Sacred Groves and Local Gods: Religion and Environmentalism in South India

WORLDVIEWSWorldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 www.brill.nl/wo Sacred Groves and Local Gods: Religion and Environmentalism in South India Eliza F. Kent Colgate University [email protected] Abstract In recent years, environmentalists and scholars of religion have shown an enormous interest in the pan-Indian phenomenon of “sacred groves,” small forests or stands of trees whose produce is set aside for the exclusive use of a deity. This article seeks to contribute to scholarship on sacred groves by considering the meanings that Tamil villagers in the Madurai region attach to them. First, I describe the answers that people give when asked why they do not cut the trees in sacred groves: namely, the trees are the shade-giving temples or beauty-enhancing adornments of the deity. Second, I contextualize local discourse about sacred groves in the environmental and political history of the region to uncover old paradigms that inform present-day beliefs and practices. The forest gods of Tamil Nadu, I argue, are closely modeled on the pāḷaiyakkārars (or poligars) of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, fierce local chieftains who formed alliances with, and sometimes defied, generations of rulers seeking to subdue the region. The often violent modes of worship these gods require has evoked considerable criticism, but I believe they have a lot to teach us about how people thrived for centuries in an unusually harsh environmental milieu. Keywords sacred groves, Tamil Nadu, fierce gods, guardian deities, poligars, violence Introduction In recent years, environmental NGOs, botanists, specialists in traditional medicine and anthropologists in India have shown an enormous interest in the pan-Indian phenomenon of “sacred groves,” small forests or stands of © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2009 DOI: 10.1163/156853508X394490 2 E.F. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 trees whose produce is set aside for the exclusive use of a deity. With the deepening of the global environmental crisis, many Indians concerned about the effects of deforestation have claimed the sacred groves of India as an ancient indigenous ecological tradition. Known by a variety of different names in different parts of India—in Tamil, they are called kōyilkāṭu (literally “temple-forest”) and sāmitōp (lit. “god grove”), or are referred to more simply in spoken Tamil as kāṭtḷ e irukka kōyil (“the temple that is in the forest”)—the beliefs and practices surrounding forested shrines also show considerable variation, as does their floral composition, their size and their embeddedness in concrete relations of property and patronage.1 Indeed, when one closely examines the phenomena across India, it seems “sacred groves” in different regions share little in common beyond the fact that their maintenance leads to the conservation of pockets of abundant and diverse flora and fauna in areas otherwise denuded by deforestation. Village dwellers in India rely on the natural resources of forests for their everyday subsistence. The trunks, branches and leaves of trees are used for firewood, medicine, animal fodder and housing materials. In addition, one must consider the value of the land itself in a densely-populated area where every small tract of potentially arable land is put under the plow. What beliefs or values motivate people to sacrifice such benefits in order to maintain these diminutive scraps of undeveloped forest? In this article, I provide two different ways of considering the meanings that people in villages in one region of Tamil Nadu attach to these forested shrines. First, I describe the answers that people whom I have interviewed in villages north of the great Tamil pilgrimage center of Madurai provide when asked why they do not cut the trees in sacred groves. Their answers are direct, and quite straightforward when regarded from the perspective of local cultural and religious assumptions. In addition, though, I believe there are subtler, less easily articulable reasons why it is important to maintain forested shrines. While the first approach adopts an emic point of view, the second takes a more critical perspective, contextualizing discourse about sacred groves in the history of the region to uncover very old paradigms that inform present-day beliefs and practices. 1) For an overview of sacred groves around India see, Ramakrishnan et al (1998). For perceptive analyses of sacred groves in particular regions of India see: Amrithalingam (1998 [Tamil Nadu]), Apfel-Marglin and Parajuli (2000 [Orissa]), Freeman (1999 [Kerala]), Gold and Gujar (1989 & 2007 [Rajasthan]), and Kalam (2001 [Karnataka]). E.F. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 3 By examining four mythic narratives that feature the fierce forest gods who typically preside over Tamil sacred groves, I seek to show that the villagers’ commitment to these groves is bound up with their commitment to the gods who reside there, who embody values and qualities that stem from the community’s past as fearsome warriors. In this argument, I find confirmation of Emile Durkheim’s well-known understanding of religion as “first and foremost a system of ideas by means of which individuals imagine the society of which they are members and the obscure yet intimate relations they have with it” (1995 [1915]: 227). But, like most societies, that of village Tamil Nadu is not simple, but complex, not homogenous but variegated, not unitary but fragmented and split. The forest gods so central to the tree protection practices that sustain these fragments of indigenous forest represent a part of Tamil village identity that is often disavowed, but from which people derive considerable vitality: the fearsome warrior-king who bends human and divine rivals, and even nature, to his will. As I demonstrate through an analysis of the environmental and political history of the region, this archetype does not come out of some shared human collective consciousness, but out of the concrete history of this community, in this place. Forest gods in Tamil Nadu, I argue, are closely modeled on the pāḷaiyakkārars (or poligars) of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, fierce local chieftains who formed alliances with, and sometimes defied, generations of rulers seeking to subdue the region. I begin by providing some background information on how sacred groves came to the attention of environmentalists in India and around the world. Sacred Groves: A Source of Hope Madhav Gadgil, a senior Indian environmental historian, established one of the key ideas that brought attention to India’s sacred groves, namely, that they provide an ecologically significant refuge for species (Gadgil and Vartak 1975). Gadgil drew on the work of evolutionary biologist G.F. Gause, whose experiments with protozoa demonstrated that in an environment where no limits were placed on the population of either prey or predator, one could prevent the extinction of prey species only by providing them with an area inaccessible to predators, from whence they could repopulate and colonize other areas (Gadgil and R. Guha 1999, 24). Sacred the ideology at work in the groves is not that of scientific natural resource management. In the 1970s. ecologists and environmental activists to share information and “best practices” for managing sacred groves (Gajula 2007). as well as by local and international environmental organizations like the World Wildlife Fund for Nature. Gadgil was already beginning to call for a national program that would preserve sacred . more than just utilitarian goals. Since the first publication of Gadgil’s theories about sacred groves in 1975. but religion and custom. one frequently finds in sacred groves trees that are themselves considered sacred. the taboos surrounding sacred groves limit the over-utilization of species by human beings. Yet environmental discourse surrounding sacred groves in India tends to represent the groves as a vanishing tradition. Other environmental benefits of the groves are that they serve as an in situ seed bank for native and medicinal plants. 24).4 E. funded by federal and state government agencies. Projects such as these entail. There have been numerous conferences in India bringing together botanists. essentially provide that kind of shelter to plants and animals from human use. updated for the present. nesting material and food for a myriad of animals and birds (1999. scholarly and popular interest in the groves has grown by leaps and bounds. they also communicate an inspiring utopian model of society. Restoration projects have sprouted all over the country. In addition. However. I would argue. Gadgil and others regard the sacred groves as an exemplary system of “traditional community resource management.F. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 groves. such as the banyan and the pipal. In the face of criticism from abroad. Gadgil and Ramachandra Guha have observed that many such sacred trees are “keystone species” that provide habitat. By restricting or regulating the use of forest products. he argued. materialistic and imbricated in global networks of commerce and information. Given all these ecological benefits. unlike the forest preserves maintained by the Indian government’s Department of Forestry. recharge and stabilize the underground water table and help to prevent soil erosion. part of a heritage of ancient wisdom that is being eroded as Indian society becomes more industrialized.” where natural resources held in common are conserved for the long-term benefit of the community. and deepening concern from within Indian society about the pace and direction of India’s development. educated. according to which the failures of the recent past can be reversed by developing more culturally sensitive methods that draw on the best elements from the ancient indigenous past. ) (Garcia and Pascal). Rather.P. in some regions. existence of ecologically valuable endemic species. Until recently. that the groves preserve patches of climax virgin forest is not supported by the botanical and ecological features of such forests (e. cooperative spirit of the law is achieved when it is actually implemented depends a great deal on local conditions.E. Even the scientific substance of claims made about the “pristine” nature of sacred groves has been contested. imperative to survey these sacred forests and properly assess their role in nature conservation so that these forests may continue to be preserved even if the religious beliefs associated with them weaken and may disappear” (1975: 320 [emphasis added]). He wrote. There is evidence that forested shrines preserve.g. the only existing patches of indigenous forest (Visalakshi 1995. species diversity. Government-owned land that is not inhabited nor already a National Park or State Wildlife Preserve can be designated a Community Reserve. etc. much of the scholarly discourse surrounding sacred groves focused on their environmental aspects and tended to generalize 2) Recently enacted legislation seeks to prevent such government-sanctioned dispossession of communities. But. “It is. And yet.2 More gravely. which glorifies the Hindu past in a way that antagonizes others. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 5 groves in the face of both increasing land pressure and the diminishing strength of traditional religious beliefs. tree density. Ramanujam and Kadambam 2001). essentialized vision of tradition that accompanies much of the rhetoric about sacred groves feeds into a resurgent and militant Hindu nationalism. Claude Garcia and J. which guarantees both local control of the land and its protection through the management and oversite of a committee of community representatives. whether or not the collaborative. The argument that Gadgil makes here has great appeal. What I have learned in my research on groves in Tamil Nadu neither confirms nor contradicts the arguments of such skeptics. Pascal have argued that the assertion. critics like Meera Nanda (2005) and Emma Mawdsley (2006) argue that the romanticized. A 2003 Amendment to the Wildlife Protection Act of 1972 provided a mechanism for the legal recognition of community involvement in the protection of habitat for fauna and flora. the rhetoric of the vanishing tradition can be used to sanction top-down appropriation of the effective ownership of sacred groves. . although I believe they merit further inquiry.F. frequently found in scientific and popular literature on sacred groves. this article seeks to correct what I see as widespread misrepresentations of the religious beliefs and practices surrounding the maintenance of forest shrines. as is often the case in India. therefore. At one level. biting live animals by the devotees. The impulse to reform seen in the work of some environmental NGOs has multiple sources. Sometimes the religious convictions of environmentalists themselves leads them to disparage.F. exorcism. “Sanskritization. throwing animals from heights. sustained attention to the religious aspects of the groves has led to simplistic views of devotion in these groves as a form of nature worship (thus testifying to the inherently “ecological” nature of Hinduism) or as gross superstition (thus testifying to the “primitive” nature of Hinduism). Many scholarly publications are dominated by the normative assumption that an environmentally minded. it is part of a centuries-long vector of religious change in the direction of assimilating local religious practice with pan-Indian Brahmanical modes of religiosity. particularly animal sacrifice. in his ground-breaking survey of the sacred groves of Tamil Nadu. it is difficult for communities who maintain forested shrines to enter into equal partnerships with them. or seek to reform elements of local religious practice that they find distasteful. Amrithalingam describes the animal sacrifices that take place in the groves as “particularly gory and cruel. is a long-standing pattern in South Asian religious history.” the adoption of Brahmanical norms. So long as government agencies and NGOs regard the religiosity surrounding sacred groves as a variety of “superstition. For example.6 E. secular thought. respectful.” destined to be superceded either by a more refined religious sensibility or by rational. rituals. tearing them apart with bare hands. unspoken assumptions about religion held by many environmentalists may also contribute to the discomfort some feel in the face of the rituals of possession. M. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 broadly about the religious beliefs and practices surrounding them. and positive religion is better than a religion that encourages exploitative and environmentally negative . and beliefs by upwardly mobile non-Brahman groups. which can be seen in diverse forms such as the placement of protective curtains in front of formerly meat-eating deities when sacrifices are offered. “It is unfortunate that little has been done to educate people about the cruelty of this form of worship” (1998: 17). Lack of careful. involving live impalement. At another level.” He continues. As Kocku von Stuckrad writes. self-mortification and animal sacrifice that are regular features of the worship found in sacred groves. The latter mode has dominated discussions of sacred groves in Tamil Nadu. Moreover. material and supernatural. Although there may be good reasons for advocating the environmentally positive currents in religious traditions. social. it is important to provide some background information on the environmental and historical context in which the sacred groves in this part of Tamil Nadu find their meaning. if by that we mean exhibiting a “reverence” for nature. Sri Azhagar Koyil: The Environmental and Political History of a Sacred Center Among the sacred groves that I have observed and visited since the summer of 2001 are nine located in an area about three miles northwest of . it seems especially important to listen carefully to what the people who have protected the flora and fauna surrounding sacred groves over time have to say about them. the men and women with whom I spoke come across as hard-headed pragmatists.E. who seek to draw liberally on all the resources available to them. you affect all others. Before describing that religiosity in greater detail. as one investigates the cosmological framework that supports the protection of trees in these villages one finds a great deal that defies conventional thinking about “folk” Hinduism in Tamil Nadu. What about so-called “sacred groves” is sacred to the people who maintain them? In my research I have found very little in the stated beliefs and practices of people who maintain these groves that could be seen as evidence of an “ecological” ethos. In a context in which policies are being designed and implemented about how best to preserve these ecologically significant patches of forest. 43).F. And yet. On the contrary. the religiosity surrounding these shrines exhibits great complexity and historical depth. some of which are guided by unconscious normative assumptions about religion. this hidden agenda often leads to an ultimately colonializing attempt of ‘improving’ religions that are deemed ecologically inferior (2007. if we want the human species to survive. which rests on an awareness of being ensconced in a dense network of relationships with a wide range of beings such that if you affect one element. it seems to me that there is a profoundly ecological ethos embedded in the religious cosmology that their beliefs and rituals articulate. in order to thrive in a difficult environment. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 7 human behavior. Far from being a crude form of superstition. However. Topographical Map of Natham area Madurai. . or Vishnu”). In the valleys that splay out from the ridges of the Azhagar Hills (on the East). the deity who is equally. to the east and west of the Natham road that connects Madurai city to the market town of Natham. about whom we will learn more shortly. Sri Azhagar.8 E. The villages in which one finds the richest tradition of maintaining sacred groves are located in the Melur and Natham taluks. and the second largest city in Tamil Nadu. there are references to Tirumaliruncolai dating back to the time of the Alvars.” A geographical and spiritual center of great antiquity located at the base of a forested mountain. Dindigul District. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 Figure 1. and the Sirumalai and Perumalai Hills (on the West). a major pilgrimage destination. Vaishnava saints of the seventh to tenth centuries CE. the “beautiful Lord. if not more important to local people than Sri Azhagar is his kāvalkkārardeyvam (guardian deity).F. are dozens of villages bound together into a single cultural region by their common orientation to Tirumāliruñcōlai (“the grove of Tirumāl. a temple dedicated to a local form of the pan-Indian deity Vishnu. growing center of commerce. Sri Patinettampati Karuppusami (lit. “the Dark God of the Eighteen Steps”). First. and water from this spring is carried from the summit of Azhagar mountain to the temple at the base of the hill. water from Noopura Ganga is central to the religious rituals of people in the surrounding villages. the rising population along with their herds led to unsustainable levels of tree cutting for firewood. Describing “Vishnu’s mountain” as a cool oasis in a landscape parched by summer heat. Azhagar koyil was an outpost of Madurai-centered kingdoms in the sparsely populated but strategically important territory north of the capital. fodder. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 9 Some sense of the environmental history of the region can be gained by considering the changing conditions of the hills and plains surrounding Sri Azhagar’s temple. came considerable impact on the landscape. Its location in a solai. The mountain is also home to a Murugan temple. In fact. Tirumaliruncolai. According to a somewhat eccentric history of the temple (sthalapurānam) written in English in 1942. which is one of the six principal Murugan temples in Tamil Nadu. Pazhamudhirsholai. as in the northern plains of Tamil Nadu. which in turn feeds many natural springs. 1623-55). One of these. Guha 1999. It is likely that in this region. the ruins of the fort of Tirumalai Nayaka (r. Political instability led to the disruption of agriculture in many places. In the medieval and early modern period. when it was cited in the Jain epic. timber and so forth. Even today. untilled land turned to thorny jungle (S. Second. the most famous of the Madurai Nayaka kings. Sri Noopura Ganga is considered a goddess tantamount to the Ganges.E. are still visible today in the modern town of Azhagarkoyil. the site has been known through the ages by many names. Nayakas and Vijayanagara overlords. vines and herbaceous plants. When mature forests in this area—with their tall trees and relatively sparse undergrowth— . there were the effects of frequent warfare in the region between Mughals and Marathas. Nayaka and Muslim rulers. where “deer stand and cry aloud thirsty and panting for water. 37).F. Beneath the dense tree cover a vast sponge-like network of roots retains rain water. is indicated by its formal name. a grove made cool and beautiful by the presence of many trees. The mountain enjoyed distinction even as far back as the fifth century CE. for use in all the temple rituals (Radha Krishna 1942: 240-241).” Ilango notes the existence of three pools that bestow miraculous gifts on those who bathe there (Parthasarathy 1993: 112-113 [Canto 11. and was patronized by Vijayanagara. however. With steady increases in population. the Cilapatikāram by Il ̣aṇgō. verses 87-130]). rather than collective sharing of its use-value.” To the degree that the Azhagar temple itself was one of the main landowners in the area. control of the temple was transferred to the Temple Committee (a precursor of the Hindu Religious Endowments and Charitable Trusts Board) under Act XX of 1863 (Radha Krishna 1942: 60). Radhakrishna. Thomas Bowyer Hurdis. the British District Collector of Madurai. Mr. changes in its management also had profound environmental effects. With the decline of Nayaka rule in the eighteenth century. However. the produce from which was shared among the many people who provided service to the deity at the temple’s center. Under East India Company rule. the temple passed through various hands as Muslim and British rulers vied for control of the area. This was not motivated so much by religious tolerance but by strategic realpolitik. Finally. and it laid the groundwork for further radical changes in the administration of the temple and its properties. Tirumaliruncolai was no different. The temple was managed by the District Collector until 1817. sought to reorganize the functioning of the temple in his capacity as chief trustee (Radha Krishna 1942: 59). and then by the Board of Revenue from 1817-1863. and the temple lost control over considerable property.F. British administrators assumed many of the functions of traditional Indian sovereigns. Temples were central nodes in what Arjun Appadurai and Carol Breckenridge (1976) call a “redistributive network” of both tangible and intangible resources. offers a plaintive description of this loss: . In a major departure from tradition. Temples possessed vast tracts of lands held in the name of the deity. in 1801. This move was consistent with British ideas that social stability was fostered better through private ownership of land. Hurdis assigned permanent ownership of temple lands to people who had previously enjoyed only usufructory rights in exchange for the services they rendered to the temple. and as such were key sites for the constitution and legitimation of political authority in early modern south India. It was in the course of the latter transfer of management that things became really confused. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 were cut for lumber and fuelwood they were replaced by dense but short secondary growth forest known as “scrub jungle. including serving as the chief patrons of Hindu temples. A particularly hard blow was the transfer of the forested hills surrounding the temple into the hands of the Forest Department in 1886. and much of the land surrounding the temple was effectively owned and managed by it in the name of Sri Azhagar. The historian of Azhagar Koyil.10 E. virtually desolate land. naturally. river-fed lands that have traditionally formed the religious and political centers of Tamil culture (e. How the Temple Administration also failed to advance their claim to these Hills when the Government attempted at annexation remains a mystery. as opposed to the rich. dated 25-8-1939. were showing “notable” improvement (137). Tanjore with the Kaveri river and Madurai with the Vaigai). By 1914. refer to .O. “On all these hills the growth (which is all deciduous) was cut to ribbons in the days before conservation began. In 1871 it was reported that almost every stick had been cleared as far as the base of. The enjoyment of Sri Alagar’s Hills by the Devastanam [the Temple] has now practically vanished except in respect of a few items as per G. facing Madurai. But by some grevious error the Government annexed these Hills. Development. W. Francis writes in the Madura District Gazetteer that prior to their transfer to the control of the Government in 1886 the forests on the full ten-mile range of the Alagar Hills were almost completely denuded by the lack of protection. This territory has long had a reputation for being an ungovernable wasteland. the ecological marginality of the people in this region corresponded with their political and social marginality. Zimmerman 1988). the southern slopes of the Azhagarmalai ridge. is the famous “Sri Alagar’s Hills” otherwise known as “Then Thiruppathi.g. (71) Representatives of the colonial administration.” These hills were till 1886 in our absolute possession and enjoyment. and for a considerable distance up. which are managed by the Dindigul Forest Division. a set of assumptions reinforced by the belief held by many Tamils that people and the land they inhabit mutually reinforce each other’s character (Daniel 1987: 79-95. Francis was able to report that due to conservation practices introduced in the late-nineteenth century. As with other groups who inhabited the dry. who today are primarily responsible for the maintenance of sacred groves. 2111 Ms.E. . . No. Nowadays. One of the reasons that Azhagar mountain has attracted so much devotional and political interest is the way it stands out from the surrounding landscape as a green and cool oasis in the midst of a dry. and has been regarded as the abode of thieves and bandits. He writes. and in places. had a different point of view on the transfer of the Azhagar Hills.F. the forests covering the Azhagar hills. rain-fed areas of Tamil Nadu. the slopes of the Sirumalais” (Francis 1914: 137). . Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 11 Another equally important item of property which we have lost very recently. Members of the dominant caste community of the area. are quite dense and thick. one of the three hid himself behind a door. One day while her husband was off on business. or the possessor of pride. Kallars would be paid an annual fee to serve the village. the Mar̠avārs and the Agampātiyārs. As such they were responsible for protecting herds and property. Putukkottai and Tanjore. s.” (Thurston and Rangachari. While classical versions of the tale make no mention of offspring. Indra.” has very negative connotations and is rarely used. According to a local system of policing. overseeing the harvesting and distribution of the produce of the land. or kāvalkkāran.3 Like many groups in early modern India. “three [from] Indra”) or Muppannar. Indra took the form of Gautama and came to her. The myth that narrates their origins gives some insight into their morally ambivalent reputation. called pāṭikkāval. and that the Kallars were a wild and predatory tribe. they trace their origins to the rain god. but they were known primarily for their role as village watchmen. If there were thefts under their watch. thus earning for himself the name of Akamudeiyan. especially herding and farming. by all accounts it does appear that for at least three centuries the Kallars of Tamil Nadu had a fearsome reputation. preying on the hard work of the noble peasants. the Kallars make up the Muvendra (lit. he was henceforth called Kallan. “Kallars”. and maintaining law and order. 3: 63). whilst the third brazens it out and stood his ground. Significantly. they were involved in a variety of different occupations. with branches and sub-castes extending from their putative native country West of Madurai to northern areas around the cities of Melur. from maram. Muvendra origin myths relate that “When the Rishi returned. as they were descended from the adulterous union of Indra and Ahalya. leading in part to the colonialists’ view that this policing system was no better than a form of blackmail. if a community decided to do without their policing and protective services.F. a tree. though they are often known in colonial and post-colonial anthropological literature as Kallars. Indra lusted after Ahalya. Kallars were known as a martial group who offered protection to other castes particularly from thieves and cattle-raiders. Viewed from within local categories and norms. and was therefore called Maravan.v. and he thus acted like a thief. However. Another got up a tree. the kavalkkarars 3) Along with the two other major warrior castes of Tamil-speaking south India.12 E. a wife so chaste she enjoyed the power of scooping water out of the river and carrying it on her head without the need for any vessel. given the fact that they all inhabit dry regions. We should be cautious before too quickly endorsing the view that the British had of groups who explicitly contested their rulership. A numerous caste.” Indeed. they had to make good for any losses themselves. king of the gods of the Brahmanical pantheon. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 themselves as Ambalakkarars. . Today the caste designation “Kallar. the Kallars could forcefully seize compensation for themselves. wife of the sage Gautama. since it means literally “thief. and pay tribute to our equal?” (Thurston. where affairs having to do with justice and corporate-decision making are conducted (Thurston and Rangachari s. each of which was effectively ruled by a palaiyakkarar (Dirks 1982: 49-50. This community’s preferred caste title “Ambalakkarar” means literally “people of the ambalam” or village center. their governors in Madurai.4 When they wished. s.E. Palaiyakkarars (known as poligars in British sources and Little Kings in more recent historiography) were drawn from Kallar lineages.” and were distributed in a vast network throughout the dry zones of southern India. What reason is there that we should be obedient. and muster troops for the king. they would on no consideration permit the then Government [the Madurai-based Nayakas] to have any control or authority over them. and Rangachari 3: 58-59).v. our cattle plough. along with other martial groups and Telegu-speaking “northerners. in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries it was the Ambalakkarars’ ability to coordinate their efforts that allowed some lineages to parlay their hired-gun status as protectors of communities into recognition as the established sovereigns of small kingdoms. and exacted “taxes” for such service. even formalizing the palayakkarar system by dividing the country into seventy-two pālaiyams (“fortified domain. 1982). the Cullers would answer with contempt: ‘The heavens supply the earth with rain. Such independence and willingness to defy authority 4) The poligar system was probably initiated during the Vijayanagara empire. and we labour to improve and cultivate the land. “Ambalakkarar”). When the Vijayanagar empire weakened. “During the feudal system that prevailed among these Colleries [Kallars] for a long time. Subramanyam 2001: 170-71). In return they kept one-quarter to one-third of the state’s share of the harvest. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 13 operated in many ways like kings. through the gathering of all the men at an assembly held at the village center. camp”).F. Rather than being led by a single hereditary chief. In one of the earliest pieces of colonial ethnography on the Kallars. “Kallars”. Arguably. Thomas Turnball wrote in 1817. While such is the case. . quasi-democratically. albeit over diminutive territories: they provided protection from harm using their skill at arms. collect revenue. the Ambalakkakars pride themselves on their ability to make corporate decisions. When tribute was demanded. when local chieftains were entrusted with the responsibility to maintain law and order. They too allocated these same responsibilities to local chieftains. or pālaiyakkārars (Ludden 1985. Dirks 1987. gained control over large tracts of territory in southern Tamil Nadu. we alone ought to enjoy the fruits thereof. these headstrong independent figures could be thorns in the side of other rulers with regional aspirations. the Telegu-speaking Nayakas.v. in 1885. “land that looks towards the sky [for rain]”). sugar cane. for many decades farmers in the area mostly grew payir. who next sought to subdue this refractory group. . cotton. a collective name for crops grown on good soil (rice paddy. they were subject to a combination of intense police surveillance to contain them. Even though much has changed in the life-worlds of the Ambalakkarars over the last one hundred years. one is struck by their attachment to their traditional identity and to the community’s coherence. Sacred Groves: Shelter and Shade The sacred groves maintained by Ambalakkarar-dominated villages in this region are small in size—ranging from one-half to three hectacres in area. but they have more than likely been involved in a long process of peasantization (S. kinship and ritual ties that bind together all of the “eighteen” Ambalkkarar villages in the region. Many Ambalakkarar villages are now filled with jasmine flower gardens and mango and coconut orchards.F. the Ambalakkarars were also farmers. sorgham. In the dry villages of the Melur taluk they made their living from vānā pārtta būmi (Tamil. In the past twenty years many farmers have turned to the more lucrative cultivation of fruit trees and flowers. The present day corporate solidarity of the caste is reflected by members’ attention to the innumerable marital. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 led to some subcastes of Kallars being classified as a “criminal tribe” by the British. and warriors as primitive “tribals” living in complete isolation. Pandian 2005). However.5 According to local residents. Under this designation. From that time irrigation water has allowed agriculturalists in the region to boost production substantially (Mohanakrishnan). the produce of which is exported throughout the region and the world. 5) British historiography tends to represent Indian communities of mountain-dwelling foragers.14 E. “eighteen” being less a numerically accurate than an auspicious number. and social reform measures designed to civilize and domesticate them (Blackburn 1978. Guha 1999). lit. in addition to their so-called “traditional occupation” as village watchmen. etc. As mentioned previously. herders.). construction was completed on the Periyar Dam. or in tenuous contact with agriculturalists. located about 90 miles (150 kilometers) away at the headwaters of the Vaigai River in the Western Ghats. With the development of agriculture came the conclusion of a centuries-long process of “settling” for the supposedly criminal Kallars. Sacred Grove near Sigupati While some sacred groves stand out as verdant patches of forest in the midst of dry grazing lands. so you don’t pollute the space. Strychnos nux vomica). Tamarindus indica). sacred groves in Tamil Nadu are not marked with fences or clear boundaries. The trees typically found in these groves represent a range of species including kanciramaram (strychnine tree. and karangalimaram (red cutch. Albizia amara). veppamaram (neem or margosa tree. Syzygium cuminii). puliyamaram (tamarind tree. alamaram (banyan tree. Acacia chundra). Typically. navalmaram (black plum tree. although local residents (and Forest Officers) know their boundaries very well. These latter groves tend to merge into the Forest Reserve lands that they border. karpuramaram (eucalyptus. just as you should take off your shoes in an ordinary Hindu temple. While some of these trees are useful to humans for their fruit or medicinal qualities. asilamaram (bitter acacia. nor are there usually clear images in their centers. others are nestled in the valleys of the surrounding hills.F. or a Hindu home. you know you are entering one when people ask you to take off your sandals. Azadirachta indica). Eucalyptus globules). Rather. and many of them have . Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 15 Figure 2. Ficus benghalensis).E. F. among those growing in their groves. In that way. Where there are more trees. Moreover. Azhagaapuri) . but people I spoke with freely mentioned eucalyptus. most have limited economic utility. when I asked if medicinal plants (mulikai) were more likely to grow in sacred groves. but that in other places they have cut them down to grow plants with economic value. which could explain why they are not cut down. (Interview. one also finds a taboo against cutting his trees. people assume the presence of a god.6 In Tamil Nadu. Entrance to Sacred Grove at Valayapatti religious associations. 30 December 2004. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 Figure 3. And where people believe a god resides. a clear and widely recognized reciprocal relationship exists between trees and sacred places. Stories about the divine punishment meted out to transgressors act as deterrents against casual encroach6) Sacred groves are important to botanists and environmentalists as sanctuaries for indigenous species not found elsewhere. a clear foreign import. the taboos against cutting have allowed medicinal plants to be more abundant in sacred groves.16 E. but because they belong to the deity and it would be disrespectful to cut them down. This is not because the trees themselves are considered sacred. my informants answered with characteristic pragmatism that it is not necessarily the case that medicinal plants are more plentiful around temples. Though his father warned him not to do it. when the Kallars were at the height of their independence. At the broadest level. an older woman named Chinnakkal told a story about a wealthy man who came and cut trees in the sacred grove dedicated to two goddesses. in Usilampatti. and then supplement that fund with any revenue generated by the temple itself or by lands owned by the temple. In addition. It is possible that the groves. Usilampatti). Rather. 15 December 2005. and may communicate a recognition of what has been lost in the course of the community’s and the region’s material “progress. Kalam 2001). the reasons they gave for why . For example. crepuscular light filtering through the trees. the forested shrines for Karuppuswami. Generally. with an eerie. the fact that these areas are not normally accessed by people from outside the community makes them easier to police (cf. First he lost his money. with the agreement that a share of the proceeds be used to celebrate the god or goddesses’ annual festival. with their towering trees and dense undergrowth. Taking their imagery and ritual vocabulary from the days of Nayaka kings. Aiyannar. recall elements of the natural landscape that have disappeared along with the rough and tumble lives of the Kallars.E. who were sisters. communities sometimes auction off the right to collect the fruits of the black plum or tamarind trees. communities typically collect a certain amount of money (100-500 rupees) from each household in the village. fireworks. For example. The shrines’ verdant setting. the groves offer a space where the “Kallar” component of Ambalakkarar identity can be remembered and forged anew.” However. and color posters advertising the festival posted far and wide. and then he lost his sight (Interview. the community (in cooperation with the deity) enforces taboos that limit the use of forest produce within sustainable levels. To fund them. These annual festivals are no small affair. and the occasional village goddess represent a link back to the days of the pre-settled Kallars. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 17 ment and enables the community to police the sites more aggressively (cf. Gold and Gujar 2007). this interpretation is not one that Ambalakkarar villagers themselves ever articulated to me. he went ahead. but multi-day elaborate and expensive productions with massive displays of electric lights.F. provides an important backdrop for rituals that narrate the migration into this region of the Ambalakkarars and the gods who protect them. “The reason trees are made to grow in the temple is that the temple should be good [healthy]. when representing the direct speech of the people I interviewed. It should look beautiful . An elder in the village of Azhagapuri said. Yet in order to understand even these reasons. but the most common built structure was a temporary shed made from palymra leaves. I describe and explain the most common answers that people gave when I or my field assistants asked them why they did not cut the trees in this areas. in that devotees “take on” the heat of the season by walking for miles in processions that led to the deity’s main shrine. as evidenced in Brenda Beck’s classic 1969 ethnography on hot and cool themes in Tamil ritual. It should be cool inside. In the next section. one has to consider them in the light of several aspects of Tamil religion and culture. Most of the groves in the Madurai region had no permanent built structures in them. leading to environmental degradation in those groves that have been built up over time. This notion that the gods need our care in order to keep cool is widespread in Tamil religiosity. I delve deeper into the cultural meanings and social relations embedded in sacred groves through a close examination of four narratives featuring the fierce forest gods who reside there. Here Sri Murugan is relieved of his 7) One notable trend discernable in forested shrines over time. the built structures in the grove gain more importance and sacred value than do the surrounding flora. For example.7 In the absence of built structures. Because if there is hot sun He will be uncomfortable” (interview. first analyzed by Hughes and Chandran (1997). It’s like a house. In the following paragraphs. a major Tamil deity. Where the significance of a literal translation is not clear. in the hot season of May and June exhibit this pattern. is that as a temple “Sanskritizes” or modernizes. . I translate colloquial spoken Tamil into English. I have added words in brackets that attempt to clarify the speaker’s meaning. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 they protect the trees within the precincts of forested shrines were much simpler and more direct. the rituals conducted for Lord Murugan. . and thus the significance of the groves for the Ambalakkarar communities who maintain them. 12 December 2005).18 E. the most straightforward meanings people give to the flora of a sacred grove is that the tall trees protect forest-dwelling deities from rain and from the heat of the sun. . First and foremost the groves are sites where gods reside. just as built temples shelter deities who stay in the village. In both sections. which typically decomposes in two or three years.F. in some groves an open-air structure with a tile roof supported by four wooden posts covered the terracotta votive offerings left by devotees. thus they are temples. although they may not contain any structures in them at all. the rules governing this property are not those of modern private property (with one individual having sole right to use or sell the land). but also with their shade. the beauty of forested shrines is connected to their healthgiving properties of being cool and refreshing. the god’s property or wealth (contam). God’s jewelry is different. but rather harken back to feudal times. Your wife’s jewelry is for your “own use” [using the English phrase] and that of your relations. which in such a hot climate has immeasurable value.” “decoration”) of these outdoor temples or of the gods themselves. If this is true for a god whose nature is predominately benevolent and protective. a recurring theme in the discourse surrounding trees and forests in India is the connection between beauty and well-being.F. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 19 heat. Again and again. by having buckets and buckets of cool milk poured over his image. while you can borrow against your wife’s jewelry. his wrathful nature would come to the fore and the results would be terrifying. explained the prohibition against cutting trees in a sacred grove by comparing the trees to the literal alankaram. if you steal it or use it you will be punished. Were he to become excessively hot. To the extent that the produce of the trees is used in a limited way to support the temple festival. Even in times of great loss you cannot borrow against the Goddesses’ jewels. how much more so for those deities whose nature is not unambiguously gentle and good? A related idea articulated by many informants was that the trees are the alan ˙kāram (lit. However. the jewelry and rich saris. Other informants seemed to interpret the equation of trees with the deity’s alankaram as signifying that the trees are the gods’ tangible wealth. not only with the fruit of their boughs. by extension “beauty. with usufructory rights being given temporarily to people who compensate the temple with a portion of the land’s produce. the trees of a forested shrine do serve as the property of the deity. Trees are gracious and generous. both for gods and humans. when the fruits of property held in the name of the king or a god were distributed among various share-holders after a sizable share was appropriated for the enjoyment of the “owner. whether interpreted as health or material bounty. Apart .E. used to adorn the village goddess (or Amman.” Ponukalai. As suggested by the informant quoted above. literally “Mother”). when asked why one could not cut the trees surrounding a deity’s temple. an Ambalakkarar resident of the area. people answered that it was His. As Ann Grodzins Gold and Bhoju Ram Gujar (2007) and Albertina Nugteren (2005) have explored. “adornments”. at an aesthetic level. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 from festival times. etc. In much Tamil discourse. referring to the trees as alankaram is a reversal of the usual dichotomy in Tamil discourse between nature and civilization or culture. 1 July 2004. prominent village or lineage leaders.F. The towering trees do add to the beauty of the spot. the complex nature of ownership of temple forests probably acts as a break on development. crafted. Here. . of the temple or the deity makes perfect intuitive sense. At another level. Valaya Patti Madurai District) Like the trees of the fierce (usually male) deities who reside in sacred groves outside the village center. Alankaram is typically precisely that which is made (seykai). animals or the lower gods of the pantheon (Hart). since so many individuals (including the deity.8 Moreover. The groves and the taboos surrounding them gain meaning within the context of this dichotomy. whose resources can be tapped and transformed into the means of kingship—the epitome of order. embellished or deliberately cultivated beyond its natural state. only arises with the subduing and controlling of nature. and the temple management committee. the appreciation given to undisturbed flora seems to complicate the usual valuation of the dichotomy. A frequent theme in both folk and classical Indian literature is the opposition between settled and wild space. clothing the space with cool shade and providing a lovely green backdrop for the terracotta votive offerings or images of the deity frequently found in sacred groves. where the wilderness represents an encompassing yet chaotic realm of danger and fertility. not that which appears or grows spontaneously.). though. the identification of the trees as the adornments.20 E. whether embodied in women. it is kept in a “dum” box [chest] that requires three keys to open it. speaking through an oracle) must agree before any large-scale changes can take place (Kent and Ramanujam 2007). the more highly valued of the pair. or iyar̠kai (the Tamil word most frequently used for “nature”). including temple servants (priests. or jewelry. so does the disposition of the trees of a temple grove require the collaboration of a complex group of individuals. And just as the chest holding the jewels of the village goddess can only be opened when all the keys held by different members of the community (or lineage) are present. (Interview. civilization. the gold and bejeweled necklaces used to adorn the village goddess during worship are Her contam. articulated within Tamil culture as a tension 8) As I have argued elsewhere. Her own wealth. exile in the desert and settled living in Jerusalem. even dangerous gods. whom Masilamani aptly calls “wilderness gods” (perhaps playing off the neologism kāṭttu-sāmi). Ritual and the Politics of Dignity in a South Indian Village. forbidding. and Shiva. where each circle is associated with deities whose nature and function corresponds to the zone they reside. It is also known as the ambalam. and conduct the annual village festival and about what to do as a village about proposals that come from outside. The mantai is also the place where the assembly meets to make important decisions—about disputes over property and sexual morality. these people. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 21 between the ūr and the kāṭu. Usually graced by the supine presence of from one to a dozen men. or the forest and the village of Grimm’s fairy tales.F. Mines 2005: 125-135). unpredictable. that are most frequently found in forested shrines. and from the surrounding agricultural lands with their irrigation tanks to the most encompassing and wild forest zone. from which the caste of Ambalakkarars get their name. or central meeting place. and their progress through time—both recent and long past. a rectangular platform of compacted dirt about ten by twenty feet wide and raised about two feet off the ground. but necessary forest that encompasses it. deities are arranged in a spatial order such that gods with a wilder. This is not a duality found only among Indians or Tamils but rather recalls similar patterns found in many cultures around the world: the city on the hill in the midst of a wilderness. Vishnu (Perumal). more dangerous character are found farthest from the settled center (Masilamani-Meyer 2004: 55-63. In or near the village’s mantai one tends to find gods familiar from the pan-Indian pantheon— e.9 ̣ In many villages in Tamil Nadu. the polarity between the settlement and the forest takes shape through the cultural categories and history of this place. along with the village 9) In her marvelously detailed ethnography on the role of religion in village life. the physical center of the ur is marked by the mantai. something which I cannot investigate here for reasons of space. especially in terms of caste relations. forms of Ganesh. sleeping off the heat of the day in the shade of a tall spreading tree. Fierce Gods: Inequality.E. In Tamil religious culture one finds a clear pattern whereby the living space of a village community can be mapped as a series of concentric circles.g. Diane Mines (2005) investigates the way the pantheon of gods is related to social structure. But like any archetype. It is these fierce. . about when to plant and harvest. From the civilized heart of the village to the village boundary. it is the social and ritual heart of the village. the inhabited settled center of a community and the wild. they really are worshipping a representation of themselves. people’s first answer is typically that the forest gods are ̣ duṣtadeyvankal. this antique tool for pounding the husk off of grains of rice seems to reference the deities’ aversion to domestic life with all the impurity and drudgery that it entails. fertility and prosperity (Masilamani-Meyer 2004: 57). But it is important to keep in mind that the fierce gods of the forest are also self. rootedness—the fierce gods who live in the forest embody the warrior/hunter dimension of Ambalakkarar (Kallar) identity. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 goddess. as has been amply demonstrated (Whitehead 1921 [1916].” ̣ but locals gloss it as referring to gods that are angry. dangerous or short-tempered. with the potential to be either benign or malevolent. however. Masilamani-Meyer 2004: 63-65). an amman (“mother”) goddess is rarely found in the village center. People figuratively convey this short-tempered quality of fierce gods by saying that the reason the deity must live outside the village is that He or She “should not hear the sound of the mortar and pestle” (ural ulakkai kēṭta kutāṭu) (cf. Village goddesses such as Mariyamman and Muttalamman have an ambivalent moral quality. Masilamani-Meyer 2004). The pitiman thus contains the energy or shakti of the whole village. indeed.F. fertility. Mines 2005:130-135). Kapadia 1995. While the village mother goddess embodies the values of the settled agriculturalist—stability. it is the village in iconic form (Dirks 1982: 221. Nowadays. It makes a loud. in contrast to the patient and peaceful deities of the village center.representations. when Ambalakkarar villagers worship the goddess. In an apt illustration of Emile Durkheim’s understanding of religion. The Tamil lexicon defines this term as “malignant deity. and others prefer the village center.10 The dei10) On a more prosaic level. however. rhythmic noise that is for many Tamils an evocative sound of village life. Mines 2005. since electric kitchen gadgets such as the mixie-grinder have come into vogue. arrogant. and gives him a handful of earth ( piṭimaṇ ) from the mantai with which to make the terracotta image used in worship. In her fierce form. responsible for its general health. In Ambalakkarar villages. one hears the ural-ulukkai less frequently. the community calls the potter to make the figure of the village goddess. at the time of the annual village festival. in her “sweetened” forms she is worshipped as the chief protector of the village. the phrase may refer to a traditional way of measuring or . When asked why some deities live in the forest. A dense signifier of both domesticity and sexuality.22 E. . which fits their image as unmarried females and males—either hunters or warriors or both. and death. On an every day basis. when the taboos surrounding pollution were more strictly enforced. known in Tamil as tīṭtu. A woman should not enter the forest during the days of her menses. Whether grazing goats or collecting wood. One avoids sacred groves and strictly observes the taboos against gathering wood in them to avoid angering the reactive.E. nor for many weeks after giving birth. however.F. In sum. they are. to cut them would be tantamount to vandalizing the deity’s palace. they had to walk along circuitous paths to avoid the grove. One should not go to the sacred grove or any temple after having sex. indicating distance—the gods need to be placed far enough away that they cannot hear this (very loud) sound. ̣ Tittu comes pre-eminently from things related to sex. a crime worthy of swift and severe punishment. the meanings that village residents directly attribute to the forested shrines and the deities who preside over them cluster around the central dichotomy in Tamil culture between the ur and the katu. Thus. the village center (epitomized by the mantai) and the forest. People frequently reported that in the old days. Additionally. or as adornments for the deity. reproduction. and specifically the sensitive deities who reside within it. women more than men find their behavior constrained by the taboos governing pollution. menstruating women could not even walk past the grove. the fierce gods who inhabit forested temples are particularly quick to react. Tamil villagers speak about the trees that provide shade and a cool. fierce gods whose home. but hot-tempered deities like Karuppuswami and Aiyannar will severely punish transgressors for even the slightest infraction. leafy backdrop for rituals as the deity’s temple itself. or robbing her of her jewels. The phrase that the deity should not hear the sound of the mortar and pestle has an unmistakable sexual connotation as well—something that informants alluded to when they would follow the almost proverbial phrase “ural ulakkai kēṭta kutāṭu” with descriptions of how angry. let alone through it. The village amman goddess is more patient and tolerant of the errors of her children. irritated and possibly aroused forest deities’ were by pollution. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 23 ties’ dislike of its pounding underscores the opposition of the deities of the forest to domesticity. or temple. While all gods are upset by exposure to pollution. without bathing: both men and women are saturated with tittu after sexual intercourse. Gods at the lower end of the hierarchy have none of these signifiers of status and power. Whether their abode is a huge stone edifice or a simple road-side shrine. local forms of Parvati and Shiva whose fame draws pilgrims not just from the region. The deities who preside over the groves in this region tend to be the fierce gods at the lower end of the Hindu pantheon in their local Tamil forms. 11) . Hiltebeitel 1989. as exhibited through their relationship with other gods and through the mythic narratives that villagers tell about them. Sri Meenakshi and Sri Sundareswarar. Just as the gods and goddesses who reside in the grand temples of Chidambaram and Madurai are For a vivid rendering of the relations between the presiding deities of the Madurai region and their complex internal relations see the classic documentary film. they have more power. the paradigmatic feature of deities in temple-based Hinduism is sovereignty (Appadurai and Breckenridge 1976). but from around the world.F. their worship is more prestigious and often mediated by Brahmans and they generally concern themselves with the larger issues of life. So. Mines 2005). demons and disgruntled ancestors who plague villagers with various afflictions and menace the high god whose temple gate he guards.11 This pattern closely mirrors the political sociology of pre-colonial south India. death and ultimate salvation (Babb 1975). the sovereignty of gods in this hierarchy is always relative and determined by context. Sri Azhagar commands and is served by his body-guard deity. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 Fierce Gods and Dense Forest: The Poligars Ride Again More keys to understanding Tamil sacred groves are revealed through deeper investigation into the qualities of the gods who live within them. who in turn has power over the ghosts. directed by Mira Reym Binford and Michael Camerini. while Sri Azhagar reigns supreme in his own temple across the Vaigai river from Madurai. In turn. But. in a larger context he is subordinate to his sister and brotherin-law in the city. Deities at the top of the hierarchy are responsible for a larger domain (and thus are recognized by devotees over a wider social and geographical range). Wedding of the Goddess (1976). The very fact that they serve other gods— whether the amman (village goddess) ensconced in the village mantai or a local form of Vishnu presiding over a palatial stone temple—is a sign of the guardian deity’s subordination within the divine hierarchy. often known as guardian or bodyguard deities (kāvalkkārardeyvam) (Masilamani-Meyer 2004. their main temples are the traditional political centers of the region. Sri Karuppuswami.24 E. their biographies and exploits are recorded in written sacred texts. But he was only one man. When King Tirumalai Nayaka caught him. so are forest-dwelling guardian deities modeled after the chieftains or poligars (palaiyakkarars) of old. ̣ The story of how he came to be Sri Azhagar’s body guard shares many themes and motifs with the narratives of other village guardian deities. “the Dark God of the Eighteen Steps”). and just cut his throat but kept him with his life. Responsible for restoring lost property. the poligars ruled over considerable territory in seventeenth. disappearing into a water tank. The most prominent of these gods in the region North of Madurai is Patinēṭtāmpati Karuppusāmi (lit. ran away and hid. 210-215]). 12 December 2006. they could see that there was a lot of gold inside the Azhagar Koyil. including a vaguely seventeenth century setting during the Nayaka period when the poligars enjoyed considerable independence. they could become marauders themselves. settling disputes and meting out punishment for crimes. but they were killed and their bodies interred in the steps leading into the temple.E. With that lens. who was their leader. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 25 modeled after pre-modern kings and queens. . the magician pleaded for his life saying. They had a special lens looking through which they could see far distances and into anyone’s house. what could he do against 18 men? Nothing. When people in the surrounding 18 villages heard that bell. To enter the imaginative realm of these fierce deities is to enter a world of prerogatives jealously guarded and transgressions swiftly and brutally punished. the temple had three gates—south.” (Interview. 18 magicians (māyāvi) from Kerala came to Tamil Nadu. At that time. Seventeen of the magicians tried to hide. [see also Whitehead 1921. He also gave to him the power of the other seventeen magicians and made him the bodyguard (kāvalkkārar) of Azhagar. Then someone came to know that the magicians were planning to rob the temple. and weapons are all recurring motifs in their iconography and mythology. protection against theft.” So the King spared him. One local resident tells the story of Sri Karuppuswami this way: In Tirumalai Nayaka’s time. someone sent me to do this. they came running to help. horses.F. “I’m not to blame.and eighteenth-century south India (Dirks 1982. Ludden 1985). 11315. He ran up the temple tower and rang the bell. Radha Krishna 1942. The eighteenth. the poligars exercised a monopoly over force. As mentioned previously in my discussion of the political pasts of the Kallars/Ambalakkarars. All of these features are remembered in the mythology and ritual surrounding the gods associated with sacred groves: theft. If not well paid for their protective services. east and north. both the force involved in seizing other people’s property and in protecting communities against such banditry. 1987. virans are rarely if ever fully subordinated. and as such his powers are dependent on the latter. forcefully if necessary. He gains his authority from the maharaja above him. the mighty Karuppuswami begins his career as the leader of a band of thieves whose ruthlessness and impiety are aided by their magical powers. the doors to the Azhagar koyil (Radha Krishna 1942: 212). “heroes”). these virans are to Karuppuswami (or to his . as Karuppuswami is to Azhagar. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 In Ponukalai’s rendering of this story.” presentday Kerala. Indeed. considered a hot-bed of black magic by residents of the villages surrounding Madurai. the mutually constitutive nature of the king and the god’s power in this relationship is revealed when we consider how the king’s power is in turn enhanced by iconography of Karuppuswami that depicts the latter as a formidable power who wields enormous weapons and requires thick chains to keep him in check.26 E. here possessing superhuman capacities himself. fierce male warrior gods frequently found as guardian deities or wilderness deities. n. However. subdued. When we see how prominent and powerful Karuppuswami is in the local imagination. he is reduced to a quivering coward. and wooed. casting blame for his actions on others and begging for his life. Many of the themes of the Karuppuswami narrative recur in their myths: a fierce god-warrior from “outside” is enlisted in the service of a semi-divine human king so that his power may be contained and channeled in support of his master. He comes from “Malayalam. his representation in this myth serves to show how powerful King Tirumalai Nayaka is. that the king could subdue such a foe with seeming ease. 24). But when confronted by the power of Tirumalai Nayakar. a deputy sovereign responsible for law and order in his own Lilliputian kingdom. Karuppuswami’s role as a sovereign who acts independently in his own domain is seen in the custom that people take oaths in front of His main shrine. they must be placated. David Shulman sees something ironic in the idea that oaths should be taken in front of a fierce bandit. Sri Karuppuswami’s role as arbiter of truth makes much more sense if we understand him as modeled directly on the palaiyakkarar. The next type of god commonly associated with Ambalakkarar sacred groves are the vīrans (lit. but within his own territory he has all the powers of a king.F. and interprets this as another facet of Karuppuswami’s instantiation of the archetype of “dangerous watchman” (1980: 348. In an extension of the relations of domination and subordination that structure the divine hierarchy. E. Karuppuswami’s weapons at the Azhagar temple . Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 27 Figure 4.F. the other major horse-riding warrior deity found throughout villages of Tamil Nadu. So Aiyannar sent a wild pig to lure him away. The story of one of these fierce virans was told by an old man. the viran was living in Kuttiyar Kuttu Kammay. Some of these stories can also be read as veiled migration narratives that describe the movement of lineages of Kallars from one part of the region to another. who lived in a dilapidated compound still known for miles around as the “palace” (araṇ man̠ ai).28 E. Sri Aiyannar at Valayapatti wanted to use this fellow as a guard. Terracotta votive Viran images at Sri Manjalmalaiyandi Grove. they introduce new themes. Noticing him. near Tiruparakundram [the site of a major Murugan temple near Madurai. a pattern that is confirmed in the conventional historiography of the region.F. 300 years ago. and bring out new emphases. Sri Aiyannar). Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 Figure 5. Valayapatti analogue. and stronghold of the Piramalai branch of Kallars]. the descendent of Lakshmana Sundara Dakshinamurthi Chinnaiya Kameswara Naicker. He used to come to Valayapatti to go hunting. After following the . the apical ancestor in a lineage of Little Kings. In the process. Bargaining a little harder. then You should let the rain come. This motif appears frequently in South Indian myths to explain and demonstrate the legitimacy of a divine being’s or a people’s settling in a particular place (Shulman 1980). presumably. you call me Mañcaḷmaḷaiyāṇtị [lit. He then divided it into five pieces. An interesting motif found in both myths is of the god becoming “stuck”. “From now on. physically strong but no match for the cunning and determined Dorai. but the God replied that only after building His temple would he come to know His name. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 29 pig a long way. withhold rain so that they get hungry]. Pudur. The narrative tension of the story inheres in the battle of wills between the two. “If I say. The God then came to the Dorai in his dream and said. Arasapatti. but the viran’s horse had gotten stuck in a muddy pool. In this narrative. the māya or magic of Sri Aiyannar. You should just strike them in the stomach [that is. the stream was flooded with yellow water. the Dorai said.E. and that He would only use His power over the rain under the strict control of the Dorai. a kind of uncanny supernatural force compels the god to stay in this area. “What will you give the people?” And the Dorai extracted a promise that He would not punish the people too severely for the mistakes that they made. “Three days after you make the temple. agrees to stay on as the village protector. The viran seeks the aid of the local lord (the Dorai) and in exchange for worship. where the viran appears a little like a dim-witted giant. Here. you will know what My name is. but without dying.” said the Dorai. The animals and people should get sick. Valayapatti.” At that exact time. the God asked the Dorai to build a temple for Him saying.” Finally.” The Dorai then said to the people. then You can bring the rain. If I think they have repented enough. stop the rain. The Dorai then asked the God to tell him His name. Only after I give the sacred ash. ‘God/ Ascetic of the Yellow Mountain’]” (interview. as yellow as turmeric water. dawn came. Dindigul District). “You should worship the Sky God [identifying the viran as a form of Indra].F. who appears in the . Suddenly. “You make it stop. the viran shot and killed it. 17 December 2007 Valayapatti. Kotangipatti. which became five villages: Lakkampatti. the agonistic relationship between the human ruler and the dangerous deity is even clearer than in the previous myth. whether Karuppuswami in Tirumalai Nayaka’s temple tank or the horse of the viran here in the muddy pool. See George L. so that the people are affected. this god appears to possess other powers—namely control over the rain. now referred to as a sami (a general term for “god” in Tamil). his authority or power fading into the background as the figure of the human Dorai becomes more prominent. and this reveals an opportunity for the king to create an advantageous relationship. is a good metaphor for the patterns of kingship during the era of the palaiyakkarars. and indeed of the forces of nature in this harsh landscape. being under control.F. can be very raw indeed.30 E. but not completely. over the kavalkkarars who collected tribute for them. .12 And though Manjalmalaiyandi is well and truly made a servant of the Dorai in this myth. In another village called Valayapatti. He also exercises a certain autonomy as He forestalls His domestication for three days. Some of the gods who preside over Ambalakkarar sacred groves are barely differentiated from the wilderness out of which they arise. just as the palaiyakkarars exercised authority. the Dorai keeps Him on a tight leash. its boundary marked by a sandy road and by the command that one take off one’s sandals before 12) The association of kings with rain has many sources in Indic thought. This notion of a power. The force of the gods. Certainly. “the hero-god who eats children”) resides in a densely wooded glen at the border between neatly tended mango orchards and the rocky. As the relationship between the Dorai and the viran. dry slopes of the state-owned Reserve Forest. establishes a pattern found in many parts of India. the Vedic god Indra. Maharajas like the Nayaka kings in Madurai could only control the palaiyakkarars under them so far. but not fatally. especially in the days before the wide availability of irrigation water. but not completely. deepens. but then disappears. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 beginning as an advocate for the village. and which they call their home. Hart’s highly suggestive discussion of the ancient Tamil vision of the king as commander of rain (1999: xvii-xx). titrating out the sami’s power over the rain to enhance his own leadership. when He finally reveals His name to the ruler. It also evokes vividly how the Kallars may have related to the power of nature. For besides protection. But Tamil literature composed prior to extensive contact with Indo-European civilization contains its own version of this association. The mighty hunter is made vulnerable by becoming stuck. a god known as Pil ̣l ̣aiTin̠n̠i-Vīran̠ (lit. raw and mighty. obviously a significant resource in this parched region. by the effects of drought (just as Tirumalai Nayaka slit Karuppuswami’s neck but did not kill him). this one East of Azhagar Koyil. king of the gods whose weapon is the thunderbolt. but they cannot get rid of him. They tried numerous methods of mitigating his malevolent power: withholding worship from him. It is also typical of these gods that the rawness of their power is in inverse proportion to the clarity of their personality. children in the village kept dying. the community faithfully follows the goddesses’ instructions to sacrifice a goat as a substitute for an actual child sacrifice in order to obtain heirs. It is only after the intervention of the village goddess that they figure out a way to worship him in such a way that their lineage thrives in his presence. as symbolic substitutes are found for the human victim arguably found at the base of all forms of ritual sacrifice. returning with a child stolen from women working in the fields in “the north country. Pillai-Tinni-Viran’s story was told to me in a fragmentary way by an elderly priest. By “civilized” standards. and symbolically cutting a finger to represent child sacrifice. The people cannot live with him. Like Sri Karuppuswami. Madurai District). Valayapatti.” concluded the god’s present-day priest. we are told. She took the priest and vanished. worshipping him. Because of his presence in the community. “Once there were only five [families]. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 31 entering. 30 June 2004. sacrificing a child of the priestly lineage. in the hopes that some person who can figure out the nature of the god will find it and worship it.” (Interview. instead of dying off. This myth is so fragmentary that one must be cautious in advancing an interpretation. he said. they went to the village goddess for advice. Sometimes.F.” Henceforth. who was the fourth generation servant of the deity. Only the ancestors knew it fully. Like many such priests. Does this mean that the people became more “civilized” as they discovered that symbolic sacrifice was more effective than the death of an actual child? Or does it mean that the god became tamed and pacified over time? Or some combination of the two? Again and again in the mythology of these fierce village deities. Finally. its details had been forgotten over time.E. a theme arises of the need to figure out how to worship a god. but beyond that we get few details of his life. The narrative flow here is worth noting: the form of worship becomes gradually more mediated. Pillai-tinniviran comes from Kerala. but I wonder if here too we find an indirect statement about the difficulties of life in this environment—where one has to persevere before finding the right combination of techniques to survive. and nothing can be done but to put it in a box and tie it up tightly with chains and throw it into a river. . he claimed not to know the story well. the god is too dangerous. this god is clearly pretty horrible. “now there are 100 families. or a thieving magician. where Lord Shiva gives her a place to stay on the outskirts of the village. the god is not a powerful hunter. and most of all the complementary relationship between the god and a semi-divine human ruler.” said Chinnamannan. The goddess moves on to Sigupatti. take water from the pot and pour it on the lamp.” . The goddess should not affect anyone [adversely]. and the resulting ritual pollution will offend the deity].” Lord Azhaga (Vishnu) also gives her a temple on the mountain. “Little King”). until she finds herself in the care of a priest or chieftain named Chinnamannan (lit. they will kill me. but a young. and Chinnamannan himself gives her a temple in the village in exchange for the boon of a child. a powerful old man with a piercing gaze. he will become the pujari]. Set in the time of the British. “If you give a male child. But as soon as he makes the claim. he becomes sick with fear and doubt. but if it doesn’t happen. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 A slightly less raw form of divinity is revealed in the mythology of another sacred-grove deity.” So the Britishers came and saw the lamp burning on the water. explaining that “they can’t have that goddess inside the village because some men will take liquor.F. a malevolent child-eater.32 E.e. The goddess told him. “If you are like this [so weak in faith]. Chinnamannan boasts that She can make a lamp burn on the water. who was regularly possessed by both of the figures described in this story. the need to get permission to settle. Still. the narrative begins with Azhaginatchiyamman (whose name was glossed for me as “the Village Goddess who is a pre-pubescent girl related to Azhagar”) migrating from one Ambalakkarar village to another. Both good girls and bad girls would come to this place [suggesting that the bad ones will have sex with the drunk men.” said Chinnamannan. who will worship me? Okay. you just go. The priest continued: The sami came and said. “Both my wife and I are 100 years old. In this story. one finds here too some recurring themes: the god’s need to prove its divinity by performing some deed. I’ll give that child for your service [i. This story was narrated by the elderly hereditary priest of the village of Sigupatti. Challenged by the British to prove the goddess’ power. hot-tempered girl. to win a place in this crowded land. This happened at the place Ponamaravati. It will burn. “Why are you not taking any food?” “I told them the fire would burn [or glow] on the water. Before the annual festival.” The Britishers saw this also and gave land for the temple [believing in the power of the Goddess]. 18 December 2005. As the priest’s narrative indicates. and finding a suitable site for the Azhagi’s worship (with the help of the high gods of the area). (Interview. appears as the cowardly one. albeit one already equipped with cooling shade to mitigate her fierce qualities. the part of her that continues to live in the dense forested shrine outside the village boundary is still quite fierce. however. that split between kadu and ur (forest and village) occurs within the goddess herself. while the priest goes out hunting for a rabbit with a party of men from the village. But after becoming convinced of the Goddess’ power. In Sigupatti. the human priest-king. Sigupatti). Rather.E. the goddess has two temples—one in the mantai. In the villages that support the two other guardian deities I have considered here—Manjalmalaiyandi and Pillai-tinni-viran—one finds a dichotomy or tension between the male forest gods and the female village goddess. The narrative even suggests that through the give and take between Chinnamannan and Sri Azhagi. and gives permission for them to hold a festival for her. Let the branches grow all around [so it gives lots of shade]. the myth suggests a more collaborative relationship between gods and their human interlocutors.F. She’s very pure [suttamān̠a deyvam]. When they are successful. Such a successful hunt is an indication that she is pleased with the community. I believe that . and She wants to get away from all that.” She is also associated with the community’s tradition of hunting. After that. who is represented as unambiguously benevolent compared to the fierce male deities. At first. they roast the rabbit on a spit before her. Chinnamannan asked for another boon. even as she becomes pacified through exchanges and transactions with the community. a [temporary?] image of her is brought from the forest temple to the mantai temple. “She is an angry girl. Chinnamannan finds that the Goddess is a font of fertility who can bestow the boon of children and even persuade the British to give land. As the priest said of her preference for living in the forest. I’ll just go and plant a dry stick on the mantai. she becomes so amenable that a temple can be made for her in the village center itself. Chinnamannan. and distribute the meat to all the houses of the village. weak in faith and fearing failure. Some good girls and bad girls may come. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 33 So the goddess gave a male child. “You have asked for a place in the mantai. and one on the mountain—for. The hierarchy between deity and human is not as pronounced here as in the previous narratives. Kapadia 1995. The proliferation of village deities has perplexed many scholars of south Indian popular Hinduism. at some level. moved from village to village. and . The Ambalakkarars’ willingness to observe the taboos surrounding the forests. alternately protective or vindictive. Why are there so many deities. moved away from. Mines 2005). On the other hand. the most powerful people in the village serve as the honored vehicles of these deities. they are hunters and warriors. In the layering of meanings associated with the forest deities I think we can find more clues as to why the Ambalakkarars who maintain sacred groves. Moreover. even malleable. I would argue that. fodder for animals. buried. fruits and leaves to use as medicine. who were also thieves. who draw on other aspects of the Goddesses’ power to obtain success in the forest. but with care. I would argue. some of which have to do with local power relations. divided into parts and distributed. sheltering or terrifying. with the right touch for worshipping them properly.F. these gods are best understood not as personalities. but as powers. They are traded. The rituals of worship. and should be used. in the hopes that someone. two to three hundred year old community memories of themselves as Kallars—the guardians of this area. prophecy. and the fact that at festivals. and sometimes locked in chests and thrown into a river. some of whom are barely differentiated from each other? There are no doubt innumerable answers to this question. they are settled agriculturalists. though. This power—the power of violence—requires a more cautious approach. has to do with their commitment to these fierce gods. possession. these village deities are like the forces of the natural world: they are powers that can be used. when the gods descend and speak to their devotees through the entranced village leaders (cf. These gods evoke. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 here we see a good illustration of the divided nature of Ambalakkarar identity—on the one hand. In what may seem like an unlikely echo of ancient Vedic religion. There is a great deal of demand for the natural resources that are preserved in the forests—for firewood. can tap into their powers and make them do good. these village deities are portable.34 E. who draw on the Goddess’ power to acquire land for cultivation. which protect the forest as the deity’s own domain. In addition. not to mention the importance of the land itself in a densely-populated area where arable land is the most highly valued form of property. as instantiated in the taboos surrounding the Goddesses’ forest shrine. work so hard to do so. involving hunting. as are menstruating and post-partum In his ethnography of religion among the Kallars (1986). While the groves’ ecological benefits are widely celebrated. Because of their fierce nature. many people express disapproval and distaste for the intense and sometimes violent forms of worship that surround the deities who reside in the groves. Conclusion In this article I have set forth what I believe is an original interpretation of the meaning and identity of Tamil guardian deities.F. nature and culture? As has been well documented. I would agree that there are aspects of forest gods’ worship that are deeply problematic from an egalitarian. explored in depth the many resemblances one finds between them and the poligars of old.13 But is this argument then purely of antiquarian interest? What does it have to do with environmentalism or the intersection between religion. progressive sensibility. Louis Dumont does recognize how Karuppuswami’s role of watchman “corresponds with great exactness to the traditional social role of the Kallar as watchman” (408). Tales of these forest deities’ capacity to smite down transgressors—quickly.E. among the reasons why people abide by the taboos forbidding the use of forest produce in the gods’ sacred precincts is that they are so terrifying. to my knowledge. untouchables (Dalits) are often banned from their groves. and the threat that they will react violently to ritual pollution. Though their reputation for violent aggression is central to their ability to protect. one finds in discourse about sacred groves produced by middle-class urban Indian environmentalists a striking ambivalence towards the deities who preside over them. and re-instantiation of that important aspect of their community identity. Kent / Worldviews 13 (2009) 1-39 35 the sacrifice of animals allow for a kind of re-enactment. and instantiation of the “dangerous watchman” archetype (Shulman 1980). symbols of caste relations (Mines 2005). 13) . without investigating the whys and wherefores—circulate among villagers and provide some protection against over-use of the groves. but his obsession with purity and pollution leads him in other directions. who are closely associated with the phenomena of sacred groves by virtue of their predilection for forested shrines far from the noise and pollution of settled life. and he does not explore this observation in greater depth. Variously understood by scholars as demonic beings (Whitehead 1921 [1916]). no one has. everything is either eater or eaten (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad 1. one can find a great deal to admire in these deities and in the enduring relationships that communities have formed with them and around them over time. in a rough and tumble world where. from one point of view. a peaceful Edenic stasis in which “the lion and the lamb lie down together”. improvising solutions and persisting until techniques that lead to human thriving can be found.6) (Patton 2000). The violence of animal sacrifice.36 E. as the Upanishadic sages put it. rather. Though one would never wish it. the stories surrounding the fierce forest gods of Tamil Nadu have much to tell us about how communities survived for centuries in an unusually harsh environmental milieu. These are not ideal ways of relating. their myths and worship valorize deeply hierarchical relationships based. but it is not clear that human beings can maintain communities for long without them. utopian form.F. which are found in people brave enough to engage with the fierce and unpredictable gods of the forest: cunning intelligence and the ability to think on one’s feet. I would argue that far from representing something primitive and in need of reform in Tamil culture. Just as the poligars in Kallar country maintained a certain independence while being politically (and sometimes only nominally) dominated by the . as is animal sacrifice. Moreover. Similar relationships of dominance and subordination are vividly described and even valorized in the myths of fierce forest gods. As Laurie Patton has argued with respect to the effort to mine Vedic thought for the resources for an environmental ethos. for example. What is valued here is not harmony in some fixed. the traditions surrounding the fierce gods and their human communities envision a dynamic harmony in the form of a balance of powers attained through constant negotiation. we should avoid the temptation to whitewash the violence inherent in much thought about nature in the Hindu tradition. They also teach us about the need for patience to negotiate over the long haul. These narratives illustrate the qualities necessary for survival under such conditions. giving and taking in response to forces in the environment. Yet. on frank domination. may be seen as a way of embracing one’s place in the biotic community (not pretending to exist somehow outside of or above it). where rain was infrequent and unpredictable and the heat scorched everything. From a historical point of view. both natural and divine. 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