later writings. He writes: As soon as it was known that Shuja-ud-Daula had decided on Faizabad for his headquarters [in 1765]. who also built up the site of Faizabad to a considerable degree after having initially preferred Lucknow. that of Nawab Asaf al-Daula and then eventually in that of Nawab Saadat Ali Khan. my heart was left behind at each station. craftsmen. Mir (1723 –1810) is uncharacteristically tactful regarding Lucknow in his usually quite acerbic memoir Zikr-i Mir. which he much prefers. is Page 186: 128. as well as the fact that it seemed quite disorderly in its construction to him in evident comparison to the greater orderliness of Delhi. Sharar’s account is very evocative of this change. Here is how the poem begins: Since the time Hindustan was shattered. That image is still present in my eyes. When I arrived in the land of Lucknow I saw no pleasure (bahar) in that town. the Masnawi sihr 188 189 Alam and SubRahmanyam : Of PRinces and Poets . and my understanding the verse: The world is a prison for believers. which had by now also acquired a significant presence of learned ulama in centers such as the celebrated Farangi Mahal (itself consolidated in Aurangzeb’s reign). His rather imaginative early history of the town also tied it to the activities of the legendary warrior-saint Salar Masud in the eleventh century. which he assimilated—whether literally or as a mere poetic device—to separation from a beloved. The central task of Burhan al-Mulk was thus to rein in the pretensions of the shaikhzadas. and a paradise for infidels” (Rasidan be-sijn wa wazih shudan maani-yi: “Al-duniya sijnun-lil-muminin wa jannatun-lil-kafirin”). in a town that came for a time to overshadow Lucknow in the region—namely Faizabad. I felt I could never take to this place. Even if there are many pious people here. Night and day people kept coming and caravan after caravan arrived to stay and become absorbed into the environs of Faizabad. that “on the pretext of having left my homeland behind / I turned the jungle into a river with my tears. soldiers. still the fact of separation tortures me. literary men. However. his earlier writings such as the Masnawi gulzar-i eram completed in 1779 (AH 1192) give a rather different impression. His verse-account thus continues: spread over several texts from his pen. a combination of regular access to the good things of life such as snacks and sweetmeats. and indeed the heading of that particular section is bluntly indicative of this: “Arrival in the prisonhouse. 1780 Mir Hasan saw the problems of Lucknow as partly associated with the physical site of the town itself. individuals of every rank and class had gathered there. my Destiny took me to the East My heart was attached to an idol there [Delhi].10 This long text concerns Mir Hasan’s departure from Delhi and arrival in Lucknow via Makanpur.5 The balance was definitively redressed away from Faizabad and in favor of Lucknow only during the following reign. in the mid-1770s.” A crucial figure in his account is that of a certain Shaikh Abdur Rahim Bijnauri. Mir Muhammad Taqi “Mir” and Mir Hasan. a fact that did not escape an embarrassed Hastings). and this continued under the rule of his son Nawab Shuja al-Daula. His descendants and other shaikhzadas. indeed a form of bitter exile. I have travelled in a carriage helplessly trapped like a bird in a moving cage Though I moved from one stage to another. His presence in the area appears to have increased the Shia flavor to Muslim settlement there.” After passing through the important Jat center of Dig. and it was difficult to be separated from it. Grief had so besieged my soul. that has been most frequently cited.8 The account of the region by his younger contemporary Mir Hasan (1736 –1786). In turn. the tone of derision resumes as soon as he arrives in Lucknow. and thousands came and settled there. crowds flocked in that direction.11 powerbroker by his son-in-law Muhammad Muqim Nishapuri. however. with jewels. If the poet sees Lucknow as a “cruel city” (shahr-i bedad). the seat of power built up by Shuja al-Daula. Mir Hasan waxes eloquent in several passages regarding the dresses and ornaments worn by the people. who made the town of Lucknow into a garden. money changers (sarrafs). It is a page from that wonderful album. Some houses are up near the sky And the huts of some are almost underground. Bravo! See the tastes and desires of lovers. And each hill here is like a rock on my chest. Quite in keeping with the Khwaja’s status. That even the wind cannot pass through. and erotic paradise. He put an end to all the dirtiness here. was in the poet’s words full of “open bazaars and wide-open streets / like lines on a white piece of paper.This country is settled on bumpy ground. Songs in an assembly. May Asaf al-Daula be kept safe forever. and sometimes it rises up. what with flowers. For here it is the symbol of Delhi. These include flirtatious women covered with perfume (itr) and sandal essence. by way of constructing great public buildings and imposing some order on what was otherwise a rather chaotic situation. sweetmeats (phirni and faluda) as well as many other products including kebabs of different varieties. There’s water all around.14 In a more politic vein. even if most of them have their origins in Delhi.18 The denigration thus continues in verse after verse. That their spectacle had the whole world in raptures. or in establishments where female prostitutes (randiyan) as well as young boys (launde) from Kashmir and elsewhere preen themselves. but its lanes were labyrinthine. There is also a vast number of occasions and locations for sociability.17 At the same time. culinary. No wood can be found. So that its paths wind all up and down. Like sweat from the body of an Ethiopian. One of them was a certain Khwaja Basit. That it’s scarcely possible to take a breath. It felt as if heaven’s door had opened. Faizabad for the poet is a commercial. sugarcane. At times it’s low. O God! May this leader live forever. Rather. as well as other bazaars. Each lane is so narrow here. A wave came one day over my breast: Why not make a trip to Faizabad? And so I raised up my heart and left. and the recollections of friends. What can I say about its horrors? When the Gomti rises all round. As soon as I entered that town. He complains that the houses are far too small. nor logs for a fire. Mir Hasan attempts for a time to soften the tone of his criticism somewhat. May God protect him and that abode. But if there’s one place. and metalworkers. which he portrays in the most glowing terms. and the fact that its river—the Gomti—overflowed its banks practically every year. This town is so crowded together.19 In later passages. and grain is dear. 15 This town. cloth merchants. And gave a real shape to Lucknow. complaining in turn of the miserliness of its people.16 190 191 Alam and SubRahmanyam : Of PRinces and Poets . whose dresses are often revealing of their breasts. There’s so much water in the place. while their wells are like tiny specks with water oozing out like pus from a wound in the chest.” We blame this age for no fault of its own. Houses begin to drown like bubbles in a stream. he also has extended passages in the same masnawi where he makes evident his own strong preference for Faizabad. fruits. To be sure. whether in the coffee shops. Take my boat across to the other side. Faizabad for him is no less than a “flower-garden. the place had an ancient past going back practically to the time of the legendary Decius. and even the crossroads were so narrow that it was hard to take a horse through them. he also concedes that the Nawab-Wazir Asaf al-Daula has begun to effect great improvements in the town. but because of this age. of Faizabad. The sludge in the lanes is black with mud. and especially the women. It is one of the exemplars of Hindustan.” O cup-bearer! Fill my goblet rapidly. He notes that at least a few generous patrons have settled in the town. I am now fed up with the narrowness of this place [Lucknow].” He rejoices in the extended description of the Tripuliya quarter. Indeed. He laid foundations for such buildings here. The Shia Mir Hasan even compares Lucknow to Kufa near where Imam Husain was killed. When we say. When I saw this condition of the place. it is clear that Mir Hasan’s distaste for Lucknow does not stem from the comparison with Delhi alone. it is Khwaja Basit’s. For he made the plans for his stay in this place. That it’s not a town but a water-pot instead. it is evident that the commercial prosperity of Faizabad impresses him no end. If Lucknow is chaos then. The paths and customs here are all dirty. its vulnerability to attacks by wild animals like wolves. As for what transpires here during the rains. “It’s not Lucknow. ” a direct descendant of the Great Mughals who had grown up in Delhi and remained there until about the age of thirty. On his arrival in Lucknow in the early 1790s. from 1775/76 [AH 1189/90]). Azfari decided to try his luck with Asaf al-Daula in Lucknow. My cheek threw up a dreadful swelling. it’s plain enough to state. what poetry can one write. and buildings of Lucknow were in his view all still in rather poor shape. Fortunate that man. As a curtain. we get a somewhat different view of Lucknow under Asaf al-Daula from the pen of a princely Mughal writer who also resided there for a time.21 above. asks Mir Hasan rhetorically. For a rent of two rupees a year. he wrote letters from there to the Nawab-Wazir (that is. disappeared in the sod. gave up the ghost. The streets were narrow. Its notches tear your clothes quite in two. since the world was created. Asaf al-Daula had built matchless buildings there. For many poets in both Persian and Urdu can be listed in Lucknow in these times.22 But the reality seems to have been far more complex than the dark picture painted by Mir Hasan in these verses. Humiliated and constantly assailed by heat. who from disgust at the troubles of the world. bazaars. as a sort of elite prisoner. and others Persianized Kayasthas and Khatris. and nothing’s straight. his deputy. A slip. two dusty wooden shutters. The fate of the poet and writer in Asaf al-Daula’s Lucknow is thus seen as anything but joyous. While a thatched roof over it leans. The house. the “Poem Denigrating His Mansion” (Masnawi hajw-i haweli. and it’s your death from a height. he complained. it might seem not so sad. land. As if I’d been butted by that dwelling. That will soil the hands of the man who enters. Azfari—like many of his cousins who were in a similar situation—managed to escape by profiting from a breach in the city walls. What shall I say of its courtyard all bare. So that a guest arriving there by chance. your foot may be twisted. It’s all crooked here. there’s a lesson to be had. if the door is shut Someone must be sitting on the pot. and made his way to a variety of courts in Rajasthan where he pleaded with their rulers to support him in a bid for the throne. And if your skirt gets caught up in that bamboo. Asaf al-Daula). And took the earth to be his abode. just lies around. And like the ants. Just four cots can be spread out there. If you laugh at it all. The Mughal prince proceeded cautiously however and only left Rampur after a few months. dust. As if instead of a kiss of affection. An old ladder just to clamber up and down. the poet’s life in the town is described in this poem as a veritable purgatory. of rough bamboo. which he had already visited. So thin the sun burns through all day long inside. In this endeavor. Everyone is in peril day and night.25 Making his way to the Rohila principality of Rampur. I found. bylanes. Like Mir Hasan. My face had been bitten at first inspection. Close the door to the house where you dwell. Ever since I took on a house here. From the closed door divines at a glance. So you walk as if only tiptoes existed. and the scourge of thousands of ants who seem to swarm all around Lucknow. In the fact that it goes up and down. seen such a house. the lanes. In midcourtyard is a plain raised square. I entered it and got a feverish malady. Conversely. some simply gloomy and some bitingly humorous. Maharaja Jhao Lal greeted him and had him stay at Gau Ghat.20 This is written in a far more humorous tone than the poem we have cited And when you need to relieve yourself. That helpless water: where can it go? It too must return to its own abode. And thinks: well. perhaps. has a strange quality. Has anyone.24 Eventually. Azfari was initially far from impressed. but it seemed that the town’s very foundations and temperament (uftad-i 192 193 Alam and SubRahmanyam : Of PRinces and Poets . With the sludge from it spreading everywhere. The chief quality of that yard can be found.Lucknow also comes in for some rather harsh criticism in another of Mir Hasan’s texts. some Muslims such as Mir or Mir Hasan. With one’s nostrils full of mud. The courtyard’s slope is made so cunning It’s into the house the water’s always running. and the ground was all up and down so that the town compared in his eyes unfavorably to Jaipur. It’s not a house but a mortal killjoy. But if not. Know the truth. As if there were no such habit in this place. A veranda made of nine or ten spare beams. At every breath.23 A decade or so after Mir Hasan’s salvos. There’s no kitchen. A thatched roof about five planks wide. This was Mirza Ali Bakht “Azfari. he met with very limited success and was eventually tempted by the prospect of migrating to the Asaf Jahi court in the Deccan. When this proved too difficult. so I’ve debated? The people in it are always annoyed. and we shall cite the opening passages to give the reader a flavor of its contents. or even a privy space. and a certain notable called Maharaja Jhao Lal explaining his situation to them and received positive responses with promises of good treatment. though he was only loosely a member of the Timurid clan. However. 27 I lived in Lucknow for seven years and saw the procession of the Nawab a thousand times. 26 he wished to do well in the all-too-polite high society of Asaf al-Daula’s court. and in some instances was less attuned to West and Central Asia than that of Delhi. it was only when Nawab Saadat Ali Khan came to power that he had took back the grants (wazifa or maash) from them. over the amaris and haudas [types of seats] of around twenty elephants.000 rupees for his household expenses. The faux pas offended the nawab considerably. Several times I have been to his palace and also visited the house of Hasan Raza Khan with him. When Timur’s family came to seek your shelter. However. and Azfari himself had to intervene in order to defuse the situation. from then on he would pay greater attention to the Mughal princes. Indeed. paying them a proper stipend each month. 194 195 Alam and SubRahmanyam : Of PRinces and Poets . It would appear however that the treatment received by Azfari in Lucknow was better than that meted out to the run-of-the-mill Mughal prince. Azfari counts his intervention in favor of his cousins something of a success. when the prince came back to Lucknow. it was now well populated and many accomplished people from the different arts were living there. and others were so diligent in their service to him that he eventually remained in the town for all of seven years and two months. had earlier fled Delhi for Lucknow and had developed a close friendship for a time with Asaf al-Daula to the extent that the latter had set aside 50. Eventually. reminding the nawab that “etiquette and regard and respect for elders are all set aside in playing Holi. the Waqiat-i Azfari. the nawab used an occasion for the exchange of witticisms to humiliate Jawan Bakht to the point that the latter left for Benares (Varanasi). still commanded great respect. the Mirza left for Delhi without the consent of the nawab to bring his relatives from there. its people. the nawab called him to witness the music and dance (raqs-o surud) at the court. Your glory lay in making them rich and contented. His social interactions with these aristocrats are described as excellent. and grew so influential that he arranged a number of important marriages amongst the Mughal elite in Lucknow. it appears that Azfari warmed somewhat to the place. The following anecdote which he recounts is illustrative of this.28 He reports that on hearing this Asaf al-Daula smiled and said regretfully he had been too busy with his own household and their sustenance (maash). Mirza Ilahi Bakhsh.” He therefore stopped using it. even on one occasion when the nawab was suffering as a result of a fall from a horse. However. However. Eventually. but little by little picked up these manners over the years in Lucknow. after a few years. a courtier and cousin of Sarfaraz al-Daula. the morchals would also be in accompaniment. it seems. in the procession. in the season of the Holi festival. even if Asaf al-Daula generally remained mindful of the proprieties and did not overly abuse etiquette. both real and perceived. He never allowed a fly-whisk (morchal) to be used above his head. rather rudely threw a ball full of water on his back. but he never sat on a throne (masnad) in front of me and he did not use a morchal to whisk away the flies. Madar al-Daula apparently still was in possession of a great estate with horses. He commanded that an ordinary handkerchief (rumal) be used to swat flies for him. his deputy (naib) Sarfaraz al-Daula. The Mughal prince reflects for example on an episode that took place at the time of the Holi festival. although he did use a large fan (badkash). that Azfari eventually came to understand that he would need to modify his somewhat abrupt manners if The degree of courtesy shown to Azfari by Asaf al-Daula was also not necessarily reflected in the attitude of all those in his court. since they were also after all of Timurid descent. He also grew to appreciate that court culture in Lucknow had its own rhythms and values. His dealings with Azfari were courteous. never to return. he noted. He was thus able to show off his extensive erudition not merely in Persian. We learn from the Waqiat that over the years a number of other Mughal princes from Delhi had taken refuge in Lucknow. Azfari stated that it did not behoove the nawab’s quality and justice to treat his cousins as he did. Azfari thus seems to have experienced both unease and an occasion to develop his own not inconsiderable self-esteem. As an instance of the culture and refinement of the court. he reports. On the other hand. for this assurance continued to be upheld for quite some time. but in Arabic and Turkish. “I feel embarrassed that I used a fly-whisk in the presence of such high-statured people such as yourself. and elephants and had a large family with many wives. To make his point. and hence sent for his own family from Delhi. and especially to the court of Asaf al-Daula. but he also insisted that it was the latter who had a higher status since he was a direct descendant of the emperor Jahandar Shah on his mother’s side while Madar al-Daula himself was not (man az nasl-i Timuriyya nistam). He writes in his memoir. Mirza Jawan Bakht Jahandar Shah. At the same time. I heard that one day that he said to the princes who had come from Delhi. and Mirza Husain Bakhsh. he then extemporized a verse. Azfari thus notes that he was initially not given to such courtly habits. and this offended Asaf al-Daula. Azfari notes that he used to engage in archery (tir-andazi) but that Asaf al-Daula was such a great archer that Azfari and his cousin Mirza Jalal al-Din became his disciples. Asaf al-Daula respected him so much that—despite certain persisting tensions between the two—he would stand up from his throne when he entered. when a certain Sharaf Ali Khan. whenever Asaf al-Daula was visited by Azfari he always made it a point to stand and to seat the Mughal prince next to him. that one needed God’s protection from them. camels. Azfari reports for example that one of his cousins. Other Timurid princes who were present in Lucknow at the time included Mirza Sulaiman Shikoh. Asaf al-Daula’s cautiousness with regard to the use of the symbols of royalty is emphasized by Azfari in the following anecdote. he thus seems to have decided that he would settle there in a more permanent way. Azfari’s time in Lucknow also brought him into contact with other Mughal grandees such as Nawab Madar al-Daula. a fact that stuck somewhat in Azfari’s craw. On this occasion. Still. who. Azfari then adds sarcastically that the people here were so perfect. over the years Asaf al-Daula had ceased to pay too much attention to some of them (especially the minor princes). But what have their cousins done to deserve humiliation (zalil-o khwar)? For it is far from justice that two breezes blow through the same roof. It so happened that not long after his arrival. and would seat him at his side.an balda) were somehow asymmetrical (na-mauzun).” Over the years he spent in Lucknow. but the elephant upon which he rode did not itself have a morchal. After a year in Lucknow. that Asaf al-Daula. It was through Madar al-Daula. the nawab was also himself sensitive to slights. ” AH 1189/90. In the meanwhile all my brothers and cousins arrived in the Lucknow of Nawab Asaf al-Daula and are safe there. 1937). They are all living in peace. eds. in my presence. Delhi: Oxford University Press. to keep Azfari in Lucknow. 12. came to the court. 1997). Hindustan mem mashriqi. trans. He came to the court and started reciting the book. It is so good that such a distinguished person visited your court in your period and because of you. ed. 25. see the important analysis in J. Abdul Halim Sharar. My real brother is enjoying appropriate hospitality even from the deputy wazir and is honoured and safe there. he became uncomfortable. Awadh ke farsi-guh shu‘ara (1134–1273 Hijri/1721–1856) (Delhi: Maktaba Isha’at al-Qur’an. 31. 191. 1999). 186. 1965). Naim. Sharar.In a private meeting. Waqi‘at-i Azfari. 5.” Indian Economic and Social History Review. S. 2005). Lucknow: Memories of a City (Delhi: Oxford University Press. 107. 2001). 153 – 55. 8. Naim for his helpful suggestions and indications while we were planning this essay. We hope elsewhere to extend the analysis of Mir Hasan and Azfari presented here in a relatively brief form. Muslim Saints of South Asia: The Eleventh to Fifteenth Centuries. 27. (Persian text). After spending the greater part of the 1790s in Asaf al-Daula’s court.. 121–24. Harcourt and Fakhir Husain (1977. 1989).. even if I am chained. Francis Robinson. may God bestow upon them knowledge. T. (Madras: University of Madras. Azfari. Osama Faruqi (London: Routledge-Curzon.” The Nawab replied. I. For the standard account. 2004). was a good reciter. 23. Masnawiyat-i Hasan. 18. the English translation is Abdul Halim Sharar. Azfari decided eventually to seek his fortune elsewhere. 118. Lakhnau ka dabistan-i sha‘iri (Delhi: Maktaba-yi ‘ilm-o-fan. For an Urdu translation. Cole. see Ralph Russell and Khurshidul Islam. 1980). 11. 3. he did not listen carefully to the songs of Hindustan and he gave preference to the songs of wilayat over those of Hindustan. see Richard B. Ibid. 14. Zikr-i Mir: The Autobiography of the Eighteenth-Century Mughal Poet: Mir Muhammad Taqi “Mir” (Delhi: Oxford University Press. Hindustan mem mashriqi tamaddun ka akhiri namuna ya‘ni Guzashta Lakhnau. This banda (meaning. the Nawab was weary of the recitation.” in Civil Society. (Persian text). ed. we hope to have contributed—in however modest a way—to an understanding of the significance of the rise of Lucknow in a context that included its two great rival cities: Delhi-Shahjahanabad and Faizabad. an overripe fruit waiting to be plucked by the greedy hand of the colonial power. 84 –105. his family connections with Lucknow remained intact even after his departure in 1796. one Shah Husain who was fresh from abroad (wilayat). when East and West came together. 104 – 5. the elder son being named Mirza Ilahi Bakhsh and the younger Mirza Izad Bakhsh. I will not stay in Hindustan. ed. 2. on Urdu poets. For this text. 29. When this harsh remark of the Nawab reached Shah Husain. “Envisioning Power: The Political Thought of a Late Eighteenth-Century Mughal Prince. On Shah Madar and Makanpur. Muzaffar Alam. 1940 – 44). (Persian text). E. 1968). 44 – 45. 2:48 – 49. The received wisdom on Lucknow tends to highlight two moments. even we can enjoy this beautiful voice. The Nawab has treated them generously. 1722–1859 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. Masnawiyat-i Hasan. 30. S. Ibid. and later he told me. Here we see a Lucknow that has become effete and depleted of creative energy. and the British. Chandrasekharan and Syed Hamza Hussain Omari (Madras: Government Oriental Manuscripts Library. Masnawiyat-i Hasan. 190. Roots of North Indian Shi‘ism in Iran and Iraq: Religion and State in Awadh. 7. Sharar. R. Lucknow: Memories of a City.. In so doing. In actuality. 10. 15. ed. 16 – 31. he was fully accomplished. 175 –212. 95 –119.” in Graff. 20. Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. Wahid Qureshi (Lahore: Majlis-i Taraqqi-i Adab.” Evidently. (Persian text). Ibid. we have attempted to add some further voices and perceptions to those that are normally encountered in the historiography. Shah Husain was considered to be peerless as nobody like him had come to Lucknow before. “Masnawi hajw-i haweli. 31 9. He is an expert of the art. 2003). We are grateful to C. 177. See Violette Graff. 1966). captured in fiction by Munshi Premchand in a celebrated story and then committed to the screen by Satyajit Ray as The Chess Players (Shatranj ke khiladi). 96. 26. The point of this response was that he did not approve of the recommendation even if it had come from his own mother. 189. Rashid Hasan Khan (New Delhi: Maktaba Jamia. Barnett. “Perhaps you say this on account of your knowledge. in the practice of his own wilayat. see Anna Suvorova.” in Mir Hasan. 1971). and eventually made his way after considerable travails to Madras (Chennai) and Arcot. North India Between Empires: Awadh. he liked them very much and accepted that the real music is what the people of India sing. 186 – 87. Mirza Ali Bakht Azfari. see Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam. 97. M. 17. On Azfari.” in Mir Hasan. The ‘Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia (London: C. One is the early phase under Asaf al-Daula. However. 43:2 (2006): 131– 61. 171–77. All this however was not enough. Ibid. where he settled under the Walajah nawabs.. the Mughals and the Countryside. He therefore departed for Benares and Calcutta (Kolkata). trans. Rajeev Bhargava and Helmut Reifeld (New Delhi: Sage. 6. 19. himself) is totally illiterate in this art. Sauda. see for example Abu’l-Lais Siddiqi. A second moment is that of the end of the nawabi regime in the 1850s. Ibid. see Mir Hasan. “Masnawi hajw-i haweli. trans. Zohra Farooqui. In this brief essay. in the final analysis. Masnawiyat-i Hasan. in Mir Hasan. 28. “Now. Masnawiyat-i Hasan. wisdom and honor and may they enjoy a long natural life. 1957). trans. “Masnawi hajw-i haweli. 153 – 69. 1720–1801 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Dih Majlis. Three Mughal Poets: Mir. Ibid. the Mughals.” in Mir Hasan. Sources of the History of the Nawwabs of the Carnatic: Sawanihat-i-mumtaz by Muhammad Karim. C. Waqi‘at-i Azfari (Persian text). 169. 31..” in Mir Hasan. 22. Masnawiyat-i Hasan. 4. “Masnawi gulzar-i eram. Muhammad Husain Mahvi Siddiqi (Madras: University of Madras. Muhammad Husayn Nainar. M. One of the courtiers in a tone of appreciation addressed the Nawab: “Do listen to the beautiful and attractive voice in which the Shah is reciting. and also sang several maqams well from the music of wilayat. He has two sons and two daughters. 16 – 48. Hurst. usually associated with the activities of European savants and collectors. 16. 1988). Mir Hasan’s presentation of the “public sphere” is briefly discussed by Farhat Hasan. “Forms of Civility and Publicness in Pre-British India.29 1. On Mir Hasan.. There is no match for him perhaps even in wilayat. When he arrived here. “Masnawi gulzar-i eram. 21. 13. “The Awadh Regime. On Shiism in the region. men such as Claude Martin and Antoine-Louis Polier. Ibid. 196 197 Alam and SubRahmanyam : Of PRinces and Poets . When he heard Indian songs. 24. This moment is usually thought of as embodying a particular style of cosmopolitanism. Ibid. Mir Hasan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. however. Public Sphere and Citizenship: Dialogues and Perceptions. 2 vols. see Waqi‘at-i-Azfari. M.” and he did precisely that. Ibid. 2 While much of Lucknow’s imposing palatial architecture perished in the tragic destruction of 1858. a distinctive style of floral decoration that evolved in Lucknow was extensively employed for similar conceptual purposes.St e ph en M ar k e l “This Blaze of Wealth and Magnificence”: The Luxury Arts of Lucknow “This blaze of wealth and magnificence . but sophisticated metalware made in other techniques and media was also produced. leading resident Europeans. .4 This essay discusses the development of Lucknow’s decorative arts to demonstrate how the choice of motif and medium was used to achieve a unified aesthetic vision heralding the self-fashioned identity of Lucknow’s ruling nawabs. Just as a codified floral imagery was developed to identify and proclaim the dynastic origin of a wide range of artworks created for the celebrated Mughal emperors and members of the nobility in the seventeenth century. By its zenith in the mid-nineteenth century. delicate jewelry. significant numbers of its sumptuous decorative art objects survive as immutable testaments to the masterful accomplishments of Lucknow’s generally anonymous artisans 3 and to the life of luxury they enabled the city’s elite to enjoy. but it has been estimated that two-thirds of its population were artisans. Lucknow was not only the wealthiest and largest city in all of India. and ornate weaponry. and wealthy landowners (taluqdars) in the post-nawabi era following the annexation of Lucknow by the English East India Company in 1856 and subsequent exile of King Wajid Ali Shah. the Reverend William Tennent aptly characterized the ostentatious grandeur of the Awadh court and Lucknow cityscape.” 1 In expressing these words of awe in 1798. as well as adorned glassware. Whereas the Mughals preferred a single flowering plant 198 199 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . . The best known of these artistic splendors is Lucknow’s famed silver and gilt silver metalware embellished with brilliant blue and green champlevé and basse-taille enameling (91). 10 and even more so under his son and successor Asaf al-Daula. Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk and Safdar Jang in the second quarter of the eighteenth century. p. 19th century 200 201 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . Moreover. . . p. respectively) atop thin vertical stems flanked by green leaves. or a rich organic pattern of flora and fauna spreading over the surface of an object p. 202). Asaf al-Daula sought to surpass them all. Similar foliated creepers are also found as border decoration of contemporaneous Indian paintings commissioned by a preeminent European patron of the arts residing in Faizabad and Lucknow. often demarcated by elegant cartouches. the aesthetic traditions of the Deccan were another fertile source of artistic influence. In late 1745. During the rule of the first two nawabs. 11 Asaf al-Daula patronized a new generation of artistic performers and courtiers who took established forms further and created a new Lucknow school of cultured expression. the predominant ornamentation consists of stylized irises.12 90. Not content only to match the faded glories of other capitals. who would rule as Shuja al-Daula. in use early in the nawabi period. artisans. late 18th or early 19th century style of lush floral imagery and select motifs. 1700 – 50 Page 198: 91. early 18th century Right: 98.6 which may have facilitated his contact with artists. 202–3.(often the ubiquitous poppy. for the extremely costly and elaborate wedding celebration of his son Mirza Jalal al-Din Haidar. all bursting into bloom on scrolling vines (95. (86. both of whom rose in rank to the exalted post of prime minister (wazir) of the Mughal Empire. and enameled metalware in particular.” 9 Under Shuja al-Daula and his wife. In addition. This is particularly true during the rules of Safdar Jang and his son Shuja al-Daula. lilies. late 18th–early ing branches with perching birds rising from meandering The newly envisioned culture of Lucknow was manifested in the decorative arts primarily through the creation and “branding” of myriad works with a distinctive ground lines (99. Whereas the denseness of the Mughal-inspired flowering plants bespeaks a post-seventeenth-century date. Conspicuous among these were more than a thousand silver vessels enamelled with gold. are rare examples from this formative period. but both attributed to the first half of the eighteenth century. 96. Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier (119. The vibrant. Water Pipe Base. the Bahu Begam. . Water Pipe Base. in 1752 Safdar Jang assumed the authority to appoint the supervisors of the imperial workshops. The very seat of Muslim culture and civilization at Delhi was thus eclipsed by the emergence and rise of a new centre of culture at Faizabad. the verticality and repetition of the motifs belie their placement within the distinctive corpus of Lucknow’s mature floral decoration that bloomed in the late eighteenth century. Architects.8 There is literary evidence for significant quantities of ornate decorative art objects. physicians.7 but there is also a close stylistic and technical relationship between the enameling of Hyderabad in the Deccan and that of Lucknow. but several other genera as well as hybrid and fantastic creations) or series of floral sprays formally arranged against a plain background. Not only are certain Lucknow paintings known to be based on Deccani antecedents. An enameled silver betel box (pandan) (87) and an enameled glass huqqa base (98) 5 are similarly emblazoned with a riot of open blossoms (poppy and lotus. Individual flowering plants in the Mughal style occasionally still appear. pp. the luxuriant floral motifs favored in Lucknow during the latter eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries are generally less staid and more exuberant. such as cups. Safdar Jang provided lavish gifts to the bride’s family that included “large numbers of vessels. began pouring into this area [Faizabad]. The close stylistic relationship of Lucknow’s early floral imagery to Mughal artistic traditions is to be expected given the many years of high-level service at the Mughal court by the early nawabs of Lucknow and their adoption of Mughal royal symbolism and patronage patterns. 204).13 Variants of the mature style feature flower203) Left: 87. artists and poets flocked to the city to diminish the glories of Delhi and to enhance the richness of Faizabad. roses. In the mature Lucknow style of decorative art that developed during the rule of Asaf al-Daula. Water Pipe Base. 203). dishes and crockery of various shapes and workmanship. Two works in different media. poppies. p. c. Faizabad and then Lucknow were consciously and increasingly promoted as centers of artistic patronage in order to lure the leading cultural luminaries and intelligentsia of Delhi and beyond: Various classes of people from different places. flowing floral imagery of Lucknow transmuted the orchestrated severity of Mughal flowering plants to produce a vitality of form and spirit far removed from the somber products of the Mughal ateliers. and other blossoms both real and imaginary. but their botanical structures and the overall decorative programs of Awadh objects are much busier in composition than on Mughal precursors (90). engineers. especially from Delhi. the early decorative arts of Lucknow drew creative inspiration from the works of Delhi and other important centers of artistic production. Betel Box. rosettes. Detail of floral border on Shah Jahan. 1775. TUREEN with cover . detail to left 202 203 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . detail bottom: 95. c. Chape fRom a SwoRd ScabbaRd. two details Top Left: 127. c.Right: 96. c. 1780. c. 1780. Water Pipe Base. 1780 Top Right: 99. This creative process of hybridity and synthesis was paralleled throughout the humanities in Lucknow. SwoRd and ScabbaRd. 1780. c. details of scabbard 204 205 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . 93.14 Given the cosmopolitan artistic interests of Asaf al-Daula. which perhaps reflect related compositions found in chinoiserie designs widely popular in Europe and England during the eighteenth century. and an abundance of imported works of art present in Lucknow. 18th century. it is likely that the distinctive styles of decorative floral imagery that arose in Awadh during this period drew from a variety of sources. Betel Box in the FoRm of an Ogival Dome. tray of betel box The verdant vistas of vegetation are sometimes interspersed with architectural vignettes (93).86. an international cadre of artists. 1750–1800 Left: 89. Basin. 93. Acanthus leaves were used as decorative motifs in western art as early as the seventh century BCE on Corinthian capitals. late 18th century Top Right: 97. occasionally. 205).15 In Mughal decorative art a full acanthus leaf often appeared as either a flush or a bas-relief motif or to provide a three-dimensional form for a projecting handle.An important submotif of Lucknow’s floral/vegetal imagery is the split acanthus leaf. In addition to the split acanthus leaf motif. late 18th or early 19th century. an animal motif (89. p. 94. detail opposite 206 207 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . the acanthus bract (a modified leaf growing on a stalk) is also often found adorning Lucknow’s decorative arts (88. SwoRd BELT FITTING. and then again during the Mughal period. 212). In contrast. They have a long history of being assimilated into South Asian artistic traditions. KATAr SHEATH. both designed to highlight a floral or. whereas the split acanthus leaf was typically used to form a curvilinear border or edge design. p. as they appear in the Buddhist art of ancient Gandhara (present-day Pakistan and Afghanistan) in the first few centuries of the Common Era.16 Top Left: 94. The Mughals used both the full acanthus leaf and the split (or half) acanthus leaf in their repertoire of design elements. in Lucknow’s decorative arts the split acanthus leaf was frequently used in a distinctive manner as an elegant framing device in which a series of split acanthus leaves linked end-to-end to form an ornamental cartouche or as an undulating vine festooned with split acanthus leaves. Two Pieces fRom a Water Pipe.Top: 92. late 18th or early 19th century 208 209 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . Water Pipe. late 18th or early 19th century Bottom: 100. c. 1725 –75 Opposite: 83. Water Pipe Base. early 19th century Bottom: 43. late 18th century bottom: 161. Rosewater Casket. Shield pResented to EdwaRd VII when PRince of Wales by the MahaRaja of Kashmir duRing the winter of 1875–76.Top: 177. late 18th or early 19th century Top: 178. 1848 – 56 210 211 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . Betel Set belonging to edward clive. CeRemonial Mace of Wajid Ali Shah. Woman’s Head ORnament. set dramatically against a gold background (88). including the Delhi sultans. with large fish made of gold.22 As was the case with Mughal hereditary titles.18 Its importance in an art-historical context is that its presence corroborates a Lucknow attribution to the decorative object or painting on which it appears. he is commonly believed to have built a fort known as the Macchi Bhawan (Palace of the Fishes) on a hill near the bank of the Gomti River in Lucknow. This distinctive motif is found on both extant decorative objects and on their representations in painting. Sir William Henry Sleeman. and mounted on long poles. These two planets. and the Mughal emperors. and before the prime minister. Sharar thus speculates that: Either because Shaikh Abdur Rahim had been awarded the title of Mahi Maratib at the Imperial Court or because on the twenty-six arches on one portion of the fort the architect had engraved two fishes on each arch [in the spandrels].it.28 Asia. During the reign of the Mughal Emperor Akbar (r.26 The distinctive Lucknow emblem of paired fish was used specifically to proclaim the Lucknow royal image and serve as the leitmotif of the Lucknow nawabs. who served in the British army in India and Nepal from 1809 to 1856 and as Resident in Lucknow from 1849 to 1856. relates the belief apparently current during his time in India that the mahi-ye maratib was thought to have been first instituted by Khusru Parviz (now known as Khosrau II) at the time of his accession as king of Persia in 590. meaning ‘fifty-two’. it was to be awarded in recognition of valorous service by Muslim rulers in South 212 213 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . The decorative motif par excellence used throughout all the arts of Lucknow is a pair of fish. making a total of fifty-two fishes. Subse20 late 18th century.17 The green lotus leaves are sometimes graced with small adjacent blue-and-white blossoms (other minor variations in detail exist). generally arranged head-to-head with their curved bodies forming a circle (192). An examination is therefore warranted into factors possibly contributing to the selection of this 88. the shaikhzadas. this supposition should best be relegated to the quently. one might expect that its impetus and perhaps even a formally decreed rationale leading to its inauguration would have been recorded for posterity. the symbolism of the fish and globes was originally ordained by Khosrau II: When he ascended the throne the moon was in the constellation of the Fish. After his appointment. could be a corruption of the word bavan. The prevailing assumption by scholars is that the fish emblem represents an idiosyncratic Lucknow artistic rendition of the Mughal insignia of exalted rank known as the mahi-ye maratib (Fish of Dignity). but from Bahadur Shah (r. c.21 Nonetheless. Shaikh Abdur Rahim was from the family of hereditary but impoverished rulers of Awadh. and the lotus leaves are at other times replaced by small flowering plants with red petals and green leaves. the circumstances of its adoption are shrouded by the veils of history. this fort became known as Machi Bhavan. decorative pattern. 1800 – 50 Abdur Rahim. 1556 –1607) the mahi-ye maratib was judiciously granted. The word bhavan. the Islamic sovereigns in the Deccan. Given the fish emblem’s ubiquity in the arts of Lucknow. TRay and Matching Box with Four Scent Vials. a single vial pre-nawabi era possibilities for the origin and promotion of the fish emblem in Lucknow. it remained a prestigious distinction and was accorded only to the Mughals’ highest-ranking military commanders.19 The fish insignia has a long heritage in pre-Islamic and Islamic cultures of the Middle East and South Asia.24 all borne on individual standards displayed at royal functions and carried in royal processions and in the retinue of nobles who had been awarded Whether there was confusion between the two similar words cannot be resolved by historical inquiry. Both concern Shaikh 192. appearing in the luxury arts of Lucknow features enameled green lotus leaves. which were to be called Kaukabas (planets). and he gave orders to have two balls made of polished steel. 23 The mahi-ye maratib was represented in physical form as a golden or gilt fish (or elongated fish head) and two gilt or steel globes. as well as meaning ‘fort’. important motif as the symbol of the Lucknow rulers. 1707–12) onward its bestowal was reportedly less discriminating. but the motif is characteristically represented in a regularly spaced diamond grid pattern on a gold ground. In Abdul Halim Sharar’s classic homage.25 According to Sleeman. or more properly. who was appointed governor (subedar) of Awadh province by Akbar in 1580. upon a third pole in the centre.27 the author postulates two Another important motif. either fan-shaped or pendant on a thin stalk. Consequently. Regrettably. were ordered to be carried in all regal processions immediately after the king. Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. the direct descendants of the mahi-ye maratib awardees seem to have been eligible to inherit its honorific status. E. It is preserved in popular lore. Victoria and Albert Museum. 1819. 1819 Fig. and arms. Uttar Pradesh. Of far more direct relevance (recognized for the first time herein) was Muhammad Shah’s conferring of the mahi-ye maratib to Saadat Khan in 1720: “on the 20th November (20th Muharram. 1524 –1943 gilt. (89 x 61 x 61 cm). According to this legend. the primary extant sources of documentation for the use of the royal insignia are the coronation Top: 38. wood. states that Shaikh Abdur Rahim’s rank was merely “commander of 700 [men]. 31). its skeleton remaining with his descendants till the fall of his dynasty. When the Lucknow court artist Robert Home (1752 –1834) designed the royal regalia for Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s coronation in 1819. Moreover. 1820.000 men and appointed governor of Akbarabad (Agra) province in October 1720.” Saadat Khan 32 had risen rapidly in military service under Emperor Muhammad Shah (r. and in September 1722 he was appointed governor of Awadh. 32). While the presumed plethora of palatial objects embellished with Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s coat of arms has not survived. Considering it to be a good omen. medals and coinage issued by the new king (38).33 The following month he was awarded the mahi-ye maratib for his role in suppressing a rebellious insurrection. and was elevated to the rank of commander of 6. (25. ThRone Chair . c. India’s governorgeneral (1823 –28). as is the idea already mentioned of suggestive wordplay inherent in the Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s coat of arms was proudly displayed as his royal emblem and incorporated as a decorative motif in works of art made during his rule.31 The controversy over the identity of the Macchi Bhawan’s original patron notwithstanding. Akbar’s official court chronicler. he treasured the fish carefully.realm of popular lore. 10 1⁄ 8 x 18 1⁄ 8 in. He had received promotions in honor of his resounding success in several important battles.000 men. a fish leaped into the Nawab’s lap. besides his low 29 name of the Macchi Bhawan. with gilt brass and gilt gesso mounts. during his visit to Lucknow in 1827 (fig. 1133-H. it does provide anecdotal support for the strong symbolic linking of fish to the early history of Lucknow and the creation of its royal imagery. Lucknow.” which is far short of the required rank of 6. The honor of the mahi-ye maratib continued to be conferred in Lucknow following the rule of Saadat Khan.37 The coat of arms on Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s coinage displays a variation of Home’s original design. 31. 35 x 24 x 24 in. that the fish emblem achieved its most profound significance in the city’s arts. Bottom: Fig. Bahadur Jang (brave in battle) and was granted the Mahi and Maratib. the fish emblem had become so ingrained as a symbol of Lucknow’s nawabi dynasty that Home chose it as the primary element for the new king’s coat of arms. Lucknow. India. Medal of Ghazi al-Din Haidar . IS 6 -1991 214 215 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow .36 But it was during the later reigns of the kings of Lucknow. after Saadat Khan had been appointed governor of Awadh by Muhammad Shah but before he had conquered the ruling shaikhzadas and assumed control of the province. Saadat Khan was honoured with the title of Although this may be a mere fish story. Victoria and Albert Museum. Regardless.7 x 45. Instead of depicting Uttar Pradesh. such as an elegant throne chair probably designed by Home and given by Ghazi al-Din Haidar to Lord Amherst. PRoposal for Coat of ARms. a causal relationship between the fish appearing on the Machhi Bhawan and the later adoption of the fish emblem by the nawabs of Lucknow must be regarded as tentative at best. 1719 – 48). drawing on paper. Shaikh Abdur Rahim had been “rebuked and excluded from Court” by Akbar for drinking alcohol. a punch dagger (katar) (fig. literary evidence discounts the likelihood of Shaikh Abdur Rahim being a recipient of the mahi-ye maratib. 34 Another possible contributing factor in the adoption of the fish emblem by the Lucknow nawabs is the tale of a fish omen that appeared to Saadat Khan. India. he left Farrukhabad with his troops bound for Lucknow and crossed the Ganges River during the rainy season: It is said that when his boat reached the middle of the river. in which a pair of curved fish are innovatively combined with another idiosyncratic Indian visual form. 32.9 cm). c. beginning with Ghazi al-Din Haidar in the first quarter of the nineteenth century.). so it is unlikely that he was able to incur sufficient imperial favor to receive the prestigious award. even Sharar’s account of Shaikh Abdur Rahim’s 30 biography and his reputed patronage of the Macchi Bhawan have been questioned by recent scholars. Robert Home. Abul Fazl. upholstered seat. Finally. back.35 rank. fish function in various compositions as a decorative motif imbued with a generic symbolic association with Lucknow rather than as a dynastic emblem (183. the fish emblem continued to enjoy frequent expression in the arts of Lucknow patronized by the wealthy landowners and made for western visitors. nobles. 218). Even after nawabi rule ended with the annexation of Awadh in 1856. 41 Above: 102. 1848 – 56 219.38 In the mid-nineteenth-century coat of arms of Wajid Ali Shah.the pair of fish encircling the punch dagger. The mermaids flank a pair of swords and a shield or two shields in place of the earlier punch dagger.42 A hitherto little-examined aspect of the decorative arts of Awadh is its lapidary arts. a sophisticated tradition of gemstone and hardstone carving (technically “abrading”)43 and an extensive market network for raw stones and the finished products flourished in South Asia. copper. The ensemble is flanked by a pair of English-inspired heraldic lions.40 This is particularly true in the case of metalware. This distinctive coat of arms was used extensively to decorate Wajid Ali Shah’s palatial arts and architecture. such as on a delicate chikan textile (102). The crowning elements of the coat of arms are a royal parasol surmounting a crown of the lobed form in vogue during Wajid Ali Shah’s rule. 181. such as a grand silver presentation cup (44) and the gateways of the Qaisar Bagh palace.39 Iconographic variations of Wajid Ali Shah’s coat of arms. Coinage issued by the subsequent kings of Lucknow all employed variant heraldic forms of the fish emblem. 219). p. In the plentiful “Anglo-Indian” style silver vessels made in Lucknow during the later nineteenth century. the dagger surmounts the fish and is itself topped by Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s pointed crown. and elite foreign residents of Lucknow and Faizabad were among the primary consumers of such 216 217 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . sometimes also appear on what may be nonofficial or later works. or perhaps decorative motifs inspired by his coat of arms. Shawl with Chikan WoRk (detail). and lead tin alloy) adorned with distinctive raised (zarbuland) ornamentation (180. p. In the sixteenth through mid-nineteenth centuries. p. PResentation Cup with Coat of ARms of Wajid Ali Shah. The traditional fish emblem is often used as the primary design in a specifically Lucknow style of bidri-ware (made of a zinc.44 The nawabs. particularly in the Mughal realm and the Deccan. early 19th century Left: 44. the fish are transformed into honorific mermaids bearing flag standards. c. Plate with 181. 1880 –1900 Bottom: 180. Bowl with Fish Designs. 1880 218 219 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . c. Wine Decanter . c. 1880 Emblematic PaiRs of Fish.Top: 183. he lived in Faizabad and also traveled with Shuja al-Daula’s court entourage.49 few documented examples survive.”53 Based on the extant corpus of South Asian hardstone objects. hilt: white nephrite jade inlaid with gold.50 Despite the problematic potential for mixing and matching the hilts and blades of South Asian swords and daggers. named Muhammad Salah Khan.b Left: 112. The Lucknow origin of the jade hilt on Claude Martin’s inscribed sword is therefore fortified. This renders any significant disparity in temporal or geographic origin highly unlikely. The finest and most important such work is an exceptional sword hilt made of white jade inlaid with rubies and emeralds in distinctive gold settings (112). Dagger (detail). SwoRd PResented to Claude MaRtin (detail).”52 but two factors make it extremely probable that these objects were actually made of jade. their contemporaneity can be corroborated by stylistic analysis. blade: steel. (36. there is an extremely wide range of object types. Lucknow. dated 1786/87 220 221 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . Second. Stone. and the acanthus bract is also used on the hilt in the Lucknow fashion.54 Thus.luxury goods. 33. rubies.47 The continuity of fine seal engraving being produced for Lucknow patrons through at least the mid-nineteenth century is evidenced by an exquisitely inscribed agate accession seal of Wajid Ali Shah dated 1846/47 (AH 1263) that recently appeared on the London art market.46 The emerald seal can be directly associated with Awadh not only on the basis of its well-known patron. the split acanthus leaf is used as a design element in the mode typical of Lucknow decorative art as previously discussed. “agate” was reportedly the standard English word used to translate the Persian term for jade. 1785. a typological spectrum of this extent and the evident size of the largest objects would be much more likely to accord with works made of jade than of agate. yashm. 1936. it bears a similar design composition of the inlay and also features the motifs of the split acanthus leaf and acanthus bract. Hamilton and Aberdeen. Martin’s estate inventory provides evidence not only for the existence of numerous jade works of art among his own personal effects but also for their presence in the nawab’s royal collection.25. length overall: 14 1⁄2 in. in May 1800 prior to its sale at public auction in Calcutta in January 1801. c. EmeRald Seal Belonging to Antoine-Louis Polier . and emeralds. Identified here as a Lucknow work for the first time. The sword blade is inscribed in gold as being presented to Claude Martin by Asaf al-Daula in 1786/87 (AH 1201). Bequest of George C. On both the blade and the hilt. 33). but Polier is additionally known to have engaged a lapidarist renowned for engraving seals and inscriptions on rubies and other gemstones. India. A green nephrite jade mirror back FIG.673a. at the time of the compiling of the Martin estate inventory.45 An elegant emerald seal inscribed with the name and titles of Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier and the date 1774 /75 (AH 1188) exemplifies the high quality of Awadh’s lapidary arts (160). Claude Martin’s ownership of numerous hardstone objects and works of art is 160. Uttar Pradesh. including a “Tulwar [talwar/ sword] Agate Handle given by Sujah Dowlah [Shuja al-Daula]. 36.48 Even though the presence in Lucknow of works of art made of nephrite jade and other hardstones is attested by historical records. gem 1774 /75 (AH 1188) recorded in the inventory of his estate prepared by his executors. First. It can thus be regarded as a key benchmark of later South Asian jades.8 cm). which begs the question of whether the Claude Martin– inscribed sword blade and its current jade hilt should be assigned the same attribution.51 The preparer of the inventory describes the vast majority of the hardstones as “agate. The Metropolitan Museum of Art. A recent discovery adds significant new evidence confirming Claude Martin’s collecting and perhaps even his patronage of jade objects. A stylistically related but less finely executed jade dagger hilt also survives (fig. A wide variety of ornate metalwork was produced. provide tangible confirmation of sophisticated jade working being both produced and collected in Lucknow. Thus. 113. bears a faintly engraved ownership inscription reading. or at least one similar. European glassware was also imported in significant numbers. The awestruck description of a tapestry in the Claude Martin Estate Inventory is equally apropos for the myriad other splendors of the age: the Extreme Brilliancy of the Colours and the Richness of design have never been Equalled by any thing Seen in this Country . and his previously discussed sword and dagger hilts. palatial tableware. Given the sophistication of craft and medium. especially those made during the reigns of Shuja al-Daula and Asaf al-Daula. now in the Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (2008. “Colonel Claud[e] Martin. Lucknow. and elegant jewelry. The decorative arts of Lucknow and Faizabad. The metal wares were technically sophisticated and varied. the luxurious arts of Lucknow may be regarded among the pinnacles of artistic expression in the long and rich history of South Asian art.”55 A tantalizing reference in the Martin inventory to a “Looking Glass [mirror] with a [sic] Agate Frame” might be linked to this inscribed mirror. especially chandeliers. . MiRRor That Belonged to Claude MaRtin. detail left 222 223 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . it is impossible to describe their beauty. including arms and armor. Sundry glassware was fashioned.1. Finely worked silver and gilt silver objects were adorned with brilliant enameling and inlaid with gemstones. . 1782 (113).14). much of which was embellished with painted and gilded decoration. dated 1782.with multicolored enamel-and-gold floral decoration. Claude Martin’s inscribed mirror. exhibit an elegance of form and material sumptuousness rivaling those produced during the heyday of the great Mughal emperors in the seventeenth century. 2006). For a late-eighteenth-century Delhi set of fish and other ensigns of royalty in the former royal collection of Gwalior. 343. November 2008. Wilkinson. 3 –11. (1902 – 39. reprint New Delhi: Cosmo Publications. 106.html#2. See Memoirs of Faizabad. 50. sale cat. 1992). Santha. London and Lisbon. 21 . 1:61– 62. South Asian Coins and Paper Money Since 1556 AD (Iola. “Amidst all this blaze of wealth and magnificence. London: 90 – 91. 231. 3:545 (Chapter 64. Deccani. I. 1977). 140. 1773–1779) of Antoine-Louis Henri Polier (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Paris. Michael Fisher. Vol. 25.. 1. 35. Part – 1. 2007. 44. 55. S. lot 179). 1981). K. 175. 1995). thousands of poor wretches are seen on the road to all appearance in real want. Aligarh Muslim University. 2nd ed. reprint Lucknow: New Royal Book Co.” Jewellery Studies 10 (2004): 99 –126. Himanshu Prabha Ray (Mumbai: Marg Publications. R. XII. 1. Abu’l-Fazl. 31 . 26. 1989). 2008). 131– 34. 3. For paintings. See Llewellyn-Jones. and Lucknow art. 24 April–10 May 1980). no. jade working. the year of 1201 of the hijra (1786 –7). and Shahir M.” Arts of Asia 23:2 (March–April 1993): 108 –20. 2009). New York (2003. 347. Phillott (1871. 24. 8. 2:700. Quoted from Rev. Personal communications. leads to Lucknow. 376. who briefly served as Asaf al-Daula’s viceroy (naib). Manuel Keene. 1:i–iii. William Irvine. no jade objects are specified as such. eds. reprint. Art from the World of Islam. 51 . For several examples of acanthus leaves found on Mughal jades. The works of many Indian painters active in Lucknow have been identified. see von Folsach.” 122 –23 n63. and Richard E. reprint New Delhi: Asian Educational Services. 33. Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava. H. pl. S. Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain (London: Elek Books. 138 – 39.. Bruce II et al. 7. 32 . and the Urdu Ghazal (New Delhi: Manohar. For example. and 428a)..430/htm. Shuja-ud-Daulah. See Llewellyn-Jones. 2:409. “The Enamel Road. Vol. The Army of the Indian Moghals: Its Organization and Administration (London. “Luxury Arts of Lucknow. Indian Silver 1858–1947. 41 .. www. a selective realism was employed that was dependent upon the hierarchical importance of the subject being portrayed. 1985). For example. see Linda York Leach. 1804). 15. Nigam.metmuseum. Personal communications. and Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. 33. 87– 88. 49. no. 1994). but very few examples of Lucknow’s decorative arts can be directly associated with an individual artist or craftsman. It has also been translated loosely as “Fish and Dignities” or “The Honor of the Fish.1. ed. Henry Beveridge. “By the order of His High Excellency Nawab Asaf-ud-Daula. no. 17. 1:166. 12 . no. Chinoiserie: The Impact of Oriental Styles on Western Art and Decoration (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. 45. the British. 23. and the Mughals (New Delhi: Manohar. M. 6.” Rev. 2 vols. Significantly. The inventory list of “agate” objects includes sword and dagger hilts. to be given to General Martin of the East India Company. Indian gemstones were frequently reworked into jewelry by famous European firms such as Cartier and Van Cleef & Arpels in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.” in Coins in India: Power and Communication. the British. I am indebted to Wynyard Wilkinson for his detailed stylistic analysis and photographic details of the Lucknow tureen (95). The full quote is. Chinoiserie (London: Phaidon. London. 40. Variants of the term appear in modern literature as mahi-maratib and mahi-o-maratib. no. 1975). had been “honoured with mahi maratib. The First Two Nawabs of Awadh. 13. Treasury of the World: Jewelled Arts of India in the Age of the Mughals (London: Thames & Hudson in association with The al-Sabah Collection.” Ricketts.” 119. “Non-Imperial Mughal Sources for Jades and Jade Simulants in South Asia. A Fatal Friendship. 1754–1765 (Calcutta: Midland Press. The Reign of Muhammad Shah 1719–1748 (New York: Asia Publishing House. 202. 21. emeralds.. hookah “bottoms” [bases] and mouthpieces [mukhnal].asianart. 38 – 43. 132 – 33.” 115. Islamic Art from India. and the City of Lucknow (Delhi: Oxford University Press. 52 . no. 2nd revised ed. Splendeur des armes orientales. William Tennent. exhibition catalogue (Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing in association with Timeless Books. 1995). 18. 1700 of The Emperor Aurangzeb at a Royal Hunt in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 2004. see Stephen Markel. see Markel. The A’in-i Akbari by Abu ‘l-Fazl Allami. and Gordon Sanderson. Krishna Lal. 29. 3. Ibid.. 263 n64. The Mughal Nobility. by Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. For a discussion of the LACMA huqqa base’s Lucknow origin. and the British. and Vidya Dehejia et al. North India Between Empires: Awadh. “Mughal Jades: A Technical and Sculptural Perspective.30. For a recent assessment of the historical development of the Macchi Bhawan and the Panch Mahalla royal residence built later within its grounds by Safdar Jang and Shuja al-Daula. Personal communication via Indar Pasricha Fine Arts. 4. 30. The Awadh begams were major patrons of the arts. 193.” I am indebted to Lucien de Guise. 29. 77. Part – I. L. “looking glasses” [handheld mirrors]. 1999). See also the discussion of such “paysages” in Keene. 171. Splendeur des armes orientales. 53. see Christie’s. no. Part – II. and to Rosie Llewellyn-Jones for discussing the inscription’s historical context. “The Royal Palaces. Carla Petievich. Lucknow. 76). “The Enamel Road. 15. 42 .” See Muzaffar Alam and Seema Alavi.000 men. William Hoey. 197). from Siena. 16. 126. 1984). Ali. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones (New York: Alkazi Collection of Photography. For example. and Shailendra Bhandare. 1992). com (July 2008). 1979). T. National Museum Collection: Bidri Ware (New Delhi: National Museum. see Kjeld von Folsach. 43. Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah. 2. trans. 37. See Memoirs of Faizabad (1772–1781/82): Being a Translation of “Tarikh-i-Farahbakhsh” of Muhammad Faiz Bakhsh. Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. see a Kishangarh painting from c. and Howard Ricketts. A Fatal Friendship: The Nawabs. Begums of Awadh (Varanasi: Bharati Prakashan. 34.. Indian Silver 1858–1947: Silver from the Indian Sub-Continent and Burma Made by Local Craftsmen in Western Forms (London: W.jpg. The First Two Nawabs.com/articles/markel 2 /index. 1:165. but the extant representations of the mahi-ye maratib do have the accompanying globes. 97. Sleeman. fan and crutch handles. 32 n 2. Ibid. “The Coronation Medal of the First King of Oudh. no agate hookah bases from South Asia have survived. 41. A Very Ingenious Man: Claude Martin in Early Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford University Press. Hamid Afaq Qureshi opposes Shaikh Abdur Rahim’s traditional biography on genealogical grounds and offers indirect reasoning against his association with the Macchi Bhawan. ed. the Mughals.” The typical size of hookah bases also suggests that the Martin collection examples were actually made of jade because. Facsimile of Claude Martin Estate Inventory obtained from the British Library (India Office Library. For a discussion of this issue. Delhi: Low Price Publications. 1954). 12. Wilkinson. 107. and Francesca Galloway and Michael Spink. 97. see Keene. fig. The mahi-ye maratib was not granted to nobles below the rank of commander of 6. Tennent’s disparaging praise is in accordance with the frequent reaction of Europeans to the ostentatiousness of Asaf al-Daula’s court compared to the stark poverty of the general population. 36. Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library (London: Scorpion Cavendish. bracelets. A Man of the Enlightenment in Eighteenth-Century India: The Letters of Claude Martin 1766–1800 (Delhi: Permanent Black.org/ toah/hd/mugh_2 /ho_2003. 72. for bringing the previously unpublished inscription on this important object to my attention. cups. an even more compelling reason may be the common discrepancy between object and image in Mughal and later South Asian art. Lucknow. www. see Stephen Markel. 1987). Indian Recreations (London. Maharaja: The Splendour of India’s Royal Courts (London: V&A Publishing. The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl. 1:524 (Book 2. as far as I am aware. For example. 27. Barnett. Artists seemed to have painted types of objects rather than actual specific objects.com (February 2003). Ibid. and to Rosie Llewellyn-Jones for generously discussing the history and use of the Lucknow fish emblem. Vol. 1939. 141. In addition to the Mermaid Gateway at the Qaisar Bagh. 110.” For a discussion of non-Mughal. 14. see Anna Jackson and Amin Jaffer with Deepika Ahlawat. Philippe Missillier (Paris: ACTE-EXPO. ed. massive jade bowls were recorded as being destroyed by British soldiers during the looting of the Qaisar Bagh Palace. Srivastava. 10. and their demolition in the late nineteenth century.com/articles/markel/ index. www. “Mughal Jades: A Technical and Sculptural Perspective. Rock crystal objects are also listed. 1993). 1980). Assembly of Rivals: Delhi. 39.” 115 –16. and M. 1985). Naqvi. 22 . 2001). See Susan Stronge. Jade Collection in the Salar Jung Museum (Hyderabad: Salar Jung Museum. Srivastava. 2003). For example. 54.dk/ assets/345/20. see Memoirs of Faizabad. Zahir Uddin Malik. numerous boxes and containers (some “mounted” with gold).. 396b. For an explanation of the Mughal military ranking system. 76. 5. In painting. trans. 1990). Veena Talwar Oldenburg. A European Experience of the Mughal Orient: The I’jaz-i Arsalani (Persian Letters. 11 . April 17. A Fatal Friendship.” in Lucknow: City of Illusion.. “A Metallic Mirror: Changing Representations of Sovereignty during the Raj. see Irvine. salvers. A. Delight in Design: Indian Silver for the Raj. 1939). 1977). belt buckles.. There is often an apparent lack of correlation between painted and extant representations of the mahi-ye maratib (see examples identified in note 25 below). 19. 197. The First Two Nawabs. H.. “Correlating Paintings of Indian Decorative Art Objects with Extant Examples: Correspondences and Issues. 23. Rambles and Recollections. Polier’s emerald seal was later remounted as the bezel of a diamond set gold ring by Cartier (per maker’s inscription. “Luxury Arts of Lucknow. The Army of the Indian Moghals. Shuja al-Daula’s coronation robe was embellished with flowers made of rubies. The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb (Aligarh: Department of History. D. 157 (now in the Khalili Collection. see Markel. 1980). 9. 2001). Part – II. Munich: Prestel. trans. 224 225 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . “Bidri Ware with Special Reference to Its Collection in the State Museum.” Journal of the Numismatic Society of India 3:2 (December 1941): 113 –14. see Dawn Jacobson. (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala & Co. 5 – 9. For a discussion of the related depiction of the acanthus bract in European.” Asianart.” Journal of Indian Museums 36 (1980): 101–7.. Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official. 82 (46/1980) www. Wilkinson. trans. ed.html. Manuel Keene with Salam Kaouki. Alam and Alavi. “Luxury Arts of Lucknow. 1776. Numerous literary accounts and pictorial depictions document the sumptuous ornaments and accoutrements enjoyed by the Awadh aristocracy.430). 2006).” Asianart. that Muhammad Ilich Khan. 1966). Hamid Afaq Qureshi (1889. 53. ed. and 376 (folios 5b. 33. Antoine-Louis Henri Polier records in a letter dated June 21. For enameled daggers with this motif.3. The Arts and Antiquities of India: An Illustrated Selection (1910. Bengal Inventories. 1893. London). 38. 3 vols. 2:252 – 53. Simon Ray: Indian & Islamic Works of Art. The Mughal Nobility. no. Sleeman. there are also depicts of mermen and boys with fish. WI: Krause Publications. For a survey of Lucknow’s decorative arts by media. Kuwait National Museum. 47. See also Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava.. and diamonds. trans. 2 vols. see Sophie Gordon. LAG/34 /27/24. 46. Abu’l-Fazl. Lucknow. Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia. particularly Deccani. Art of the Islamic and Indian Worlds. Colin R. Athar Ali. 1720 –1801 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. no.000 or 7. and Sleeman. and engraved “pieces. The Making of Colonial Lucknow 1856–1877 (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Simon Ray Ltd. Although this may be due to artistic license or misunderstanding. Sir Richard Burn. W. no. Rambles and Recollections. reprint Delhi: Low Price Publications. 6. only the fish standard is generally shown without being accompanied by the twin globes. and ed. 40. Moreover. “The Enamel Road. 20. 37. Sharar. 9. C. Smith (Westminster. 125 –26. For a painted and extant examples of mahi-ye maratib. Bidri Ware: Inlaid Metalwork from India (London: V&A Museum. E. Art from the World of Islam in The David Collection (Copenhagen: The David Collection.” Jewellery Studies 10 (2004): 68 –75. 1903. 569 (32 /1980). Also see discussion in Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. Markel. reprint Delhi: Low Price Publications. Abdul Halim Sharar.asianart. see Stephen Markel. V. 221. Blochmann. 1988). 28. 2005). Wynyard R. 48. sale catalogue (London: Spink & Son. 2001). For a discussion of this motif’s clear affiliation with the arts of Lucknow. 94. 31– 37. Therein are cited dictionaries published in 1810 and 1852 in which “yashm” is translated as “agate. T.46 -1980 -Miniature-Paladshaver. 8. A European Experience.davidmus. Acting Head Curator. 1983). 371). A Clash of Cultures: Awadh. see Stephen Markel.” I am indebted to Saqib Baburi for the correct spelling of the term and for sharing several historical literary references. and Oliver Impey. 2001). 1:165. 317. and Ali. In addition. were adherents of the Shia sect of Islam. written accounts. a Persian element was added to the mix. unlike the Sunni Mughals. by both Indian and western artists. and were looked to as inspiration for several aspects of Awadhi court culture. and. Two apparently contradictory aspects of the Awadhi style are typified on one hand by exquisitely light jamdani weaves and chikan-work embroidery. mainly by western observers. but overlaid on this were certain idiosyncratic elements that had been developed in Lucknow. exquisite embroidered or woven cottons in shades of cream and white were still used on informal occasions and continued to convey a sense of coolness and elegance. from literature to dress. and in particular the Mughal style as worn at Delhi. gold-embroidered dress and furnishings that were popular after European influence became dominant in Awadh in the first half of the nineteenth century. From these we can form an impression of the different styles that prevailed over the period between about 1750 and 1880. 154. These include paintings. We are fortunate that several different types of contemporaneous and later sources inform us about dress in Awadh. p.Ros e m ary C r i l l Textiles and Dress in Lucknow in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries The court of Awadh was well known for the flamboyance of its furnishings and the extravagance of its dress. from the later nineteenth century onward. p. 226 227 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow . nobles. The Persians. and on the other by the heavy. and courtesans. particularly during the later eighteenth century. photographs of rulers. 180). While both men and women adorned themselves with elaborate costumes involving huge amounts of lavishly decorated cloth. who were of Persian descent. like the Lucknow rulers. The prevailing aesthetic influence at the Awadh court was basically Mughal. leading to the use of Persian-style head-wear and fur-trimmed coats and boots (30. 229. Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810). western men are mostly wearing European dress with few concessions to the local climate or culture. over painted in 1784 – 86. Tilly Kettle. seems to have been popular around 1750 –75. p. Most of the visible male waists in the painting are wrapped with a “cummerbund” (kamarband or “waist tie”). Polier is more likely to wear western dress 68). The Persian-style coat (sometimes worn also with boots) (154. Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier. 34). later Asaf al-Daula. 1772 Bottom: 30. 1994. is a superbly observed depiction of a gathering of European and Indian men (and a very few Indian women) from all levels of Awadhi society. Calcutta. wrapped cotton turban. is shown in at least two paintings in full Indian dress. 34. oil on canvas. Zoffany’s well-known painting Colonel Mordaunt’s Cock Match (fig. the nawab. 180). Top: 28. in paintings done in 1773 and the 1780s. the jama has been worn at various lengths. either of plain white cotton like the robe itself.T06856 Page 226: 84. which they were likely to share with Indian wives or bibis. Elaborate sashes are tied around his waist. Water Pipe Mat. while he watches a nautch or dance performance at his home (106. Throughout its history. 1800 Bengal. support: 103. Works by Tilly Kettle and Johann Zoffany in particular show both Indians and Europeans in formal and informal dress. as on the figure in the red turban in the foreground of the scene. 228 229 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow . painted several portraits of Nawab Shuja al-Daula that illustrate the courtly fashion of the time. but beyond that it is impossible to distinguish quite what these garments are. which would quite likely be of Kashmir-shawl fabric. the central Indian male figure. the other major European artist working in Lucknow in the eighteenth century. Headgear at this gathering is usually a colored or white. but always with a well-defined waist and full. or sometimes at the front. Nawab Shuja al-Daula with the Heir AppaRent. Tilly Kettle. Uttar Pradesh.9 x 150 cm. however. When in the company of his European male friends. His portrait of the nawab in 1772 (28) shows the ruler in a Mughal-style jama. gathered skirt. The few female figures in the painting are wearing wrapped garments of colored. p.Much of the information about eighteenth-century dress in Lucknow comes from paintings by western artists who were either residents of or visitors to Lucknow. The which he wears a Persian-style coat with fur tippet. fine muslin. It was not unusual for western residents of Lucknow in the eighteenth century to adopt Indian Fig. while others have stuck to their heavy-looking woolen coats. usually tied at the side of the chest and waist. MiRza Amani. 1800 – 50 complete with turban and turban band. 1784 – 86. is wearing a small cotton cap. He is shown in a white muslin jama. but in eighteenth-century Awadh the fashion was evidently for ankle-length jamas. or of patterned fabric. for example. and West dress to some degree. and he wears around his turban the Lucknow style of turban band or goshpech (30). Colonel MoRdaunt’s Cock Match. c. TuRban Band (detail). India. Some (like Colonel Mordaunt himself) are dressed in white cotton cloth. at least in their homes. The Indian men (like the nawab in the center of the painting) are wearing white muslin jamas: the classic tailored robe of Mughal India. Lucknow. Tate Britain. p. in Indian DRess and Smoking a Hookah. The Gown of the “Queen of Oudh. wide legs rather than the flared shape of the farshi). Institut Neerlandais. a rare survivor of a full court costume of the mid-nineteenth century is the so-called “Queen of Oudh’s dress” in the Victoria and Albert Museum. c. 35). India. and courtesans who appear in paintings and. a bodice. John Wombwell. (32.5 cm).” which have straight. but it does seem to have signs of wear. photographs are some of the most elaborate and apparently cumbersome of any Indian dress. London (190). latterly. Lucknow. 54). c. It is possible that it was made specifically for the exposition rather than belonging to a real person. 35. c. 12 3⁄4 x 11 1⁄4 in.36 (Fig. While fine white or colored muslin appears to have been the most popular fabric for both male and female dress in the eighteenth century. was acquired from the Exposition Universelle held in Paris in 1855.Fig. opaque watercolor and gold on paper. 1775 –1800 Left: 190. 1850 Bottom: 198. “spread-out” trousers) or kalidar paijama (“paneled trousers. 1970 -T. Paris. a front-opening long-sleeved robe. dancing girls. consisting of wide trousers. PoRtRait of John Wombwell. The costumes (and the word is appropriate to the theatricality of much of the dress worn there) of the court females. 3. a sleeveless tunic. Pair of ear ORnaments. Another European resident. and a large rectangular head-cover. Frits Lugt Collection. Although much of our information about this type of dress comes from pictorial and written evidence. and it is not clear what the circumstances were that led to its being sent to this exhibition. These voluminous garments were supplemented with large (although usually lightweight) shawls or head-covers called dupatta (literally “two pieces”). FoRehead ORnaments. Top: 199. Uttar Pradesh. The outfit. 1790. the nineteenth century saw huge changes in style in Lucknow. also chose to have his portrait painted on at least two occasions in full Indian dress accessorized by a hookah (fig. Both male and female dress developed in ways that were particular to the Awadhi court.” mid-19th century 230 231 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow .3 x 28. The most characteristic of the flamboyant garments used at the Awadhi court in the nineteenth century are probably the immensely wide trousers known either as farshi paijama (literally. 17. 18).—English manufacture having the preference. much varied in the material and ornamental part. 17). all such materials are used for this article of female dress as of sufficiently firm texture. is usually used for a very different and much less figure-hugging robe in most other parts of North India.” quotes one of her “amusing and novel” letters in her own work). One universal shape is adopted in the form of the ungeeah [angiya] (bodice). but other examples. muslin. are made of slightly more manage- able material. of Central Asian origin. Pl. left) and Ameer Jan. was Mrs. and all are more or less ornamented with spangles and silver trimmings. Equally voluminous but cut with straight panels in the leg. and full-skirted robe often worn over the paijama was usually of the type called a peshwaj (“open front”) or choga. the more transparent in texture the more agreeable to taste. a very broad silver riband binds the top of the pyjaamah. The jama was the other main type of robe: while this is usually associated with the side-fastening robe worn at the Mughal court. from The Beauties of Lucknow. It is made (Pl.” a woven silk fabric often with ikat patterning]. high-waisted. the extremity finished and the seams are bound with silver riband [gota]. 40. The paijama of the V&A’s costume has a flat rectangular front panel and sixteen tapering panels (kali) in each leg. or “rose body. Mah-i Alam stRikes a watchman with a golden whip in the PRince’s pResence as penalty for making a false accusation. it was also used as the name for front-opening garments in Lucknow.2 the letters were obviously intended for publication. the selfstyled “pilgrim in search of the picturesque. or at the Mughal court) rather than a sari. or mussheroo [mashru. not the large head-cover. Darogah Abbas Ali. and a circumference at the hem of each leg of 391 centimeters (154 inches). Under the peshwaj or jama. swirling skirt of the peshwaj gave the from the Ishqnamah. these tassels are rendered magnificent with pearls and jewels. which tended to have less excess length than the farshi type. One of the most informative observers of the Lucknow scene in the early nineteenth century.. rectangular veil or shawl called an odhni. Meer Hassan Ali. While it is unlikely that it ever belonged to a queen of Awadh. They are full of fascinating information which would have otherwise gone unrecorded. augmented by inserts. Pl. Dancing GiRl of Biba Wali (Pl. Such trousers usually had deep borders called gote. usually of satin with trim of woven gold-thread ribbon or gota work. and reach to the feet which are partially covered by the fullness. although this term. women wore a hip-length sleeveless tunic called a shaluka or kurti (“small shirt”) over a short. The whole outfit would be topped by a large. however. tight bodice called a kanchli or angiya. a lady about whom few personal details are known except that she was an Englishwoman who was married to an Indian and who lived for a number of years in Lucknow. some are of gauze or net.wearer freedom of movement and also allowed the legs to be seen.—in short. and these would form a sort of pool of fabric spread out around the wearer’s feet when she was standing: hence the name farshi or “spread out” for this style. down to the white calico of the country. Head-covers like this were worn in many parts of India. 1874 upper bodies (200. like those seen in Company paintings and photographs such as those of the Beauties of Lucknow (200. The full-length. By the most fashionable females they are worn very full below the knee. Dancing GiRl fine chintz. a satin-weave fabric with silk warps and cotton wefts. Husso Jan. covering subjects ranging from architecture to styles of ladies’ slippers. often striped and also often with ikat patterning] (striped washing silks manufactured at Benares). it could have been made for one of the betrothal ceremonies of a very young bride connected with the court—the size suggests that she would have been only about twelve years old. Her firsthand description of female dress is so informative that it is worth quoting at length: The ladies’ pyjaamahs are formed of rich satin. and in particular that of the world of women. light. curiously and expressly made for this purpose. This particular paijama is made of a fine silk overlaid with a fish-scale pattern in gota work (couched gold strips). Ostensibly written to friends (and indeed Fanny Parks. For these reasons they were particularly favored by dancers and courtesans. this being double has a zarbund (a silk net cord) [ezarband] run through. and could if necessary be tucked into the waistband of the trousers to secure it. right). dated 1849/50 (AH 1266). The ends of the zarbund are finished with rich tassels of gold and silver. by which this part of the dress is confined at the waist. which is. or gold cloth. 18. the excess cloth would be gathered up and thrown over an arm (40). If she needed to move about. she wrote a series of minutely detailed letters describing various aspects of life in Lucknow. usually by men. where the usual garb consisted of skirt or trousers and bodice (as in Rajasthan. which extend below the knees: for full dress. etc.1 A resident of the city from 1816 until 1828. Paintings and photographs of the period of Wajid Ali Shah show court ladies or dancing girls wearing only a sheer dupatta (scarf) across their 200. was the kalidar or kaliondar paijama. which would cover the head (but not the face) and fall down the back. folio 317r 232 233 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow .—silk and cotton ginghams. goolbudden [gulbadan. The full. suited to the means of the wearer. but they still retain the preference for pointed shoes whatever be the fashion adopted. sometimes it is genteel to have smaller points to the shoes. shawl cummerbunds (girdles). these are made with a high heel and look unseemly. In another passage. of more or less value. .5 Mrs. there is a fashion and taste about the ladies’ shoes. or the ornamental parts tarnish through extreme heat. On ordinary occasions ladies wear them simply bound with silver riband.. as well as in others. shawl kerchiefs.—this is called shubnum [shabnam] (night dew) from its delicate texture. the sleeves are very short and tight. which bounds their view and their walks. the seams and hems are trimmed with silver or gold ribands. Meer Hassan Ali describes khilats which include: embroidered or cloth of gold chupkunds [chapkan: a type of tailored coat]. some nearly reaching half way to the knees. one end partially screening the figure. the less opulent condescend to wear tinsel work. and shawl stuff. and to fasten behind with strong cotton cords. In shape and size. gold and silver muslins. and contains about twenty breadths of the material. as at Delhi. made of thick Benares gold and silver kimkhwab.3 . These are the usual articles of value given in khillauts to the most exalted favourites. a necklace of pearls and precious stones. literally “star”) or small domed sequins (katori. or rich satin for trousers. Water Pipe Snake Cover . variously-coloured small seed beads and embroidery—the whole one mass of glittering metal. and falls in graceful folds over the person. Ali was a striking feature of much court wear in Lucknow. and the meanest servants yellow or red cloth with silver bindings. was a common practice at the Lucknow Shoes 85. and always worn down at the heel. and was frequently decorated with impressed patterns in the cloth created by stamping with heated wires (uttu or uttusazi). Even the women servants pride themselves on pretty ungeeahs. the preference is given to our light English manufacture of leno or muslin for every-day wear by gentlewomen.e. the depattah (drapery) is made to correspond. she experienced “some suffering from the heat. Meer Hassan Ali was expected to keep these clothes or not. were usually embroidered with metal-wrapped thread or 1800 – 50 234 235 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow .—they are splendidly worked in many patterns. The whole dress is trimmed very richly with embroidered trimming and silver riband. Meer Hassan Ali describes a bridal outfit: The dress for a bride differs in one material point from the general style of Hindostaunie costume: a sort of gown is worn. With the ungeeah is worn a transparent courtie [kurti] (literally translated shirt) of thread net. as is also fine India muslin manufactured at Decca [Dhaka]—transparent and soft as the web of the gossamer spider. literally “cup”) that would be sewn directly onto the cloth. and only cover the feet with shoes when pacing across their court-yard. even in India. in pieces. tells us of an occasion in 1831 on which King Nasir al-Din Haidar presented “four or five dresses of honour. The depattah is worn with much original taste on the back of the head. which was often used as a facing for a skirt or jacket. The depattah [dupatta] is a useful envelope. when standing. pieces of fine embroidered muslin for shirts. 226. and the most graceful part of the whole female costume. or some equally expensive article. etc. turbans of shawl or muslin. 85). and finished with some fanciful embroidery or silver riband. Meer Hassan Ali then recounts how she attended a marriage ceremony and was persuaded to wear a full Awadhi costume of “gold dress and glittering drapery” for the occasion—which she wore on top of her usual clothes. gold cloth. when two or three hundred females are collected together in their assemblies. which add much to the splendour of the scene.to fit the bust with great exactness. however coarse the material it is formed of may happen to be. the bestowal of clothing as gifts. The same style of shoes are worn by the males as by the females.. while the lowest possible number of pieces was five. shawl lahaafs (counterpanes). khilat. The ladies never wear stockings.4 court. Other decorations like seed pearls and glass beads would also contribute to the lavish effect. which is productive of much emulation in zeenahnah life. or as soft fringes made of finely cut metal strips. a large sheet will convey an idea of the depattah’s dimensions. English crape. the other thrown over the opposite shoulder. and is procured at great expense. about the walking length of an English dress. gold and silver gauze tissues are in great request. some depattahs are formed of gold-worked muslin. They are never removed at night but continue to be worn a week together. as dressing slippers.” 6 Although it is not clear if Mrs. Fanny Parks. made of silver tissue.8 The lavish use of gold embroidery (zar-dozi) and other “trimmings” as described by Mrs. at another. p. unless its beauty fades earlier. always in pairs. for it was at the very hottest season of the year. This could come in many forms: gilt-metal strips (badla) that would usually be crimped into a serrated form before being couched or stitched onto the cloth of the garment. the skirt is open in front. . each being sufficient to form a dress. coats]. I have seen some young men with green shagreen slippers for the rainy season. lengths of fabric woven with fine strips of silver or silver-gilt as the warp threads (gota). The same style of embroidery was also used for decorative domestic furnishings like the mats and coverings for hookahs (84. embroidery or couching in silk thread wrapped with a thin coil of flattened gilt-metal strip (kalabattun). used to decorate the edges and hems of garments.” This same man received a jeweled turban.” 7 Khilats could include up to 101 pieces. Benares silks. coloured gauze. the points are long and much curled. shawls. Mrs. trimmed with sable. with gold and silver spangles. and will strive to have a little finery about them. but on gala days. . and “over all these dresses of honour were placed four or five pairs of Cashmere shawls. this covers the waistband of the pyjaamah but does not screen it. flat metal sequins (sitara. the least costly for their every-day wear are of gold embroidery on velvet. which were all put upon [the recipient’s] person one over the other. the quality depends on choice or circumstances. Another redoubtable observer of the Lucknow scene. a tight body and long sleeves. it is crossed in front. Nevertheless.. Mrs.—they are made with sharp points curling upwards. The fashion of shoes varies with the times in this country. but for dress they are richly trimmed with embroidery and bullion fringes. shawl-stuff labaadahs (pelisses) [i. Not surprisingly. was in complete contrast to the heavy gold embroideries worn for formal events and dances. The exact origin of chikan embroidery is not known, and even the etymology of its name remains mysterious, but it is thought to have originated in Bengal, probably in Dacca (Dhaka), in modern Bangladesh, during the later Mughal period. The art, and presumably some practitioners, moved to Lucknow probably no earlier than the mid-eighteenth century, and it became extremely popular under the nawabs. Its delicacy, and especially the fragility of the muslin on which it is usually done, has meant that little early chikan work has survived, and indeed no surviving pieces seem to predate the mid-nineteenth century. William Hoey notes in 1880 that chikan embroidery is one of the few industries in Lucknow still to be thriving at that date, and states that it “is in great demand and the export of it to Calcutta, Patna, Bombay, Haidarabad [Hyderabad] and other cities is an important trade.” He suggests that chikan embroidery was a “not irksome means of supplementing small incomes” and a “natural vent for the labour of persons thrown out of employ by failure of other trades.” 10 Hoey probably underestimates the very high level of skill required for good chikan embroidery, but no doubt he was right in 102. Shawl with Chikan WoRk (detail), early 19th century 101. Man’s GaRment with Chikan WoRk (detail), 19th century metal strips. Slippers with extravagantly curling toes were popular with both men and women at court, either with pointed toes or with broad or splayed ends. Although Wajid Ali Shah is shown wearing these broad-toed slippers in the Ishqnamah, completed in 1849/50, (40, p. 233), they had evidently fallen out of favor with fashionable society by the time William Hoey was making his survey of the crafts of Lucknow in 1878 –79. Hoey writes of this “peculiar pattern of shoe” (called kafsh) that it is “broad at the toes, which are curled up in fantastic style, and is very narrow at the heel which is very high and protected by an iron tip round the rim. It is exceedingly difficult for one unaccustomed to walk with kafsh to move steadily while wearing them. They give that shaky movement to the wearer which is characteristic of old age. It may be for this reason that they are worn chiefly by sanctimonious maulvis [clerics] carrying long walking sticks.”9 A complete contrast to the heavy, gold-embellished embroidery used on many garments was provided by the delicate and often incredibly finely worked embroidery known as chikan or chikankari. This is worked on cotton, using cotton thread with occasional highlights in natural light-brown or golden tussar silk. Chikan embroidery (chikandozi) was popular with both men and women in Lucknow, where it was made by both male and female professional embroiderers. Used for caps, kurtas, angarkhas, and small domestic items like tray covers, chikan is characterized by small, complex floral designs in white on white, and gives a supremely cool and airy effect to a garment (101, 102). Even if densely embroidered all over a cap or robe, the subtlety of the monochrome palette and delicacy of the materials and stitching gave chikan work an air of quiet understatement, which 236 237 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow suggesting that it could be taken up by men and women (and even children) looking for work. Chikan work is still a thriving cottage industry in Lucknow, where the traditional stitches (although usually worked to a less high standard) are embroidered onto kurtas and for furnishing fabrics which are sold throughout India and abroad. The woven equivalent to chikan embroidery in lightness and fineness is a cotton fabric called jamdani, which also appears to have originated in eastern India, with Dacca as its main center. It has been suggested that weaver families from Dacca were given grants enabling them to settle at Tanda and Jais near Faizabad under Nawab Shuja al-Daula in order to weave fine muslins for the Awadhi court and elite.11 Fine muslin was certainly being produced at Tanda by the 1770s, when Polier records ordering lengths of it.12 Jamdani is woven in a supplementary weft technique, which involves adding the isolated designs (usually stylized floral elements or botehs) into the weave by hand using small spools of thread to weave under and over the warp threads to achieve the desired pattern. C. A. Silberrad, in his 1898 Monograph on Cotton Fabrics Produced in the North-West Provinces and Oudh, describes the jamdani weaving technique as used at Tanda as somewhat different to that of Dacca, in that at Tanda the designs were inserted using thread stored in spools hanging from the warps, while at Dacca, separate cut pieces of yarn were used to insert the designs.13 Diaphanous garments such as angarkhas and kurtas were especially suited to both the jamdani and chikan techniques, both sometimes being embellished with strips of silver (called kamdani work) or with metalwrapped thread embroidery. Both woven jamdani and chikan embroidery were worn by nawabs and court women throughout the nineteenth century, and the well-known images of Wajid Ali Shah in a white angarkha and jauntily placed cap (the small two-sided cap called a dopalri) reflect this popularity. The mainstream later Mughal style prevailed throughout the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The angarkha, a calf-length robe with an unusual semicircular opening behind which a panel conceals most (but rarely all) of the wearer’s chest, was by far the most popular type of male dress (101, p. 236) Left: 32. Possibly by Mihr Chand, Shuja al-Daula, Nawab of Awadh, After a Painting by Tilly Kettle, c. 1775 Right: Fig. 36. Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810), Asaf Al-Daulah, Nawab of Awadh, Lucknow; India, Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, 1784; oil on canvas, 50 x 40 in. (127 x 101.5 cm); The British Library, London, F106 Bottom Left: 103. CRown, c. 1850 Bottom Right: 104. Minister’s TuRban, c. 1850 and occurs in many illustrations of the nineteenth century. It was worn with a sash around the waist or, in the case of Wajid Ali Shah, a larger shawl-like textile wrapped around the hips and tied in front (40, p. 233). Servants, musicians, and other non-elite males wore flat turbans. Accessories like the turban band (goshpech) became popular: the goshpech was a long, narrow band, usually embroidered and often embellished with pearls or sequins which was wrapped around the turban and tied at the front. It appears in portraits of Lucknow nobles during the 1770s and, to a lesser extent, the 1780s (31, fig. 36). It seems to have enjoyed a revival under Wajid Ali Shah, as some attendants in the Ishqnamah are seen wearing them wrapped around flat turbans rather than the Mughal-style headgear of the previous century. Head-wear became a focal point of Lucknow inventiveness (104). As Abdul Halim Sharar explains in his informative account of Lucknow, this was partly because turbans became smaller and smaller at the Mughal court and the caps worn underneath them therefore were obliged also to become small.14 Eventually, people gave up wearing pagris (turbans) altogether, and focused on creating new types of cap and other headgear. There was a four-sided cap called a chaugoshia, a dome-shaped cap with four or five sections which was produced in Delhi but which influenced Lucknow styles; the mandil, which 238 239 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow Sharar describes as “a round cap like a tambourine”;15 the ever-popular dopalri, which was made up of two flat half-moons joined along the curved sides, and the more pointed version of this cap, called the nukkadar, which was often embroidered in gold and silver thread. Some extraordinary new shapes of hat were created, often out of gold-embroidered fabric and sometimes in styles based on western models, especially crowns. The enthusiasm for crownlike hats was almost certainly inspired by the bestowal of the title “king” on Ghazi al-Din Haidar in 1819 and Nasir al-Din Haidar in 1827, and both can be Although the splendor of the courts of the flamboyant nawabs and kings of Awadh such as Wajid Ali Shah may have declined in the later nineteenth century after the events of 1857 and British annexation, it is clear that Lucknow continued to be a major center of craft and textile production. William Hoey’s survey of trades and manufactures lists an astonishing number of textilerelated crafts that were still being carried out in 1879 – 80, even though he laments the fact that “the weavers of Lucknow have been ruined by the import of European goods.” Silk-weaving seems particularly to have suffered, and he writes that the local silk products have been “quite crushed out by the import of European silks and Indian silks from other seats of manufacture.” Hoey also reports that even the fine cotton weaving for which Lucknow and its environs was so well known is “at its last gasp.” In spite of this sad state of affairs, chikan embroidery, dyeing, printing, dari weaving, silk-weaving, turbanweaving, cotton-weaving, gota border–weaving, cord-making, shoe-making, blanket-weaving, carpet-weaving, darning, shawl-weaving, and gold embroidering are all listed as trades actively pursued at the time in Lucknow.17 seen sporting fanciful crowns in contemporaneous paintings (2, p. 95; 36, p. 19; 103, p. 239). Western styles infiltrated other aspects of male dress as the nineteenth century progressed. Wajid Ali Shah’s illustrated romance, the Ishqnamah, shows some remarkable outfits clearly based on western military styles, with elaborate frogging and gold braid epaulettes. Later photographic albums like An Illustrated Historical Album of the Rajas and Taluqdars of Oudh (1880) show men dressed largely in a recognizably Lucknow style, often with the elaborate headgear just described, including tinsel “crowns,” turbans made of Kashmir-shawl material, caps such as the four-sided chaugoshia, the pointed nukkadar, and the large, round mandil (179). A notable 1. 2. exception is one Rampal Singh (upper right), who chose to be photographed for the album in western dress with no hat or turban. He is described in the text as “an English scholar” who has “imbibed the manner and customs of the West by a long residence in England.” 16 The interiors in which these outfits were worn also follow the same trajectory from Mughal relative simplicity to western-inspired excess. The halls and terraces in which Polier is seen watching nautch parties in the 1770s and 1780s (106, p. 68) appear sparsely furnished with the On Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali, née Biddy Timms, see Rosie Llewellyn-Jones’s essay in this volume. Fanny Parks, Wanderings of a Pilgrim, in search of the picturesque, during four-and-twenty years in the East; with revelations of life in the zenana, 2 vols. (London: Pelham Richardson, 1850), 87. Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali, Observations on the Mussulmauns of India descriptive of their manners, customs, habits and religious opinions made during a twelve years’ residence in their immediate society (1832). 2nd edition, ed. W. Crooke (London: Oxford University Press, 1917), 106 – 9. Ibid., 111–12. Ibid., 357– 58. Ibid., 361. Parks, Wanderings, 190. Ali, Observations, 148 – 49. William Hoey, A Monograph on Trade and Manufactures in Northern India (Lucknow: American Methodist Mission Press, 1880), 127. Ibid., 28. R. C. Sharma, K. Giri, and A. Chakraverty, eds., Indian Art Treasures: Suresh Neotia Collection (Varanasi: Jnana-Pravaha, 2006), 250. Ibid., 251n3. C. A. Silberrad, Monograph on Cotton Fabrics Produced in the North-West Provinces and Oudh (Allahabad: Government Press, 1898). Abdul Halim Sharar, Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture, trans. and ed. E. S. Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain (London: Elek, 1975), 171. Ibid., 172. Abbas Ali, Haji Darogah, An Illustrated Historical Album of the Rajas and Taluqdars of Oudh (Allahabad: North-Western Provinces and Oudh Government Press, 1880), 66. Hoey, A Monograph, 28 –196, quotes on 28. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11 . 12 . 13. 14. 15. 16. usual floor-based furniture of daris or satranjis (flatwoven cotton rugs), floor-spreads and cushions (although we know that Polier also possessed a western-style sofa, as shown in the painting in [Fig. 26, p. 180]). These furnishing textiles would usually be of embroidered velvet or plain white cloth for simpler occasions, just as at Delhi, 179. Darogah Abbas Ali, from An IllustRated HistoRical Album of the Rajas and TaluQdaRs of Oudh, 1880 but by the middle of the nineteenth century, Wajid Ali Shah was imitating Victorian interiors with chairs, tables, and chandeliers. 17. 240 241 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow Perhaps more substantially. the sounds of “Lakhnavi” or Lucknowi-era music are largely lost to us. One of these is a treatise on music. Further. Nevertheless. Music and dance played preeminent roles in this cultural efflorescence. especially two works in Urdu. The visitor to Lucknow today can admire the joyously flamboyant imperial gateways and imambaras built by the nawabs. unparalleled not only in its exquisite elegance but also in its sheer amount of creative activity and output. Lucknow played an essential role in sustaining and even reinvigorating the fine arts. However. written in 1856 by Mohammad Karm Imam. Although twentieth-century music historians have written with ambivalence about the era’s sybaritism and alleged cultural shallowness. In a period in which artistic patronage suffered from the disruptive effects of the Uprising (1857– 58) and the dramatic decline of the feudal nobility. Madan al-Mausiqi (Mine of Music). language. Lucknow in the nawabi period constituted the primary center for music patronage in North India and hosted a music culture of unique refinement and expressive charm. a 242 243 Manuel : Music . and aficionados of Urdu literature still savor the ghazals penned by the era’s poets. we are able to learn much about the epoch’s music culture from contemporary chronicles.Pet er M an u e l Music in Lucknow’s Gilded Age In the nineteenth century Lucknow came to host an urban culture of extraordinary sophistication and richness. and the good life in general. some forms of nawabi-period song and instrumental style were perpetuated more or less faithfully by twentieth-century musicians and constituted direct sources for other. the dynamic innovations it fostered provided much of the foundation for the lively flowering of Hindustani music in its modern era that can be said to have commenced in the early 1900s. more modern stylistic developments. cuisine. in the absence not only of recordings but also of musical notations like those in the West. ardently patronized by elite epicurean aesthetes for whom the fine arts constituted an indispensable concomitant to refined dress. and upon his death the throne passed to his son Wajid Ali. To a dour observer like Sleeman. displayed what can be described as a sort of manneristic.2 housing them in a palace called the “Fairy House” (Pari Khana). indeed. Allowed by the newly empowered British to rule as irresponsibly as they wished while paying a heavy tribute. and his indifference to administering his kingdom. providing. however. whether in architecture. and instead devoted his energies and expenses to sponsoring and personally mastering the arts of music. 1750 – 60 244 245 Manuel : Music . Even the wily Ghulam Raza Khan. and containing informative chapters on music. so that. orientation and background of its patrons. In this period. composer. “Lucknow’s lamp was lit by that of Delhi. Like several of his predecessors. which enjoyed considerable popularity in Britain. Lucknow became the wealthy capital of the province of Awadh. a task that he delegated to a set of European mountebanks. This sensationalist book. The British resident. when scores of professional musicians went to Faizabad and Lucknow to benefit from patronage provided by Nawab Shuja al-Daula. His successor. however. the 1905 novel Umrao Jan Ada about a courtesan. he established an extensive retinue of court performers there. whose frivolous lifestyle was publicized through an 1855 British exposé entitled The Private Life of an Eastern King. pillagings. had been allowed to spend his youth primarily in the company of courtesans and performers. 1827). and eunuchs. whose names are extensively documented by Karm Imam. the most prominent Lucknow musicians were 1 Wajid Ali Shah’s nine-year rule (which ended with annexation by the British in 1856) constituted a zenith of fine arts activity. or conversed with anyone but musicians. The Rise of Lucknow The city of Delhi served. Haidar was poisoned and replaced by the elderly and sober Muhammad Ali Shah. of course. an ardent music lover. dance. two hundred miles to the southeast the city of Lucknow was emerging as the political. Formerly a sleepy provincial town of no particular distinction (and of which no particular musical activity has been documented). and influential. innovative. and the latter’s son Nasir al-Din Haidar. Wajid Ali enthusiastically employed and sustained many of the North’s most gifted classical artists. the empire disintegrated rapidly. When his successor. and the musically quiescent period of his successor. Wajid Ali had more than two hundred concubines trained in music and dance. At the same time. the North Indian classical dance style. Among the works by modern music historians that have synthesized such data. Both the amount and character of Lucknow’s musical activity were conditioned by the Page 242: 19. Fath Chand. His Urdu and Braj-bhasha Hindi poetry is engaging.courtier of Wajid Ali Shah’s. a mine of data for music historians. poetry. rococo sophistication of exquisite refinement. artists. the author noted that Haidar’s court was the most brilliant in India and his court performers the best. was developing and popularizing a sitar style that would form much of the basis of modern instrumental playing. especially his barber. nawabi patronage rebounded under the energetic support of his son Ghazi al-Din Haidar (d.” By the early nineteenth century. his decadent extravagance. and “Company” paintings—especially of dance performances. Wajid Ali Shah Phase of an Oriental Culture. the culture of Lucknow had begun to acquire a flavor of its own. As a patron of the fine arts. the nawabs—at once protected and rendered impotent by British firepower— found patronage of the arts to be one of the few arenas in which their court could achieve renown. Amjad Ali. reverted to the voluptuous lifestyle of Nasir al-Din. Most disturbing were the corruption. drama. Todi Ragini. disparaged the nawab for his transvestism. except for passing interludes. and cultural center of the North. After the barber fled with much of the treasury. Perhaps most outstanding was his contribution to music. Awadh’s musical efflorescence dates from the 1750s. the puritanical Saadat Ali Khan. economic. he was himself an avid and reportedly skilled singer. the nawabs themselves. and a series of invasions. As a result. The other outstanding Urdu source is a series of articles written in the early 1900s by Abdul Halim Sharar. Asaf al-Daula set the tone for the later rulers with his luxurious lifestyle and his neglect of administration. as Sharar wrote. After the brief subsequent (mis)rule of Wazir Ali Khan. poets. his dance-dramas (called rahas) sparked the emergence of folk music theater and modern urban Urdu drama. in one chapter—felicitously translated into English and published in 1959 – 60 —the author presents a detailed and engagingly opinionated survey of musicians of his era. Further. of his many light refugees from Delhi. innumerable courtesans. whose substantial agricultural surplus came to sustain the rise of an opulent and sophisticated elite. Passing references to music in the writings of British chroniclers provide different sorts of perspectives and information. while lacking the depth and grandeur of Mughal arts. who died in 1842. and percussionist. when not cuckolding and robbing the nawab. having not been the heir-apparent. While Delhi was declining. or music. who became his closest adviser (while energetically defrauding the nawab at the same time). Wajid Ali Shah was extraordinarily energetic. His energetic patronage extended to folk music and theater as well as classical fine arts. Wajid Ali represented the epitome of despotic decadence. Sir William Henry Sleeman. mischief. who. Wajid Ali had no patience for the tedium of administrative affairs. slept. which. as the imperial capital of the Muslim dynasties that ruled northern India from the twelfth century to the early eighteenth century. After the death of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb in 1707. At the apex of the patronage system were. Allyn Miner’s Sitar and Sarod in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries is particularly astute and thorough. moved the Awadh capital from Faizabad to Lucknow in 1775. Asaf al-Daula. whose courts could constitute by far the largest single c. and his court became the primary crucible for the flowering of kathak. and massacres undermined the city’s ability to sustain patronage of the fine arts. While most of this work consists of a fairly conventional rehash of traditional Sanskritic music theory. and other observers were dismayed by Wajid Ali’s indifference to governing and the fact that he rarely ate. recollections of elders. and poetry. translated and published in English as Lucknow: The Last employers of performers. concubines. and chaos resulting from his tendency to award high administrative and even military posts to low-caste musicians (of the dom and dhari castes) and especially to a sitar player named Ghulam Raza Khan. as do other miscellaneous texts. and musicians migrated from Delhi and elsewhere to Lucknow to bask in the patronage of the new gentry. considerably more popular. Sources like Sharar’s writings attest to the Lucknow Muslims’ zeal for education. or villainous. Prior to Wajid Ali Shah’s time. sohni. professional female entertainers who were trained in these arts. with instrumental accompaniment. fine arts performances took place in a variety of contexts. he evidently spent many if not most of them not in a drunken stupor but rather in vigorous fine-arts production and promotion. many of whom also patronized the arts. and there were neither mass media nor regular public concerts to expose subalterns to the fine arts. Khyal performers were also well represented in Lucknow. as patronized by the elite of the city and its environs. Further. especially as flourishing in Delhi and Gwalior. While the institution of public concerts for paying audiences did not emerge until after 1900. impecunious. Even after his exile in 1856 to Matiya Burj in Calcutta. with drum accompaniment. which under the British were becoming ever more onerous. 3 Lucknow’s gentry in the nawabi era was in some respects diverse. As he wrote.5 The Urdu ghazal. a relatively austere genre in which a solo singer. genteel conversation. and the alleged musicality and refinement of ordinary urbanites. lacked a broad-based bourgeoisie that could have bridged the social gap between rich and poor. The 1905 Urdu novel by Mirza Ruswa. it seems evident that he was in his way a sophisticated connoisseur. both as sung and as a purely literary genre. khyal has been the standard idiom of North Indian classical (“Hindustani”) music. a desire to appear sophisticated. rather than being essentially ignored as in the serious. which remain popular. however. Another category would comprise the remnants of the Mughal feudal landlords—the zamindars—who lived off the revenues of land granted to them generations earlier. Hence thumri and ghazal were the mainstays of the “nautch” (nach).classical compositions. Dhrupad could also be rendered instrumentally. paints a colorful portrait—at once melodramatic and realistic—of the courtesan milieu and the book’s heroine. whether in court. whether out of genuine interest. especially thumri and ghazal. and refined culture in general. many aristocrats would have been assorted princes or other dignitaries associated in one way or another with the court. Courtesans had been While Wajid Ali Shah’s court would have constituted the single most substantial and best documented source of Lucknow’s fine arts patronage. which allowed greater scope both for leisurely elaboration of a rag as well as display of virtuoso technique. a stick zither with two large resonating gourds. Nautches are depicted in several paintings of the era. Moreover. While the serious classical styles khyal and dhrupad held their own in Lucknow.”4 Music in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Lucknow In North Indian classical music history. were semiclassical vocal genres. attended. meditative alap. arts patronage at his ersatz court continued to be munificent and laid the foundation for Calcutta’s musical preeminence in subsequent decades. and other ragas with such excellence that those who heard them were entranced and the greatest singers envied them. to this day. While he clearly preferred the emerging. “Sometimes bazaar boys have been heard singing bhairvin. especially the homes of the aristocracy and the salons of the city’s courtesans. romantic. suggesting that the genre still enjoyed prestige and patronage. or a sense of noblesse oblige. sang an improvisatory alap in free rhythm in a given rag or melodic mode. dhrupad was being replaced by khyal. rag-oriented genres. However. Many performers of thumri and ghazal were male. a sophisticated verse form typically about unrequited love. From the early 1800s. some of whom acquired considerable wealth and fame as singers or dancers. as well as in etiquette. semiclassical genres to the hoary and austere Mughal ones. Umrao Jan Ada. as light. would perform for private audiences. thumri had been an obscure regional dance song. As such. Thumri and ghazal are “lighter” in the sense that the rag may be maintained in a casual and flexible manner rather than a scrupulous one. Elite Patronage outside the Court behag [classical rags or melodic modes]. the courtesan salon. a song-anddance session in which courtesan vocalists and dancers. the hereditary zamindars were being replaced by a new class of protocapitalist landlords called taluqdars. especially on the bin. either while singing or during percussive interludes between verses. and there is less emphasis on either virtuoso display or sober. this social class in Awadh and elsewhere was being increasingly bankrupted by a British land tenure system which effected the summary eviction—rather than a traditional mere harassment—of landowners who failed to pay their taxes. that is. Lucknow became renowned for the sophistication and talent of its courtesans. Nevertheless. nawabi Lucknow can be seen as a stage of dynamic transition between the Mughal era and the modern period commencing in the early twentieth century. like the rest of contemporary India. as a singer—whether seated or standing—might mimetically enact the action or sentiment of the lyric. sensual styles they were more typically associated with courtesans (or tawaifs). segueing to a metered section based on a precomposed song. accompanied by male instrumentalists. and since the early twentieth century. had been dhrupad. although he may not have devoted his days to administering his kingdom. as might befit an energetic Minister of Culture. the sentiment of the song lyrics. a singer struggling to negotiate the perversities of ephemeral successes and ardent lovers who are variously noble. Karm Imam’s Madan al-Mausiqi and other sources document the presence of several dhrupad performers in nawabi Lucknow. also enjoyed phenomenal popularity during this period. Thumri and ghazal performances could also incorporate dance. Nawabi Lucknow. linked to the concurrently developing kathak dance. The preeminent vocal music genre of the Mughal era. including Wajid Ali Shah himself. Aside from the nawabs themselves. evidence suggests that access to and fondness for semiclassical music extended well beyond the mansions of the rich. but as cultivated in Lucknow it rapidly evolved into a sophisticated semiclassical art. however. in somewhat differing styles. is foregrounded as the singer brings out expressive nuances by subjecting the text lines to melodic variation and elaboration. Increasingly. his thumri “Babul mora naihar” remains one of the most popular songs in the genre (although its modern form of rendering may be quite distinct from its original style). 246 247 Manuel : Music . and prior to the Uprising were often enjoyed. a prodigious and probably more extensive amount of musical activity went on outside the court. and even sponsored by British officers. or the homes of the elite. Hence. Imam enumerates many exponents of instrumental dhrupad. which are louder and brighter sounding than their predecessors and more suitable for pyrotechnics. more sentimental genres of thumri and ghazal rather than the serious classical dhrupad and khyal. Perhaps most important in the historical perspective was the extent to which the bases for modern Hindustani instrumental music were laid in nineteenth-century Lucknow. Sangeet Natak Akademi Bulletin 11–12 (1959): 21. 3. ed. . “Melody through the Centuries: Being a Chapter from Ma’danul Moosiqui written in 1856 by Hakim Mohammad Karam Imam. While acknowledging the prodigious amount of musical activity and patronage in the nawabi era. Hadi. Govind Vidyarthi. 7. was the fact that the music itself had remained vital. The Courtesan of Lucknow (Umrao Jan Ada). Sarod playing. with thumri and ghazal at its core.” Hence Sharar. quotes an elderly music purist lamenting the great “harm” done by the captivating thumris of Lucknow composer Kadar Piya. Even the opinionated and conservative critic Imam. which derived less from dhrupad than as an adaptation of up-tempo contemporary thumri compositions to sitar. Bhatkhande and V. S. trans. (1905. Abdul Halim Sharar. . were also invigorated with music. 1979). The Musical Legacy of Nawabi Lucknow Indian writers on Hindustani music history have tended to regard the Lucknow period with deep ambivalence.a fixture of urban Indian society for millennia. far from being ancient. and tabla drum pair. such as were connected with weddings or Muharram. nawabi Lucknow hosted a variety of genres which might today be categorized as “folk music” for their lack of abstract music theory and because of their accessible nature.7 The colorful Ghulam Raza Khan was evidently a founder of the emergent modern sitar style. 1.8 In retrospect. for example. enjoyed extraordinary renown. 6. A. D. 134. also thrived in Muslim shrines and other contexts. 2. as cultivated by his contemporaries. Delhi: Hind Pocket Books. to Islamicize it. Sitar and Sarod in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (Wilhelmshaven. 526. The turn toward the sensuous and sentimental in music can be seen to parallel the prevailing orientation of Lucknow Urdu poetry. I have never heard any ustad [maestro] who could equal her. however. Sharar. Thumri in Historical and Stylistic Perspectives (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas. which recurs in modern Indian music historiography. 5.”6 Ruswa’s novel Umrao Jan Ada depicted a private performance in which the heroine effectively used her ghazal-singing to ensnare the heart (and purse) of a young nobleman in the audience. a courtier of Wajid Ali Shah of Lucknow. 1989).” trans. Hakim Mohammad Karm Imam. since. Several such genres. with poetry readings. as are their latter-day counterparts. on the whole secularized it. Lucknow’s courtesan culture. as later bowdlerized in several Bollywood films. The most popular instruments in modern Hindustani music have been the sitar. In fact. especially thunderous tassa drum ensembles with their virtuoso percussionists. in contrast to the more philosophical verse of earlier poets like Mir Taqi “Mir. Processions of various sorts. 248 249 Manuel : Music . Early-twentieth-century reformers like V. singing elegant Urdu love lyrics while staring him in the eye. sarod. for one thing. representing the zenith of the Indo-Muslim aesthetic epicureanism. 1970). took their modern shape in the 1800s. 4. Even the fast-tempo section of modern khyal evolved hand-inhand with the closely similar Lucknow thumri style. which are serious classical idioms never destined for mass popularity. along with members of the less prestigious hereditary dom and dhari musician castes whose primary occupation was teaching and accompanying tawaifs. in ardently patronizing the largely Hindu-oriented fine arts culture they inherited. Salons of leading courtesans— many of whom amassed great wealth—were centers of the high culture of the era. concerts. 1993). Nobles wooed them and sent their sons to the tawaif’s salons to learn cultured habits. 1975). Indeed. Germany: Florian Noetael. lavishly praised some of them. were sophisticated and rich in their own way. Sufi qawwali. with its greater expressive range and its scope for virtuoso display. Lucknow. much less ban it. the secularization of Hindustani music’s aesthetics may have facilitated its remarkably successful adaptation to modern patronage. Perhaps equally problematic is the complaint. due in great part to the vigor of the Lucknow period. Mirza Mohammad Hadi Ruswa. musical renderings of Urdu verse typically lamenting the martyrdom of the Shia saints at Karbala. All three instruments. Aside from classical and semiclassical fine arts. Mohammad Najam Al-Ghani Khan. Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain (London: Elek. Lucknow. . however. Sharar. E. if Wajid Ali Shah wrote verses about Radha and Krishna and staged dance-dramas in which he himself played the role of Krishna. See Allyn Miner. saying of one Bi Rehman Bai that she “sings better than any male singer of the age. he was evidently inspired less by a Hindu religiosity than by a purely aesthetic fondness for the arts. Khushwant Singh and M. while several basic aspects of modern tabla playing clearly evolved in tandem with these instruments. but the extent of their renown and prominence in nawabi Lucknow seems to have been unprecedented. Zaki Kakorvia (Lucknow: Idara-e-Farogh-e-Urdu. and to divest that music of its associations with the backward world of courtesans and effete feudal nawabs. 137. Tarikh-e-Avadh. Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. and daily social gatherings of the city’s most urbane aesthetes. the extraordinary vogue of thumri and ghazal may not have been at the expense of khyal and dhrupad. trans. that the nawabs and even the Mughals before them had vitiated and profaned music by depriving it of its (Hindu) spiritual orientation. 8. as well as the pakhavaj barrel drum accompanying them—were gradually being upstaged by instruments more suitable to khyal style. while at certain points disparaging tawaifs and their male teachers. it is difficult to empirically assess such criticisms. rather than attempting. See Peter Manuel. The dhrupad instruments—especially the stringed bin and the rabab. Paluskar successfully campaigned to persuade the emerging Indian bourgeoisie to patronize Hindustani music. for example. It is true that the Muslim rulers of North India. turning it into a vulgar “fleshly” art for the diversion of hedonistic. decadent kings and princes. appears to have developed along the same lines. N. Particularly dynamic under the patronage of the Shia royalty was the art of soz khwani. Intrinsic to the success of such reformists. with its lively and rhythmic renditions of mystical Urdu poetry. they have generally disparaged the incommensurate orientation toward the lighter. 139. and it appears that both their organological as well as stylistic evolutions were to a large extent centered in Lucknow. Instrumental music also flourished in Lucknow. where they died on the tenth (Ashura) of Muharram. tabla: pair of hand drums. subedar : governor. nizam: deputy or governor. written in a male voice. zardozi: literally. class of Muslim and Hindu merchants and speculators that emerged to prominence in Awadh in the early nineteenth century. rather than the religious. marsiya: elegiac or heroic narrative poetry. or Hindustani. and ornamented with inlaid or overlaid sheets of precious metals and/or strands of wire. and had attacked Delhi. usually Muslim. Jain: a South Asian religion founded in the sixth century BCE focused on the veneration of twenty-four teachers. Husain. taziya: literally. soz khwani: the recitation of poetic laments. From the late eighteenth century. etiquette. usually by one poet dom: a class of hereditary musicians who provided dance and musical entertainment. a spiritual master. maharaja: literally. typically at religious gatherings held during Muharram. Sunni Muslims recognize Ali. farshi paijama: wide-legged trousers. Safavid: Persian dynasty of Shia Muslims who ruled Iran and its border regions from 1502 to 1736. literally “flower. and assessed revenue–collector within the Mughal administration. taking the form of a teardrop with a curled tip. taluqdar : a landowner or landholder belonging to an originally rural. begam (also begum): term used to denote a woman of high or noble rank.” Refers to the Muslim followers of Ali. Sufi: a practitioner of a Sufi path. such structures are used to store and display the model shrines (taziyas) carried in mourning processions. shaikhzada: literally. meaning dance.” mahi-ye maratib (also mahi-maratib or mahi-o-maratib): literally. “Fairy House. the term was frequently used to refer to the female companions—Indian or European—of European men. where the tradition was especially popular in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Popularized at Lucknow during the reign of Wajid Ali Shah. ustad: a title of respect. imam: literally. nawab: deputy or vice-regent/governor. “one of the path. darogah: a title denoting a position of authority. zenana: women’s living quarters within a royal or noble household.” Refers to Muslims who recognize the caliphs—leaders who were elected by the Muslim community—as the legitimate successors of the Prophet Muhammad. jamdani: a weaving technique used to produce figured muslin cloth. A predominately Sunni landed agricultural community who controlled the region of Lucknow before being defeated in 1722 by the new Mughal governor (nawab) of Awadh. odhni: a large veil worn by women as part of a more elaborate clothing ensemble. music. bin: a type of stick zither with two gourd resonators. Deccan: the central plateau region of southern India. Ruled from their capital at Damascus. beginning in 1819. Quran (also Koran): the sacred book of Islam. mirza: Persian title designating a prince or honorifically denoting a high-ranking or esteemed male. khyal: a genre of classical North Indian. ulama: a class of Muslim religious scholars. especially amatory. wazir : chief minister. vocal music. Shia Muslims. the cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad. khana: house. and architecture. was adopted as a state emblem by the nawabs of Awadh. whom Shias regard as the Prophet’s legitimate successor. Jami Masjid (also Jama Masjid): a congregational mosque where official Friday prayer services are conducted. Also a name given to a type of building where the model tombs (taziyas) that are carried in procession during the mourning rituals of Muharram are interred. Tied usually at the side of the chest and waist. especially for the recitation of poetry during Shia Muharram observances. 1556–1605).” Generally refers to the leader of congregational prayer within a Muslim community or at a particular mosque. which referred both to the land beyond the Indus (ancient Sindhu) River (located in present-day Pakistan) and to the Persian-Indian frontier zone of Sindh in which it was located. record-keeping. including an elite class of women trained in the arts. In South Asia the term designates a range of professional female entertainers. after the annexation of Awadh. mahal: palace. raga: a melodic mode that serves as a framework for musical and vocal compositions. but written in a feminine voice. Khatri: a predominantly Hindu caste and community historically associated with the region of the Panjab in northwestern India and Pakistan. tight bodice worn by women beneath a covering scarf or robe. “house of the imam. dhrupad: a genre of classical North Indian. al-Hind: Arabic term for India. kotha: house or mansion. 250 251 . kothi: a palatial residence or house. adapted from the Persian word Hind. or First Book. Heralds the beginning of the mourning period observed by Shia Muslims for the third Imam. darwaza: gateway. ghazal: a genre of Persian poetry and song dealing largely with themes of spiritual and worldly love. rekhti: a genre of Urdu poetry. when Ghazi al-Din Haidar was crowned king of Awadh. descended in part from the rabab. then urban. They were subdued by the British in the early nineteenth century. particularly northern India.” A construction associated with the Shia Muharram mourning ceremonies. “fish of dignity. each of different size and musical tone. kalidar/kaliondar paijama: trousers with especially flared lower legs. often arranged head-to-head with their bodies forming a circle. Syria. A type of seat or conveyance used atop elephants. rabab: a type of plucked string instrument. “chief minister of the kingdom. a mystical tradition which seeks union with God as its ultimate goal. boteh: also buta. a palace dwelling for women especially trained in dance and music a Sufi devotional song often sung at dargahs. masjid: mosque. chattri: an umbrellalike dome or a pavilion with such a dome. or melodic framework. dastan: a genre of Persian narrative poetry focused largely on themes of heroism. Whether public or private. braj-bhasha: a Hindi language associated with the region of Braj in northern India. found especially on textiles. until 1858. khwaja: an honorific title denoting respect. Eid: Abbreviated form of Eid al-Fitr. royal apartment. Jat: name of a diverse community of peoples residing across northern India and Pakistan.” A series of paintings illustrating a standardized grouping of ragas. manzil: palace or house. jama: a tailored robe with fitted waist and full skirt. “great king. Timurid: Turko-Mongol dynasty. Japanese. its sovereigns ruled as kings rather than governors. mujtahid: Shia Muslim scholars possessing the authority to interpret religious law. Popularly known as paisley. chowk: marketplace or square. A Muslim place of worship. “answer. and romances. referring especially to a courtesan’s residences and salon. historically engaged in administrative. it is associated with the classical musical genre of dhrupad and rose to prominence during the reign of the Mughal Emperor Akbar (r. in the case of mystical orders. or writing occupations. Oude/Oudh: Anglicized terms for the region of Awadh. Many converted to Islam during the period of Muslim rule in northern India. Ragamala: literally. Husain. considered lighter and more ornate than the genre of dhrupad. furnishings. bidri: decorative metalware made from a zincand-lead alloy. Many converted to Islam during the period of Muslim rule in northern India. Today the term is inclusive of a broad community of hereditary musicians. for the ensuing composition. Lucknow bidri ware often features raised designs with carved motifs and a thin overlay of silver or. or Twelver. A pair of curved fish. Also the name of various festivals celebrating the spring. gold. established by the chieftain Timur (1370–1405). raja: king or prince. qawwali: Sunni: literally. “consolation. Also known as the rudra vina. music. the Marathas had extended their control into Gujarat and north-central India. denoting twelve designated leaders of the Muslim community who include Ali—the Prophet Muhammad’s son-in-law—and several of his descendants through the late ninth century. Variant forms were employed over time. Muharram: the first month of the Islamic calendar. bibi: wife or lady. Karbala: site in Iraq where the third Imam. Successive firings are needed because of the different melting temperatures of the various enamel pastes. Vasanta): the season of spring. composed by men. Thai. in southern India. first cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad. dargah: a Muslim shrine often associated with the tomb of a saint or with an object of veneration. dupatta: an unstitched length of fabric worn over the upper body in the manner of a scarf or shawl. known for its austere style. Pari Khana: literally. Mughal: a Muslim dynasty founded in 1526 by the Timurid Prince Babur (1483–1530). “gold embroidery. Shia: literally “partisans” or “followers. dhari: a class of musicians who often performed as accompanists to dancers. a region to the northwest of Awadh.Glossary alap: the introductory portion of a classical Indian musical or vocal recital in which the performer expounds the features of the raga. The ragas are personified as archetypal heroes and heroines and are depicted in various settings and situations. one important school of which is associated with Lucknow. takhallus: a pen name. They may also serve as tombs. nautch: Anglicized version of the Hindi term nach. champlevé: an enameling technique in which designs are engraved or ground into a metal surface. khilat: a robe of honor or set of garments ceremonially bestowed by a ruler. tawaif: a courtesan. ganj: a marketplace or a town with a considerable market or commercial nature. and based upon the belief that liberation from the cycle of existence can be achieved through strict asceticism and meditation. Kayastha: a Hindu caste. or province. cut or hammered designs visible beneath transparent enamel pastes. from 661 to 750 CE. a South Asian religion founded in the Panjab region of northwestern India and Pakistan by Guru Nanak (1469–1539). The dynasty ruled over various regions of South Asia. chikandozi): embroidery employing white thread of cotton or silk on fine white cotton cloth. adventure.” A royal insignia of Persian origin. matam: a song or poem expressing lament. “Garland of Ragas. Sikhs maintain the existence of a universal God and follow the teachings of Guru Nanak and his successors as compiled in a text known as the Adi Granth. sarod: a type of plucked string instrument. thumri: a semiclassical vocal genre of North Indian. mufti: a Muslim cleric or expert in Islamic law. subedari: from suba. Generally defined herein as the time span from the appointment of Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk (ruled 1722–39) as the nawab of Awadh until its annexation by the English East India Company in 1856.” At Lucknow under Wajid Ali Shah. at its greatest extent. with a semicircular opening at the chest revealing an inner cloth panel. The term came to be used as a royal title by the Muslim rulers of Hyderabad. awarded by Muslim rulers as a sign of favor. Maratha: a term describing various Hindu states that rose to political and military prominence in the region of present-day Maharashtra state during the seventeenth century. especially denoting a master of music or poetry. Rohilla: from Roh.” Model tombs that are carried in procession during Muharram. chikan (chikankari. “half pen. masnawi: a Persian verse form associated with a range of genres including literary epics.” A building within an architectural complex that serves as a symmetrical double to another like structure. chinoiserie: the European adaptation of Chinese. angarkha: a calf-length long-sleeved robe worn by men. A god or divinity. which today constitutes the primary percussion instrument of classical Indian music. Basant (also Vasant. Controlled vast territories extending from Turkey into India until its collapse in 1506. or Hindustani.” A decorative motif. frequently honoring the martyrs of Karbala. angiya: a sleeveless. as the fourth Caliph. To Imami. rahas: a theatrical dance performance with themes deriving from the exploits. An administrative area within the Mughal Empire. the term has special importance. goshpech: a decorative band of cloth wrapped around a turban.” Embroidery using metallic thread. Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk. Arabic. pari: fairy. rahas khana: a building constructed by Wajid Ali Shah for theatrical entertainments. historically known for their agrarian lifestyles and martial natures. the month of fasting. descendant of the shaikh (elder or chief).” zamindar : a hereditary landholder. wazir al-mamalik: literally. Its recitation during the mourning rituals of Muharram is accompanied by a beating of the chest. or jinas (“conquerors”). Written in Perso-Arabic script. By the late eighteenth century. the term came to refer to the Indo-Afghans of Rohilkhand. jawab: literally. and his fellow martyrs at Karbala. or Hindustani. Technically. Urdu: South Asian language combining Persian. the kurti being shorter in length. Islamicate: a term referring to the cultural and social dimensions of diverse Muslim communities. or house. The name of the dynasty refers to its rulers’ maternal descent from the Mongol Chingiz (Genghis) Khan. rekhta: classical Urdu ghazal. imambara: literally.” A technique for rendering lightly colored drawings. huqqa: also hookah or water pipe. majalis: a gathering or assembly. and Indian–inspired designs and motifs for use on a wide range of goods. Sikh: an adherent of the Sikh faith. nim qalam: literally. pakhavaj: a large barrel-shaped drum often played as an accompaniment during dhrupad performances. and courtly life. Continued in a modified role under British colonial rule. referring to a mountainous terrain of Afghanistan and Pakistan. dev: also deva. Umayyad: the first Muslim dynasty which. rarely. of the Hindu god Krishna. sitar : the primary plucked string instrument of classical Indian music. the Muslim festival marking the end of Ramadan. nawabi period: 1722–1856. kurta/kurti: a loosely stitched tunic. In India. A type of pipe in which tobacco smoke is cooled and filtered by passing through water. hauda: also howdah. kathak: a classical North Indian dance tradition. and culture. shaikh: Arabic and Persian title primarily designating a learned scholar or. Usuli: A school of Shia Muslim scholars who advocated the role of intellectual reasoning and the authority of mujtahid in the interpretation of Islamic law. The designs are filled with a paste of powdered glass and the particular metallic oxide used to produce the desired enamel color. “leader. tassa: a kettle drum or an ensemble containing such drums. and his followers were slain in battle in 680 CE. They assumed primary patronage for the arts following the end of the nawabi period in 1856. In the eighteenth century. sometimes also employing embellishments such as mirrors and gems. diwan: a collection of poems. didactic poetry. bagh: garden. It was the primary language of the Hindu devotional literature of northern India from the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries. encompassed lands extending from Spain to Pakistan. basse-taille: an enameling technique featuring low-relief. and Hindi vocabulary. c.4 cm) San Diego Museum of Art.3 x 14. 4 1⁄4 in. (92. 1800 Silk with metal ribbon ornaments L. c. c. (44. Arthur Funk. (38 x 27. (41. 35571 p. Introduction: Hybrid Visions 1. 1775 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 151⁄2 x 10 1⁄ 8 in. Lucknow.5 cm) Catherine and Ralph Benkaim Collection p. 1590–95 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 12 3⁄4 x 71⁄4 in. B. (32. London. (28. early 17th century Illuminated manuscript.2 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. c. 1750–60 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 111⁄4 x 71⁄2 in.3 x 34. Faizabad. 1750–60 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 15 x 10 7⁄ 8 in. Art Museum Council Fund.1 cm) The Royal Collection. IS. (59 x 44 cm) British Museum. and Asir (fl.9 x 19. 1765 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 16 1⁄4 x 115⁄ 8 in. Jagan (fl. (34. (22.5 x 25 cm). (26. (37. John F. c. Berlin. 28.3 cm) Cynthia Hazen Polsky LACMA only p. Attributed to Mihr Chand (fl.2 x 27.6 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art.6 x 32. image 71⁄2 x 3 3⁄4 in. (16. C: Regional Painting Traditions and Themes (Awadh. 1590–95 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 12 3⁄4 x 7 1⁄4 in.5 x 73.6 x 50. c.159 p.63.9 x 9. 170 Muhammad Azam Ghazi al-Din Haidar India. and Madhav (fl. Uttar Pradesh. Mir Kalan Khan (fl. (64. Malvern. Faizabad. (32. Mir Kalan Khan (fl. 1770 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 18 3⁄ 8 x 12 7⁄ 8 in. 1775 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 14 5⁄ 8 x 10 1⁄2 in. 1734–70) Christ (Jesus) as a Child in the Temple India. Uttar Pradesh. Add.6 cm).3 x 29. Later Asaf al-Daula India. c. 1734–70) A Princess Visiting a Forest Shrine at Night India. 16 15. and the South and Southeast Asian Acquisition Fund. Myra L. (14 x 7. 173 Nevasi Lal (fl.30. c. c. c. (22. 1820–22 Watercolor on paper 20 11⁄16 x 2815⁄16 in. Or. (36. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 12 3⁄ 8 x 9 1⁄ 8 in. Lucknow. Aziz and Deanna Khan p. Mughal Empire. c. Portrait of a European Woman Folio from an album containing specimens of Persian calligraphy and Indian paintings India. AC1997. Mark Zebrowski and John Robert Alderman. (28. 1584–95) painting Akbar Is Entertained by His Foster Brother Azim Khan at Dipalpur Left side of a two-page composition from an Style of Mir Kalan Khan European Woman Seated on a Terrace Smoking a Venetian-Style Water Pipe Folio from an album that belonged to Shuja al-Daula India. Prince Hunting with Cheetah India. 1759–86) Khwaja Muin al-Din Chishti India. A Turkish Sultana India. Faizabad. Stephen Markel.Checklist of the exhibition 1.3 x 101. Uttar Pradesh. B1976. Charles Gleaves. Lucknow or Faizabad. (46. 3rd. image 8 1⁄4 x 6 in. Uttar Pradesh. an anonymous donor. Illustrations of Themes from Persian Poetry India.2 x 15. 1990:0415 LACMA only 34.76 Guimet only p. M. 1830 Oil on canvas 36 1⁄4 x 28 3⁄ 8 in. RCIN 1005068. Museum Associates Purchase. 75 9. Jay and Kathleen Craven. Attributed to Muhammad Faqirullah Khan (fl.141.5 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Uttar Pradesh.7 cm). In 34. Nidha Mal (fl.4 x 19. (37 x 53.1 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. image 11 x 7 1⁄2 in. Uttar Pradesh. 1772 Oil on canvas 92 x 64 3⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh. c. Paris.1 cm) Collection Drs. c. The Nawabs of Awadh as Patrons of European and Indian Artists Possibly by Mihr Chand (fl. 1774 Watercolor and opaque watercolor on paper Album 14 7⁄16 x 20 7⁄ 8 in. c. Lucknow. 102 (detail) After Emily Eden (England. 1582–1605) composition. Creel. 72 31. c.8 cm).1 cm) The San Diego Museum of Art.2 x 18. 1582–1605) composition. Lorna Andreae Craven. Uttar Pradesh.7. image 8 x 5 3⁄4 in. 1830 Oil on canvas 361⁄4 x 28 3⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh. 7. (42. 1998.5 cm) Catherine and Ralph Benkaim Collection p. 23 7⁄ 8 in. I. 168 18. 28 23. 25. Engelhardt and Lawrence E. 1770 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 10 3⁄4 x 7 3⁄4 in.4 x 18. M. c. Uttar Pradesh.1 cm). 1584–1605) painting. inv.5 p.15 p. IS. 1797–1869) The Nawab of Awadh’s Hunting Cheetahs and Their Caretakers.19 pp. 1740 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 12 3⁄ 8 x 8 3⁄ 8 in. image 111⁄4 x 131⁄16 in. from Portraits of the Princes and People of India England. c. 1582–1605) faces Akbar Is Entertained by His Foster Brother Azim Khan at Dipalpur Right side of a two-page composition from an Akbarnama manuscript India. John and Thanomchit Listopad. 229 Mausoleum of Safdar Jang.5 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Uttar Pradesh.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. 1780–85 Opaque watercolor on paper 211⁄4 x 30 in.5 x 23. Ward. (127. The Kapany Collection. Kenneth and Sarah Kerslake.2005. Uttar Pradesh. Mirza Amani. c. c. Muhammad Azam Nasir al-Din Haidar India. Edwin Binney 3rd Collection. 1720–70) A Princess and Her Companions Enjoying a Terrace Ambiance India. 1810 p. M. 1734–70) Village Life in Kashmir India.8 cm). after a Painting by Tilly Kettle India.1 cm) Collection Drs. Lucknow. 70 5. (35. Nawab of Awadh.8 cm) Museum fur Islamische Kunst. Jr. c. opaque watercolor and gold on paper. Mir Kalan Khan (fl. c. 50/1981 p. London. Awadh. Aziz and Deanna Khan pp.7 x 54.7 x 24 cm) The Chester Beatty Library.7 x 13. 1760–75) Nawab Shuja al-Daula with His Ten Sons. with funds provided by the Southern Asian Art Council. Carlotta and Peter NeSmith. (41 x 29.8 x 33. (235 x 165 cm) Musée National du Château de Versailles et de Trianon. (40. (20. purchased with funds provided by the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. 174 29. and Khusrau and Shirin. 1797–1869) The Nawab of Awadh’s Hunting Dogs and Falcons with Their Caretakers.8 cm) Collection Frits Lugt.11 p. (38.1 x 28. A Dancer Balances a Bottle India. (54 x 76 cm) British Museum. Ruth and Bill Beesch. 1810–20 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 173⁄ 8 x 131⁄2 in.180 p.2 cm) The David Collection. (46 x 32.6 cm).88. Lucknow. image 93⁄4 x 51⁄4 in.4 x 18. Craven. Uttar Pradesh. (18.4 cm). c. c.5 x 21.5 x 22. The Nawabs of Awadh as Sovereigns and Heirs to Mughal Glory A: A Mughal Province Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk and Safdar Jang India. c. 14–15 (detail). c. Faizabad. 168 11. 1760 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 15 3⁄ 32 x 213⁄16 in. 1760–75) and Mohan Singh (fl. w.4 x 25.22 pp.9 x 44. 164 16.8 x 26. West Bengal. Uttar Pradesh. Claire and Earl Hale. c. from Portraits of the Princes and People of India England.6 cm). Mary Jeanette Householder.4 x 11. Paris. 30. c.1 x 72. (36. (55. Uttar Pradesh. Tilly Kettle (England.9 x 33.6 x 19. (92. Faizullah (fl.5 x 22. 79 B: Painters from the Court of Muhammad Shah and the Development of Painting at Lucknow 14. Mughal Empire. c. Farrukhabad. 1760–70 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 16 x 11 in. c. 1844 Hand-colored lithograph on paper 22 x 171⁄2 in. Herbert H. Faizabad. 2. In 69. image 51⁄2 x 3 in. 75 Jagan (fl. c. c. Purdy. c. Faizabad or Lucknow. 1759–86) Shuja al-Daula India. 166 Layla and Majnun.6 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum.2 cm) The Chester Beatty Library. c. (10. 16 x 20 in. image 10 1⁄2 x 611⁄16 in.83. Fath Chand (fl. Austin B. Add.2 x 55. (27. Tilly Kettle (England.3 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. Marjorie and Paul Burdick.8 cm). 1971-T.1 p. c. 1735–1786) Nawab Shuja al-Daula with the Heir Apparent.3 cm) Mohammed Rezai Collection p.. Paul Mellon Collection.6 cm). Awadh. Or.4 p.105. 1990:0413 LACMA only p. c. and Dharini Charudattan. Holding a Bow India. 29 13.48 p. Delhi or Agra.9 cm). Scott. (47. Lucknow. lacquered binding Book 161⁄2 x 11 in.6 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. purchased in memory of Emeritus Professor Roy C. c.6 p. Edwin Binney 3rd Collection. c. 73 26. Second Wife of Hindola Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India. c. (40. Janice Leoshko.12 p. (39. 1974 6-17 05(1) p. Attributed to Mir Kalan Khan (fl.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. 17 2. 229 (detail) 36. 26. Copenhagen. Awadh.4 x 39. Lucknow. Mughal Empire. 1760–75 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 181⁄ 8 x 12 3⁄4 in. Diane Maxwell. 34 35. Lucknow. (24. (27. 31 4. Museum Associates Purchase. M. image 14 3⁄ 8 x 87⁄ 8 in.5 x 31.72. 1755–65 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 10 3⁄ 8 x 14 1⁄2 in. Goswamy. c. 1760s–70s) The Women of Egypt Cut Their Fingers Peeling Oranges When First Seeing Yusuf’s Beauty India. Hasan Reza Khan India. Awadh. after a Painting by Tilly Kettle India. Faizabad.8 cm) The Chester Beatty Library. 1760s–70s) A Composite of Scenes from Persian Literature entitled “Lovers and Beloved” India. (31. 171 3. Faizabad or Lucknow.5 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art.3 cm). London. Uttar Pradesh. Mir Kalan Khan (fl. 1734–70) A Drowning Man Saved from Marine Monsters by a Princely Boat India.2:95-1896 p.7 x 17 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art.4 cm) Asian Art Museum. Uttar Pradesh. IS. Toby Falk. N. image 131⁄2 x 8 7⁄ 8 in.2:94-1896 p. 1770 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 15 x 10 7⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh. 1760–70 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 161⁄ 8 x 113⁄4 in. Various Indian artists including Nevasi Lal (fl. 1735–75) An Awadh Nobleman Reclining on a Couch by Moonlight India.63. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 1811⁄16 x 12 5⁄16 in. image 131⁄4 x 91⁄2 in. 10. image 9 x 131⁄ 8 in. (47. 1763–82) Treaty of the Nawab with the British at Benares in 1765 Folio from a Gentil Album Depicting Manners and Customs of the People of India India. 1764 or earlier Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 14 1⁄4 x 213⁄4 in. MA 12243 p.2 x 34. Mughal Empire. Nawab of Awadh.1 cm). (46. 122 6.5 x 28 cm). (31. Uttar Pradesh.4 x 36. Lucknow. 1772 Oil on canvas 50 1⁄ 8 x 40 1⁄ 8 in.6 x 31. 95 19. Lucknow. 1774 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 181⁄4 x 15 1⁄2 in. 1768 Opaque watercolor with gold and silver leaf on paper 231⁄4 x 173⁄ 8 in. Turban Band India. Pierre Andreae. Hiram and Avonell Williams. image 10 11⁄16 x 77⁄16 in. 3 LACMA only p. Uttar Pradesh.4594. Uttar Pradesh. (38. 1735–1786) Shuja al-Daula. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 14 x 19 3⁄4 in. c. c. 2000-12-8. Institut Néerlandais. (26. (35 x 25. 1770–80 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Approx. (34. Faizabad.25-1980 (1-58) p.2004. Akbarnama manuscript India. Lucknow.3 cm).1 cm).4 cm) Asian Art Museum. Stephen Barry. FarRukhabad and Murshidabad) 21. (55. 1759–86) Shuja al-Daula. 2 (detail). M. Uttar Pradesh. 169 17. image 18 x 127⁄ 8 in. 242 20. London. 174 27. (23 x 16. Murshidabad. image 9 1⁄ 8 x 16 1⁄4 in.5 cm). Muhammad Shah and Nadir Shah India. Bequest of Edwin Binney. (52. 33.1 x 72.9 x 44. Sur Das (fl. In 69. 239 32. Uttar Pradesh. folio 38 Guimet only An Al Fresco Entertainment for Princes India. 12.01 p. Uttar Pradesh. A Royal Encampment Scene India. R. Uttar Pradesh.90. f33r p. purchased with funds provided by Dorothy and Richard Sherwood. Attributed to Faizullah (fl. no. c.6 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 1734–70) Lovers in a Landscape India. Luke. image 61⁄2 x 4 3⁄ 8 in. Mihr Chand (fl. INV 10053. no. c.85-1988 p.6 cm) The British Library. The Kapany Collection 1998. c. image 13 x 10 in. c. Paris MA 3544 p. Paris.8 cm) Yale Center for British Art. 76 22. (27. Irmgard Johnson.5 cm) The British Library. 34 After Emily Eden (England. LP 6412 p. 1750–60) Todi Ragini. c. (45. 1844 Hand-colored lithograph on paper 22 x 171⁄2 in. 19 252 253 . John L. from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. 172 3. Barbara A. Lucknow. Lucknow. Faizabad. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. Delhi India. Walter and Nesta Spink. 75 8. Uttar Pradesh. MV 3888. 24. 1750–60 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 18 5⁄ 8 x 13 3⁄4 in. IS. 1860s–70s) The Lucknow Album: Containing a Series of Fifty Photographic Views of Lucknow India. c. Philip Feldman. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx. London. (20.5 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. King of Oudh India. Uttar Pradesh. 9 x 12 in. 85. (31. Ahmad Ali Khan (fl. Uttar Pradesh. 9 x 12 in.5 x 142.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet.4 x 37. (26 cm) Getty Research Institute. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx. (23. folio 24 (Collection Gentil) LACMA only 46.83.5 x 70 cm). London. (26 x 37. c. Paris. Uttar Pradesh. Procession of Ghazi al-Din Haidar through the Streets of Lucknow India.. Lucknow. 51. Paul Mellon Collection.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet.5 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France.7 x 14.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. X432/3(3) p. Uttar Pradesh. 1855 Photograph mounted on card decorated with opaque watercolor and gold Page 113⁄4 x 8 1⁄2 in. ST1998. 1834–1912) Qaisar Bagh.302. 82 48. Uttar Pradesh.4 cm) The British Library. Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh.5 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. AP 15361 p. c.9 x 30. Paris. active 1880–1920) Bara Chattar Manzil from the Gomti River India.2 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Thomas Daniell (England. (46. Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow. Paris. 1832–1909) Southwest View of the Bara Imambara India. 1760–1811) Gateway to Palace. image 4 3⁄16 x 5 19⁄ 32 in. c. Samuel Bourne (England. 86 55. 21⁄2 in. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson (England. Gift of Mr. Uttar Pradesh. 53163 p. Or. 1826 Watercolor on paper Approx.5 cm) The British Library. (39. Paris. 1867 Albumen print Approx.4 cm) The British Library. (20. (46. 1848–56 Repoussé silver Overall 16 5⁄16 x 14 3⁄4 in. Lucknow.5 cm) Catherine Benkaim and Barbara Timmer Collection LACMA only p. Rés. Lucknow. 1828–1907) Qaisar Pasand India. Gift of Mr. 1834–1912) Tomb of Zinat Algiya in the Husainabad Imambara Complex India. Samuel Bourne (England. 144 Samuel Bourne (England. (27. Est. 161 70.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. Philip Feldman.3 x 48. 57. 9 x 12 in. 9 x 12 in. View from the South India. Paris. Awadh and the Capitals of Faizabad and Lucknow A: Faizabad 45. Paul Mellon Collection. Photo 50/2(119) p. Est. 1832 Pencil on paper (8 sketches) 17 x 22 in. (24. Uttar Pradesh.83. 1769–1837) The Palace of Nawab Shuja al-Daula from the River Gomti (the Macchi Bhawan) India. Gift of Mr. fl. 1864–65 Albumen print Image approx. Uttar Pradesh. AP 15367 Guimet only 77.5 cm) The British Library. 64. Uttar Pradesh. and Mrs. 69.2-1909 pp. Rés. Lucknow. c. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. Lucknow. 1783 Gray wash.182 to 189-1891 pp. (59. 1865–66 Albumen print Approx. 149 42. 1820 Opaque watercolor on paper.6 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. 123 52. L 500 (8vo) pp.8 x 36 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. M. active 1862–63) The Asafi Masjid in the Bara Imambara Complex India.1 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Samuel Bourne (England. (25. Hasan Riza ibn Ali Riza Khan (fl. 12 x 240 in. Uttar Pradesh. 24–25 (detail). Unfinished Panorama of Lucknow from the Reign of Muhammad Ali Shah India. opaque watercolor and gold on paper Book 18 x 117⁄ 8 in.5 x 142. Uttar Pradesh. 1834–1912) View in the Qaisar Bagh Palace India. Photo 500/(4) LACMA only p. 1865–66 Albumen print Approx. 1744–1797) A View of Part of the Palace of the Late Nawab Shuja al-Daula at Faizabad From 90 original drawings for Choix de Vues de l’Inde (vol. AP 15447 75. Samuel Bourne (England. 88. 130 67.5 x 37. Possibly by Robert Christopher Tytler (England. 138 Ahmad Ali Khan (fl. plate 3 England. Lucknow. 1798 Pencil and ink on paper 81⁄2 x 19 1⁄2 in. from Oriental Scenery. Thomas Longcroft (England.9 x 30.43. Lucknow. 216 Thomas Longcroft (England. (27.5 x 29. 1809–45) Panorama of Lucknow India. Lucknow. AP15429 Guimet only 60. Ceremonial Mace of Wajid Ali Shah India. 1845–55). Lucknow. Vinery and Buildings India.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. 1862 Albumen print Approx. Thomas Daniell (England. 233 40.7 cm) The British Library. c. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson (England.2 x 26 cm). Uttar Pradesh.6 x 929.9 x 30. Uttar Pradesh. 131 68.6 cm) Yale Center for British Art. Faizabad. c. 1774 Watercolor on paper 18 5⁄ 32 x 55 19⁄ 32 in. bound Page 16 1⁄ 8 x 10 1⁄ 8 in. 71. 1824–1882) Husainabad Bazaar Gateway India.120-1922 p. Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh. 1798 Pencil and ink on paper 16 x 261⁄2 in. active 1862–63) Bara Chattar Manzil and Farhat Bakhsh. 1874 Albumen prints bound in book Book H.3 x 60.83. 1864–65 Albumen print 9 1⁄ 8 x 111⁄2 in. Faizabad. Lucknow. 135 59.9 x 30. and Mrs. 62.2 cm) Nasser D. 215 38.2 x 29. (23.1 x 27. Lucknow.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet.15 p. Samuel Bourne (England.5 cm) The British Library. Lucknow. Paris. Presentation Cup with Coat-of-Arms of Wajid Ali Shah India. restored and mounted on canvas in 3 sections Overall 48 1⁄2 x 190 in. each panel approx.3 cm) The British Library. Part 3. M. (41. 93. AP 15366 p.1 x 29. 63-Ft-6. 63-Ft-6. 1789 Pencil and watercolor on paper 111⁄4 x 18 1⁄2 in. Uttar Pradesh. 1749–1840) and William Daniell (England. (22. Od. 129 65. (49. 90. 142–43 54. 1850s–60s) Mumtaz Alam Nawab Qaisar Mahal Sahiba of Awadh India. Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow. (30. (21. Paris. Uttar Pradesh. 9 x 12 in. 1834–1912) View in the Qaisar Bagh Palace India. MSS 941. 1850s–60s) Wajid Ali Shah. (6. Lucknow. 139 76. and Mrs. Uttar Pradesh. The Ishqnamah of Wajid Ali Shah India. Lucknow.302. and Mrs. Darogah Abbas Ali (fl. 739 pp.9 x 30 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p.2 x 30. Od. bloodstones. M.. AP15369 p. 9 x 12 in. active 1862–63) Distant View of the Bara Imambara Complex India.5 x 67. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. Photo 1205(1) p.83. (22. (22. Lawrie and Company (Scotland. (22. 1848 Opaque watercolor on paper 14 x 366 in. Uttar Pradesh. 1801 Aquatint in color 16 23 ⁄ 32 x 23 13⁄16 in.8 x 21. Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh. 1864–65 Albumen print 9 1⁄ 8 x 117⁄16 in. Uttar Pradesh. 1834–1912) View of the Chattar Manzil Palace Complex India. cornelians H. 99. Fortification of Shuja al-Daula on the Gogra River at Faizabad India. 89. (40. William Hodges (England. Uttar Pradesh. (123 x 161 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 1858–59 Paper negative 15 3⁄ 8 x 20 7⁄ 8 in. 130 72. Lucknow India.5 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 136–37 44.187-1881 p. active 1862–63) The Jawab Opposite the Tomb of Zinat Algiya in the Husainabad Imambara Complex India. Lucknow. Philip Feldman. Lucknow. Lucknow.M. C: Architecture and the Romance of Faizabad and Lucknow 53. 96–97 John Edward Saché (probably Prussian.9 x 30. 1864–65 Albumen print 9 1⁄4 x 115⁄ 8 in.6 cm) Kenneth and Joyce Robbins p. Samuel Bourne (England. 1850–1899 Watercolor on paper Page 14 13⁄16 x 27 19⁄ 32 in. 135 73.3 x 35 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum.9 x 30. calligrapher Wajid Ali Shah Enthroned Opening folio from a Divan of Wajid Ali Shah India.9 x 30. 9 x 12 in.9 x 30. c. 1774 Watercolor on paper 18 5⁄ 32 x 55 19⁄ 32 in. Lucknow. WD 189 pp. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. (35. Uttar Pradesh. IM. 1834–1912) Hussainabad Bazaar Gateway India. Lucknow. 1769–1837) Gate of the Lal Bagh at Faizabad. 138 78.9 x 30.5 x 66.5 cm) Nasser D. Lucknow. 1848–56 Agates. Felice Beato (Greece. 149 41. I. 129 61.2 pp. 1834–1912) West Gateway of the Qaisar Bagh Palace India. Paris. c.5 x 609. 91 56. 1880 Photographic print 8 5⁄16 x 10 13⁄16 in. Samuel Bourne (England. c. London. 159 254 255 .17 p. (43 x 56 cm) (each section) Victoria and Albert Museum. 1818–1899) Street Scene with Gateway and Mosque (Ganj and Tripolia Gateway) India. Residence of Shuja al-Daula at Faizabad India. 1834–1912) The Rumi Darwaza and The First Courtyard of the Bara Imambara Complex India. 1818–1872) and Harriet Christina Tytler (England. Lucknow. B: The Allure of Lucknow Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson (England. 98 39. London.1 p. (25. (22. I. 1862 Albumen print 101⁄ 8 x 14 1⁄ 8 in. c. Lucknow. 9 x 12 in. (123 x 483 cm).9 x 30. (22. Samuel Bourne (England. Paris. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx.6 cm) The British Library. 74. (22. IS. Add. Lucknow.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. AP 15358 Guimet only G. (37. 1834–1912) View of the Bara Imambara Complex India. c. D. folio 22 (Collection Gentil) Guimet only 47. Medal of Ghazi al-Din Haidar India. Lucknow. 1856 Pencil and watercolor on paper 10 x 13 5⁄ 8 in. 1834–1912) Darshan Bilas and Chota Chattar Manzil India. 130 66. 1834–1912) The Husainabad Imambara India. c. 82 William Carpenter (England. M. London. 1862 Albumen print 10 1⁄4 x 17 7⁄ 8 in. Lucknow from the Gomti India. Faizabad. Lucknow. (46. 1895 Gelatin silver print 8 7⁄ 32 x 11 13⁄ 32 in. 1760–1811) Shuja al-Daula’s Palace at Lucknow India. The Audience Chamber of the Kings of Awadh India. Uttar Pradesh. 127 Samuel Bourne (England. c. WD 1713 pp. Uttar Pradesh. 60–61 50. Uttar Pradesh. MSS 916 p.1 x 53 cm) Collection of the Sack Photographic Trust. Paris. 1749–1840) and William Daniell (England. 84. Gift of Mr. London. Photo 500/(1) p. 1864–65 Albumen print Image approx.L9 A5 pp. 4. 1834–1912) View of the Bara Imambara Complex India. 120 Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson (England.302. 1855 Photograph mounted on card decorated with opaque watercolor and gold Page 113⁄4 x 8 1⁄2 in. RCIN 1005035 pp. pen and black ink. dated 1849/50 (AH 1266) Illuminated manuscript. 150 Samuel Bourne (England. 9 x 12 in. 124–25 49.8 x 21. 1819 Silver Diam. London. 1858 Albumen print 10 1⁄4 x 117⁄ 8 in. (29. Lucknow. Lucknow.5 cm) Elizabeth and John Sequeira p.2 x 29. dated 1849–50 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper. Samuel Bourne (England. Lucknow. c. (42. DS486. (22. 48 1⁄2 x 63 3⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh. 10 1⁄4 in. 1864–65 Albumen print 9 1⁄2 x 115⁄ 8 in.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. Uttar Pradesh.1 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 211 43. Lucknow.8 x 29 cm) The British Library. (25.0348.16 LACMA only p. Uttar Pradesh. 1862 Albumen print 10 3⁄4 x 14 5⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh.302. Uttar Pradesh. (41. (10. 88 63. and graphite on laid paper 19 3⁄ 8 x 26 1⁄ 8 in.1742 p. (22. WD 4217 58. Shah Najaf Imambara India. 23 3⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh.37. AP 15370 p.9 x 45. c. London. folio 21) India. London. Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow.2 cm) The Royal Collection. image 12 13⁄ 32 x 26 7⁄ 32 in. Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh. Philip Feldman. W. (22.3 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. SFMOMA. (23. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx. 9 x 12 in. B1978. Lucknow. c. Captain Robert Smith (England. Uttar Pradesh.18 LACMA only p. Uttar Pradesh. (29. Lucknow.5 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum.3 x 66 cm) Yale Center for British Art. Lucknow.2 p. green. 82. (9. (14 cm). (99 cm) Lent by: Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah. 254/2(16) p. Museum purchase: given in honor of the 30th anniversary of the Art Museum Docent Program. 80. 37⁄ 8 in.4 x 25. S. Katar Sheath India.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. 1834–1912) Dilkusha Kothi India.49 p. Samuel Bourne (England. 202 Water Pipe Base India. Betel Box India. Museum Associates Purchase. diam. Charlene S. 204 87.76. diam. and opaque yellow and white H. 1834–1912) Qaisar Pasand India.7 x 13. late 18th–early 19th century Gilt enameled silver H. Lucknow. Stephen Markel. M. (22 cm) The Collection of Julian Sands pp.10 p. c. 11 in. 212 88. M. (24 x 29. (6. 205 Water Pipe Base India. Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh. with champlevé enamel 2 5⁄ 8 x 4 1⁄ 8 x 31⁄2 in.3 x 18. 207 95. Two Pieces from a Water Pipe India.1 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 200 5. from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. 191⁄4 in. (49 cm) Indian Museum. c. Kolkata.3 cm) The David Collection. by exchange. (6 cm) Private collection p. late 18th century Parcel gilt silver (velvet lined interior) L. pierced and partly gilt.7 x 20. Uttar Pradesh. 3 5⁄16 in. Kuwait LNS 1124 M p. 1780 Dark green glass with gold. Lucknow.27a-k p. Basin India. 811⁄16 in. 77⁄ 32 in. M. 207 98. (18. IS. cover. Lucknow. Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh. 20 9⁄ 32 in.2007. Lucknow. Paris.76. Lucknow. 1725–75 Clear glass with polychrome enamel and gilding 71⁄ 8 x 6 1⁄4 in. ST1998. Kornblum in honor of the museum's 40th anniversary and in honor of Amy Poster. (including fringe) 33 5⁄ 8 in. AC1993. Uttar Pradesh.8 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 159 81. Museum Associates Purchase. Uttar Pradesh. diam. 1750–1800 Silver 51⁄4 x 4 x 1⁄2 in. 5 23⁄ 32 in. with champlevé enamel in translucent green. h. 81⁄4 in. (18. Uttar Pradesh. 207 Chape from a Sword Scabbard India.5 x 8. Dr. diam. Uttar Pradesh. 89. 64 Tray and Matching Box with Four Scent Vials India. 18th century Silver.7 x 10. Copenhagen. 33 in. SFMOMA. (85. 1818–1872) and Harriet Christina Tytler (England. 77⁄ 32 in. IS. Dr. 139 Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 1865–66 Albumen print 9 13⁄ 32 x 11 19⁄ 32 in. Lucknow.4 cm). Museum Associates Purchase. w.3 x 10. 1834–1912) Qaisar Pasand India. Gift of Dr. 93. (24.2. and purple enamels H. (overall) 39 in. 201 90. (28 cm). Lucknow. 2003. from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. 1780 Parcel gilt silver L. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx. Lucknow. 202–3 96. Uttar Pradesh. 1700–1750 Clear glass with polychrome enamel and gilding 71⁄ 8 x 6 1⁄4 in. Uttar Pradesh. Water Pipe Base India. 9 3⁄4 in. c. partly gilt. 12931.137. late 18th or early 19th century Silver. 122-1886 p.2 x 1.3 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Lucknow. (12. 84. diam. Water Pipe Snake Cover India. h.2 LACMA only p. Uttar Pradesh.9 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. (39 x 51 cm) The British Library. Samuel Bourne (England. 226 Water Pipe Base India. cast. (31. 208 Betel Box in the Form of an Ogival Dome India. 211⁄ 32 in. 100. Uttar Pradesh. enameled H. M. Robert Brown.5 cm). 235 85.8 cm) Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. (20 cm). (13. Uttar Pradesh.95 p. Lucknow. Water Pipe Base India.9 x 30. Photo 32/(10) p.5 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Uttar Pradesh. 198 91. Lucknow.2. w. Samuel Bourne (England. Tureen with Cover India. 19⁄16 in.1. (22. (1. (12. Pratapaditya Pal. 1800–1850 Silk velvet with metal thread embroidery L. enameled with blue and green Bowl. (8. 97. Lucknow. 9 x 12 in. Gift of The Fleischmann Foundation in memory of Julius Fleischmann. 200 94. Uttar Pradesh.4 cm) The British Library. 71⁄2 in.5 cm).3 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Lucknow. 1780 Enameled silver 5 x 51⁄4 in.1-.13 p. The al-Sabah Collection.76. s. from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection.9 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art.9 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. (18. Uttar Pradesh.1-1999 p. diam. late 18th century Enameled silver inlaid with foil-backed pastes 4 7⁄ 8 x 10 1⁄ 8 x 8 in.30-1912 p.28 p. Lucknow. (19. 13⁄16 in. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. 143 p. 203 99. from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection.3 cm) 256 . late 18th or early 19th century Parcel gilt silver inlaid with blue.7 x 55. Museum Associates Purchase.79. IM. (52 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. (9. late 18th or early 19th century Silver. Uttar Pradesh. 1800–1850 Cotton ground and silk velvet with metal thread embroidery Diam. Lucknow.2. and Bequest of Reuben Springer. Uttar Pradesh.4 cm) Collection of the Sack Photographic Trust. chased and engraved H. M. early 18th century Silver. w. (4 cm) The Cincinnati Art Museum.2005. (21 cm). c. London. Sword Belt Fitting India. (20. Lucknow. c. enameled and gilded L. Museum Associates Purchase. 77⁄ 8 in.4 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 12 5⁄16 in. purchased with funds provided by the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. c. Uttar Pradesh.1 x 15.3535 p. 1828–1907) View of the Upper Portion of the Qaisar Pasand India. (18. cobalt blue. 1775 Parcel-gilt silver. Lucknow. Water Pipe Mat India. Uttar Pradesh. 311⁄16 in. (84 cm). partly gilt. 1991.8 cm). late 18th or early 19th century Silver. Uttar Pradesh. Courtly Opulence in Awadh Water Pipe India.76. 73/1980 pp. 206 (detail). Sword and Scabbard India.0348. 1864–65 Albumen print 151⁄4 x 2113⁄16 in. Sanford Kornblum and Mrs. 1858 Albumen print from a paper negative 15 13⁄ 32 x 20 3⁄ 32 in. Lucknow.50 p. 208 92. Lucknow. 209 83. no. purchased with funds provided by Harry and Yvonne Lenart. M.1 x 15.2. AP 15362 Guimet only Robert Christopher Tytler (England. light green enamel on the interior 8 x 71⁄4 in.5 cm). (38.21 p. and Dr. London. 86. partly gilt. IS. 178 115.4595. w. Faizabad or Lucknow.4594.7 x 18. (63 x 47. 7.1 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. Uttar Pradesh. Col.202. diam. (28 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Mihr Chand (fl.225 p. approx.14 pp. Man’s Garment with Chikan Work India. Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh. after a Painting by Johann Zoffany India. I.0335 p. Add. c. c. folio 17 LACMA only p. I. Faizabad or Lucknow. folio 35 Guimet only 119. folio 22 Guimet only 120. Lucknow. 9 x 12 in.1 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. Uttar Pradesh.4 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. 103. Uttar Pradesh. Berlin. early 19th century Cotton and silk embroidery and pulled-thread work on cotton plain weave 1831⁄2 x 41 in. Museum Rietberg. 1862 Albumen print 91⁄4 x 14 3⁄4 in. (22. Berlin. Shawl with Chikan Work India. IS. Uttar Pradesh. c.3 x 21.4 x 37. Faizabad or Lucknow. Lucknow. Lucknow. (26 x 19. Lucknow.2 x 13. folio 30 LACMA only Mihr Chand (fl. 19th century Cotton muslin with embroidery and appliqué L. 36 111. Welch in memory of Stuart Cary Welch. embroidered with gold thread. (18 cm). c. 66 106. (21.4595. 221 (detail) 113. 35 116. Lucknow. 1759–86) Venus (small version) India.3 cm) Lieutenant General Sir Philip Trousdell p. 1800 Opaque watercolor on paper 175⁄ 8 x 26 1⁄16 in. Francis Frith (England. Uttar Pradesh. c. from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. folio 27 LACMA only p.4 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. dated 1782 Green nephrite inlaid with multicolored enamel and gold 8 3⁄ 8 x 51⁄4 x 3⁄ 8 in. 1810–22) General Claude Martin’s House Constantia Set in Its Park at Lucknow India. blade: watered steel inlaid with gold L. Style of Mihr Chand A Partridge and an Iris India. 6.4595. Shamsa page India. 223 118. Sackler Museum. Zurich. 1850 Satin. 109. 257 . 2008. 236 (detail) 102. (34.4596. 1759–86) A Dervish Receiving a Visitor India. (15 x 23. IS. 239 Mihr Chand (fl. 222 (detail). diam. and Pursuits in Late-18th-Century Lucknow 105.2 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. 117. c. (18 cm). c. 177 112. 71⁄ 8 in. 11 in. 1770–80 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 7 7⁄ 32 x 5 3⁄16 in. 9 Mihr Chand (fl. and sequins H. Faizabad or Lucknow. Lucknow. 4750 p. Mirror that Belonged to Claude Martin India. in bound album Album: 1815⁄16 x 12 3⁄4 in. 1765–76 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 10 1⁄4 x 7 1⁄2 in. (21.9 x 30. Faizabad or Lucknow. (48 x 32 cm) The British Library. (466. (18 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. I. Paris. 58 110. c. Sword Presented to Claude Martin by Asaf al-Daula in 1786/87 India. c. 132 108.1 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art.83.105. Uttar Pradesh.83 p. Faizabad. Lucknow.. (9. 131⁄2 in. 30 107. Minister’s Turban India. tinsel.1 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst.4594. walnut half-stocks inlaid with silver wire L. (25 x 32 cm) Bequest of Balthasar Reinhart. Lucknow. (23.3 x 13. Uttar Pradesh. folio 40 LACMA only p.4594. after a Painting by Johann Zoffany India. and tinsel H. Uttar Pradesh. The Stuart Cary Welch Collection. Lucknow. folio 32r LACMA only p. F. 50 in.20-2008 p. Spoonbill India. Berlin. c. 1759–86) Vishnu and Lakshmi on Garuda India. 1759–86) Venus India. (16.2 cm) Harvard Art Museum/Arthur M. silver thread. 1759 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 93⁄4 x 71⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh. 2005. Or.7-1955 p. (44. 1814–15 Watercolor on paper. dated 1786/87 Hilt: white nephrite inlaid with rubies and emeralds set in gold. (38. 38 5⁄ 8 in. A Cosmopolitan Culture: Personalities. 239 104. Colonel Mordaunt’s Cockfight. 71⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh. 1765–75 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image 9 3⁄ 8 x 10 in. I. M.1 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 57 Mihr Chand (fl. c. 217 (detail). 1786 Silver lock plates carved with foliage and engraved. Uttar Pradesh. 1786–88 Opaque watercolor on paper 9 13⁄16 x 12 5⁄ 8 in. 68 Pair of Silver-Barreled Pistols Presented by Claude Martin to Lt. 1780 Opaque watercolor on paper 24 7⁄ 8 x 18 7⁄ 8 in. Sita Ram (fl. Colonel Antoine-Louis Henri Polier Watching a Nautch. Museum Associates Purchase. 1759–86) The Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II on a Palace Terrace in Allahabad India. 1773–76 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 5 7⁄ 8 x 9 1⁄ 8 in. Gift of Edith I. Frith & Co. London. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh.1.3 x 25.101. Berlin. Uttar Pradesh. (at shoulder) 15 in. 237 (detail) Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson (England.7 x 66. Uttar Pradesh. IS.7 x 15 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. Crown India. c. AP 15364 p. Berlin I. Uttar Pradesh. Berlin. approx.5 x 1 cm) Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia. Lucknow. approx. I. Allahabad. Uttar Pradesh. c. Uttar Pradesh. Alexander Ross in December 1786 India. 1850 Red fabric. (127 cm). Uttar Pradesh.3 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst.0339 p. 1776 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 8 3⁄ 8 x 8 3⁄ 8 in. active 1862–63) La Martinière and the Lath India. 1870s Albumen print Approx.27 pp. 1822–1898) La Martinière India. (99 cm) Private collection by courtesy of Howard Ricketts p. (24. Lucknow.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet.1 x 104. 7 in. c. (18. I. 2009.8 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Lucknow. European Patrons and Collectors of Indian Painting at Lucknow A: From Polier Albums 114. Berlin. 1773–76 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 313⁄16 x 5 29⁄ 32 in. Lives. c. foiled glass.5 x 36. Uttar Pradesh. 1773–76 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 18 x 24 19⁄ 32 in. J.5 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst..1. Faizabad. I.5 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. (35. 183 140. London. folio 9b pp. image 81⁄2 x 131⁄2 in. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 173⁄4 x 121⁄2 in. folio 15 Guimet only Ram Sahai A Game of Polo India. London. Est. folio 16 Guimet only 147. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 1213⁄16 x 101⁄16 in.2. (17.6 cm) The British Library. diamonds. folio 2 p. late 18th or early 19th century Silver. Lucknow. Faizabad. 1785 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 18 x 24 19⁄ 32 in. Museum 161.9 cm) The British Library.2 x 36.7 x 23. E: from The Eyre-Coote Album Shah Jahan Folio from a portrait album India. 1734–70) A Royal Lion Hunt at Allahabad India. 1759–86) Nawab Shuja al-Daula. image 71⁄2 x 51⁄4 in. 1982. c.2 cm). Attributed to Bahadur Singh (?) Voyage of Zulaikha India.6 x 19. Betel Set Belonging to Edward Clive.2 x 10.5 x 37 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. 1770–82) Story of the Elephants and Rabbits Folio from an Iyar-i-Danish manuscript India.7 x 1.4594. 1780–82) Bhairavi Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series India. I. 1759–86) Jami Masjid.6 p. Governor of Madras India. London.. I. c.5 cm). watercolor. Uttar Pradesh. (19.8 x 28. and gold on paper Page 173⁄ 8 x 24 1⁄ 8 in. 1770 Opaque watercolor. Palace Garden in a River Landscape India. Uttar Pradesh. 177 Attributed to Mihr Chand (fl.6 cm).6 cm). Allahabad. 146. A Female Hermit with Two Ascetics before a Hut India. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 15 7⁄ 8 x 10 3⁄4 in. Emerald Seal Belonging to Antoine-Louis Polier India.. 37 136. (28 cm) Powis Castle. c. (30 x 32 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. (17. image 77⁄ 32 x 71⁄ 32 in. 220 Asad Khan and Alamgir Page from the Lady Coote Album India. Faizabad. folio 11 p. image 8 5⁄16 x 6 9⁄16 in. (20. 1780 Ink. (32. Od. 44.6 x 17. 183 139. 38 159. Faizabad. Lucknow.1 p. c. Berlin. (32. (26. Faizabad or Lucknow. 51 no. and silver on paper Page 173⁄4 x 121⁄2 in.2 p. c. Od.9 x 13.3 x 11 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France.8 x 25. Faizabad. 1765 Opaque watercolor on paper 20 1⁄4 x 14 1⁄2 in. folio 2 LACMA only p. Berlin. Lucknow.7 x 14. c. folio 18 125. c. Rés. Sanford Kornblum and Mrs. Od. after a Portrait by Tilly Kettle.54. Faizabad.5 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst..3 cm). Uttar Pradesh. c. Delhi India.5 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. London. Uttar Pradesh. 1759–86) Taj Mahal India. Deva Gandhara Ragini Folio from a Ragamala album India. folio 8 p.7 x 23. Uttar Pradesh.7 x 62.2 x 13. 11 in.3 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. 63. partial gift of Mr. 6 7⁄16 in. Lucknow. image 107⁄ 8 x 73⁄4 in. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 15 11⁄16 x 111⁄ 8 in. (43.7 x 62. (39. (50. (21. (23. c. (27. c.5 x 18 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. Berlin. Berlin. Uttar Pradesh. 1786 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 5 x 3 1⁄2 in. (51. Zurich p. 1780 Ink.2 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. c. J. 1770 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 12 5⁄ 8 x 8 in. Women’s Dancing Party Page from the Lady Coote Album India. Female Musician India. folio 3 LACMA only Dipaka Raga Folio from a Ragamala album India. c. (21. image 101⁄2 x 15 in. 1770 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 1315⁄16 x 713⁄16 in. Mihr Chand (fl.1. Uttar Pradesh. 8 p. Lucknow.2 cm). Est. (32. 1765–73 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image 8 5⁄ 8 x 5 7⁄ 8 in.2 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. 26 p.9 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. Lucknow (?). Style of Dip Chand Shuja ud-Daula Receives the Emperor Shah Alam II Right side of a two-page composition India. Murshidabad.7 x 62. c. Od. 37 Mir Kalan Khan (fl. Berlin. image 1113⁄16 x 121⁄2 in. c.5 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. 1760–65 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image 28 3⁄ 32 x 3315⁄16 in. 20 LACMA only p. folio 29 LACMA only Style of Dip Chand Shah Alam II in a Palanquin Left side of a two-page composition India. folio 2 Guimet only p. 44.7 cm) Dr. 43.2. 155. Berlin.15. Uttar Pradesh. J. t.9 x 27 cm).6 x 19. image 51⁄2 x 3 3⁄4 in.9 cm) The British Library. (39. 29 p.7 x 20. Uttar Pradesh. 144. Berlin. folio 20 (Collection Gentil) LACMA only p. London. Faizabad.8 cm). 1760 Drawing. 179 123. (45 x 32 cm). Berlin. (39.8 x 28. 18 LACMA only p. ring/setting: Cartier early 20th century Emerald. I 5005. and gold on paper Page 177⁄ 8 x 24 3⁄4 in. MacDonald and Achenbach Foundation for Graphic Arts Endowment Fund. 1770 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 12 5⁄ 8 x 8 in. Faizabad. Od. (22. 80 131. folio 10 p. Uttar Pradesh. 4–5 157. 35 128. Uttar Pradesh. London. Polier album I 5062. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 15 11⁄16 x 111⁄ 8 in. image 611⁄16 x 4 7⁄ 8 in. 39 134.8 x 8. 1765 Opaque watercolor on paper 201⁄4 x 14 3⁄ 8 in. I 5005. 180 154. (48.7 cm) Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. 1780–82 Ink.70. Uttar Pradesh. Rés. c. watercolor.1. with silver filigree. Faizabad.9 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. Lucknow.42. Faizabad or Lucknow. Rés. Est. 179 Shuja Quli Khan and a Woman on a Terrace India.3 cm) Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. Mihr Chand (fl. Lucknow. transparent and opaque watercolor. Uttar Pradesh. G: from The Wellington Album 158.12. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. c. 44. I. Rés. (31. Berlin.8 cm). Faizabad or Delhi. image 6 3⁄4 x 41⁄4 in. partly gilt and enameled. Ghulam Reza (fl. c. Uttar Pradesh. c. folio 39 Guimet only 145. 63 142.6 x 17. Faizabad or Lucknow.7 x 13. c. 210 258 259 . Faizabad or Lucknow. (32. and gold on paper Page 1711⁄16 x 24 1⁄ 8 in. image 8 x 5 in. transparent and opaque watercolor.3 x 27.1. 124. Polier album I 5063. gold. 178 122.8 x 14. Faizabad or Lucknow. 1760–90) Portrait of a Mufti India. folio 10b p. A Game of Polo India. transparent and opaque watercolor. 1770–76 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 101⁄2 x 7 in.4 cm) The British Library. folio 16b Attributed to Mihr Chand (fl. Uttar Pradesh. 1770 Ink on paper Page 19 x 14 3⁄ 8 in. Od. (45. 152. Achenbach Foundation for Graphic Arts Endowment Fund. c.7 x 62. (20.7 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. Polier album I 5063. and Mrs. c. Berlin. Style of Mir Kalan Khan Ibrahim Adham Served by Four Angels India. 27 p. c.70. Est. Achenbach Foundation for Graphic Arts Endowment Fund. Uttar Pradesh. 1759–86) A Female Hermit with Two Ascetics before a Hut India. (21. c. c. (45 x 32 cm). Charlene S. J. (39.54. Uttar Pradesh. 1759–86) Female Musician India. The Powis Collection (National Trust) pp. image 8 3⁄ 8 x 5 3⁄ 8 in. 32.4. 1785 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 18 x 24 19⁄ 32 in. (26. and gold on paper 87⁄ 8 x 51⁄2 in. 1982. 1780–82) Bhairava Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India..8 cm).8 x 38 cm) The British Library. I 5005. Ghulam Reza (fl. (31. (18. (45. (14 x 9. diam. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 15 11⁄16 x 111⁄ 8 in. c. C: from Gentil albums Attributed to Bahadur Singh (?) Yusuf Goes to Meet Zulaikha India. 4 LACMA only p. 126. c. folio 2 LACMA only 143.5 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Faizabad. Est. 180 156. London. (18. 1800 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 17 x 121⁄2 in. 135. Uttar Pradesh. 62 138. I. c. c. Polier album I 5062. Uttar Pradesh. 35568 Guimet only 151. Uttar Pradesh. image 7 19⁄ 32 x 4 5⁄16 in. c.5 x 35 cm). Shirin Discovers the Body of Farhad Folio from the Wellington Album India. 1770 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 14 5⁄ 8 x 191⁄2 in. Muhammad Shah Folio from a portrait album India. c. 1759–86) Nilgai India. (31.5 cm) The British Library. 1770–82) Story of the Elephants and Rabbits Folio from an Iyar-i Danish manuscript India. (45 x 61. Est.2 x 31.8 cm). Est.7 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst.42. Mohan Singh (fl.8 x 28. Mihr Chand (fl. and turquoises Casket (largest component): h. J. (27. Uttar Pradesh. I 5005.2 cm). 1982. 35 purchase. folio 16 p. Kornblum p.4597. 1765–73 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image 12 5⁄ 8 x 8 in. (21. Polier album I 5062. Uttar Pradesh. Awadh.8 cm) The British Library. Uttar Pradesh. 150. 1734–70) A Princess Watching a Maid Killing a Snake India. (40. and gold on paper 9 x 5 3⁄ 8 in. Museum purchase. and Johnson 148.1. 1780–82 Ink.4 x 15 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France.1 p. Berlin. (51. 203 (detail) Style of Mir Kalan Khan A European Princess India. and Two Pictures of Beauties Page from the Lady Coote Album India. Lucknow. Faizabad.2 x 62. image 6 3⁄4 x 41⁄ 8 in. and gold Emerald: 11⁄16 x 23⁄ 32 in. West Bengal. (1. London. c. (21. Faizabad or Lucknow. Gentil. 6 F: from The Clive Collection Style of Mihr Chand The Mughal Prince Mirza Jawan Bakht India. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 173⁄4 x 121⁄2 in. (19 x 13. no. folio 29 Guimet only p. Berlin. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. c. folio 6 (Collection Gentil) LACMA only p. J. (37. Uttar Pradesh.2 x 31. 62 137. (43. Faizabad or Lucknow. J. c. Lucknow. 37 153. Faizabad. The Powis Collection (National Trust) p. c. Uttar Pradesh. Od.121. (72 x 84.2 x 10. B: from Johnson albums Mir Kalan Khan (fl. 1759–86) The Qawwal Sheikh Shir Muhammad Debates with His Followers India.3 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. folio 13 Guimet only p.5 cm) Powis Castle. J. Uttar Pradesh. Muhammad Visited by the Archangel Gabriel India. (30 x 32 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. John D.2. 32. image 1113⁄16 x 121⁄2 in. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 12 1⁄2 x 9 1⁄ 8 in. c. c..7 cm). c. Uttar Pradesh. 62 Mohan Singh (fl. Faizabad or Lucknow.3 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. image 8 1⁄2 x 51⁄2 in. Lucknow. Od.8 x 31. D: Polier.70. Uttar Pradesh. c. Bahadur Singh (fl. 1800 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 17 x 121⁄2 in. folio 1 Guimet only p. 186 129. c. Mihr Chand (fl. (44. c. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 173⁄4 x 121⁄2 in. 132. 39 141.1 x 20. (16.7 cm) Dr. Bonnie Sturner in memory of Peter Silton p. 38 H: Decorative Arts: Polier and Clive 160.4595. 1780 Ink. c. Faizabad or Lucknow.5 x 14 cm) The British Library.2 x 20.2 x 20. (45. Paris. (45. London. Lucknow.3 p. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 12 1⁄2 x 9 1⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh. c. image 8 x 6 in. image 9 7⁄ 32 x 7 in.4594.2 x 61. Berlin. Rés. Uttar Pradesh.5 cm). Faizabad or Delhi. black ink highlighted with slight colors Page 113⁄ 8 x 75⁄ 8 in.1 cm). 179 149. (12. image 107⁄ 8 x 73⁄4 in. The Lovers Elope Folio from the Wellington Album India. 1773–76 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 18 x 24 19⁄ 32 in. Patak Chand Raja Anand Dev and Raja Dhrub Dev India. t. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 12 1⁄2 x 9 1⁄ 8 in. Faizabad or Lucknow. 1770 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 159⁄16 x 1017⁄ 32 in. (45 x 32 cm).4596. c. c. Paris. c. (45.4 cm) Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. (22.5 x 12. J. Faizabad or Lucknow. 80 130. (17 x 12.8 cm) The British Library. Paris. Polier album I 5063. Uttar Pradesh.3 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. Berlin.4 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Uttar Pradesh.7 x 23. Estampes. Khambhavati Ragini Folio from a Ragamala album India.1 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. (29 x 19. Uttar Pradesh.3 x 16. 44.8 cm) Collection of Galerie Minerva. (45 x 32 cm)..2 x 49. Aurangzeb Folio from a portrait album India. 39 133. Attributed to Mihr Chand (fl. 1775 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 19 7⁄ 8 x 133⁄4 in. 1765–73 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image 7 13⁄ 32 x 5 5⁄16 in. Awadh. Berlin. S. folio 28 127. 1774/75 (AH 1188). 2.2 x 56 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum.5 cm) Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia.2 x 4. 1785 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 9 3⁄ 8 x 14 11⁄16 in. Forehead Ornament North India.4 x 60. and Mrs. 48 202. 1860s–70s) An Illustrated Historical Album of the Rajas and Taluqdars of Oudh India. 49 186. Pair of Earrings India. 1880 Albumen prints Each 31⁄4 x 2 in. (8. 1880–1900 Silver 61⁄4 x 8 3⁄ 8 in. (24 x 237.7 cm) Leicester Museums and Galleries: New Walk Museum and Art Gallery. 1864 Watercolor on paper 14 x 10 in. 218 181. wrapped with silver foil Diam. late 18th century Gilt silver 4 x 4 3⁄4 x 31⁄4 in. Uttar Pradesh. 1864–65 Albumen print 91⁄ 8 x 111⁄2 in. Uttar Pradesh. 41 Egron Lundgren (Sweden. (23. 48 Hand Ornament North India. 175. 47 195. Uttar Pradesh.12.03254&A p. (7. c. (48. Uttar Pradesh. 19th century Gold.7 cm) Richard Milhender p.8 x 37.2 cm). 1864–65 Albumen print Approx. 21. Hair Ornament India.. Felice Beato (Greece.112-1986 p. 168. 1981 Distributed by Eagle Video.0. 11⁄4 in. Uttar Pradesh. (193 x 119 cm) Yale Center for British Art.7 x 12. 87 (detail). and gold on paper Page 171⁄2 x 24 in. 0645 IS (peshwaz). 48 187.7 cm) The Royal Collection. 1760–75) Noblewomen Playing Chess India. 1832–1909) Panorama of Lucknow. Satyajit Ray (1921–1992). Attributed to Nevasi Lal (fl. Awadh. 1860 Parcel-gilt silver with cast and applied palmettes and heads 73⁄4 x 5 in. 1815–1875) Nautch Entertainment by Man Singh in Honor of Lord Clyde. B1975. consisting of twenty-four selected photographed portraits. Legacy of Glory: Lucknow in the Popular Imagination 184. Département des Estampes et de la photographie. 8 x 10 x 2 in. 5 3⁄ 32 in.5 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection pp. MA 6772 p. Ltd. 1834–1912) Baillie Guard Gate India. Abraham Solomon (England. 1775–1800 Gold.2006. diam. c.5 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 1780 Opaque watercolor on paper 193⁄16 x 271⁄16 in.9 x 21. No.3 x 25 x 5 cm) Kenneth and Joyce Robbins pp.5 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection pp. 1874 Albumen prints Album approx. mid-19th century Gold set with rubies. Uttar Pradesh. 1800–1850 Repoussé silver 513⁄16 x 4 3⁄ 8 in.7 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. Lucknow. c. Uttar Pradesh. diam. IS.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. Paris. c.” Pilgrimage. Inv. (25 x 20. designer Film poster. w. Lucknow and the Great Uprising of 1857: European Visions A: “Mutiny. Uttar Pradesh. brass and iron wire. 1772 Oil on canvas 76 x 47 in. pearls. Nose Ornament North India.100 p. 52–53 189. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh.9 x 30. (8. 1859 Watercolor on paper Page 13 3⁄4 x 22 3⁄4 in.1891. IS. Southern Asian Art Council in memory of Ranjit and Aruna Roy. 1815–1882) The Relief of Lucknow. 211 178. Lucknow.8 x 11. 1822–1904) Jessie’s Dream (The Relief of Lucknow) England.133 p.12 LACMA only p. c. 182. pendants of seed pearls. (17. and lac Diam. IS. 1870 Glass beads. 1858 Albumen print Approx. (37. 179. c.5 cm) Catherine Benkaim and Barbara Timmer Collection LACMA only p. 1823–1899) The Shah Najaf India. 1861 The Gown of the “Queen of Oudh” India. c. 154–55 169. AP 15357 Guimet only William Simpson (Scotland.0 p. Uttar Pradesh. 1096-1872 p. c. Lucknow. 1832–1909) Interior of the Sikander Bagh. kaliondar paijama–length 4111⁄ 32 in. 1780–1800 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 181⁄2 x 24 1⁄2 in.5 x 5. Dancing Girl From The Beauties of Lucknow. 1870 Glass beads and brass 5 3⁄ 8 x 21⁄ 8 in. 1880 Bidri ware H. Lucknow.385 p. c. 47 196.3 x 30 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. 232 201. 219 Tilly Kettle (England. Lucknow. diamond. Wine Decanter India. of the most celebrated and popular living histrionic singers. 11⁄16 in. Lucknow. 156 165. and Mrs. Lucknow. Samuel Bourne (England. 210 191. (23 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. (2. B1981. Varanasi (Benares). Uttar Pradesh. 1832–1909) Ruins of the Battery in the Residency Compound India. 219 180. c. wrapped with silver foil Diam.000 Rebels by the 93rd Highlanders. Raj Tilak. 1586 p. Uttar Pradesh. diamonds.). Uttar Pradesh. 1834–1912) Ruins of the Residency India. dancing girls and actresses of the Oudh Court and of Lucknow India. Lucknow. Samuel Bourne (England. (16. Lucknow.3 cm) Richard Milhender p. VH 271. 1832–1909) Bara Chattar Manzil with the King’s Fish-Shaped Boat India. excluding pendants Victoria and Albert Museum.5533 p. 1⁄2 in. 47 199.4 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 42–43 171. Paul Mellon Collection. and with strings of pearls and red glass beads Length of coiled pendants 915⁄16 in. (61 x 45. Lucknow. (24.19 LACMA only p.8.2 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. (23. 1823–1899) View of the Qaisar Bagh in Lucknow India. Acrobats Performing on a Tightrope India. blue stones. c. RCIN 11278 Guimet only p. 1944).11-2001 203. 47 194. 1859 Oil on canvas 411⁄2 x 713⁄ 8 in.4 x 181. Frederick Goodall (England.4 cm) Council of the National Army Museum.2 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. (19. Bombay (Mumbai). cabinet size. 154–55 163. (20 x 6 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. (22. Lucknow. c.5 cm). Lucknow. 173.1-1976 p. (106 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 9 3⁄16 in. Muzaffar Ali (b. 1832–1909) Baillie Guard Gate India. c. Bowl with Fish Designs India. Inv. (48 cm) The Royal Collection. 1091&A-1872 p. 49 170.9 x 57. Philip Feldman. (106 cm). c. 45 174. Uttar Pradesh. 213 193. 1858 Albumen print 91⁄2 x 931⁄2 in. 1780–85 Ink. 10 x 12 in. M. Najma (1943) India.7 cm) Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. Acrobats Performing on a Tightrope for a Women’s Dancing Party Page from the Lady Coote Album India. (25.2 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art.25. Paris. Faizabad. 1858 Oil on canvas 315⁄ 8 x 48 in. Mumbai. Uttar Pradesh. (25. 22 183. enamels. (with pendant pearls): 27⁄ 8 in. Lucknow. Forehead Ornament India. Awadh. 5851 pp.3 cm) Lent by the National Portrait Gallery. (14. (20.3 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. India. Pair of Ear Ornaments India. 1832–1909) Panorama of Lucknow. L.3 cm). Felice Beato (Greece. (44. (22. Paris A 12112 p. (61 x 91.83. purchased with funds provided by Kiran Wadhwani Samuels in loving memory of Mulchand Navalrai Wadhwani.1 cm) Museum für Asiatisches Kunst. Lucknow. folio 15 Guimet only Watercolor with gouache over graphite on paper 14 3⁄4 x 20 7⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh.K. and the 4th Punjab Regt. Vasudeo. London. c. Darogah Abbas Ali (fl. 1735–1786) An Indian Dancing Girl with a Hookah India. Epilogue: Post-Uprising Artistic Production at Lucknow B: Imagining the “Mutiny”: Paintings for the British Public Felice Beato (Greece.8 x 68. 85 164.8 x 29. Maharashtra. (3 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 240 Felice Beato (Greece. c.5 x 12 x 8. published in Allahabad. diamonds. 1834–1912) Ruins of the Residency India. the Commander-in-Chief India. 47 192.5 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France.302. director Umrao Jan (excerpt) India.4 x 5. 1870 Glass beads. No. (26. Lucknow. and pearls 77⁄ 8 x 2 3⁄ 8 in. designer Film poster. 188.12 p. Paris. (108 x 82 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum.5 cm). c. director Shatranj Ke Khilari (The Chess Players) (excerpt) India.2001. 45 172. Ewer with Coriander Flower Pattern India.7 cm) Private collection p. Uttar Pradesh.9 cm) Sheffield Galleries and Museum Trust (U. (34.6 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 1880 Bidri ware H. Shield Presented to Edward VII When Prince of Wales by the Maharaja of Kashmir during the Winter of 1875–76 India. 1858 Albumen print 10 x 117⁄ 8 in. (13 cm) Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya (formerly Prince of Wales Museum). 1858 Oil on canvas 24 x 18 in. 77 185. IS. 19th century Gold. 1858 Albumen print 101⁄2 x 113⁄4 in. IS. c.6 x 25. 1850 Gold and silver set with diamonds. 1983. 9 x 12 in. M. Uttar Pradesh. 2004. Uttar Pradesh. Awadh. (1. MA 6764 p. (35. depth with hoop 11⁄ 8 in. Maharashtra. and pearl H. c. Felice Beato (Greece. early 19th century Silver-gilt. Uttar Pradesh. New Delhi 205. 176. Uttar Pradesh. 1860s–70s) Gummoon Jan. Uttar Pradesh. 9 November 1857 England.5 cm). 24 x 36 in. (9. emeralds. 140 Samuel Bourne (England.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. and diamonds. 231 260 261 . (81. Felice Beato (Greece. (80. 231 190. watercolor. 1079A-1872 p. 10. 45 Plate with Emblematic Pairs of Fish India. bound album approx. (23. Bombay (Mumbai). 1972 Distributed by Shemaroo Video Pvt. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx. 9. brass and iron wire. and green glass H. 153 Chevalier Louis-William Desanges (1822–1887) Thomas Henry Kavanagh VC (1821–1882) Being Disguised as a Native during the Indian Mutiny at the Siege of Lucknow. (23.9 x 30. 40 177. Umrao Jaan (1981) India. Kamal Amrohi (1918–1993). Lucknow. 231 200. Awadh. Uttar Pradesh. Darogah Abbas Ali (fl. Paul Mellon Collection. 28. (5. Thomas Jones Barker (England. Uttar Pradesh. 1760–75) Two Nautch Girls Dancing the Kuharwa before a Nobleman and His Courtiers India. Uttar Pradesh. brass. Berlin. 10 x 8 in.5 x 177. Uttar Pradesh. 1980–90 Color lithograph on paper 421⁄2 x 321⁄4 in. 1859–62 Oil on canvas Approx. (13. 1981 Color lithograph on paper 32 x 22 in. and rock crystal 2 x 13⁄4 in.2 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 18 23 ⁄ 32 in.03209 p. Rosewater Casket India. Jorden Electronics. Uttar Pradesh. Awadh. 61⁄2 in. Ltd. 1156-1869 p.5 x 53 cm) Yale Center for British Art. 9 x 12 in. Lucknow.4 x 30 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. 157 166. Attributed to Nevasi Lal (fl. ruby. Lucknow. Finger Ring India. Taken from the Qaisar Bagh Palace India. London p. 1857 England.1050-1883 pp. RL 19185 pp.13. Uttar Pradesh. 1858 Albumen print 91⁄4 x 117⁄ 8 in. 167. director Pakeezah (excerpt) India. 1824–1862) The Flight from Lucknow England. Uttar Pradesh.3 cm). 1977 Distributed by Shemaroo Video Pvt. Museum purchase. 1858 Albumen print 9 5⁄ 8 x 697⁄ 8 in. 47 197.4 x 30.3. Lucknow. IS. (47 x 62 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. c. (4. Uttar Pradesh. (15. 31⁄4 in. Uttar Pradesh. Mumbai 204. Awadh.262 p. 198. 162. I 5005 folio 14 Guimet only p.4 x 121. Woman's Head Ornament India. partial gift of Mr. (105. Gift of Mr. and Memory 162. Lucknow. 6 3⁄4 in. 1646 IS (kaliondar paijama) p. mid-19th century Silk with metal ribbon ornaments peshwaz–length 4111⁄ 32 in. after the Slaughter of 2. Lucknow. M.F. Lucknow. Lucknow. John MacDonald and Achenbach Foundation for Graphic Arts Endowment Fund. Taken from the Bara Imambara India.2 x 29. William Simpson (Scotland. Alavi. 2 vols. 1986. trans. 1994. A European Experience of the Mughal Orient: The “I’jaz-i Arsalani” (Persian Letters. London: National Portrait Gallery Publications. 2004. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services. R. N. Vol. Epigraphy. S. Ed. Awadh. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Costume and Textiles of Royal India. 1995. 2009. Sleeman. Reprint. New York: Taplinger. Delhi: Permanent Black. The Courtesan of Lucknow: Umrao Jan Ada. Lucknow. T. 2 vols. L. Srivastava. 1984. Varanasi: Bharati Prakashan.” Arts of Asia 23:2 (March–April 1993): 108–20.” Modern Asian Studies 19:2 (1985): 239–77. 2nd ed. and G. G. M. 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Lady Roberts. at the Aga Khan Trust for Culture. at the Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah. assistant director Renée Montgomery. at the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya (formerly the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India. at the Bodleian Library. former president Jean Francoise Jarrige. at the Asian Art Museum. In Exhibition Design. at the Getty Research Institute. President Jacques Giès. and Anne Lyden. Michael Barry (formerly). Hunter. Nahla Nassar. and financial analyst Marciana Broiles. John H. department head and curator Britt Salvesen. Supriyo Dhar. Rhea Sylvia Blok. at the Peabody Essex Museum. and Saleema Waraich (formerly). Theresa-Mary Morton. (author). and Francoise Simeray. Jorrit Britschgi. Director. Our thanks to all. In Exhibition Programs. at the Bibliothèque nationale de France. at the Galerie Minerva. In the South and Southeast Asian Art department. Richard Blurton. manager of construction William Stahl. Del Bontà. Charles Greig. Caroline Arhuero. Cynthia Hazen Polsky and Taryn Adinolfi. Carlo Coppola. and Malini Roy (author and curatorial consultant). in Kuwait. at the Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Finally. senior photographer Steven Oliver. Gillian Forrester. curatorial administration. at the Royal Ontario Museum. Howard Ricketts. Rahaab Allana. In the Photography department. and Barbara Pope (formerly). Benoit Junod. director Mitch Glickman. Nazir Jairazbhoy (deceased). at La Martiniere School for Boys. Leonard and Alka Patel. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow required the participation and assistance of numerous institutions and individuals. and Cécile Tainturier. at the Victoria and Albert Museum. In Registrar. former director ClausPeter Haase. Roberts. In Finance. at the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. Louis Désy and Nathalie Roy. at the Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet (the second venue of the exhibition). Director Stefan Weber. at the University of Minnesota. senior curator and department head Sharon Takeda. assistant director. Melissa Bomes. in the Netherlands. Sridhar. at the National Army Museum. Marie-Helene Petitfour. associate conservators Natasha Cochran and Soko Furuhata. associate vice president Chelsea Hadley. In Gallery Services. at the Centre Canadien d’Architecture. vice president. Gisela Helmecke. Irene Martín. Nancy Thomas. Elisabeth Fairman. Forrest McGill. at the San Diego Museum of Art. Ruth Kitchin. Donald J. and Deborah Swallow (formerly). and Joyce Robbins. Lentz. at the University of California. who have executed myriad responsibilities with their customary diligence and enthusiasm. Karina Corrigan and Christine Michelini. curator Robert L. Director A. at the Rijksmuseum. LaRocca. at the Calouste Gulbenkian Museum. which enabled this project to be transformed from a mere gleam in the curator’s eye to a successful reality. but we wholeheartedly acknowledge their collective and invaluable support. Robert J. To be commended in particular are Chief Executive Officer and Wallis Annenberg Director Michael Govan. director of special projects Erin Wright. In Conservation. Director Albert Lutz. P. Bowles. at the National Media Museum. in France. at The David Collection. In Photographic Services. Janice Mae Schopfer. senior exhibition designer Victoria Turkel Behner and exhibition designer Eileen Dikdan. Wynyard Wilkinson. Irvine. at the Museum of Photographic Arts. Acting Director David Bomford. Erin Garcia. Director Wim Pijbes. Julia Gonella. secretary and curator Chittaranjan Panda. at the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. Thomas M. curatorial administrator Nancy Fox. Director General Sheikha Hussah Sabah Salem al-Sabah.acknowledgments As with any exhibition of this magnitude (more than two hundred works of art. Julia Marciari-Alexander and Sonya Rhie Quintanilla. vice president of education Jane Burrell. Sophie Clark. Divia Patel (curatorial consultant). Karoline Mansur. Catherine Benkaim. at the Harvard Art Museums. and Brian Liddy. in Audiovisual: manager Elvin Whitesides (deceased) and Megan Mellbye. at the Indian Museum. and senior grant writer Amanda Lipsey. James Bennett. Joseph M. Sophie Gordon (author and curatorial consultant). Catherine C. Laura Pfenninger. junior communications associate Annie Carone. in Art Preparation and Installation. Tom Callas. Los Angeles. communications. and manager of contemporary public programs and new media Amy Heibel. Edward Gibbs. at the Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia. Claire Cooper. assistant conservators Silviu Boariu and Chail Norton. and Mary McWilliams. head of conservation Mark Gilberg. Director General Pierre Arizzoli-Clémentel and Frédéric Lacaille. department head Ian Birnie and coordinator Bernardo Rondeau. Katherine Israel-Koedel. Gloria Katz and Willard Huyck. John Monahan. and Virginia Rasmussen. Director Sabyasachi Mukherjee. associate director Amy McFarland and senior graphic designer Jin Son. at the Musée du quai Branly. Asian specialist Kristin Bengtson. Jerome Ghesquiere. at the J. It is not possible here to thank everyone for their specific contributions to the exhibition and its accompanying publication. at the National Trust. at the Nasser D. Philippe Missillier. assistant curator Julie Romain. and Laura Benites (formerly). in Denmark. Director David S. served as the Indian “Nodal Agency”). Justin Addington. editor in chief Thomas Frick. Brown. former editor Tom Drury. Director Thomas W. Zeidberg and June Li. Susan Ollemans. Cindy Herron. at the Cincinnati Art Museum. database specialist Robin Chung. J. the Stuart Cary Welch family and Jude Ahern. at the Victoria Memorial Hall. John Falconer. supervising photographer Peter Brenner. and Juliet McConnell. Catherine Asher. Katherine Drake and Allison Whiting. senior conservation photographer Yosi Pozeilov. Donald M. in Indonesia. In the Costume and Textiles department. at Christie’s. Francesca Galloway. Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam (authors). collections. In Education. and former curator Dale Gluckman. at The Royal Collection. curator Kaye Spilker. almost fifty worldwide lenders. Indar Pasricha and Taimur Palanpur. Navina Haidar. In Music Programs. Mary DelMonico. Kenneth X. at the Yale Center for British Art. Deputy Director Nuno Vassallo e Silva. in Ireland. Amy Catlin. Nick Barnard. librarian and curator of the print room the Hon. and Céline Morisseau. at the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art. Director Kishor K. the al-Sabah Collection. Secretary Jawhar Sircar and Joint Secretary Vijay Madan. In Development. Margaret Gray. at The British Museum. database manager Delfin Magpantay. David McNeff. and Holly Robbins. Janice Leoshko and Carla Petievich (author and linguistic consultant). New Walk Museum & Art Gallery. and Daniel Walker (formerly). McLean. Joseph N. Thomas Cazentre. and senior collections administrator Eve Schillo. Wheeler M. President and Chief Operating Officer Melody Kanschat. Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II. Director Syed Albukhary and Lucien de Guise. and Andrea Kuprecht. Peter Funnell. and Mary Nooter Roberts. and K. Director Sandy Nairne. Collection Frits Lugt. and Philippa Kirkham. manager Jeffrey Haskin and Jeffrey Ono. Joost van den Bergh. Princess Catherine Aga Khan and Nicolas Sursock. Director Mària van Berge-Gerbaud. senior conservators Joseph Fronek. Robin Sukhadia. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones (author and primary historical consultant). and systems manager Diana Folsom. at the National Portrait Gallery. Erin O’Toole. Barbara O’Connor. Jill McNaught-Davis. Robertson and assistant Piper Severance. Abdulkareem al-Ghadban. At the Metropolitan Museum of Art. at the Huntington Library. In Film Programs. head registrar Nancy Russell. in Portugal. Timothy Goodhue. in Malaysia. Chief Executive Nick Dodd and Liz Waring. at The Alkazi Collection of Photography. head of exhibitions Zoë Kahr. Stadtner. at Powis Castle. and coordinator and editorial assistant Monica Paniry. Allen F. Susan Stronge. Amin Jaffer. Katia Mollet. and many years in the making). special thanks must be given to the following: in Australia. Irene Lotspeich-Phillips and Fran Terpak. Laura Fielder. Chief Financial Officer Ann Rowland and budget and investment officer Mark Mitchell. Sarah Murray. at the Ali Akbar College of Music. Budour al-Qassar. Charlotte Cotton. chief curator Amina Okada. In Rights and Reproductions. Jody Butterworth. Paul Getty Museum. J. Peter Manuel (author). In Graphic Design. Losty. Basa. at the Museum für Islamische Kunst. Kimberly Masteller (formerly). In India. vice president of development Terry Morello. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. and Manuel Keene. Bruce Barker-Benfield and Gillian Evison. registration administrator Jennifer Smith. associate vice president Diana Veach. Anne Lacoste. associate registrar Alexandra Moran. Emily Dodd. Anastasia Phillips. at the University of Texas. and Nick Gordon. In the United Kingdom. at the Museum Rietberg. Elaine Wright. at The Chester Beatty Library. manager Cheryle T. Jassi Cheema. Director Amy Meyers. coordinator Jonathan Alfi. Elizabeth and John Sequeira. Dye III and Mary Sullivan. Deepali Dewan. Andrew Topsfield. and Vice President and General Counsel Fred Goldstein. Director Kjeld von Folsach and Mette Korsholm. John Hirx. In particular. director of government and foundation grants Stephanie Dyas. Ministry of Culture. Simon Ray. Abigail Armistead. In Risk Management and Collections Information. Austin. Peter Marshall. Deputy Director. and former curatorial administrator Deanna Kashani. associate curator Edward Robinson. In Germany. in Communications and Marketing. at DelMonico Books– Prestel. and Sarah Tinsley. Scott Davis. Sheila Canby. former assistant curator Rochelle Kessler. administrator Fionn Zarubica Lemon. Glenn Markoe. Peter Boyden. and Emma Stuart. Angus Trumble. at the University of California. Jennifer Howes. and Martina Stoye. and administrative assistant Breanne Sallee. Christine Barthes and Nicholas Twarog. In the United States. at the Musée national des Château de Versailles. at the Museums Sheffield. senior assistant registrar Amy Wright. and Christa Kienapfel. Barbara Pflaumer. Martin Chapman and Maria Reilly. In Advertising and Promotion. at The British Library. Newland (editor). Maria Naula. Stephen Markel Tushara Bindu Gude 264 265 . Guy. in Canada. intern Jessica Farquhar. and Scott Wilcox. In Publications. chief curator Raffael Gadebusch. Sugata Ray. Dean Baylis. at the Paul Sack Collection. head of publications Nola Butler. and Mellon Fellow Erin Jue. Sarah Minnaert (formerly). Sharon Steckline. in Switzerland. and Arlette Swart. at the Art Gallery of South Australia. administrative assistant Nancy Lawson Carcione. senior curator Simon Lake. at the Brooklyn Museum of Art. Rosemary Crill (author and curatorial consultant). Thackston (translations). Maxine and Ron Linde. at the Leicester Museums and Galleries. and Atreyee Gupta. Almut von Gladiß. Vandana Prapanna. Amy Poster (formerly). Daniel Thomas (formerly). Jan van Campen. special thanks must be given to the professional staff and volunteers of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 38 left: photo courtesy of Dr. pp. University of Oxford p. 95 right: photo © Victoria Memorial Management. 130 top right. Charlene S. Copenhagen Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco Collection Frits Lugt. by Katherine Wetzel p. Cambridge. 20. London Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. Kolkata Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia. 128–129. 99. 129 top. 230: photo Courtesy Collection Frits Lugt. 62 bottom. Selkirk. 31. 47 bottom left and center. 172 bottom right: photo © 2010 British Museum Images. 183 top right: photo courtesy private collection p. Germany/Art Resource. © Museum Associates/ LACMA. 219: photo courtesy Richard Milhender p. Massachusetts Indian Museum. 239 top right:. 169. Inc. 9. Khalili Collection p. 198. 64–66. 79: photo © The Trustees of the Chester Beatty Library. 136–137: photo courtesy Nasser D. 88: photo courtesy Catherine Glynn Benkaim Collection p. Germany/Art Resource. 58. L. 45 bottom: photo © Sheffield Galleries and Museum Trust p. © Pernille Klemp 2010 Back cover. 81. 24–25 (detail from center panel). Sanford Kornblum and Mrs. NY pp. 205: photo © 2010 Kuwait National Museum p. Los Angeles Harvard Art Museums/Arthur M. 96–97. Paris Musée national des Château de Versailles et de Trianon. 161: photo © Research Library. 16. 180 bottom left and right: photo © the Fine Arts Museum of San Francisco p. 68: © Foto Rainer Wolfberger. United Kingdom Private collection by courtesy of Howard Ricketts Mohammed Rezai Collection Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection Kenneth and Joyce Robbins The Royal Collection. NY p. 202 bottom. 88–91. and Mrs. 159 bottom. 28. 177 left and bottom right. 45 top left: photo © Leicester Arts & Museums p.2004) p. 98. NY p. Paris/Réunion des Musées Nationaux. Inc. 221 left (detail): photograph courtesy of private collection. 82 bottom right. India p. The publishers would appreciate notification of additional credits for acknowledgement in future editions. p. NY p. Kuwait The David Collection. 219 bottom. Dublin Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya. Paris/Art Resource. 42–43: photo © National Portrait Gallery. 211 bottom. S. 154–155. Kornblum. Paris The British Library. 63 right. 2 (detail). Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II pp. 175. 159 top: digital image © 2010 SFMOMA pp. 87 top. United Kingdom Richard Milhender Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. London National Portrait Gallery. 72. 242: photo © 2010 Museum Associates/LACMA. Lucknow p. Julian Sands. Paris p. 85 bottom. 127. 202–203: photo courtesy of Mr. 209: photo © The Indian Museum. Museum Associates/LACMA. 124–125. 6 (detail). 30. All rights expressly reserved. 47 top left and right. 239 bottom left and right: photo © V&A Images. on behalf of private collection (L. Aziz and Deanna Khan Dr. Zurich National Army Museum. 164. Institut Néerlandais. 80 bottom. 179 top and bottom right. 92. 177 top right. 142–143. Bonnie Sturner Lieutenant General Sir Philip Trousdell Victoria and Albert Museum. 172 bottom left. NY 266 267 . 95 left: photo courtesy Collection Drs. London pp.10. 39 right and bottom left. 183 top left: photo © Bibliothèque nationale de France 2010 pp. 174 bottom. 200 left. United Kingdom Sack Photographic Trust of the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art San Diego Museum of Art. 214. NY p. 48 bottom left. France Museum für Asiatische Kunst. 204. 40. Los Angeles. 87 bottom. 64. © Museum Associates/ LACMA. © Museum Associates/LACMA. 171: photo courtesy Collection of Cynthia Hazen Polsky p. 220: photo © Christie's Images Limited p. 231. 217. 203 center left (detail) and top right. 221 right (detail): photo © 2010 The Metropolitan Museum of Art/Art Resource. 237. 123. All rights reserved. London pp. 39 top left. Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz. USA (Rare Books & MSS. 83. Charlene S. 180 top: photo courtesy the collection of Prince and Princess Sadruddin Aga Kahn p. 150 top: digital image © Alkazi Foundation for the Arts. NY pp. 60–61. 146–147. 45 top right: photo © 2006 National Army Museum (NAM) p. 210 bottom: photo courtesy Powis Castle. 172 top: photo courtesy of Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. London Cynthia Hazen Polsky Powis Castle. 174 top. 223: photo © Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia p. Paris/Art Resource. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art Collection of Drs. 178. 29. 54. 166 bottom right. 22: photo © 2010 President and Fellows of Harvard College. 93. London The British Museum. 166 left. 215 top (recto) and middle (verso): photo courtesy the Collection of Kenneth and Joyce Robbins p. Inc. 162. Bonnie Sturner. Kolkata p. Berlin/ Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz. 208 bottom. 47 bottom right. 48 top. 139 bottom. Inc. 62 top right and left. 229 bottom (detail). The British Museum pp. 150 bottom. 78. 228: photo © 2010 President and Fellows of Harvard College p. 140. 70 bottom: photo © Mohammed Rezai Collection. San Francisco pp. 82 bottom left. 139 top. p. 184. p. p. Front cover (detail). 130 top left and bottom. Berlin Museum für Islamische Kunst. 168 left: photo courtesy Catherine and Ralph Benkaim Collection p. 170. Aziz and Deanna Khan. 122.lenders to the exhibition Asian Art Museum. Paris Galerie Minerva. California The Collection of Julian Sands Elizabeth and John Sequeira Sheffield Galleries and Museum Trust. The British Library Board. 232. 202 top and middle (detail): photo © 2010 Cincinnati Art Museum pp. 132. © Museum Associates/LACMA. 236. 1914 p. 120. Lieutenant-Colonel Gould Hunter-Weston of Hunterston. 135 top. 218: photo courtesy Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya p. 21. New Haven. USA/Bridgeman Art Library. 211 top. Low. 70 top: photo © Bodleian Library. Inc. 207 top left: photo © 2010 Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. Montréal p. 212. by Thomas DuBrock p. 33: photo © La Martiniere College Collection. L 500) p. Richmond Yale Center for British Art. Mumbai The Cincinnati Art Museum Dar al Athar al Islamiyyah. United Kingdom Dr. The Clive Collection (The National Trust). Board of Trustees. 73. 210. For some photographs we have been unable to trace copyright holders. 77. The Powis Collection (National Trust). Institut Néerlandais. 48 bottom right: poster © Mehboob Film Studios. 168 right. Sanford Kornblum and Mrs. Victoria and Albert Museum. Dublin pp. 144. courtesy Museum Rietberg. Kuala Lampur Nasser D. 102 (detail). 135 bottom. 233: photo The Royal Collection © 2010. 183 bottom left and right. 229 top: photo © National des Château (et des Trianons) de Versailles//Réunion des Musées Nationaux. courtesy of Richard Milhender pp. Copenhagen. 49 bottom. 186. 207 top right. 160. London p. 37 top right and bottom. 14–15. California pp. 66: photo © 2010 President and Fellows of Harvard College p. 52–53. 63 left. 149 top left and right. San Francisco Catherine and Ralph Benkaim Collection Catherine Benkaim and Barbara Timmer Collection Bibliothèque nationale de France. 179 top and bottom right. 82 top: photo © Yale Center for British Art. Germany/Art Resource. Connecticut and several private collections Illustration Credits Most images are reproduced courtesy of the creators or lenders of the material depicted. 138 top. 240: images © British Library Images. Richmond. p. 19. 206 (detail). London The Chester Beatty Library. 129 bottom right. 17. Getty Research Institute. 173: photo © Musée national des Arts asiatiques Guimet. Special Collections. 215 bottom. 133. 156: photo © CCA. pp. 57. 181: photo © Museum für Indische Kunst. 157: photo courtesy of Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection. 213. 216: photo courtesy of Elizabeth and John Sequeira. 166 top right. 207 bottom: photo courtesy The David Collection. 37 top left. 35. Sackler Museum. 149 bottom: as reproduced in W. 49 top. 26. 34: photo © Asian Art Museum. 4–5 (detail). 239 top left: photo © Museum für Islamische Kunst. 153: photo courtesy Catherine Benkaim and Barbara Timmer Collection p. 203 top left (detail of border): photo © Museum für Asiatische Kunst. India pp. Berlin/Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Kornblum Leicester Museums and Galleries: New Walk Museum and Art Gallery. New Delhi. by Paul Highnam p. 75 top. 222 (detail). 138 bottom. The al Sabah Collection. 41. by Gary Ombler pp. 235. p. 226. 131. 75 bottom left and right. 76. S. Berlin Museum Rietberg. Staatliche Museen. Inc. 84–6: photo © Yale Center for British Art. 38 right: photo courtesy of Dr. Zürich p. 36. 208 top. Zurich Getty Research Institute. 201. All rights reserved. 200 right. © Museum Associates/LACMA. 148. 244 Mir. 162. 167. mosque of. 156. 250 katori. 10. the Commander-in-Chief. odhni. 244. 33. Colin. 156. Muhammad. 151. 92. 50. 20. 81. 249. 224n31. 10. 84. 171. Lal Bagh Gate. 197n19 Hasan Reza Khan. 27. Darshan Bilas. 141. subsidies to. 86. 233. 63. 215. 131. 250 Jais. 104. 261 courtesan. 61. 153. 61. 50n13. 252. 173. 75. 44. 221 (detail). work by. 241. 151. panorama taken from 87 (detail). 20. 99. 126. 168. 253. 10. poet. 81. landowner and merchant. 59. 193. Sahedetganj. 260. 61 begam. 21. 167–68. 65. 126. 245. 10. 152. 255. 33. 86 Knighton. 138. 10. 23n13. 149. 175. 118n50. 258. work by. 258. 17. 153. 71. 127. 18. 94. 251 Karbala buildings: Kazmain. 175. 59. 132. Gentil and. 168. Resident Eden. 74. 75. 201. 50n10. 41. -shawl fabric. 10. 252. 106. 190. 252 Jahandar Shah. 117(nn20. William. 170. 120. Emily. 255 Hyderabad. 238 Chinnery. 229. 79. 11. Frederick. 110. 17. 250. Nautch Entertainment by Man Singh in Honor of Lord Clyde. 113. 235 kamarband. 260. 253 Exposition Universelle. 171. 212–19. 188–93. 11. 93 Bahadur Shah. 239. 206 Gentil. mahi-ye maratib. 11. 163n12. work by. 148. 92. work by. 11. 61. 254 Faizullah. 73. 245. Robert. 20. 255. 33. 248. Jean-Baptiste-Joseph. 11. 17. 104 kotha. 27. 241. 17. Great Imambara). 215. 176 Campbell. 183 Hasan. 32. 117n30 K 153. 255. 224n1. 162. 122. 29. 181. 250 Bollywood. 58. Milo Cleveland. 129. 164. 65 Desanges. 10. 238. BUILDING SPONSORED BY: Asafi Masjid. 25. 228. 255. Bara (Asafi. Patrick. 67. 251. 61. 115. 220. 255. 21. 181. Allah Khan. 82. 18. 36. 190 kurta/kurti. Abbas Ali. Robert. 255 Ghulam Rasool. 240. 20. Husainabad. 57–59. Khwaja. 237. 213. 214. work by. 250. Macchi Bhawan. 11. 251 Husainabad Imambara. 258. 151. 220. 239. 124 –25. 131. Red Fort. 258. 152. 182 Jones. 23n8. 40. 10. 132 . 257. Palais Indiennes. 11. 118n42. masjid).. Martin and. and Europeans. work attributed to. 141. 236. Lakhnawiyat. 233. 123. 163n24 Madar al-Daula. 187. 89. 110 Aurangzeb. 112–13. 200. 75. 163n14 Miner. 11. floral imagery. 151. 163n24 Man Singh. 107–11. 190. composition by. 229. 73. 101n28. 45. 23n3. 251. 199. 161 Ali (first Imam). 121. 33. royal procession of (unfinished panorama of Lucknow). work by. 233 Hering. 150. 152. 254 Lucknow: Aliganj. Felice. 244. 69. 10. 255. 86. 182. 243. 123. 183. 11. music. Flight from Lucknow. 121. 245. 23n8. 188. 11. 153. Thomas. 10. 255. 115. George Duncan. 84. 239. 14. 90. 14. clothing. 255. 99. 237. procession of. shrine in Najaf. 23n13. 50. 99. 141. map of. 131. 46. 254 Hoey. estate inventory. 94. 22. 232. work by. 71. 67. 124 –25. 14. 81. 41. Daulat Khana. Paris (1855). 72. 51n20. G. Jami Masjid. work by. 194 Jami Masjid. 151 Moore. 132. 95. 23n9. battle of. 243. 58. by. 151. Chowk. 67 Ghazi al-Din Haidar. 72. 122. 52 – 53. 78. 156. 84. 27. George. 55. Claude. 238. 11 Anis. 15. 77. 177. 115. 70. 129. 11. 212. 37. 27. 20 Clive. 148. 27 Azad. 195 Home. 229. 45. 146 – 47 Lakh-i Pera. land-tenure system. and Company. 251. 175. 213 Derusett. 178. 56. 126. 214 Agra.. 254 Cartier. 161. 113. painting by. 14. 182 Milliken. memoir. 86. 20. military. 255 London Photographic Society. 194. 20. 134. Ambrose Pierre. 116. 153. 178. 163(nn17. 106–7. 133. 59. 257. Shah Najaf (imambara. 254 Ahmad Shah. 260. work by.” 67 Muhammad. 259. 258 Jan Sahib. female musician. 92. 182. 132. 229. 260. 58. 241 Holi festival. 30. George Harris. 87. 99. Rumi Darwaza. 91. 11 matam. 123. 21. 256 E 81. studio. 89. 195 Bara Imambara (Asafi Imambara. as patron. Patak. 232. 146 – 47. Macchi Bhawan. 92. 129. 105. 95. 141. 122. 131. 233. migration from. 81–83. 254. Mihr. 20. culture. 253 Faqirullah Khan. 224n10. 238 Daniell. 74. Muhammad Husain. 158. 214 Humphry. 46. 17. 50n13. 60 – 61. 235 Middleton. 233. view from. Great Uprising. 190 Barker. 72 Mohan Singh. work attributed to. 176. 76. 115. 153. 126. 237. 86. 84. 118n44 Khosrau II. throne given by. 181. 8. royal lion hunt at. 9. 61. 134. 41. 180. The. 84. 86. 86 Daulat Khana. 17. 65. 18. 249 Mir Qasim. 59. 17 Amanat Ali (Agha Hasan Amanat): Indar Sabha. 10. 132 Martin. 113. See also Company-school painter. 150. 57. 255 Husainabad Bazaar Gateway. 250 islah-i zaban. 32. 21. 213–14. 260 Dilkusha Kothi. 115. 154 – 55. 134. Dip. 17 Ali. 188. 140. 67 De Boigne. 254 Dannenberg. 247. 252 Kashmiri Painter. faces painted by. 191. 134. 93. 59. 10. 85. work by. 103. 241. 61. 94. Francis. 171. 24. Captain. 224n25. 258 Gobind Singh. 232. 129. 113. 87 (detail). 229 kanchli. 105. Taj Mahal. 58. 91. 211. 117n32. Richard. 251 Asir. 254 Macfarlane. 245. 144. 21. Bahu. 92. 134. 135. 71. 214. 163n14 Jurat. 129. Robert. 188. work by. 105. Mrs. 252 Atish. work by. 123. 59. 134. 195. 222 (detail). 262 Marathas. 220. 182 Goodall. Prophet. BUILDING SPONSORED BY: Constantia (La Martinière). 10. 188. 123. destruction following. Egron. 182 Husain (third Imam). 175. 114. 46. 84. 11. 245. 182. 245. 56 Arabic. 57. 148. 255. 29. 14. 56 British: anti-. work in style of. 79. 71. 100n15 Buddhist art. 32. military academy (Addiscombe). 236–38. Mir Yar Ali Khan. 253 Hastings. Dihlavis. E. 148. 65. 82. 188. 95. 135. 92. 94. 141 Lundgren. and East India Company. Village Life in Kashmir. Thomas and William. 79. 148. 191. 251 Martinière. 116. 152. 229. 153. 118n46 Azam. 17. 153 Carpenter. 101n23. 117n201. 20. 86. 251. 114. 131. 175–76. 79 Johnson. 248 Ghulam Reza. 44. 46. 31. 151. 32. 252. 233. 67 begamati zaban. Donald Horne. 260. sultan. 260 Basit. 251 markaz. 51(nn25. 160. Ananda K. 189. 148. 251. 214. Khwajah Haidar Ali. 259 Khizr. William. 122. Tilly. 11. 145. la. 103. Ilahi. Husain. 77. sack of. 163n23 Hindu. 11. Biddy Allahabad: fort. 201. 250. Henry. 20. 213. 20. Fath. Lady Coote Album. Lakh-i Pera. 233. 79. 95. W. 213. 20. 41 – 42 . 179. work attributed to. 71. 27. 110. William. 234. 32. 57. 109–10. 117n33. 224(nn19. 236 kalabattun. 194. 170. 201. 93. 152. 178. 250. 50. 80. 250. 235 Kavanagh. 148. 100n4. 140. 115. Thomas. P. 260. 81. 11. work by. 111. 90. 92. 71 Chota Chattar Manzil. 18. mirror belonging to. establishes Awadh province. 73. 10. 148. 182. 111–13. 148. 241. 107. 40. W. 57. 64. 119n71. 238. 10. 82. 96 – 97. 158. 141. 258. 44. 93. 153. 166. 44. 235. Resident Brown. 105. 146 – 47. 189 Antoine. 257 Fullarton. 107–8. 163n13 Frith. 213. The. 148. 29. collection. 250. 213 Bahadur Singh. 129. 31 Mordaunt. 260 Beechey. 220–21. See also Company-school painter. 58. 254. 58. 118n56. 150 East India Company. 120. 18. 241. 115. 33. work by. work after. 168. 176. 247–48. 31. 34. 114. crown. 251. 152. 174. 92. 215. 21. 120. 40. 23n11 Ghulam Raza Khan. BUILDING SPONSORED BY: Chota Chattar Manzil. 30. Sikander. 90. nukkadar. 23n13 Chitarman. 151. 248. 238. 111 Benares. 149. 11. 244. 74. 249. 115. 127. 122. 71. 141. 126. 86. 11. 252. 109. 11. 84. 74. 224n31. 144. 58. 179. 185n9. will. 86. 115. work. 238. See also tawaif. 146 – 47. 251. 204. 252. 126. work in style of. 61. 244. atlas. work attributed to. 145. 262 Lyon. destruction of. 250 Fitzgerald. 191–93. remittance to. 255. work by. 146 Awadh: annexation of. 188 Hazratganj. 28). Mir Babar Ali. 79. 45. 252 majalis. Asrar al-Haq. 161. 103. 195. 131. 249 kafsh. 188 Farhat Bakhsh. 86. 51n35. 229. 206 Burhan al-Mulk. 250 Majaz. Great). Khwaja. 21. 163n4 Lawrence. film set in. 174. 126 fish emblem. 85. 215. 148. 246. 99. 149. 229. 51n28. 153. 238. 212–13. 248 Bourne. taiwaif bazi d Dacca. 57 Faizabad. 23n13. 11. Ghulam Hasan. 151. 126. Akhtar Mahal Sahiba. 30. 161. 206. 58. work in style of. Nathaniel. 201. 259 Compagnie des Indes Orientales. 259. Muhammad. 176. 10 Darshan Bilas. 11. 74 Coote. 11. 45. moves capital. gateway. 255 Farrukhabad. 214. 194–96. 118n43 Jawan Bakht Jahandar Shah. 79. 103. Sibtainabad Imambara. 72. 122. 251 I Kadar Piya. 235. 261. 46. 243. Benoit. 255 Ashiq. “white mughals. 148. 75. 29. 253 Azfari. 44. 82. 215. 126. 157. work by. 241 Great Uprising. 57. William. 254. dupatta. 188. 11 La Grange. 215. 154 – 55. 71. Samuel. 21). 163n21. 259 Chand. 250. 257. 232. 14. 255 Asafi Masjid. 247. 24. Rabia. 32. 247. 64. 133. 126. 151. 148. 165 Alam Bagh. 122. 230 F Baghdad: Al-Kadhimiya Masjid. 160–62. 257. 121. 93. 11. 78. migration to. wife of. 129. 50n9. 45. Jessie’s Dream (The Relief of Lucknow). 141. 276. 77. 161. 122. 152. 162. 259 Muhammad Ali Shah. 20. coronation. 132. 24. 17. 59 Delhi. 56. 117n15. 104. 23n12. 167. 149. 276 Abdur Rahim Bijnauri. 14. 88. 80. Bara Imambara. 252. 230. 255. 92. 182. 149. 33. 10. 250 children. 100n8. 48. Qadam Rasul. goshpech. mandil. 215. 86. 4 – 5. work by. 234. 172. 228. 100. 107. 217. 21). Mary Angela (Sultan Mariam). work attributed to. 86. Sibtainabad. sword presented to. 169. 126. 23n10. decadence. 131. 195. 59. 51n14. 92. 160. 10. 95. John. 241. 257 Moti Mahal. 81. 152. 126. 123. 31 Lawrie. 181. 67. 176. 153 Longcroft. 258 Mookherjee. 11. 58. 67. 10. 141. 56. Warren. 79 Beato. 83. 92. 253. imambara. 61. 23n10 Mir Muhammad Taqi. work by. financial control. 92. 175. 77. 248. 25. 163n21. 250. 67. 215. 35. 77. 150. 93. 23n9. 153. 259. 236 (detail). criticism of. 39. Meer Hassan. work by. 42 – 43. 92. 222. 20. work by. 167. 242. 160. 55. 131. 10. 250. 10. temple. 131. 182. 233 Karbala. depicted. 131. 84. 89. 196 Bakhsh. 253. 182. 107. Percy. 4 – 5. 130. 131. 40. turban. 18. 254. 160 head-wear: chaugoshia. 116. 221 (detail) Asaf al-Daula. 151–53. 112–13. as patron. 58. See Constantia McLeod. 223. work by. John. 167. 134. Ali Bakht. 188–89. 79. 260 Kettle. The. 106. 245 Ali Khan (Nizam of Hyderabad). 106. 81. 33. 121–22. 23n8. Beauties of Lucknow. English. 11. Asadullah Khan. 93. 145. 182. 117n22. 250. 181. 89. John. 141. 152. (Lance Corporal). 71. 18. C. 89. 114. 112. crown. 167. 165. 73. 182 Ashura. Thomas Jones. 178. rule. 175. 17. Eyre. 152–58. palace of Shuja al-Daula. 241. 233. 168. collection. 196. 168. 203 (detail). 20. 186. 124 –25. coat of arms. 106. 214. 55. 32. 16–17. 255. 237 (detail). 84. 114.Index Numbers in BOLDFACE indicate illustrations. 11. Short. work by. 141. 217. 148. 259 Chand. 61. depicted. 233–34. 65 Martin. 178. 228. 253 Farangi Mahal. Relief of Lucknow. 71. 188. 130. 39. 193–96 B Bakhsh. 65. 245. 20. 135. 175–76. 152. 71. mistress of. 257. painting style. 225n46. dress. 167. 153. 23n16. work possibly by. mausoleum of Safdar Jang. 158. Mir Kalan. 46. 84. 161. 21. 152. 93. 77. 126. 116. 118n38 Iran. 17–18. 163n4 Dara Shikoh. 105 Marsack. 89. 259 Baillie Guard Gate. 55. albums. 145. 84. 253 Chand. 217 (detail). 65. decline. 139. 183. 10. 249 Ghazi al-Din Haidar. 261 Khan. 19. 118n33. 44. Allyn. 185. 241. 257. John. 158. work by. work by. 100. Fort William. 123. 245.. 244. 141 Hodges. Talkatora. 86 Mughal: architecture. 131. 254 Lal Barahdari. 180. 72 G Haidar Beg Khan. 238 Jalal al-Din. 255. 105. 260. 247 Kashmir. 94–95. 51n14. 250. 56. 126. 244 Constantia (La Martinière). 119n67. Ozias. Edmund David. 194 Madhav. 11. 141. Mrs. 250 Kufa. 109. work by. 94. 20. 44. East India Company. 194 Jain. 44. sword presented by. Moti Mahal. 10. 92. 126. Colonel Mordaunt’s Cockfight. work attributed to. 61. 17. Qalandar Bakhsh. 126. 175. pistols presented by. shield presented by Maharaja of. 165. 92. The. god. Alexis de. 46. 182. 175–76. 118n62. 258. 217. 84. Mir. 58. 11. 238. 106. 126. 131. 185n9 Ghalib. Thomas Henry. 40. 183. 83. 29. 14. 201. Akbarnama. 241. second attack of. 212–13 Khurshid Manzil. 181. 152. 132. 33. 117n12 Asaf al-Daula. 10. Lucknow Album. 100. 215. caste. 258 Chattar Manzil. 225n53. Residency. 175. 18. 17 c Company-school painter. 151. 44. 188 Iraq. 84. 78. 90. 178. Louis-William. 129. 244. dopalri. 257 Coomaraswamy. Duncan. Claude. and Jains. 81. 260. 78 kathak dance.. 163n24 M Calcutta. Muhammad. William. 51n2. 36). 161–62 Amjad Ali Shah. 161 Karm Imam. 250. 158. 236. 11 Lal Bagh Gate. 54. treaty. 191. veil. 13. 258 Chand. 253. 135. 247. 175. 92. 29. 27. 18. 116 J Jagan. 62. Farhat Bakhsh. 170. 113 ghazal. 82 . 120. 243 H Insha. 11. 33. 91. 222. 112. 217. 187. 175. 10 Akbar. 124 –25. 141. 40. 148. 79. 165. 52 – 53. 92. 131. 151. medal. Muhammad. 117n8. 244. 10. 260 Beach. 215. 241. 81. 229. 80. 260 gota work. 152. 80. Oscar. 87. 50 Mallitte. Honoria. 259. 260 chikan textile. 108–9. 28. 130. 245. 246. 33. 176 Barker. 253. 258 jharoka scene. 10. 133. 75. Residency. 36. 94. 201. fortification. 141. 61. 142 – 43. 253 Fatehpur Sikri. 105. See Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk Buxar. 254. Shah Najaf. 74. 56. 86. 93. 72. 17. 131 Ali Khan (Nawab wazir). 235 Bengal Photographic Society. 250 L Gandhara. 93. collection. 181. 258 Ahmad Ali Khan. 224n31 Abul Fazl. 250. 255. See Timms. 158 bibi. 84. 161. 61. 92. 246. 93. 268 269 . 11. 170. 227. insignia. 256. 44. 132. 23n10. 182. 252. arsenal. 23n13. 17. 260 Bristow. 162. 56. 71. 65 Meer Hassan Ali. 248 S Sharar. John. 220. 114 Rampur. 148. 217. 233. 171. 246. battery in. 48. 109. 152. 217. 11. 152. 83. 99. 11. 50n10 nautch dance. 225(nn39. 67. 257. 67. kalidar (kaliondar) paijama. 180. 158. 105–7. 16. 260 Shah Pir Muhammad Masjid. 252. festival. Saadat Yar Khan. -style clothing. coat of arms. 185n17. 166. Munshi. 176. 17 trade: duty-free concession. Sleeman. 224n36. 232. 115. 106. painting by. 246. 23n13 Residency. 17. dress. 33. 238. 113. 66. John. 56. 258 Shah Najaf (imambara. 187. 94. 258. 10. Charles. 23n18. 248. 229. 213. 261. 58. 134. 248. 99. literary criticism. 260. 41. BUILDING SPONSORED BY: Pari Khana (parikhana). 253. 11. 167. Middleton. 214. 182 Sita Ram. 84. 168. 220. 141 Sufi. 181. 117n12. 110. manuscript and painting collection of. 150. 233. 92. 231. See also Meer Hassan Ali. 260 Qaisar Pasand. 81. depicted. 134. 130. 116. coronation. poster for film. 215 nazakat. tawaif. 148. 138. 185. 195 sultana. 188. 180. 250. 50n25. 100. 111 Zoffany. 54. 201. 71. 58. 56–57. 188. 241. 252. 79. drama. Turkish. 258. Geoff. 118n61. 141 Muhammad Ali Shah. 105. 51n25. 245. 121–22. 10. Richard Colley. 105. 260. 118n54 Nasir al-Din Haidar. 260 Sinclair. 67. 65. 99. 90–92. 91. 81. 250. 252. 80. 187. 113. 17. 55 rubai. 50n13. work by. Bhairavi. 106.. 191. 261 Urdu. 107. 10. 160. Henry. 18. 250. 224n1 thumri. Rahas Khana. 253 Musa Bagh. 67. 20. 21. 17. 111. 16. 254 Wajid Ali Shah. Johann. 59. 79. 56. 185. Diwan. 59. 11. 251. 201. 247. 87. 114–15. 156. 65. 54. 73. 77. 170 Safdar Jang. film. 83 R Nadir Shah. 84. 141. 255 Safavid dynasty. gateway. 114. 159. Twelver Shiism. 107–8. 110. 196. Charles. Fanny. 162. 10. Jami Masjid. 230 women: Beauties of Lucknow. 131. 255. 59 Premchand. 185. 90. calligraphy by. 61. 117n33 tax. 86. procession. siege of. 31. Rafi. 115. 252. qawwali. 252 T U Udgir. 261 rekhti. 214. 258 Muharram. 176. 23n18. 65. 258. 109 Nevasi Lal. 67. 141. Todi. destruction of. 44. illustrated album of. 154 – 55. 232. 79. Khwaja. 21. 253 rahas. 138. 83. 116. 40. 50. 69. 259 Rangin. 252 Sangster. 177. 59. 251. 185 Ray. taiwaif bazi. 142 – 43. 151. 141 Taj Mahal. 126. 11. 71. bibi. Munro. 255. as patron. 238. 254 Rohilla(s). 10. 10. 261. 200. 111. Ghulam Hamdani. 9). 92. 101n45 Nasikh. 123. 256. 85. 67. 158. 247–48. 238. 254 Sikander Bagh. 241. Hector. 88. 122–23. 67. Abraham. 229. 21 . 59. 185n9. 122. 78. 11. 172 . 46. work attributed to. 201 Shuja al-Daula. 254. 84. 166. work by. 67. 93. 200. Mrs. Richard. 54. 67. 246 taziya. 114. 67. John. 99. 220. shrine of. 238. 241. 241 trousers. 30. 86. 193 Ram Sahai. 255. 158. Robert. and East India Company. 183. Abdul Halim. 115. The. 81 Timms. 14. 108. exile. 17. John Edward. 110. 91. 153. 107 Shia. 254. 32). 167. 188. monument and shrine. 67. 90. 81. 119n67. 131. 126. 82 Q Qadam Rasul. 46. 255. 225n46. 260 Tanda. William. William H. 196. 244. concubine of. 212–13. 191. 181. 252. 165. 188. 10. 247–49 Usuli. 117n20 zenana. depicted. 250. 17. 118n57. 11. 199. 29. 68. 61. farshi paijama. 167. 245–46. 255. 113. 55. 126. 106. Deva Gandhara. 70. 145. 180. 256. 106. 93. 65 Vasudeo. 131. 16. 123. 55. 248. 185n4. 163n29. 59 Sital Das. 32–33. 64. 257 shers. 81. 212–13. 260. 229. 59. 18. 84. 93. ornaments worn by. William H. 81. 220. 51n20. 235. work by. 245. 75. 79. Mir Muzaffar Husain. presentation cup with coat of arms. 41 . 167. 118n42. 246. 201. Elizabeth. 117n32. 40. 92 V Vanbrugh. 115. 170. 254. 16. 50n10. 101n45 Shah Alam II. 65. 88 – 91. 126 Umrao Jaan. 67. 21. 256 Quilley. 233 Plowden. 183. 112. 166. 178. work possibly by. 56. fiction. 94. 160. 135. imambara. 78. 251. 67. work by. 79 paijama: farshi. work by. 261 nawabi dynasty. emerald seal ring belonging to. 93. 45. 253 Nishapur. 79. 250 Pari Khana (parikhana). 122. 126. 27. 94 Mushafi. 230.. 132. 232. import. 109. 70. 139. 236. 261 soz khwani. and Faizabad. 134. 151. 23n13. 23n8. 94 Padshahnama. 170–71. 250 tehzib. 241. 49). 245 Smith. 67. 175. 152 Musa al-Kazim. 196 Punj Mahalla Gate. 126. 117n26 Nasim. See also under courtesan: culture tawaifi zaban. 229. 61. depicted. 225n45. 251. 148. See also begam. 258 Shore. 86. 185n4. 58. 247. 11. 65. wife of. 44. 116. 229. 46. Qaisar Bagh. 216. 182. 251. 56. 17 Murray. John. 74. 77. 230. 248 stucco. 56–57. 32. 261 W padshah. 248. 161. BUILDING SPONSORED BY: Chattar Manzil. Tipu Sultan. musical preference. 233 Shamsa page. film poster designed by. 27. 23n11 Shuja al-Daula. 65. 20. 139. ceremonial mace. 56 Polehampton. 249. kalidar (kaliondar). 86. 92. 140. 135. Satyajit. 86. 249 Shepherd. 73. 255. 114. Ghulam Nabi Shori. work by. 90. 175. 21. Marquis of Hastings). 252. 118n48 Renaldi. 245 Rahas Khana. wife of. 258 Ragamala painting. 78. 23n12. 23n13. 54. 109. 41. 157. 253 Nidha Mal. 148 Ruswa. 110–13. 245 Parks. 116. Lal Barahdari. 46. 83. Daya Dhaukar. 50. 144. 11. 241. 99. 105. 251 Muin al-Din Chishti. 152. 199. Giles H. 100. panorama taken from. 234. 148. 10. depicted. See also courtesan taiwaif bazi. 32. 54. 78. 98. 184. 91–92. 129. 175. 241. BUILDING SPONSORED BY: fortification. 241. 181. 158 Resident. 68. 250. 71. masjid). 21. 149. 36. 69. 254 Solomon. 48. depicted. 211. 67. 168. 117(nn13. 245. 217. 20. 110–11. 244. 79 Udwat Singh. 246. 127. 252 Najaf. 17. 29. 89. 182. 250 Tytler. 250 Shir Muhammad. 259 Shah Jahan. 236. 239 270 271 . 245 riayat-i lafzi. 260 Simpson. 10. 114 wedding: celebration. 23n10 Sayyid Dildar Ali Nasirabadi. 241. 255. 215. 157. 251 Saché. 126. 79. Saadat Ali Khan. harems. 67. wives of. 49. 16. Robert Christopher. 252. 94. 122. 14. 44. 126. 59. depicted. 100. 167. work by. Ruins of the Residency. depicted. 230. 178. 181. 69. crown presented by. 248. palace. 20. 182. 119(nn70. 172. Hidden Imam. 247. 108 Riza ibn Ali Riza Khan. 182. 240. 72. work by. 106. 201. 10. 177. 217. 199. 18. 115. 58. 14 Royal Engineers. 11. 116. Khurshid Manzil. 65. 182. 232. 151. 20. 11. 118n51. 230. 58. 163n18 Murshidabad. 51n20. 78 Munro. 71. 118n52. 17. 51. 17. 10. 171. 27. 179. 10. 16. 16. 70. 37. 230. Biddy. 161. 245. 228. 52 – 53. 227 Sur Das. European. 257 Sleeman. 148. work by. 90 O Ouseley. 63. 116. 255 Russell. Imam Bakhsh. 196. 59 Sauda. 246. 194 Saadat Ali Khan. 171. 10. 114. 213–14. 82. 141. 238 tawaif. secluded. 159. Arthur. wives of. 31. 254. 10. work after. 134. 10. 182. 51n25. John. Ishqnamah. 104. 163n18. 126. 108. mausoleum of. 246. veil. 20–21. 71). 222. 112. 159. 112. 251. 141. 257 Taikatnagar. 20. 90–91. 230–38. work by. 232. 30. 11. 36 Wellesley. 33. 182. 22). 41. 11. 65. procession. 131. 258 Muhammad Shah. and Arthur Robertson. 168. 233. 181. 118n39. 244. J. 134. 188. 260. Francis (Lord Moira. 225n39. 118n52. 39. William. 27. 59 Plowden. 174. 215. 11. 187. 174. 18 Wombwell. 258 ragini: Bhairava. 249 Tikait Rai. 176. 48. 129. 109 Tennent. 23n9. 232. 159. 258. 101n23 Shori Miyan. 73. 50. 246.. 215 shaluka. 182. 235. 262. dinner and parties at. 235 Persian: language. depicted. 51n25. Hasan. 74. 84 Qaisar Bagh. coronation robe. 148. 151. 94. 99. 159 Wajid Ali Shah. 227. 84 shaikhzada. 117n32. 10. 80. 138. 124 –25. 257. 23n8. 117(nn12. 104. 244. 20. 79. 100(nn8. 165. 141. 114. 67. 148. 239. Francesco. 92. 163n12 royal observatory. BUILDING SPONSORED BY: Husainabad Imambara. 163n4 Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk. 95. 55. 185. 99. 229 peshwaj. zenana Z Zamir. 117n22 Rumi Darwaza. poetry.. 204. 51n37. 79. 230. 23n8. 118n33 Rawdon-Hastings. Gore. 119n65. 232. accession seal. 163n3 Polier. 2 (detail). Hadi. 139. 50. 252 Sunni. 98. 168. 114. Baillie Guard Gate. 178. 27. 130. 258 taluqdar. 153. 134. depicted. work by. 182 Umayyad. 65. 95. courtesan. export. 248 Sulaiman Shikoh. 47. 74. 238. 94. 131. 260. 50n10. William H. 11. 151. 183. and Harriet Christina. 17. 24. 67. Dilkusha Kothi. 261. 242. 100. 126. 61. 141 Tillotson. Antoine-Louis Henri. 191. 59. R. 99. 109 N 225n49. 65. 151. 101n27.86. 93. 55. depicted. 134 P raga. 16. 113 Wellesley. 224n36. Nathaniel. 126. 182. as poet. 61 Smith. 152. 48. 50n9. 122 . clothing. 176. 158. 213. 115. 50n13. 115–16. 56. terrace scene with. Roski Jr. Ahmanson Vice Chair Michael D. Fifth District Robert A. Stewart Resnick Vice Chair Peter Norton Geoffrey Palmer Anthony N. Smooke Barbra Streisand Sandra W. Lionel Bell Donald L. Day Julian Ganz Jr. MD Wendy Stark Morrissey Jane Nathanson Daniel N. Bohnett Suzanne Deal Booth Brigitte Bren Gabriel Brener Eva Chow Ann Colgin Kelly Day Joshua S. Kotick Vice Chair William T Fujioka Chief Executive Officer Mrs. Dwight M. Roth Carole Bayer Sager Terry Semel Florence Sloan Eric Smidt Michael G. Rebecka Belldegrun Nicolas Berggruen David C. Harry Lenart Robert Looker Michael Lynton Robert F. Terner Steve Tisch Casey Wasserman Dasha Zhukova Trustees Life Trustees Los Angeles County Museum of Art Executive Officers Michael Govan CEO and Wallis Annenberg Director Melody Kanschat President and COO William H. Bren Eli Broad Robert A. Steven F. Ahmanson Wallis Annenberg Frank E. Antonovich Supervisor. Fourth District William H. Lillian Apodaca Weiner Walter L. Maguire III Jamie McCourt Richard Merkin. Third District Terry Semel Co-Chair of the Board Don Knabe Supervisor. Mingst Mrs.Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors. 2010–2011 Board Officers Mark Ridley-Thomas Supervisor. Stewart Resnick Tony Ressler Edward P. Kotick Mrs. Kendall Eric Lidow William A. Bell Dr. Mrs. Second District Andrew Gordon Co-Chair of the Board Zev Yaroslavsky Supervisor. Weisman 272 . Friedman Camilla Chandler Frost Andrew Gordon Tom Gores Brian Grazer Ghada Irani Victoria Jackson Suzanne Kayne Robert A. 2010 Gloria Molina Supervisor. Pritzker Janet Dreisen Rappaport Mrs. Belin Mrs. Baxter Willow Bay Colleen Bell William J. First District Los Angeles County Museum of Art Board of Trustees.