Problematic Aspects of the Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal

Problematic Aspects of the Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal Author(s): Rahul Peter Das Source: Journal of theAmerican Oriental Society, Vol. 112, No. 3 (Jul. - Sep., 1992), pp. 388432 Published by: American Oriental Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/603078 Accessed: 24/10/2009 12:30 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aos. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Oriental Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the American Oriental Society. http://www.jstor.org PROBLEMATICASPECTS OF THE SEXUAL RITUALS OF THE BAULS OF BENGAL* RAHUL PETER DAS UNIVERSITY OF HAMBURG This study examines several problematic syncretistic and by origin heterodox beliefs of the Bengali Bauls, in the process also drawing attention to parallels not only in South Asia, but in other parts of the Orient too. Particularattention is paid to "tantric"and Islamic elements in the beliefs and rites pertaining to microcosmic and macrocosmic correspondences and the sexual duality of the cosmic principle, as also to the esoteric code language in the songs pertaining to such matters. It is shown that the confidence of many scholars in the transparencyof the Bauls' beliefs is misplaced, and that the deeper we delve into the material, the more do the difficulties multiply. 1. The recent surge of interest in the Bauls (Bengali bdul)1 and the resultant discussion (not always truly scholarly,2 often tinged with Bengali nationalism)3 has * This study has benefited greatly from discussions with several colleagues in Germany and abroad (especially Dr. Carol Salomon, Seattle, and Prof. Dr. Angelika Hartmann, Wiirzburg), all of whom I hereby thank most heartily. I On the transliteration used see R. P. Das, 1984a: 662 for New Indo-Aryan (except when in the Arabo-Persian script, for which see Transkriptionskommission 1969). Old IndoAryan (= OIA) words (in the usual transliteration) are given in their stem form which is indicated, where important, with a hyphen, thus differentiating them from similar New IndoAryan words. Tantric and yogic physiological terms are generally cited in their classical form, but without the hyphen. 2 Folkloric dillettantism is fashionable now (cf. too S. Cakrabarti1989: 158; 291). On "The Evolution of the Bauls as Cultural Emblem" and their image as unconventional, earthy, transcendent,fundamentally Bengali and yet panhumanmystic bards with an instinctive feel for eternal truths, see Capwell 1986: 20ff. The chief, though not sole, driving force (for older examples see, e.g., the works in A. Ah'mad 1979, also R. Basu 1984: 73a) behind this development was RabindranathThakur (Rabindranath Tagore), whose literary output has much of such "Baul" thought (see also Mur'sid 1981: 137-41, Brahma 1987a: 53-57, Riyajul Hak 1976: 46f.). It has influenced even the otherwise scholarly Das Gupta 1976: 157ff. Novels such as P. Bhattacarya 1972 (on the famous Baul Lalan) go on propagating such ideas. Indeed, few writers of fiction have troubled to acquaint themselves with Baul thought; an exception is Kafl'kut. (Samares Basu) (see also Maharaj 1989). 3 To many, Bauls are the representatives of Bengali culture and religious thought. This may lead to mystic effusion, as in the poem Banalir janmatithi "The day of birth of the Bengali": tomader hai'gulo antahin srotasbini, surer nirjhar 388 made this religious group4 well known. I may thus content myself here with stating the basic characteristics of their belief and for the rest referring to the extant literature on the subject.5 In short, the syncretistic Baul creed, seemingly both lying outside the fold of the religions of the so-called "great tradition(s)" previously or today current in Bengal, as well as somehow ek'tard hate ek bauler manoj gambuj... "Your bones are endless streams, the mind-born bastions/buds (?; cf. Persian gunbad; surely not "domes"!) of a Baul with [his instrument] the ek'tara, a spring of melody, in [his] hand ..." (Nurul Hudai 1981: 17). It is thus fitting that Bangladesh's national anthem (like India's by RabindranathThakur) has a Baul tune (cf. Riyajul Hak 1976: 75, R. P. Das, 1984a: 65; for Gagan Har'kara's original words see, e.g., U. Bhat.tacrya 1980: 1049f., Anoyarul Karim 1971: 288f.). 4 I purposely avoid words such as "sect," "denomination," etc., in this connection, as the classification of the Bauls and their beliefs is not easy. 5 See esp. Anoyarul Karim 1971, Anwarul Karim 1980, Capwell 1986, whose extensive bibliographies list many relevant works it is superfluous to mention here, and the bibliographic discussion and bibliography in Sarkar 1990: 17-26, 241-45. Add: Lut'pharRah-man 1980; S. M. Bandyopadhyay 1976; P. Bandyopadhyay 1988: 150-94 and 1989; K. K. Dasgupta 1960; Sariph 1973 and 1983: 87-115 (also pp. 11666); Man'sur Uddin 1981, 2.2: 11-46; 0. Ah'mad 1974: 1015; Mahmuid1983: 410-43; Ab'dur Ragid 1984: 115-30 (see also pp. 131-36); R. Pal 1976: 135-54; Begam 1976: 40-89; Ab'dul Kfdir 1984: 123-27 and 1985: 1-15, 21-27, 42-76, 84-104; Datta/Bhaumik 1966: (93)-(158), 115-204; Siddiki 1980: 140-56; G. Sen 1987: 46-55; Maitra 1988: 108-22; T. Caudhuri 1983: 169-77; Mahapatra 1972: 9-74; R. C. Mitra 1981: 85; B. Mukhopfdhyay 1984 and 1986; A. Mukhopadhyay 1988; Chaudhuri 1982: 18f.; Qureshi 1977; A. Gupta DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 389 linked to these,6 places the human body, the microcosmic form of the macrocosm, in the center of religious considerations.7 Ultimate salvation, leading to 1983; Inamul Hoque 1983: 94-96; A. Basu 1968: 378-95 (see also pp. 372-77); Sajedul Hak/Hai 1979: 30; Nasir 1977; Chowdhury/Chowdhury/Hossain1985; Ashraf 1960: 31, 6620; Caudhuri/Samiyul Is'lam 1981; Abu Talib 1985: 133-58; B. Cakrabarti 1980: 10-18; A. A. Caudhuri 1974; As'gar 1985a, b and c; Mukherjee 1985; Khondakar1961 (written by the famous Baul Panifij Sah); Dimock 1987; Paul 1972 and 1973; Riyajul Hak 1976 and 1985; Caudhuri/Riyajul Hak 1982 and 1985; D. Simha 1986: 74-97; Schimmel 1980: 50, 148; Manirujjaman 1982: 84-90, 104-6, 115-19; Brahma 1982: 88-124, 174-213 (see also pp. 125-39, 167-72) and 1986; D. Bandyopadhyay 1987: 89ff.; Anisujjaman 1983: 181-90; G. Bhattacfrya 1989: 378-87; Sultana 1987. These works (most with further references, though not always a separate bibliography) are of quite varying quality, and naturally not all the literature on the subject, though covering it quite well. See also R. P. Das 1984a: 57 (the essay on Lalan mentioned l.c. has appeared as R. P. Das 1981, but with misprints: on p. 183 read qat' in 1. 24, qatac in 1. 26 and qit'a in 1. 28; also note that phdat and phat'nd, etc., on pp. 183f. may in this case actually come from Arabic fitna "dissension, discord") and the other works mentioned below, especially those from which songs are quoted. 6 Cf. S. Cakrabarti1989: 163. Though many Bauls consider themselves a religious community distinct from others (this often goes hand in hand with the negation of the authoritativeness of scripture), the feeling often seems not very pronounced; many consider themselves part of the greater surrounding community (though often it is unclear whether only the researcher concerned thinks so), but with certain special characteristics and traits setting them apart, like the nonacceptance of many of its social and religious conventions, which usually includes the idea that it is futile to worship at temples or mosques, go on Hagg (Beng. haj) or the like. Regarding .Hagg, note, e.g., what Ek'lem says in the song Man dmdr mathuri re, man damr madind re (Recordings 1: side B, no. 6.): bhdbiya ek'lem bale, makkdyydoya miche "Having thought [about it], Ek'lem says: It's wrong/useless to go to Mecca." On Ek'lem, most probably Ek'limur Raja/Reja, the son of Hasan Raja (on whom see n. 33), see Manirujjaman 1982: 87, also All 1979: 22, P. Gupta 1985: 15, Y. Bhattacarya 1984: 447. 7 That the macrocosm is present within the microcosm is a commonplace not only in India, but in many other parts of the world; closely allied is the concept of the parallelism of macrocosm and microcosm. On such concepts in different areas and cultures, see, e.g., Diwald 1975: 130-32 (also Gulik 1961: 16f., A. Roy 1983: 167f.; for a note of caution however also Rosel 1928: 51ff.). In India, we find even medical works the state of being "dead while living,"8 requires not only knowledge of the external macrocosm and correthis is far sponding deeds, or the like, but also-and more important-knowledge of the microcosm, the body and its secrets (including those of its macrocosmic significance and connections), and practices which give the body its greatest power leading to a complete microcosmic, and thus also macrocosmic, harmony. These practices affect both body and mind, and they, as well as the secret doctrines connected with them, can as a rule only be learned from a preceptor (most who commonly guru, mursid/murs7d or gosdi/gosai), plays a crucial role in Baul belief. To many Indian religious groups the preceptor is not only often a deity, but also may be amalgamated with the supreme divine principle,9 though there may be subtle differences in adhering to such views, e.g., the Carakasamhita (Acharya 4.13 and several times in Sarirasthana5. 1941) in Sarirasthana Such notions are of course much older, a particularly illuminating example being Aitareyaranyaka 3.1.2. 8 Such nomenclature for one who has transcended earthly ties has a high antiquity in India, and is too well known to need further elaboration. The commonest Baul expression seems to be jydnte/jydnta mard (also mara). Regarding the discussion in n. 42, it is evident that one who has transcended all earthly ties may also be taken to be not bound by anything (including social mores, which may even be breached before the attainmentof such a final state, to help the mind and body in overcoming all things earthly). 9 On the importance of the preceptor (and his divinity) see, e.g., Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan 1979: 74ff.; McMullen 1982; Gold 1987; Tripathi 1987: 42-45; Brahma 1982: 181-213, 361-66; Tivari 1975; G. Bhattacarya 1989: 383; Steinmann 1986; S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 158f.; Nicholas 1969: 40f.; Wayman 1973: 49f.; Sarkar 1990: 33f., 141f.; Dimock 1966b: 22137; J. Simha 1969, 1:94-96; A. Roy 1983: 159-63, 20748; Yakariya 1974: ek'gata das f.; S. Cakrabarti 1989: 102, 148ff., 199f.; U. Bhattacarya 1980, 303ff.; R. Cakrabarti 1990: 222ff. Similar deificatory tendencies abound in South Asian popular Islam, amalgamating with the cults around graves of saints. Cf. too Sam'chujjuha 1932: [1]: ihudi nachardgan allah'ke chdariy-nija nija maulabi o dar'beg'digake dllah'r matan bdndiyachila. tadrip barttamdn kale anekei-nija nija maulabi o pir chaheb'digake mdbud banaiydche "Having left Allah, Jews and Christians had made their own priests/religious scholars and ascetics like to God. Likewise, at the present time quite a few [Muslims] have made their own venerable religious scholars and spiritual leaders/ saints (pir) into deities." Similar "orthodox" diatribes are legion in South Asia. A work against the veneration of Pirs (see A. Ah'mad 1985: 647) calls these the 33-crore gods of the Muslims (a reference to the 33-crore Hindu gods) (see also 390 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) 2. The macrocosmic principle (as a rule seemingly = life force = universal spirit/soul = creator) is present in the human body too. It is mostly described anthropomorphically, often as one of the chief male deities current in Bengal,13 though terms such as "man,"14 "man of the mind," "golden man," "unobtainable man," etc., or "friend," "lover," "beloved," or the like are commoner; there are other images too, notably of a bird or a light (see also Sarkar 1990: 46-51). But the cosmic principle exists in humans in a split, dual form, female and male, which must unite to a whole.15 Both men and women contain the female and male aspects, but in differing quantities (see also U. Bhattacarya 1980: 387, Dimock 1966a: 159); moreover, they reside in different, opposite parts of the body. The female aspect is intimately connected with menstrual blood,16 the male with semen,17 which latter is stored in the head (probaSariph 1984: 16) or are at least intimately connected with Bengal or else eastern India (see, e.g., J. C. Cakrabarti 1987: 108; also Thakur 1972: 112f.; Prajfianananda1988: dthdra f.; B. Bhattacharya 1977: 314, 320). T. Sanyal (1970: 17) says laconically: bamlddeg'itantra sadhanar pith sthan "The country of Bengal it is which is the chief place of tantric practice," and whereas Mandal (1949: ga[8]) asserts that Kamarfupa the adjoining areas are the chief centers of and where Yoga originated. See also Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan 1979: 37ff. (the notion of the "mystical" East seems in fact to be an old notion in India as well; see, e.g., Vaudeville 1990). Many also think tantrism is connected especially with the true "sons of the soil," the "lower classes" (to which most, though not all, Bauls are also taken to belong); cf., e.g., Chattopadhyaya 1986 (for a different opinion see Kvaerne 1977: 50). Cf. too S. Cakrabarti1989: 16f., 132ff., 154ff., 209ff., 219f., 225ff. 13 Mostly, Krsna, Siva (Beng. Sib) and Allah (or synonyms). 14 This is the usual contextual translation of mdnus. In general the word is, however, also used for male and female in the sense of "human being; person" (OIA mdnusa- is of course masculine); cf., on this problem, ?26. 15 The cosmic principle's creating the microcosm and then residing in it is often referred to as a divine "game" (lilda, kheld, or the like), and this also holds true for its appearing in a dual form and then uniting. 16 In Indian medical theory and in a part, though not all, of popular belief even today this is a procreatory fluid which combines with semen to produce a child (its status in Baul thought is however not clear). I am studying this theory (also found outside India) in Old Indo-Aryan medical and sexological works separately and shall not elaborate on it here. 17 Traditional interpretations of sukra ("semen," also "bright; white; clear, pure") characterizing Brahman or the like in Vedic texts (e.g. Kathopanisad 6.1 = 2.3.1: tad eva such matters only the initiated are aware of;10 the Bauls are no exception."1 Among their most important practices are (as in a part of tantrism) some of a sexual nature;12 I shall briefly detail these, and the reasons for them, as usually given by researchers. (On expressions such as "tantrism" and "tantrist," cf. note 42.) Ab'dur Rasid 1984: 138, 140). On the preceptor among Bengali Vaishnavas cf. also Chakrabarty1985: 320ff., 350. 10 In this regard cf. also P. Das 1978: 188ff., S. Cakrabarti 1989: 215 on the difference between diksaguru and siksaguru (= Krsna and Radha, respectively); see also U. Bhattacarya 1980: 310f., 387; Dimock 1966b, 22137; Wayman 1973: 49f. (the latter on the "inner"and "external"preceptors). An invocation to both these preceptors as well as the preceptor in general begins Sekh Jahed's Adya-paricajy:sri Sri rddhakrsna. sri namah. Sri gurur carane namah. ilahi alamin. sri ganesda-ya sri sri mdtdpitdr caranaibhyam' diksaguru siksaguru namah (Enamul Hak 1979: 30). From H. Sanyal (1989: 171f.) we learn that the two preceptors might not always agree in their opinions, placing their disciple in a fix. Sinha (1966: 77) mentions an interesting case in which the diksa-guruis a female, the giksaguru a male; this is the exact opposite of the identification given above (if a comparison be allowed). On a greater number of preceptors (seven) see Kal'kut 1988a: 108. According to Sarkar (1990: 73, 77f.), Bauls usually have three or four preceptors. Cf. also U. Bhattacarya 1980: 317f. l See, e.g., U. Bhattacarya 1980: 303ff., Datta/Bhaumik 1966: (119)-(21), Lut'pharRah-man 1985: (40)-(7), Mukherjee 1985: 125f., 212; also Hak 1979: 4f., who objects to affixing sdi (OIA svdmin-) to the names of famous Bauls, this being an appellation of God. Note too Pagal/Pag'la Sam'su's poignant songs on his preceptor Nedhugah (As'gar 1985c: 3847). 12 Those seeing in Bauls mainly "cultural emblems" (see n. 2) mostly do not acknowledge this; this includes some works in n. 5. See esp. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 50-104, also Datta/Bhaumik 1966: (106)ff., Qureshi 1977: 4619. Sexual practices disconcert even "clean" tantrists (cf. Nigiurhananda 1981: 46-56); how much more so others! (This attitude paradoxically made a Baul song referring to sexual practices a film hit: Rasaraj'sAmar yeman beni tem'ni rabe in Natun phasal. For details see Capwell 1986: 53, 22420; the record number cited differs from that of the one I possess: Angel/EMI 3 AEX.4001 on the cover, Odeon 3 AEX.4001 on the disk itself. See Baul n.d.a.: satero f. for the song's words; on its coded references cf., e.g., Bose 1986: 1103 and P. Das 1978: 275.) But others draw express attention to sexual practices, seeing in them the Bauls' special "Bengaliness" (cf. n. 3), in keeping with the notion that tantrism and all connected with it, sexual practices in particular, originate in (see, e.g., B. Bhattacharyya 1945, Majumdar 1974: 378, Enamul Hak 1979: 25f., DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 391 bly in its highest portion), which is also where the male aspect resides. This notion on the location of semen, well known also from the tantras, is ancient and widespread, found, e.g., not only in China,18 the ancient Middle East and the oldest stages of Greek medicine,19 but also in India, even today20 (but Indian medical texts do not subscribe to such a view).21 Bauls usually refer to the seminal abode in special terms: "hall of mirrors," "chamber of light," "chamber of colors," and the like are most common, though there are other expressions, such as "abode of ras,"22 "blue ocean," sukram tad brahma tad evamrtam ucyate; referring to the cosmic tree, on which cf. n. 154) usually do not consider semen. But cf. Brhad7ranyakopanisad 3.7.23: yo retasi tisthan retaso 'ntaro yam reto na veda yasya retah sariram yo reto 'ntaro yamayaty esa ta itmdntarydmi.... 18 See, e.g., Gulik 1961: 198, 200, and passim. That semen is located or stored in the head according to Chinese sexual mysticism is also implied by the expression "making the semen return" or the like for making the semen flow up along the dorsal column from the genitals to the head; see Beurdeley 1969: 27, 30, 34 (also Maspero 1937: 379ff., esp. pp. 388ff.). 19 Cf. Lesky 1951: 4 (=1228), 9-32 (=1233-56). For an Iranian modification see Lincoln 1988: 138f. 20 Even in non-tantric environments. See Kvxrne 1975: Dimock 1966a: 157, 170; O'Flaherty 1980: 45-47, 84112103; 87, 222-25, 255, 327 (this work with much "interpretatory" speculation, and also oblivious to the spread of this belief). 21 According to these, semen permeates the entire body of males and females, with an affinity for certain organs (not the head). But a seminal receptacle (sukragaya, sukrasthdna) of males, too, is mentioned. Its location is a problem; details are in the study mentioned in n. 16. A (pseudo-?)medical (but not overtly tantric) 18th-century diagram from Nepal (on the cover of Meulenbeld/Wujastyk 1987) has it where we would expect the heart, and the receptacle of rasa "nutrient fluid" on the opposite side of the body, though in classical Indian medical theory this fluid has its chief seat within the heart. The location in this diagram (which may show extraneous influence, e.g., Tibetan) probably does not coincide with the one older medical texts presuppose. 22 ras (OIA rasa-) "sap, juice" also means "flavor, taste; sentiment." The latter meaning is important especially in Vaishnava doctrine, where ras describes the feeling of attachment (of which there are various types) to Krsna (see De 1974: 104ff., P. Bhattacaryya 1986: 112ff., Saha 1986: 5ff.; also H. Das 1987: 644-48, P. Das 1978: 316ff., K. Bhattacarya 1978: 167, Dimock 1966b: 48f.). Bauls too may use ras thus, but also as "juice" for a number of body fluids, especially (but not only) semen and menstrual blood (ras is also slang for "semen" at least in the Calcutta area). One who "abode of Indra," "abode of Sri," "Medina," "Mecca," "Vrindavan," etc. The two aspects are united in a man to form a complete, harmonious whole (ideally visually perceivable internally; cf. S. Cakrabarti 1989: 101, 190) by his having sexual intercourse with a woman with certain characteristics and knowledge during her menstrual period. The belief in such unification due to intercourse (which need not be during menstruation, though it may; cf. Schoterman 1980: 20, 29ff.) is of course widespread and not confined to the Bauls; an interesting Bengali etymology even explains bhagaban (the nominative bhagavan of OIA bhagavat- in Bengali) "Supreme Being; God" as bhag (OIA bhaga-) "vagina" + ban / ban (OIA vana- / bana-) "penis" (*- "reed; arrow") (Sinha 1961: 195 and 1966: 80). 3. During intercourse, the male aspect, attracted by the female aspect, descends with semen to unite with the latter, the man involved effecting this by drawing the menstrual blood inwards by means of his penis.23 The complete cosmic principle must be retained, which is impossible if the semen to which the male aspect is attached is lost. Thus the man must practice coitus reservatus, must not ejaculate. Then he has to separate the complete cosmic principle, i.e., the semen carrying this, from the menstrual blood24 and induce it to rise up again to the highest part of the body, the cranial abode.25 There are varying accounts on whether the understands, is able to appreciate, or is filled with, ras (in any of these meanings), is a rasik (OIA rasika-). As regards rasa in various meanings not having to do with feelings generally (Chakrabarty[1985: 102f.] lists several; see also n. 21), we lack a good, comprehensive study, a possible point of departure being its use in medical, tantric and alchemical works. 23 Cf. esp. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 411 and Sinha 1961: 195 If. and 1966: 80; also Das Gupta 1976: 238f.; Gulik 1961: 345f., 195, 206, 225, 279. The vajrolimudra too describes such drawing inwards (Hathayogapradipikd 3.85ff.; see Svatmarama 1975), saying expressly (3.85) that women also may do so; the amarolimudrd too presupposes such a practice by women (ibid. 3.99ff.). 24 This, as also the separation of the female principle from the fluid (it is often difficult to determine what exactly is meant), is often compared to refining treacle (Beng. gur) to white sugar, or to making sweets out of sugary syrup. The ancient image of the hamsa (originally "goose," but nowadays also "duck" and the like) separating milk from water (cf. Rau 1986: 195f.; also Ha. Bandyopadhyay 1978: 2319) is also common. 25 This separation and the subsequent translocation are often explained as necessary due to the latter fluid being the 392 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) intercourse usually takes place on all three days of the (ideal) period of menstruation26 (each intercourse effecting a further purification and concentration of the substances to be united, the final union of the two aspects being only on the third day), or on only one of these days, or just after them. But the basic principle remains the same, so I shall not go into details here. 4. This translocation takes place via one of three tubular passages (OIA nadi-, Beng. ndai, in tantric terminology) leading up the spine, one on its left and right respectively (i.da, Beng. ihr, and pihgald in "Hindu" tantras), and one within (susumna in "Hindu" tantras); only the latter leads to the correct point and is to be taken.27 The translocating agent is wind, first stabilized within the body by breath control and then directed upwards through the middle passage. The Bauls usually use dam(er kdj) "(action of the) breath," or expressions such as (ul'ta) kal "(reverse) apparatus" to denote this.28 Obviously all this requires a very good knowledge of and long training in various physical and men- tal exercises and techniques-coitus is difficult enough.29 reservatus alone 5. The above seems a coherent system, logical in itself,30 in many respects agreeing with beliefs not only of other religious groups, past and present, in Bengal, According to recent sexological research male orgasm is not necessarily linked to ejaculation and may as such be multiple; the technique must however mostly be actively learnt (see, e.g., Ladas/Whipple/Perry 1982: 153-59). Is it possible that Bauls experience something similar? At any rate, informants practising similar intercourse speak of intense, prolonged pleasure; see B. Bhattacharya 1977: 390ff., esp. pp. 395f. (also Sinha 1961: 194). 30 And very male-oriented (cf., too, Capwell 1986: 74), as the woman cannot unify the two aspects in her body. So is she just a means to the man's ends, of no other import (cf. also B. Bhattacharya 1977: 389)? Baul theory seems to make no provisions for women, in contrast to, e.g., the vajrolimudra and amarolimudrd of n. 23 (see also below). So there seems no justification for their engaging in such practice (except for the ritual of the "four moons," not needing intercourse, in ?42). Yet they do, seemingly of their own volition (cf. also Sarkar 1990: 73f., 121, 171-73), after a not easy period of initiation and preparation, expecting a certain reward-but what? (A Sakta-Vais.navawoman adept cites release from the cycle of rebirth; see B. Bhattacharya 1977: 393.) Has this aspect of the matter been studied? It should be, though such considerations, typical for modern Westerners (who may see here a typical example of male dominancy; cf., e.g., Herrmann-Pfandt 1986: 11; many women are indeed exploited; cf. S. Cakrabarti 1989: 246f.), may be irrelevant in the eyes of those concerned (e.g., since women do not long for sex: S. Cakrabarti1989: 196f.). See, too, U. Bhattacarya1980: 398 (also Gulik 1961: 138, 346), where it is however unclear whether the concern expressed for the woman's well-being is really on her account or merely because any disharmony in her body would affect the male. Mukherjee 1985 says that "le Bafil [sic] et son epouse" (p. 127) or "the Baul couple" (p. 213) both draw up what he views as their mingled fluids, but this only shows unawareness of what actually is supposed to happen (pp. 126, 212 speak of their tubular passages [!] uniting and the resulting energy being forced up) and gives us no actual information on what the woman is supposed to be gaining. Cf., though, the Hathayogapradipikd passages mentioned in n. 23, esp. 3.99ff. (Svatmarama1975) on the amarolimudrd (in a system not that of the Bauls) in which semen and rajas are united in the woman's body (see also Das Gupta 1976: 238f.); rajas here is the woman's procreatory fluid, the counterpart of semen (see also 3.91), but whether it is the same as menstrual blood (cf. ?2), I cannot say. 29 medium of lust, the former, of love, it being only in a state of love without lust and in a place in which it is fully at ease and without temptation that the complete cosmic principle can exist in the harmony of its constituents. A study of Baul songs in this respect is made difficult by the use of prem (usually taken to mean "love" and seemingly the most common word in the relevant contexts) and seeming synonyms in several meanings, also for the excitation of ritual intercourse, and sometimes, it seems, even "lust." On prem and kam (my usual translation: "lust") see also Marglin 1982: 305-7, P. Das 1978: 262ff., Dimock 1966b: 56f., Singer 1966b: 131 (though the generalizing interpretation on pp. 129f. seems doubtful). 26 Intercourse must not take place on these very days according to Dharmagsstraand medical texts (which expressly presuppose that intercourse basically serves the purpose of procreation). 27 Note also Lesky 1951 and Lincoln 1988 (cited in n. 19), on the theory of the spinal cord forming the passage for semen to descend in the ancient Middle East and ancient Greece. Cf. also n. 18. 28 One safely lodging the complete principle is in harmony with the universe and transcends earthly bonds, of course provided the lodging is permanent. This ideal, permanent state is however rarely achieved, and thus the process has to be repeated often. Repetition may, however, seemingly also be necessary because the cosmic principle does not rise in a full or unsullied state and has to be further purified. Cf., e.g., S. Cakrabarti1989: 242. DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 393 but also pan-Indian and Chinese, maybe even panAsian (on the androgynous deity, cf. also Dimock 1966b: 21914). Similarities with "tantrism" (both socalled Hindu and Buddhist) are obvious. These have however caused many to be careless in their descriptions of Baul belief and ritual, to simply assume that particular individual aspects of "tantrism" apply to these too, and even to use, in their descriptions, tantric terms which Bauls may not use at all or in the same implied sense. The same applies, mutatis mutandis, to the great traditions the Bauls are in contact with, especially those of Vaishnavism (non-tantric and tantric) and Islam, particularly Sufism.31 Such terminological carrying over has led, for instance, to the tantric terms purusa and prakrti being generally used in publications for the male and female aspects of the cosmic principle, though Bauls rarely use the term purusa for the (cf. ?2) (prakrti is, however, frequent-also female engaged in the ritual). But in this case the danger of transferring alien notions, even though we cannot fully discount it (cf., e.g., prakrti = semen; S. Cakrabarti 1986b: 134; 1989: 224), does not seem so great, which is why I too use these terms for my readers' facilitation, though aware of possible pitfalls.32 In many other cases, though, such methodological unsoundness, which is not confined to terminology, not only may have quite adverse results, but at times seems actually to have done so;33 sometimes this is 31 The scepticism of Gaborieau (1989: 232) regarding the Sufi influence on Indian mysticism is not valid, in the case of the Bauls at least. See also Bakker (1990) on possible Sufi influences in "Hindu" thought in general. As it is, the give and take between Islam and what is called Hinduism has never been a one-way street (as recently shown again by Chinniah 1990). 32 Of course, the terms prakrti and purusa have many meanings, but in a context such as this it is naturally the tantric ones which apply. Cf. also n. 113. 33 An example is the discussion, often bordering on the weird, on the meaning and etymology of baul and aul, summarized in Anoyarul Karim 1971: 23-60. The author himself, however, seems unable to pass competent judgment (even mixing up Sanskrit and Prakrit on pp. 36f.); thus his own speculations are hardly scholarly, even more so the rather queer remarks of Anwarul Karim (1980: 99-108). Cf. also Mahmud 1983: 414f. On bdul, dul and their Indo-Aryan cognates (not confined to Bengali, and including Middle and Old Indo-Aryan) see Turner 1973: nos. 11504, 11546, 12183, and no. 1012, respectively, which speak a clear language. As it is, the adherents of many South Asian creeds (whether using Indo-Aryan or other languages) call(ed) themselves "mad"; this is also found in Islamic mysticism, and is, indeed, so common in many other religions as to hardly merit special mention (for a brief discussion relating to South Asia, with references and allusions to similarities in Christian mysticism, see, e.g., Feldhaus 1984: 19ff., though some of the deductions are probably debatable). In Bengal, too, the Bauls are not the only ones to do so; they and many others also use commoner words for "mad" (pagal, pag'ld, dioyana/deoyana, ksyapa, mastan(d), unmdd, etc.); on this phenomenon see now McDaniel 1989. It is also common knowledge that "mad" is part of the name or honorific of many a Baul; this holds good for adherentsof similar creeds. Madness is linked with ecstasy (Ram'krsnatoo describes the ecstasy of a sidhaka thus), but also with the attainment of hidden knowledge, and this too is true of various religious groups. Thus Rameg (cf. n. 73), calling himself pdgal, unequivocally says in a song (Baba maoldnd maoldnd on Recordings 6: side A, no. 2): pdgal chard ei kheld keu bujh'be nd "None but the mad will understand this game" (cf. n. 15); similarly, the popular song Meher'ban khodar karuna says that he who understands God's mysteries becomes mad (ye bojhe se hay dioyana). Note in this connection also the belief in many cultures that fools, idiots and the mad have a special relationship with divinity (as evinced too in the Sanskrit devanam priyah "fool"). Madness can also be due to longing; thus a famous song of Hasan (Hachan) Raja (on him, see Khan/Hosen 1985: 292f.; Manirujjaman 1982: 88; P. Gupta 1985; All 1979; Man'sur Uddin 1981, 2.2: 3642; Riyajul Hak 1976: 42; Y. Bhattacarya 1984: 447; Khan 1982: 19-28; Sen'gupta/ Basu 1988: 627) opens by saying that he is bduld and duld longing for God: Ego mauld, tomdr lagi hdsan raja bduld. bhdb'tebhdb'tehdsan rajay haild eman duld.... Note too the meaning "disordered"-- "dishevelled" (also of hair) of bdul and dul (or related words) in many IndoAryan languages, and that dul(d)jhdul(d) "dishevelled" (often, but not only, of hair) is also used in Baul songs to mean "unsteady, uneasy, bewildered; mad," as in the first line of Amulyadhan's Aul'jhdul man re amdr bdul seje ne (Recordings 5: side B, no. 1, sung by Deb'das), in the line saddisah phakire kay haiye duldjhduldgo, sakhi haye duldjhduld ... of Sadaisah's Ami kari go mdnd sydm'rup nirakhi (Y. Bhattacaryya 1962: 94, also in Y. Bhattacarya 1984: 285 and Datta/ Bhaumik 1966: 181f.; on the poet see Y. Bhattacarya 1984: 422) or in the line premer mdnus yara auld-jduld [sic] hay re tdrd of another song of Hasan Raja (Man'sur Uddin 1981, 2.2: 39). Incidentally, Anoyarul Karim 1971: 23-25 cites the explanation of bdul by a Baul himself, who analyzes it as "wind" (probably bau) + ul "quest; information"(on the mystical speculations on this ul see pp. 49-52): "searcher for (or: knowledgeable on) the wind" (cf. ?4). Another explanation of baul given by (according to the author) Sahajiyas (cf. ?8) is found in T. Cattopadhyay 1988: 285f.: ul is "success," namely in esoteric actions relating to ba, which (due to the triangular 394 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) even intentional,34 though few are as honest about this as Paul 1972: 4f.35 6. All this has, I trust, shown that describing the beliefs and rituals of the Bauls may actually not be as easy as it often seems. And in truth, this task is extremely difficult, so much so that one could rightly say that, though so much has been written on them,36 many problems connected with the Bauls seem not even to have been seen yet. This has several causes. Firstly, we have the difficulty of deciding who is or is not a Baul, not only because not all Baul groups use this name,37 but also because their connections with the religious groups surrounding them quite often hinder adequate delimitation;38 this holds good especially for Sufis39 37 Indeed, in many parts of Bengal the terms fakir (Beng. phakir, which is also simply "beggar" in East Bengal), sufi (Beng. suphY),etc., are commoner. It is incidentally not true (at least today) that a Baul/Fakir must necessarily be "shorn" (nerd), as the remarks of Datta (1977-1978: 447) could be construed to mean. The Fakir (in Abul Basar 1986) too is anything but shorn. Actually, nera phakir is an historical epithet; cf. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 51 (though the explanation may be debatable); the once common, now derogatory, Hindu term for a Muslim, namely nere or lere, originally also meant "shorn." The neras Capwell (1986: 14f.) says were written about by R. Montgomery Martin do not seem to be Bauls; certain Vaishnavas too are, even today, often called nerd (and neHl), though admittedly the distinction between them and Bauls is often difficult to make, as the following line shows: yata sab bairagi baisnab bhek diyd nam badale bdul ndra in Gopal's song Ese ek rasik pagal badhale gol; for different printed versions, see, e.g., Sil n.d.: 8f., Capwell 1986: 190; for sung versions Recordings 8: side A, no. 4 (by Gaur Khepa and Paban Das), Recordings 10: side A, no. 2 (by Ruma Guha Thakur'ta), Recordings 15: side A, no. 6 (by Purna Candra Das) and no. 7 (by Sambhu Das). 38 Many persons, mostly villagers (not only "lower class"), adhere to what we would call Baul (in contrast to other tantric) tenets, not necessarily seeing themselves in the same category as those openly proclaiming themselves as Bauls, Fakirs or the like. Even the latter are not necessarily the wandering minstrels with the habits and dress popularly associated with Bauls, but may be ordinary householders, not easily distinguishable. I may also draw attention to the surprisingly high percentage of folk songs, collected from ordinary villagers in different parts of Bengal, similar to Baul songs. Note too that not all calling themselves Bauls are accepted as such by other Bauls; see, e.g., Sarkar 1990: 88ff. (with p. 72); S. Cakrabarti 1989: 158, 186, 244, 252ff.; A. Mukhopadhyay n.d.: Iff. 39 Though Bauls are supposed to differ from Sufis (Mahmud 1983: 413f., Brahma 1987a: 93f., Ab'dur Rasid 1984: 123-30, also Anwarul Karim 1980: 11-13, S. Cakrabarti 1989: 265), common perception seems rarely to see this (cf., too, Sarkar 1990: 137ff., Mandal 1949: cha[5]f.). To Jaohar (1986: 1-115) the famed Lalan (and probably all Bauls) are Sufis; A. Ah'mad (1985: 352, 584) lists books of Baul songs in his bibliography of "Muslim" works without comment. Most Sufis in Bengal seem bi sar' anyway, in appear- form of the Bengali letter) denotes the female genitals. Both explanations are very interesting, showing how adherents of these creeds see themselves; unfortunately the latter does not differentiate between esoteric interpretation and etymology. S. Cakrabarti(1989: 170) quotes the explanation ba "dtman-" + ul "searcher." (On the etymology of baul see also Dimock 1966a: 250f., 254, quoted wrong by Capwell [1986: 10]). 34 See, e.g., nn. 2, 3, 12, 35. The data in n. 33 is irrelevant to one determined to seek a complicated (therefore "better"?) explanation for the otherwise all-too-obvious and therefore uninteresting; usually this means "proving" borrowing from a Arabic for bdul and dul. That aduliya, normal Indo-Aryan derivative of dul, (thus too: bduliyd) has probably coalesced with the Arabic auliya' (a plural, but already in Urdu = the singular wall), perhaps secondarily influencing dul, facilitates such reasoning, even though these are quite different issues. Linguistic games of fantasy are a common pastime in Bengal; cases I find most interesting are the theory (M. Jana 1984: 3) that the name of the forest region in South Bengal, Sundar'ban, is influenced by French; the unearthing of Arabic words in the Carydpadas (cf. R. P. Das 1988b: 32516); the derivation of Persian pir from OIA sthavira- (Enamul Hak 1984: 114, l.c. sthabir; see also Enamul Hak 1979: 21); and the assumption that the modern names of Mohenjodaro and Harappa are five thousand years old (!), originally being Mahendra-drdha "Fort Great-Indra"and Hara-appd (l.c. dppa) "Father Hara (= Siva)" (Sen'gupta 1990: 135)! 35 "Moreover, it cannot be imagined that the members of this sect will ever think of themselves as mad persons. And again, any person who has fully appreciated the inner significance of their songs, can never think of them as ordinary mad persons" (with interesting consequences; see esp. pp. 5f.). In conveniently disregarding what Bauls themselves say, the author quite openly shows his basic concern with propagating certain personal convictions (cf. n. 2 above). His Bauls' religious life naturally also knows of no sex (cf. n. 12). He (p. 2) also states: "Bdul-gdn really means 'Spiritual Song"'! 36 In most detail probably by U. Bhattacarya (1980) (for Baul rituals see esp. pp. 387ff., 371ff.). DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 395 ance and behavior often difficult or impossible to tell from Bauls, who may have true Sufi silsilas. A friend from Faridpur divulged several pithy sayings from his village, claiming they referred to all Fakirs and Sufis: suphir thyald bara thyald "The [coital] push of a Sufi is an immense push"; suphi maird dise (of an absent-minded/eccentric girl) "A Sufi's fucked [her]"; suphir thdp khdise (id.) "[She]'s been thrust [into] by a Sufi." Picturing, for political or religious reasons, the Bauls as true Muslims (even manipulating sources, according to Lut'phar Rah-man 1985: [3]; see pp. [17]f. too) helps this perception. Conversely, "orthodox" Muslims often persecute Bauls (at times Sufis, too); see, esp., S. Cakrabarti1989: 17ff., 87f., 99ff., 163ff., 177ff., 192f.; A. A. Caudhuri 1990. Talib (1980: 234-44) attacks "Hinduism" (including Bauls, etc.) in Islam, and Yakariya (1974: birdnabbai ff.) speaks disapprovingly of "so-called 'Sufism"' (p. birdnabbai); for works of similar nature see Abu Talib 1985: 233, Riyajul Hak 1976: 29f., Anwarul Karim 1980: 5, A. Ah'mad 1985: 699f. (cf. too Ab'dur Ragid 1984: 136-40). Abul Basar 1986 is a story of such antagonism; on p. 526 a Fakir (who is finally beaten up), is called bidharmi "of another religion (= heretic)" and gumut khdoyd phakir "stool and urine eating Fakir" (a reference to certain Baul practices; see ?42) by a leader of the "orthodox" camp. Syncretistic creeds, in general, may be persecuted as dari song (see n. 72) Al ham'"unislamic"; thus the Maij Bhan. dulillah (Recordings 6: side B, no. 1) says: abujh bale kapher ddke "[They] name [me] uncomprehending, call me an infidel." Intriguingly, Kay'sar (1987: 140) makes it clear that "orthodox" Muslims (sunni) may, in their reactions against what they do not regard as truly Islamic, even lump the Maij Bhandari cult together with traditional Sufi orders such as Cigtiya, Naqsbandiya, etc.; this is not surprising when we consider that one of the Maij Bhandari adherents described (pp. 129ff.) actually belongs to the Mugaddidiya order (pp. 235ff.). Many "orthodox" Bengali Muslims are however ambivalent in their attitude toward syncretistic creeds, which include the Bauls; thus Baj'lur Ragid 1984: 220, on the one hand, speaks derogatorily of "unislamic" beliefs and practices, and simultaneously, eulogizes Lalan and his songs (pp. 9-11). Intriguingly, the leader just mentioned (Abul Basar 1986: l.c.) says: phakirer sdthe musal'miner jal-cal thdkleo, tara dmdder kaiimer (gosthi ba sampraddy) keu nd [sic, not nay] "Though Muslims, have a water-accepting relationship with Fakirs [who thus do not make them impure], they are none of our kindred (fold or community)" (Abul Basar 1986: 527). On such attitudes, akin to caste consciousness, among Indian and especially Bengali Muslims, see Dutta 1987: 173-87, R. P. Das 1988b: 3181 (also Gabriel 1988, P. Gupta 1985: 13, Rana 1988: 14, S. Cakrabarti 1989: 172ff.), Ali 1985: 415 (kdr'o dbdr hukdpan bandha ha'ta); Haq (1985: 101) even mentions a Sufi order shunning food touched by others. and Vaishnavas.40 Secondly, the Baul creed is not, as is usually assumed, homogeneous, the difficulty being compounded by the fact that other religious traditions relevant for its study are also not homogeneous, which circumstance too is very often overlooked. Thirdly, despite all we today know about them, the Bauls still keep much of their belief and ritual secret, at times even deliberately misleading enquirers (cf., e.g., Sarkar 1990: 9f., 15f.; S. Cakrabarti 1989: 12f.). Yet the general impression one gains from publications on the Bauls is that, though some minor points still remain to be clarified, we know most things about them quite well. This may not only lead us astray, but also make us blind to much that is interesting and important. Comprehensive knowledge of the Bauls can be gained only by not avoiding or neglecting even complicated problems, and I mean to demonstrate this. 7. Let us start with the problem of heterogeneity.41 We should expect this in a system of beliefs influenced by various others (here especially, though not necessarily only, those mentioned in ?5), which too show various cross-influences, especially of tantrism on Vaishnavism and Sufism.42 In fact one finds this heterogeneity at 40 See on this also the beautiful picture painted by T. Bandyopadhyay (1980) in the novel Raikamal. Cf. also Sarkar 1985: 52ff., and n. 37. 41 The problem of delimitation cannot be taken up here, as it requires exhaustive comparative studies of different religious doctrines. The other two problems mentioned in ?6 however concern not only, but mostly, Baul creed. 42 I am aware of the problems the terms "tantrism" and "tantric" occasion (cf., e.g., Torella 1983: 309, also Gulik 1961: 3391) but do not know what other expressions to use, as this is not the place to deal with such difficulties in detail. It must however be emphasized that tantrism is not a system striving to derive power through a mere reversal of behavioral norms, of "transgression." This peculiar notion, seemingly a misunderstanding of what we have seen in n. 8 and present especially among French and North American scholars of the social sciences, is mostly a fabrication of Louis M. Dumont, and has sadly distorted the views of many scholars (cf., e.g., Bouez 1991: 143f., 151ff.; R. P. Das 1991: 751ff., 766f.). But even then the definition of the terms we are concerned with is difficult enough. For now, we will have to make do with the ill-defined expression "tantrism," as it is commonly used, to describe various methods connected with the microcosmic macrocosm and the duality of male and female, and which may mean different things to different persons. Dwight A. Tkatschow says he is preparing an extensive bibliography of 396 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) almost every turn, if one only chooses not to ignore it, but perhaps nowhere as readily-and confusingly-as in the references to the mystic plexuses along the spinal path the Bauls too believe in. Now Bauls frequently use the generic term padma of "Hindu" tantrism (cakra is rather rare), and at times also refer to individual plexuses with names known from the tantras; no one would deny that there is some connection. Also, some Bauls at least were or are well versed in what we may perhaps call orthodox tantric tradition. But that does not allow us to generalize, or uncritically to use (mostly "Hindu") tantric nomenclature for the plexuses in Baul belief,43 or to assume the same system, as is commonly done. 8. Our problems do not end there. The exact significance of the terms padma and cakra in so-called Hindu tantrism is actually unclear: are these synonyms, or do padmas and cakras only share specific locations, or are they part of each other (see too Briggs 1970: 309f.)? Their exact numbers and locations, too, are unclear, as is also whether the two highest plexuses, djna and sahasrdra (both in the head), are actually different material on tantrism at the University of Toronto's Centre for Religious Studies. For now, as an introduction see Gupta/ Hoens/Goudriaan 1979, N. Bhattacharyya 1982, M. Basu 1986, Prajnianananda 1988, Goudriaan/Gupta1981, Snellgrove 1987, Kaviraj 1972, Banerji 1988, Acarya/Gautam 19851986, and Kvaerne 1975 and 1977: 2721 (see also pp. 30-36, and cf. also pp. 61-64-apart from Kvaerne 1975, J. Simha 1969, 1: 37-40 and P. Das 1988: 153f.-on the term sahaja, which the Bauls too use, though on their sahaja, Beng. sahaj, see U. Bhattacarya 1980: 86ff., and ??23ff.); cf. too Dyczkowski 1987 and 1988. See esp. Dimock 1966a, P. Das 1978 and P. Das 1988 on the special characteristics of Bengali Vaishnava tantrism, in which connection T. Cattopadhyay 1988 (which also deals with the Bauls) is of interest. On Sufi philosophy and practices see, esp., Schimmel 1975 (with an extensive bibliography), also Gramlich 1976 (esp. pp. 253ff.) and 1981; Meier 1976 too contains much interesting material and an extensive bibliography. For an overview of tantric/yogic Sufism characteristic of Bengal (though found also in other parts of India; for western Indian examples see, e.g., Wagle 1991, Mallison 1991; cf. also Faruqi 1985: 9ff.) see A. Roy 1983 (also R. P. Das 1988b: 32516 on Bengali Islam), and, on the Sufi component in Baul thought, esp. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 482-516 (also Datta/Bhaumik 1966: [124]-[134]). 43 The emphasis is on "uncritically," for one ultimately has to adopt a system of nomenclature that is widely understood. But it must be stressed that the same names do not necessarily make what is so named the same. points, or whether the latter is a (the upper?) part of the former, or not exactly a plexus, but something different (a void?); depending on the answer, we would, following the usual mode of reckoning, have seven or six handbooks mostly give either the one or plexuses-our the other number. All this is important, for it is linked with the problem of the abode of the Purusa, who is at times portrayed as having his usual abode in the sahasrdra, at times in the djnd, at times in both. Similar problems crop up with regard to so-called Buddhist tantrism; here we have problems not only with the terms kdya and cakra, but also kamala (padma).44 Then there are other tantric systems, often neglected, whose padmas, cakras and the like may be very different from those of the "orthodox" systems.45 Of especial import for us are also the notions on the padmas in sarovara- -"lakes") (situated in sarobars-OIA Bengali Sahajiya Vaishnavism (henceforth only "Sahajiya"), which are not only at great variance with the generally known notions of so-called Buddhist and Hindu tantrism, but also not standardized.46 44 See also S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 146-53, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 449-51. 45 Especial attention may be drawn to the Nath school (of Bengali origin, according to a controversial theory), an overview of whose plexuses, e.g., M. Basu (1986: 636-43) gives. Banerjea (1961: 169-88, 30) discusses the-nine-plexuses according to Gorakh'nath extensively; he also lists sixteen adharas, some with names of plexuses known from "Hindu" tantrism, but says expressly that they are not cakras. Nine plexuses are also assumed by other tantric schools; see Gupta/ 1988: Hoens/Goudriaan 1979: 16917 and also Prajnianananda 571, 153-56 (on a theory in which the djid actually consists of four cakras, giving in all nine cakras if one disregards the sahasrara; cf. ?8). On nine plexuses cf. also Rath 1982: 24: caturbhih sivacakrais ca sakticakrais ca pancabhih navacakraig ca samsiddhim gricakram sivayor vapuh. Cf., too, p. 6 (on the number 9 see also n. 133 below). Certain sectarian works also mention "secret" plexuses; on these see, e.g., Pott 1966: 21-24, 37f. (also pp. 137f., 38f. and Briggs 1988: 14419 1970: 3174). Rosel 1928: 24f. and Prajinanananda too mention several plexuses in addition to those usually enumerated. In Yakariya 1974, also, the editor draws attention to problems occasioned by Nath theories on the plexuses, though he sees them only in terms of "Hindu" and "Buddhist" tantrism (cf. pp. ek'gata egara if.). 46 Cf., e.g., Dimock 1966a: 170-77; P. Das 1978: 150f.; Bose 1927a: 48f., 52; and 1986: 125f.; also U. Bhattacarya 1980: 365. The sarobars seem somewhat similar to the seven oceans of ancient Indian cosmology, which are also present in the microcosm of the human body, as, e.g., Garudapurana, DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 397 9. So it is no wonder that Baul theory, not only on the number and nature of the plexuses, but also on the abode of the Purusa, is varied. The latter poses a problem similar to that in ?8: is this place akin to the djiid, or is it akin to the sahasrira? And is the Purusa always there, or do Purusa and Prakrti-Purusa (i.e., the Purusa combined with the Prakrti) have different abodes (the latter then probably in the place akin to the sahasrdra)? Or are what we would call ijnid and sahasrira actually the same? The Bauls themselves seem to furnish us with different answers, quite often also such as we cannot link with either of the plexuses mentioned.47 Then too, the total number of plexuses in the body usually seems to be four, though we find other numbers too, also six.48 The number four seems common in "Buddhist" tantrism; however, many descriptions of individual plexuses in Baul theory even then tally rather with what we know of "Hindu" tantrism. 10. Most Baul enumerations or descriptions make all this even more confusing. Particularly puzzling is a song49 mentioning four lotuses (padma), namely-in this order-sahasrdra, manipura (= manipura), khanjandksi (!) and mulddhara.50 These seem to be in descending order, which is puzzling, for the khanjanaksi is said to have two petals and be situated at the root of the nose (ndsdmule khanjanak.si padma se dbidal), i.e., between the brows; it thus seems to correspond to the ajind, which is above the Manipura! The same order (with the name khaijanaksi, otherwise unknown to me) is, also enigmatically, mentioned already by Candidas (Bose 1986: 129).51 But he was a Sahajiya Vaishnava, so we might find something relevant in Sahajiya Uttarardha (Pretakalpa) 22.60-62 states (Pandey 1986); one might therefore investigate whether Sahajiya notions on the microcosm ultimately result from such cosmological notions amalgamating with those on the plexuses. 47 Cf. also Datta/Bhaumik 1966: (134)ff., (104); U. Bhattacarya 1980: 452. 48 E.g., in Gobin's Dekh'bi yadi cikan-kdal sbaser maila jap na (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 929); the cakras (the term used here) are neither named nor described, just enumerated. The famous Haure begins a song: Guru thaken sahasrare, satcakra upare "The Guru (cf. ?1) resides in the Sahasrara, on top of the six cakras" (A. C. Das 1986: 87); here too the cakras are not named. 49 Man pageld ydis'nd kabhu dhakar sahare by Mo. Nechar All Sekh (Tena 1981: 157f.). 50 The transcription follows OIA (Sanskrit) norms, as is common practice. 51 Note also M. Basu 1986: 640f. on similarly situated similar padmas. literature. And there is a text (see P. Das 1978: 151) which too could have the two-petalled lotus below the region where the manipura usually is,52 namely in a "lonely/solitary place," which might refer to the genitals.53 In the Baul song, the manipura is also called the abode of Siva (manipure param siber sthal). Siva is the Purusa (see n. 13), and sib (OIA giva-) also refers to semen in tantric texts.54 But both Purusa and semen are generally said to reside in the head. Now the position of the manipura above, just below the sahasrara, is where in "Hindu" tantrism we find the ajiia! But what of the khanjaniksi, then? All this refuses to fit into any single scheme we know of. Some of the confusion might, of course, disappear if the order of enumeration of the plexuses above should not be that of their actual position in the body, but difficulties would still remain. 11. There is even more food for thought. Manipura (Beng. manipur) is literally "abode/city of the jewel." But mani "jewel" is also a common esoteric term for semen.55 Is manipura the abode of semen? Statements 52 It also locates a six-petalled lotus in or at the navel, the usual place of the ten-petalled manipura according to "Hindu" tantrism, in which the six-petalled lotus is the svadhisthana, located at the root of the genitals. 53 nirjan sthanete; cf. guhyadesa in Dimock 1966a: 171118, and the fact that guhyadesa is also a common term for the private parts. 54 Note too that siva and expressions for "Siva's semen" (e.g., sivabija) also refer to mercury (also called rasa, on which see nn. 21 and 22). 55 Medieval Bengali Sufi-yogic-tantric works have it too. Thus Sekh Sadi's Gadd-malika Sambdd uses mani (also candra "moon"; cf. R. P. Das 1984b: 331) for "semen" (and ratiras for "menstrual blood") (Sariph 1976: 55, 69). Mani [sic] is found in Sariph 1978 (e.g., pp. 28, 31f., 70) also. The editor of Sekh Jahed's Adya-paricay derives mani of the text from Arabic mani "semen" (thus also in Persian, in High Arabic minan) (Enamul Hak 1979: 19, 5266, 7474; A. Roy [1983: 186] derives mani thus too). But the text refers to semen by at least three other known tantric terms as well, all from OIA: bindu, sukra, and candra (op. cit., 13). The editor mentions mani (not mani or mdni!) as a fourth name. Now he himself admits to often emending the manuscript (pp. 4f.), but as a rule does not mention rejected readings. We may thus ask whether the text really has mani, or whether he has changed mani / mani (the nasal is no problem, for Bengali manuscripts usually confuse n / n; the letters are often similar). Moreover, in some parts of Bengal a in an initial syllable was often written as a (cf. R. P. Das 1988a: 344). I thus have reservations regarding the etymology of mani proposed. It is possible that 398 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) like Tahejaddi's puruser mani thake mastake-manir mokame ("a man's jewel is situated in the head-at the abode56 of the jewel")57 make this worth considering. Bholai calls the muni the "brain-flower" (magaj phul)58 -in which connection note that the Yogi-kdc says that the mani-magaj is in the head (Mandal 1949: 1gha[5]). In a song by Gopal,59 manipur is the place to which semen rises through the susumna, where the Purusa resides, and also a two-petalled lotus (cf. ?10).60 the Indo-Aryan and Arabic words have later amalgamated,but as mani "jewel" is after all a well-known tantric term for "semen," it does seem more probable that this is the origin of the expression used in Sufi-yogic Bengali works, too, especially since they repeatedly refer to semen as "wealth" (A. Roy 1983: 186). Interestingly, Sekh Jahed (Enamul Hak 1979: 51) calls candra after it has left the man and entered the woman mani, but this differentiation does not seem to be consequent. Gulik 1961: 3403 says that mani means "penis" in Buddhist texts. I do not know whether this is correct, but cf. vajra "thunderbolt;diamond; penis"; see, e.g., S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 106 (p. 169 on om mani padme hum); also J. Simha 1969, 1:179f. (on possible instances of New Indo-Aryan equivalents or synonyms of vajra with the meaning "penis" in the Carydpadas, in which texts Simha, in contrast to other commentators, sees references to sexual practices). In medical texts the glans penis is called mani. 56 mokam or mukim, from Arab. maqdm or muqdm (in South Asia the latter is common), appears in several contexts in Baul songs. See also ?14, ?48 and n. 208. 57 In Ei sabhdte baisyd dchen yatek jan, answering a riddle song by Aher Baks (Ei sabhdte baisyd dchen yata baydti); see Ab'dul Hamid 1981: 15f. 58 In Gdcher par tord dekh'se satadal (Tena 1980: 7f.). Muni is a dialectical pronunciation for mani (cf. n. 155 and Ha. Bandyopadhyay 1978: 1807). Jijidsi hayecha dmdy ese ranger paricay (Tena 1980: 9f.), also by Bholai, connects muni with ram "color," but the sense is unclear (dui rahgete mathan haye muni[,(?)] ram prabal haye purus pay'dd hay; this song links different colors with the conceived child's sex; cf. on colors also n. 86). 59 Man re cala rup'nagare (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 853f.). 60 The song says, too, that one sees sixty-four "chambers/ compartments"(kuthuri) there. The mystic number sixty-four appears in various contexts; I am not sure what it means here. However, since the Purusa here is clearly Krsna, see also H. DSs 1987: 273, on Krsna's sixty-four female companions. The nirmanacakra (?kdya?) of "Buddhist" tantrism however has sixty-four petals too; but it is in the navel region-like the manipura! A coincidence maybe, but intriguing. Yakariya (1974: 148) draws attention to Sekh Cand's Tdlib Namd, which refers to the body's sixty-four tubular passages (nail). In a song by Panj,61 Allah (= Purusa; cf. n. 13) as the "fish"62 is in the manipur after having played at the triveni63 (ache nirmal mahal manipure, kheleche kheld ghat tripine), which too speaks for a cranial location. U. Bhattacarya (1980: 1059) thus seems to be correct in taking the manikothd "jewel-chamber" (commonly "innermost chamber/sanctuary") in Panfij's Nirakare jyotirmay (ibid., 744) too to be a cranial plexus, as it is hardly different from the manipur. But the song mentions a union here (manikothiy yog-milan); is this meant literally, or just an allusion to the united state of Prakrti and Purusa residing here now? The former would be problematic, for it could imply that the Purusa does not descend, but lets the Prakrti rise to it, or else that the site meant is actually near the genitals. Kal'kut 1988b: 46, too, enigmatically mentions a "game" of the semi-legendary Jay'deb and Padmabati 61 Mul sadhan kara malek cine (U. Bhat.tacarya 1980: 758f.). 62 Common for the cosmic principle, which the "fisherman" "catches" in the menstrual river. (Fish incidentally are lustless; cf. S. Cakrabarti 1989: 83.) In Lalan's Samay bujhe badhal badh'le na (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 578, Hamidul Is'lam 1981: 59f.; not in Das/Mahapatra 1958, S. Mitra 1979) the fish is clearly Visnu's fish incarnation (to D. Bhattacharya 1969: 921, whose Bauls know of no sex-cf. n. 12-this is the only meaning of "fish"). Images of "catching," and of "traps," "cages," etc., are common in Baul songs. But not all mean the same; thus something adverse may be "caught," to neutralize it. And in the song Idur-mara kal ra'eche jagat' mdjhire (Recordings 7: side A, no. 2, sung by Gaur Khepa) the mouse-trap is the vagina. 63 Beng. tribeni, in dialects tir(')puni, tir(')pin, etc.: the holy confluence of Gafga (Ganges), Yamuna, and the mythical Sarasvati at Allahabad (the Yuktaveni), also the point of separation of Yamuna and Sarasvati (Beng. Sarasbati) from the Bhagirathi/Hug'li (Hooghly) in Hooghly District, West Bengal (the Muktaveni, a pilgrimage centre too). It refers in tantric (also Baul) terminology to the meeting place of the three tubular passages at the spinal base (see ?4). U. Bhattacarya 1980: 444 draws attention to the notion that there are two trivenis within the body, namely the yukta triveni and the mukta trivent, in the perineum and between the brows respectively. On the triveni(s) also Yakariya 1974: 150, 154, 175 (in the last place mentioned we find the opinion that according to the Nath text edited the triveni is situated in the heart; I do not know if this deduction is valid). Qureshi 1977: 236 says that in Baul terminology triveni also describes "l'ut6rus d'ou s'ecoule le sang menstruel"; I do not know whether this is true (cf. also ?33). D. Bhattacharya (1969: 75') and Paul (1972: 12, 25f.) explain triveni in various ways, except for the one meant, as that entails sex (cf. n. 12). DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 399 (revered by Bauls, especially in West Bengal) played in the manipur, obviously during ritual intercourse. Even more unclear is manipur in a song of Pacu,64 which says only that the "man of the mind" (see ?2) sports here. But S. Cakrabarti (1989: 242) expressly situates the "jewel of the head" (mithar mani ) = Krsna in the manikothi. A song of Ananta65 places the manikothd right at the top of the dwelling66 which is the body. And a song by an unknown poet,67 detailing the right conduct of the sddhu,68 advises one to keep one's mind attached to the "red sign" (menstrual flow) and close up the mouth of the pitcher (kal'si ),69 with attention fixed on the manikothd, which obviously refers to the 64 Amdr maner manus khel'che manipure (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 699f.). 65 Ke gareche eman ghar. For the words see U. Bhattacarya 1980: 801f. A. Gupta 1983: 108 has a slightly shorter version, whilst a corrupt and much abridged version is found on Recordings 17: side B, no. 3. 66 ghar. The body as a house or the like is a common and ancient image found also in the Caryapadas; see Kvaerne 1977: 45. 67 Sddhu yard jane tdra (Recordings 5: side B, no. 2, sung by Paban'das). 68 "Of right/properconduct" seems the best approximation. In Baul terminology sadhu mostly means one who knows how to attain or has successfully attained the ultimate stage of cosmic harmony through the proper ritual. 69 Is the shape of the scrotum with the testicles enclosed relevant here (a kal'si is round-bellied, with a large opening and hardly any neck)? The simile is in any case understandable: one must hoard what one has received from the woman, not letting it flow out again. Saha Kachim Ali's Tord hao yadi keo dhani (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 191f.) says: dr mdiyd-nadir kule basi sndn karile guni; kal'sir mukhe cdp'ni di sandhdne tula pani "And when [you], talented/skilled one, bathe, sitting on the bank of the girl-river, raise the water in [your] search, putting a lid over the pitcher." It could be that the image is also influenced by the term kumbhak(OIA kumbhaka-), literally "(small) pot/pitcher," but, in tantrism, used to denote the process of breath control by which the air within the body is stabilized prior to being directed up via the susumnd. Bauls usually use other terms for this (see ?4), but it is very probable that some of them at least are acquainted with the tantric term. The pot or pitcher is also supposed to represent the susumnd and the plexuses, as well as the body (cf. Kvaerne 1977: 52), the latter an ancient image. A song by an unknown poet (Hari badha man on Recordings 8: side A, no. 1, sung by Gaur Khepa and Padan Das) speaks of binding a pot on the date-tree (i.e., a woman; cf. n. 154), to be tapped when its flood (menstruation) comes, to obtain real sugar (see n. 24). process of translocation to the head.70 Such statements obviously do not refer to the manipura of "Hindu" tantrism.71 It is also worth examining whether manikula (variant: manimula) in Caryapada 4.3 might not have a sense like that considered here. 12. This brings to mind the "chamber of goods/wealth (mal)," frequently mentioned, which may point to a parallel with mani (mal is also slang for "semen," at least in the Calcutta area; cf. ras in n. 22). A Maij Bhandari song72 by Rames73 has the Maij Bhandari 70 Prithwindra Mukherjee, on the cover of Recordings 5, calls "le Joyau" "Un des plexus neuro-physique, siege du psychisme," but, probably unsure as to what exactly is meant, gives no particulars. 71 Cf. the difficulties of Paul (1972: 12, 27). Incidentally, Blanchet (1987: 70) records monni for "brain"in the language of Jamalpur District; I am not sure, but there seems to be a connection with the above. 72 Such songs are named after a Sufi shrine in Maij Bhandar, Chittagong District, mentioned also in some, mostly East Bengali, Baul songs. Some researchers seem not to know of it or its songs, or to have no real idea regarding them. Thus the extensive list of the different types of Bengali folk songs in Ab'dul Haphij 1975: 31-38 does not mention MaiijBhandari songs. Datta/Bhaumik (1966: [32]) list "Maij Bhan.dar" a as poet (!), but say too that the above village could be meant. Kay'sar (1987: 129ff.) describes Maij Bhandari mystics in vivid detail. On Maij Bhandari songs see Ohidul Alam 1979: 76, 84-87 and 1985: 18-33, Brahma 1986: 130-32, Jasimud-din 1977: 67-77, Begam 1976: 79-83 (also Riyajul Hak 1976: 42). One can buy booklets containing them all over Bangladesh (see too A. Ah'mad 1985: 112). Though the songs in the one I possess (Iusuph/Ibrahimn.d.) are mostly not like Baul songs, many others are. One Maij Bhand.ari song is found in 0. Ah'mad 1974: 104, Ohidul Alam 1963: 43f.given as two different songs in Ohidul Alam 1985; 19, 21and Chowdhury/Chowdhury/Hossain1985: 79f., respectively. There are also recordings of Maij Bhandari songs (e.g., Recordings 6 and 18); some of these are just like Baul songs. Some songs are also to be found on Recordings 9; song no. 6 on side A (Ohe dsekdn bhan.dari name) incidentally says: khul'be na tor diler kapat nd bujh'le bhan.ddrir gan "The door of your interior/core won't open if you don't understand the song(s) of the Bhandari," showing (like Rameg's song in n. 33) that at least some of the songs contain secret messages. (I have used "interior/core"for dil/del to bring out the ambiguity; "heart"or "mind" would not do.) See also n. 73. 73 La illaha ilia lahu [sic] (Recordings 13: side A, no. 2). On Rameg, a famous kabiyal (cf. n. 168) and Maij Bhandari devotee, see Manirujjaman1982: 86; Khan/Hosen 1985: 231; 400 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) reside in the mdl'kotha.74 An unknown poet's song75 calls the body a train with eighty-four compartments (probably, though not definitely, alluding to an ancient measure of the ideal man: eighty-four of his own fingers),76 then saying: sollo kothdy mdl kothd "the mdl kotha is within/with/[made] of sixteen chambers/ compartments."77 This reminds one of the sixteen ddharas of n. 45, but also of a lotus of sixteen petals in the forehead in a "Buddhist" tantric theory,78 Sen'gupta/Basu 1988: 461; Khan 1982: 37-46; Ohidul Alam 1979: 85, 88-90 and 1985: 18, 43-53 (in the song on p. 25 ramen is probably a misprint for rames). A collection of his songs has been published, but I could not see this. Recordings 6 and 18 however contain some songs; on others see nn. 33, 74, 131, and ?50. I am not sure if the two songs by a Rameg on Recordings 14: side B, nos. 1 and 4 (Adhdrgharat rdit'kd and Prem jbdldy) are by the same Rameg, but it is likely. 74 rames kay mdl'kothate birdj kare maij bhdndari "Rames is says: The Maij Bhian.dari illustriously present in the chamber of goods/wealth." bhdn.darirefers to the Maij Bhandiari, one of the saints (maulands, pirs), often regarded as reincarnations of famous holy men, including Jesus and Muhammad, for whom this shrine is famous. There are supposed to have been two (for their names see, e.g., Ohidul Alam 1985: 18). Usually (if my information is correct) the chota pir/mauldna is invoked (on him see Khan/Hosen 1985: 94, Jasimud'din 1977: 65-67, Ohidul Alam 1985: 33), but the bara pir/mauland (on him see A. Ah'mad 1985: 167, Jasimud-din 1977: 6065) might be the subject of songs too, so it may not always be clear who is meant. On the amalgamation of Maij Bhandari and the cosmic principle (also in two songs by Rameg in Anoyarul Karim 1971: 12f.), cf. ?1. 75 Man're, cal'che harinamer gdri (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 182f.). 76 See, e.g., Carakasamhita, Vimanasthana 8.117 with Cakrapanidatta'scommentary (Acharya 1941). Sharif (1972: 349f.) (unaware of the antiquity of this notion) refers to a similar statement in a mediaeval Bengali Sufi-yogic work. In Yakariya 1974: cuydttar, the editor, also unaware of the notion's antiquity, objects that measurements he himself conducted did not tally with it, so that the author of this Bengali text must have made a mistake! 77 Different sets of "chambers/compartments" appearing side-by-side is nothing unusual in Baul and similar songs. 78 According to the Sekoddesatika (Carelli 1941: 28: ... sodasadalalaldte kamalakarnikayam... ; U. Bhattacarya (1980: 451) wrongly says that the text means the neck region like the Herukatantra, thus making the plexus correspond to the viguddhaof "Hindu"Tantrism). Cf. S. B. Dasgupta (1974: 148f.) on the thirty-two-petalled lotus in the head (outside the though I cannot say whether anything similar to one of these is meant.79 Or do we have something like the sixteen body parts (kalds) mentioned, e.g., in Dalhana's commentary on Susrutasamhitd, Uttaratantra 66.7 (Acharya/Acharya 1938)? But sixteen is also associated with the moon, which may refer to semen (see n. 55), whose place is the head;80 note in this context the tubular passage (kaldnddi) consisting of sixteen kalds and situated in the highest plexus in the head (Prajinanananda 1988: 145). Nevertheless, the meaning of mdl kotha is unclear. But a song by Rahimuddin81 describes the cosmic principle as standing in the chamber of ras, having locked up its mdler kotha opposite it (tar ultd). The song seems to describe the difficulty of the sexual ritual; thus the former chamber might refer to the genital region (cf. n. 22), making the latter the head. mahasukhacakra with its four-petalled lotus in the Herukatantra), which is according to him based on the doubling of the sixteen kalds also situated there. He (p. 150), incidentally, wrongly holds the plexus of the heart to have thirty-two petals according to the Sekoddesatikd; actually it has eight (the karakamala has thirty-two petals, also a guhyakamala: Carelli 1941: I.c.). Prajidndnanda (1988: 144) says that there is a sixteen-petalled lotus between the highest and next highest "regular" lotuses (i.e., sahasrdra and djii respectively) according to some (seemingly not "Buddhist") theories. On a Bengali Nath text combining sixteen and thirty-two (with reference to the plexuses?) see Yakariya 1974: ek'gata bara, 148 (on thirty-two see also ?22). 79 The song can hardly refer to the sixteen vikdras of the Saiikhya system (see any good dictionary) (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: [131]), though song no. 71 in A. Bhat.tacarya 1977:1285f. probably does (this song by Bholanath-Dine dine hala admr e din akhari-is usually ascribed to Lalan; cf. S. Mitra 1979: 197, Das/Mahapatra 1958: 276, Hamidul Is'lam 1981: 35, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 623f. and Recordings 11: side A, no. 2-sung to a modern tune by Arundhati Hom Caudhuri). Cf. also Carakasamhiti, Sarirasthana 2.33 (Acharya 1941) on the sixteen bhutas in the body. 80 Cf. Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan 1979: 60; J. Simha 1969, 1:85; P. Das 1978: 262; Wayman 1973: 160ff. Rath (1982: 3ff.) too mentions the sixteen kalas of the moon, which "also imply the divine units of measurement" (p. 3), subsequently expounding on the mystical meaning of 16 and other numbers of the geometrical progression of 2, which incidentally also play a role during ritual intercourse (B. Bhattacharya 1977: 389). 81 Sa'j pirit hay nd go sai manusete (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 200). DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 401 13. A song by Iman All82 successively lists four padmas (the term is used here), which would, based on the number of petals on each, correspond to muldidhdra (the song too has this name elsewhere),83 svddhisthdna, sahasrdra and adjn (though, since the locations of the last two-in the head and between the brows respectively-are given, they seem not to be mentioned in the strict order of ascension). But the svddhisthdna seems to have amalgamated with the manipura, as the text states: ose dbitiya padmate dagam dal ray tate "oh on that second padma (i.e., the one "Hindu" tantras would call svadhisthina) the/a tenth petal is on that." This may be due merely to textual corruption (then we would have five plexuses),84 but to me the text does not seem corrupt. Now according to U. Bhattacarya (1980: 365), Sahajiya texts seem to presuppose a ten-petalled lotus which is an amalgamation of the four-petalled muilddhdra and the six-petalled svidhisthdna, the first and second lotuses, counting upwards. It does look as if our song had combined this either with "Hindu" tantric theory, or else with the Sahajiya theory of n. 52, in which a six-petalled lotus is in the place of the tenpetalled manipura, the third lotus of "Hindu" tantrism, or even with another Sahajiya theory which describes the lowest lotus as having six petals (see Dimock 1966a: 175). But in a song of the Balahariis, by Sadananda,85 the "apparatus" (the body?; or as in ?4?) arises in the six-petalled lotus,86 while according to another, 82 Bhabanadir madhye gach uddy (Tena 1981: 129f.). 83 Telling us that the "Lord" (pati) is here and in the thousand-petalled lotus at auspicious moments (subha laganete). 84 The body expressly has five lotuses in a Balahariisong by Sadananda (Hdairdm'din manab'deha gathan kare go; S. Cakrabarti1986a: 146f.). 85 Hdriram manab'dehe baniyeche ek ajab kal (S. Cakrabarti 1986a: 145f.; see also p. 85). 86 In Bal- hdoydte kay'che katha (ibid., 140f.) Sadananda says: tar chajan ripu daman habe hastir upar mdhutyeman ahkus pele hay khaid. Ial jarad ?bet pit(a) saradale bikasita yda samudrete se to kare tal(a)mal satadal sahasradal alek mdnus biraj kare sei mdnuse nihdr rekhe nimdi cad murdy mdthd. The six-petalled plexus has four colors on it here: red, yellow (jarad), white and yellow (pit); one "yellow" may be a mistake for "green" or "black" (cf. Enamul Hak 1979: 101f., by Dinu,87 this lotus seems to be, or be located near, the womb.88 Thus Iman All may indeed be referring to a ten-petalled plexus as the second-lowest. But in another song89 he says that the body, here called a "lotus,"90 has a ten-petalled plexus at its root (ihdr dasam dale mill dhare), to which "flower" the Purusa repairs at auspicious moments. This would make the tenpetalled plexus the lowest. Such examples show what convoluted notions we have to reckon with. U. Bhattacarya (1980: 373f., 452, 474) remarks that Bauls often seem to regard the region of the muladhara and svadhisthana and at times also the manipura as one single region with a single plexus, not standardized,91 often Sariph 1976: 69, Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 1682, and U. Bhattacarya 1980: 512 [also p. 508; see also n. 58]). The colors here seem associated with creation, which would tally with S. Cakrabarti 1989: 194f., where the menstrual flow has the colors red, yellow, white and black, the first signifying fertility. Cf. on the "six enemies" (chajan ripu) ?30; on the "elephant" (hasti [sic]), also Kvaerne1977: 46f. 87 Bal'bine ki calere mdnab ga/i (ibid., 167). 88 Bholfi's first song in n. 58 says that the six-petalled lotus is maddi, i.e., madhye, of the body. Madhye is literally "in the middle," but its usual postpositional meaning is simply "within." In the latter case, the song would have no useful information about the plexus; but the former meaning would be problematic, the exact significance of "middle" then being unclear. Another song by Bholai (Ki djab ghar ei bhaber par; Tena 1980: 8) says that the cluster of six bindus(?) is the place in the middle (madhyasthal sarabinda dal). Bindu has many meanings (see n. 55 and Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan1979: 182, also Datta/Bhaumik 1966: [101]); I do not know what is meant here. Or is sarabinda just a word play on arabinda "lotus"? In any case, the line is a problem, especially since "on/ above it is the hamsa-market"(tar upar hamser bdjdr); hamsa may since olden times refer to the cosmic principle, and the hamsabija is, in "Hindu"tantrism, within the jiia. 89 Ajab ek phul phuteche gdcher do-dale (Tena 1980: 20). 90 Or maybe just a "flower" (depending on whether padma in sata sahasra dal padma phule belongs to phule or not). This is produced in a "tree," on which cf. n. 154; does it therefore refer to a foetus? A decision is difficult, for the song seems to use "flower" in different senses. 91 Really puzzling is a nine-petalled hidden plexus, in Bhol,ai'sfirst song in n. 58, in the line dr phul chard mul ache nigum phul nay daler pare. As far as I could ascertain, there are theories which refer to nine plexuses (see n. 45), but not to a plexus (flower) with nine petals. But perhaps the ninepetalled "flower" (phul) in this song, playing on different meanings of "flower" (cf. ?39), does not actually refer to a plexus. 402 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) termed muladhara (see Qureshi 1977: 240); this also begs for comparison with the nirmanacakra (?kaya?) of "Buddhist" tantrism (see n. 60), as this too replaces several plexuses of "Hindu"tantrism (op. cit., 449). 14. The Islamic mystic component in Baul belief has already been mentioned. One aspect particularly relevant is the notion, particularly wide-spread in Indian Sufism, of, as a rule, four stages on the way to dissolution of individuality and to oneness with God: in ascending order, nasit (Beng. ndsut, in East Bengali orthography nachut), malakut (Beng. mal'kut), gabarut (Beng. jab'rut), and ladht (Beng. ldhut).92 Baul songs too mention these as such, but seem also to transform them (like, seemingly, the latiphas in n. 175) into plexuses (see also n. 131), like much of Bengali yogictantric Sufism (see A. Roy 1983 in n. 92). As what exactly is meant is often unclear, there is much room for confusion. Other difficulties abound; thus the mal'kut follows on the jam'rut (= jab'rut) in a song by 'Arabi (with no reference) on a similar "light" in the lad-makan (i.e., Arab. la-makan); I was unable to verify "he this, but suspect that what is meant is lad-makdn who has no abode" referring to the supreme deity (in whom the "light" resides), as is common, e.g., in Persian poetry. But the ld-mokam mentioned in several Baul songs seems rather to be a void, maybe lying above the plexuses. Though sometimes it and the ladhut (usually the highest stage or plexus) could be taken to be the same, mostly the two seem different, as in Panij's song (the context makes la-mokdm "supreme deity" too unlikely here), in which hd(h)ut and lad-mokdm are separate. A mystic, cited in S. Cakrabarti 1989: 175, says the latter is a space two fingers below the heart, inaccessible to the devil. I lack the specialized knowledge to write more on this subject. 15. Not only plexuses and related matters are problematic; problematic, too, are the natures of the fluids involved, particularly vexing being that of rati. As this pertains to Sahajiya Vaishnavism, too, we shall discuss it in this context before examining it in Baul theory. Rati to Vaishnavas is a state of mind;100to Bauls too it has this sense. But it also could describe the Prakrtiin Sahajiya terminology (note too Sinha 1961: 194f. and 1966: 79f.: the-non-menstrual-vaginal discharge corresponding to male birva "semen" is also called rati), and possibly also the combined Prakrti-Purusa which rises through the middle tubular passage; cf. P. Das 1978: 131ff. (esp. pp. 133-37). Page 135f. first says that kam'rati = prakrti and prem'rati = purus are seems to mention a fifth stage Ichak.93A song of Pianij (probably = plexus), hdut,94 obviously a variant of hdhut,95which is intriguing, for96 this term seems rare in the mystic terminology of Sufis in the Islamic world in general; it is found in Ibn al-'Arabi's vocabulary, used, however, for the divine essence (Arabic hdhut; see Schimmel 1975: 270).97 But it clearly is used in Sufi circles in India.98 Now Panij,in keeping with Sufi terminology (at least in Bengal), calls the other four stages mokams (cf. on this n. 56), but not the haut. He the also mentions a lad-mokam,99 seat of the "light" (on this see ?36). Ab'dur Ragid (1984: 243) cites Ibn al92 On these stages in mediaevalBengali Sufi-yogicworks see also A. Roy 1983: 170-77, 179. Esp. on the lahit and ndsut, see also Bosworth/Donzel/Lewis/Pellat 1986: 611-14. 93 Naph'cher ul'te nado bdiyo re manurd (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 197f.). 94 Ei mdnuse nabir nure jhalak dey (see U. Bhattacarya 1980: 512, 750). 95 Cf. on this term Ab'durRagid 1984: 179, Sariph 1969: pha. 96 Despite what U. Bhattacarya (1980: 503-5) says to the contrary. 97 H. C. Pal (1969: 390), linking ha(h)ut (given thus) with the angel Harutof the Koran, is quite off the mark; he clearly did not understandthe word. 98 Dara Sikoh's Risala-i haqqndma mentions it (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 140). To Ab'dur Ragid (1984: 89, 178-81) it is part of Sufi doctrine in general. 99 mokdmndchut, ladhut, mal'kut,jab'rut cdri hay, car mokdme manjil-dbare gupta bese kiran dey, Id-mokamenurer dsan, haute nabot bajdy. present in the pihgald (right) and idd (left), respectively, but then that the cosmic principle's ras (cf. n. 22) of sensual pleasure from divine coitus descends as kdm'rati or jib'rati via the pihgala, ascends, purified as prem'rati via the ida, and rotates thus until the mouths of the passages join and the two ratis combine to form samaras (OIA samarasa-)l?l and then ascend via the central susumnd. According to pp. 273f., 290f., the unmoving bija, already formed through ritual practice (i.e., Prakrti-Purusa),is brought down via the pihgala by sexual arousal, and then purified by making it rotate as described.102But pp. 293f. say thatjib'rati or 100For details see K. Bhattacarya 1978: 165f.; Saha 1986: 8ff., 27. It is linked with ras, on which see n. 22. Cf. also n. 110. 101This usually signifies the state of harmony of microcosm and macrocosm; cf. S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 124-28; Das Gupta 1976: 31f., 82, 147f., 156. 102See also p. 144. P. Das (1988: 139) says: "Due to sexual attractionsemen comes down through the Pifigala nerve and is DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 403 deharati within the pihgala must be made to ascend in the ida. Then the mouths of the two passages fuse and the rati rotates, this being called the attainment (sddhan) of kim'rati, which then attains samaras, etc. This is rather confusing,103 maybe attempting to combine different theories,104 e.g., ones locating Prakrti and Purusa at opposite ends of the spine and on the right and left of the body respectively. Also, "rotation" means purification as in n. 24, according to U. Bhattacarya (1980: 398). I lack competence to decide such matters.105 But I may point out that during ritual inter- course breath must be passed alternately through each of the outer passages, this being effected through the corresponding nostril, at times a reference to the passage actually meaning the nostril (cf. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 411); note too that "sun" and "moon," wellknown terms for pihgald and i.da, respectively, are in the secret language of several religious groups also used for the right and left nostrils respectively (op. cit., 426). 16. Anyway, what the Nigurhdrthaprakdsdbali, on which the above is mostly based, does say is different (pp. 135, 293), namely that the pihgald is the passage of blood, discharging in women who menstruate, while the i.da is that of the kam-substance. "Joyful union" (raman) is not to take place with the former. It may take place at the latter's portal, then leading only to a state of kdm "lust," not of prem "love" (cf. also n. 25); the latter requires the portal of the central passage. Samaras arises "if a blow with a stick takes place at the secreted"; this secretion is to be controlled, but what actually is supposed to happen remains unclear; cf. ?16. 103 Tantric practice with or without a female partner ("externally" and "internally" sexual, respectively; bdhya and marma or gauna and mukhya, respectively, in Sahajiya terminology; cf. Dimock 1966a: 214f.; P. Das 1978: 157-62, 302f.) may require the Purusa to descend to the Prakrti (taken in or already present at the perineum-in the latter case the woman, if needed, might be just a stimulant to excite the Purusa, not the source of the Prakrti), or the latter to ascend to the former. If the Purusa descends, the outcome is a combined ascent through the central passage. Purification may be required first by circulation through the outer passages, or by repeated ascent and descent via the inner one. Some theories on "internal" intercourse hold Purusa and Prakrti each to be present in one of the outer passages, respectively; here too a circulation precedes the combined ascent. 104 Or has he misunderstood statements like that of the Brhat Nigam (one of the rare written Baul works; cf. ?38) that the "juice" (ras; cf. n. 22) of a woman's "flower" (puspa) causes kdm and prem (or: turns kdm to prem) (sei pusparas hate kdmprem hay; U. Bhattacarya1980: 383)? Kdm and prem seem not to be substances here (cf. ? 16). Regarding puspa, the text (p. 384) says that this refers to the opening of the three tubular passages, obviously menstruation, for which "flower" is indeed common, already in OIA (puspa-) (cf. French "les fleurs"). Cf. also S. Cakrabarti1989: 94f. 105The Bibartabilds situates the Prakrti genitally-in all (P. Das 1978: 146, 165). It says, too (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 399), that Prakrtiand Purusa are not in contact; one must take the substance (bastu) situated in "one receptacle" (ek pdtre) to another receptacle and let it rotate. When it becomes full of prem, prem (feeling? substance?; cf. also n. 25) permeates everything, reaching the thousand-petalled lotus. Is "one" here "same"? Then Prakrti and Purusa would be together, but not joined, and must be "mixed" by rotation. This seems unlikely. Is "one" thus simply "a"? Then the "substance" (Prakrti?, Purusa?) must be moved to unite with the other aspect, situated elsewhere in the same or another body. Though, like portal of the susumni" (dan.daghdthay yadi susumnd dbare). Caryapada 17 seems to have a similar image106 (showing that danda there cannot refer to the susumnd itself, as Das Gupta [1976: 98] opines). But that image, too, is unclear and does not help to find out what the "blow with a stick," which need not be quite the same here, actually is. One may point to, e.g., 3.68 (Svatmarama 1975), which Hathayogapradipiki refers to the Kundalini awakening and unravelling like a snake hit with a stick, but can we assume the same to be meant in the Bengali instances just quoted? We do not even know for certain in whose body the passages mentioned by the Nigirharthaprakaisball are. Turning first to the outer ones, if they are in a man's body, then the ida (on the left) might carry rati, here probably semen. Several "Buddhist" tantric texts actually say that the left moon-passage carries semen, the right sunpassage menstrual blood.107 But that contradicts not only general tantric theory, but also the text itself, which associates the right side of the body with the Purusa, the left with the Prakrti (P. Das 1978: 136, 294f.). Also, the Prakrti could not be in the pihgald, as this takes no part in the process. But if the outer passages are those of a woman (could danda then refer to the others, the text mentions both the "internal" and the "external" sexual acts (P. Das 1978: 158) (cf. n. 103), the statement on the Prakrti'slocation above could speak for the former. In any case, it would be "standard"tantric theory. 106 On this, see Kvaerne1977: 145-50. 107 Bagchi 1975: 66, S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 107, 156f. 404 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) penis?), then it seems as if rati would be associated with the Prakrti (which would be in accordance both with p. 136 and with the association with kdm) and be different from the menstrual blood. Now Sahajiya rit- ual as a rule does need a woman,108though not always (see n. 103); is it thus not probable that the latter is the case, even though I have no water-tight proof for this?109 But what about the susumnd then; in whose body is it? And what exactly is samaras? It may, but does not really seem to have the meaning given in n. 101. Is it a mingling of semen and the Prakrtisubstance? If so, how? Or is it a third substance? 17. The same text complicates matters by mentioning attain a pure nature).111 Another passage of the same work112 makes it probable that there are code words here which I do not understand; I also do not know whether "substance"is meant literally. Yet anotherpassage (p. 308) says that the woman/spouse of kam is a sixteen-year-old called gandhakali situated in the kam'sarobar; she, the kam'dtmd, is the woman of the (p. 133) two ratis, jib'rati and kdm'rati,in the kdm'sarobar in the bhagagatta "vagina-hole" (on the sarobars cf. ?8). It also mentions three ratis: jib'ratilbasturati, kdm'rati and krsnarati (pp. 133f.), leaving unclear whether these are substances, or feelings.?10 P. Das (1978: 282) says that the first of these ratis is to be purified to give the second, and this then to give prem'rati, seeming to take all these to refer to substances, for the last rati is to be further purified to give a pure, glowing juice (ras). I miss clear evidence for this theory in the texts adduced loco citato. However, the Amrtaratndbali says that the substance (bastu) nirupan is in the kdm'sarobar, attaining which gives the substance tattbadhan, attaining this the substance rati, which leads to the pure "man" (or: lets a man jib'atma. Through attaining her, kam-less rati is obtained. Note also that the text in n. 112 says that rati refers to Rfidha,kim to Krsna, but also uses these terms, along with prem, in a confusing manner.113The same work says (p. 279) that jib'rati/deharati and prem'rati are situated on the left and right side respectively, in the same passage mentioning kdm'rati and prem'rati too, but in a way which to me looks as referringto emotions. All this is only a preliminary overview, showing nevertheless how difficult the whole is.114 18. Baul theory has problems that are in some respects similar, compounded by its connecting the Prakrtiwith l Op. cit., 276: kam sarobare ache bastu nirupan, sadhile pdibe tahd bastu tattbadhan. sei bastu sddhile pdibe bastu rati, guddhasattbamdnus pdibe tahd prati. The same text says (ibid.): kdm sarobare rati sddhibe yatane, sddhile pdibe rati sahaj bastu dhane. rati siddha bastu hay karile sddhan, rdger bhajan ei haila nibedan. 112 Op. cit., 197, 286f.: rati gabde rddhd gun prem dr kdm, kdm gabde kdnta rddhdramanndm. rati rddhd nam hay prem bastu nitya, sahaj manus sei sbatahsiddha satya. sei akaitab hay prem nitya tar, tahd bind nityabastu keha nahe dr. sei mdnuser sthiti bakd nadi par, srinandanandan krsna sbayam prakdg tar. 113 108Menstruating, according to S. Cakrabarti 1989: 151, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 379 (see the passage in verse). But cf., against this, Sinha; see ?15. 109Note too Candidas's line (P. Das 1978: 134): "Without it has one portal, within there are three" (bahire tahdr ek'ti duydr, bhitare tin'ti ache). These could be the external vaginal opening and the three internal openings of the tubularpassages, though a structurewithin the body could also be meant, then perhaps in a male; P. Das indeed seems to see here the union of the three tubular passages to form a structure with only one opening to its exterior (but within the body), but three (one of each passage) inside. (See on the song containing this line also Bose 1927b: 57ff.) 110In the former case not to be confused with the ratis in n. 100, though note that the fifth of these (madhur'rati) is itself subdivided into three ratis, which, though having differ1978: 166, H. Dfas 1987: 639 sub ent names (K. Bhattaicairya 1986: 14f.), may have ratibhed, and Rana 1988: 20f., Saihfa been transmutedinto the ratis above as substances, a connection being even more probable if these be not substances, but emotions. Anotherpassageof this work (op. cit., 278) says that Krsna is rati, rup (cf. also ?20), ras and prakrti, which however is in keeping with his role as cosmic principle. The Rasakadambakalikd(ibid., 179) says: rati siddha rddhd rati prakrti sbarip. 114 Cf. also the puzzle posed by the terms gilimuiijari and ndlimunjari and their explanations (the union of the genitals, located in the genitals, and the union of the male and female aspects, located in the thousand-petalled lotus, respectively) in the Ndyikdsddhan'tikd(Dimock 1966a: 243). DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 405 menstrual blood. This seems, according to some, to have rati as its vital part. Seemingly, the menstrual blood must be taken in, this vital part filtered out and united with semen, which is obviously different from a mere separation of semen and menstrual blood. One gets the impression that rati here is the concentrated Prakrti in the menstrual blood. But matters are not so easy, as other statements could imply that the Purusa is always present in the Prakrti in part, rati actually being this part of the Purusa present in the Prakrti, and having to be distilled out. On the other hand, one also gets the impression that rati is the Prakrti-Purusa. Yet other statements lead one to assume that rati is actually a substance not the same as semen, menstrual blood, or their combination (cf. also the statement of Sinha 1961 and 1966 in ?15). For preliminary information on all this see, e.g., U. Bhattacarya (1980: 89, 362f., 368, 374f., 396-404, 412, 424), who seems the only scholar aware of the problem at all; I may draw particular attention to pp. 401ff., which links three ratis (cf. ?17) with the three discharges of the three days of menstruation (cf. ?3). Apart from what has been said by U. Bhattacarya (1980), I have little information on the subject, though I must mention the possibility that what could play a role here, too, is the most vexing problem of female semen in Indian thought, which O'Flaherty (1980: 15-61) has recently drawn attention to115 (see also Kvarne 1975: 9738, Marglin 1982: 309).116 This would fit our last question in ?16 wonderfully. U. Bhattacarya (1980: 412, 424) actually calls rati, stribirya "female semen," expressly differentiating it from menstrual blood! If the outer tubular passages in ? 16 do indeed refer to those in a woman, then the substance in the pihgald would be an exact counterpart to male semen generally held to be in this very passage. Note however also S. Cakrabarti (1989: 183): rati is male semen, though in a different context, so that here we may actually have a homonym of our rati above (cf. ?39). 19. A song by Rup'cad,117 popular among Bauls of western Bengal, where Vaishnavism is a strong influence, may illustrate the problem of rati: My mind (= self), take on the characteristics of the Prakrti. Take on the nature of the Prakrti,do ritual practice;118 The rati of the body will be upward[-going]. The one who is in the six-petalled one: Take that one into the reverse apparatus(see ?4). If that one goes to the two-petalled one, The/A light will blaze up. Then fruitlessness/detriment will be cessation (= cease); The rati will become steadiness/concentration/ perfection/liberation (nistha), 12: side A, no. 3 (in part incorrectly translated and explained on the cover): amar man, saja prakrti. prakrtir sbabhab dhara, sadhan kara, urdhba habe deher rati. ye ache saradale, tare lao ultakale, yadi se yda dbidale, uth'bejbale jyoti. takhan anartha nibrtti habe, nistha habe rati, kam'brahmasdkar habe, uday habe gurur miirti. ye ache mulddhdre, tare lao sahasradale, ydbi birajar pare tdhdr samhati. sei yubati rasabati, rasamay murati, eman madhur rati jib'ke diye prdpta kardy krsnapati. rup'cad bal'che sbaruip,age tui dhar'ge se rup, sbarup-ripe rap dekh'tepabi koti suryer jyoti. guru bhinna habe nd re murhamati, gurur daydy saphal habe krsnakrpd-prapti.' A. Bhattfacarya (1977: 948) has a different version, not mentioning Rup'cad. Who Rup'cad is I do not know; could it be the poet mentioned by Jhf (1986: 107), H. Das (1987: 1352f.), A. Cattopadhyay(1986), and Chakrabarty(1985: 465)? 118 Transforming inwardly into a female consort (gopi) of Krsna (originally to unite with him), specially Rfdha, is important in Bengali Vaishnavism (cf., e.g., Stewart 1985: 74f., 159f., 199ff., 217, 257ff., 301, 339ff., 408ff., 466ff.; Dimock 1966b: 49); outwardly it may approach transvestism (Chakrabarty 1985: 119). In tantric contexts too, "becoming a woman" plays a role in uniting Prakrti and Purusa (for its rationale see, e.g., P. Das 1978: 158-62, 331ff.; U. Bhattacarya 1980: 364; Dimock 1966a: 158-61; Sanyal 1989: 131ff., 173ff.; A. C. Dfis 1986: 62-64). Importantto many Bauls too, it is also found elsewhere; see, e.g., Singer 1966b: 111, 129ff., with references to much older (also non-Vaishnava) South Indian attestations-I may add the identification of devotee and gopi(s) in book 10.3 of Nammalvar'sTamil Tiruvaymoli (probably pre-ninth century) (Matavatasan 1962: 745-47); cf. also Clooney 1991, S. Ghos 1984: 38ff., G. Bhattacarya 1989: 86f. Though her efforts at throwing light on it are not satisfactory (she seems to be at a loss, especially, when discussing Indian medicine). 116 I am also discussing the problem of female semen in Indian medicine in the study mentioned in n. 16. 117 Text as in U. Bhattacarya 1980: 840; a slightly shorter version (sung by Laksman Das) is to be found on Recordings 115 406 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) The Kamabrahman will take up form/ (Krsna?)119 materialize; The figure of the Guru will appear (cf. ?1). The one who is in the mauldhara: Take that one to the thousand-petalled one. You'll go to the [other] side of the viraja,120 In her/To his union (= in union with her / to union with him). That young maiden is juicy, with a form all of juice. Such sweet rati/enjoyment (madhur rati) through a being Does Lord Krsna cause (or: Causes Lord Krsna) to be attained. Rup'cad is telling (= describing) the sbarap; First you go and catch that rup. You'll be able to see the [real] form (or: beauty) (rap) in sbarap and rap, The light of a crore of suns. Without the Guru [it] won't be (= you won't be successful), oh [you] of ignorant intellect; Through the mercy of the Guru the attainmentof the grace of Krsna will be successful. 20. The mention of the "rati of the body," and of substances to be raised from the spinal base121 and present there, suggest that this describes an "internal" sexual act (see n. 103). But Bauls singing the song presumably see it as being in accord with their beliefs, and then the above might be taken to refer, in not too literal language, to something that enters the body. This leads to problems, starting with rup (OIA rupa-, "form, shape") and sbarup (OIA svarupa-, "own form/shape; nature, character [peculiar to someone/something]"), theological concepts important to Bengali Vaishnavism: rup designates the outward appearance, sbarup the inner essence.122 Thus behind the human rap is the sbarip of the cosmic principle (split into two components).123 True union124 of the male and female aspects can take place only when the sbarup behind the rup is fully realized. The Bauls too believe in the doctrine of rip and sbarip. But to them (Sahajiyas seemingly too), rup also is the substance of the Prakrti, and sbarup may denote semen;125 the Prakrti-substance to Bauls (also Sahajiyas?; see n. 108), however, is menstrual blood. In a Baul interpretation, our song could play with all these meanings. Rati seems to be a substance here. The mention of something ascending, and of an ascending rati, suggest that the two are identical. No clear proof is possible, but if they indeed are, then nistha (on its various meanings given above, cf. H. Das 1987: 390) arises after this rati's ascent and transformation into a glowing substance, immovable and unfettered, i.e., firm and concentrated in itself.126 The state of mind (rati; cf. ?15), too, is transmuted to such a supreme state on the emotional plane; it is thus surely no coincidence that our song mentions madhur rati ("sweet rati"), too, which is the highest emotional rati subsuming all the others and as such the ultimate emotion to strive for.127 21. According to whether the Purusa descends or remains in the head, rati would refer to Prakrti-Purusa or 122 E.g., the rap of a man would be the man, his sbarup Krsna = Purusa, rap and sbarap of a woman the woman and Radha = Prakrti,respectively. It is tempting to see something similar, or at least the germ of such a theory, in carato visvarapasya rapadravyam yad ucyate, referring to semen (OIA sukra-), in Carakasamhita, Cikitsasthana 2.4.49 (Acharya 1941), but in the absence of any corroborating evidence that would be nothing but speculation. 123Rap and sbarup are thus not the same as sthalasarira ("gross body") and lihgasarira or saksmasarira ("subtle body"), which we could, though not quite equivalently, also translate as "body" and "soul," respectively. 124 By emotive or sexual (OIA anumana-, vartamdna-; cf. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 476ff.) means, the latter "internal" or "external" (see n. 103). 125 Rap in this meaning is common (on rap "woman" cf. S. Cakrabarti 1989: 215, 237), sbarap, however, much rarer (see, e.g., Sariph 1984: 19). 126Cf., e.g., P. Das 1978: 132, 144f., 148f.; U. Bhattacarya 1980: 89, 1059. 127Rati also has a profane meaning; cf. the translation. We have the same play with meanings in the use of "juice" (ras); cf. n. 22. 119Thus U. Bhattacarya 1980: 475. This is probably correct; cf., e.g., Venkateswaran 1966: 151ff., Dimock 1966a: 132 (on the Brahman-aspectof Krsna); and kdm gdaatri (as a means of obtaining Krsna; see, e.g., Sastri 1987: 35f.) in K Bhattacarya 1978: 39 (also Dimock 1966a: 149, 229; P. Das 1978: 358). 120 This river (Beng. Biraja) is the boundary of the abode of Krsna-Visnu, Vaikuntha, the heavenly Vrindavan (Vrndavana) (cf. ?2). It is obtainable through the portal of Sakti, i.e., the vagina, according to the Brhat Nigam (see n. 104) (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 381: sribrnddban papti [sic] hap sakti [sic] dbdre). See also Bose 1927a: 57ff.; P. Das 1978: 142, 285, 296; and H. Das 1987: 721, as well as n. 187. 121 On the six-petalled plexus, see ?13. DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 407 Prakrti, with regard to both "internal" and "external" acts.128 In a Baul interpretation it would be the latter, but we still do not know exactly in what manner, for, despite the common notions on their theory, it is still possible that those singing this song do suppose an ascent of the Prakrti (from the woman) to the Purusa, who remains static; cf. Pafij's Nirdkare jyotirmay in ?11. There is another uncertainty too, for the relation between ascending from the six-petalled plexus and ascending from the milddhdra is also not clear; are these plexuses the same or different, and do the same or different substances ascend? If different substances ascend, then are these Purusa and Prakrti, Prakrti-Purusa and something else, or this latter and the Prakrti (to the Purusa)? Now in a Sahajiya theory the basic characteristic of one of Radha's rivals as Krsna's consort, Viraja, is kam.129 We do not know whether our song presupposes a knowledge of this theory, but if it should, then not only could the other side of the viraja be a reference to transcending lust, but we could also have a very subtle reference to two "female" substances. 22. Should this seem like hair-splitting, then consider Yadubindu's remark130 that rup, rati and ras move "against the current"131 to the top of the thirty-two where the manikothi is chambers/compartments,132 (cf. ?11)!133 Songs speaking of "three persons," or the like, could perhaps134 refer to similar ideas (see esp. Datta/Bhaumik 1966: [118], [131]-[34]), though one could also consider the three ratis mentioned in ?18. Complicating matters, U. Bhattacarya (1980: 458) quotes a passage from Krsnananda's Tantrasira135 saying that in a woman the moon-passage (i.da) carries water, the sun-passage (pihgald) menstrual blood and the fire-passage (susumna) "seed."136 This naturally reminds one of the female semen in ?18. But he, p. 412, also says that the man draws rap, ras and rati into his penis, and identifies these as menstrual blood, semen and female semen, which is problematic (is semen drawn in?), the problem being compounded by the fact that this statement is not substantiated, so that we do not know whether it is based on the testimony of Bauls or the author's own ideas. 23. This leads to another vexing matter. Many Baul songs and descriptions seem to hold that the Purusa The "young maiden" in the song may refer to the Prakrti, but also to the female sexual partner (often called Prakrti,by Bauls too). 129 See Dimock 1966a: 210f. (where we have Viraja throughout). 130 In the song Sahaj bhajan kathin karan ye pare ei sahajer ghare (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 935). 131The simile is that of a laden boat plying against the current, a very common image in Baul songs. An interesting song using it is one by Rames (see n. 73) describing the journey of the Purusa from the triveni (see n. 63) via the nasat, etc. (in correct order; cf. ?14), to be completed successfully with the help of the bhn.dari (Recordings 6: side A, no. 6: Majhi tribenir ghdite re joydr dhare yadio);cf. also Yakariya 1974: 154f. 132 Obviously in the head, irrespective of whether we here have a plexus of thirty-two petals or the like or whether it is the body which is said to have thirty-two chambers/compartments; cf. nn. 78, 133. 33 rup-rati-ras ujan cale, batris kothar upare. batris kothdr tald ata, tar upare mani-kotha. rup-rasete cabi-dtd, sadar-khir'ki duidhare. 128 sadar-khir'ki ei dui dbare rup-rati-ras basat kare. dekh'te habe nihar dha're sethad rasaraj biraj kare. (On the khir'ki "postern" mentioned here, cf. n. 231.) The song makes it seem possible that the thirty-two chambers/ compartments refer to a plexus with thirty-two petals, or the like. On the other hand, batris kothd might also mean "that which has thirty-two chambers/compartments,"which would speak for it signifying the body. Sukur Mah-mud in his Gupicandrer Sannyas actually says that the body (here, ghat "jar") has thirty-two kothas (ghat madhye laba ladri batris kothda; dr Yakariya 1974: 173). In this connection it is interesting that according to Yakariya (1974: 148, 172) the body has thirtytwo tubular vessels (nali, OIA nddi-); according to Bose (1927a: 49f., 53; see also Bose 1986: 127f.), this is, however, the number of the principal passages, according to Sahajiya doctrine only. As regards laba lari in the manuscript of Gupicandrer Sannyds, this is quite problematic. Could it refer to nine tubular passages (naba ndai) (cf. Yakariya 1974: 173)? 134 Though not necessarily, as "three" can mean various things, principally, of course, the three tubular passages. Note also the very frequent speculation on the three mysterious letters a (alif, Beng. aleph, dliph), 1 (lam) and m (mim, Beng. mim) found at the beginning of many Suras of the Koran. 135 Quoted in translation. The edition quoted from was unobtainable. On Krsnanandasee also Dimock 1966a: 42f. 136 On the nomenclature of the passages see, e.g., Das Gupta 1976: 239; on the outer passages, cf. also Bagchi 1975: 61-73; S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 107, 154-57. An ancient system associates the central, left, and right passages with sun, moon, and fire, respectively (Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan1979: 59f.). 408 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) appears in or with the menstrual blood. That need not be problematic if it actually refers to the PrakrtiPurusa;as this is formed in conjunction with menstrual blood, we could rightly talk of its "appearance."More problematic is that, in many descriptions, what we is have so far taken to be the Prakrti-Purusa referred to in the same terms as the uncombined Purusa always situated within the body. But one might suppose that this is just terminological laxity.137 Even more puzzling is that, at times, one gains the impression that some Bauls seem to hold that the (Prakrti-)Purusais to be drawn, with the menstrual blood, into the male body from without. This seems at first sight to be in keeping with the theory of ritual intercourse of U. Bhattacarya(1980: 387f.): the male aspect (bij, OIA bija-, and isbar, OIA isvara-) in the woman's head is each month attracted to the female aspect at the spinal base in the menstrual blood, and descends to unite with this. It is in this state the sahaj manus "sahaja man (here perhaps better: person)," sahaj (cf. n. 42) being the basic essence (mul'sattd) of the body, the union of bij and menstrual blood. The sbarap (see ?20) of bij is prem, of menstrual blood kam. Prem and kim must be with expressions. One could hold that something new (prem?) is created, this then ascending (cf. ??15ff.), but then this cannot be the sahaj manus itself. But if the sahaj mdnus is the male aspect and is alone separated out, how can male and female aspects be in a state of eternal union? Also, where is the male's male aspect? It is not mentioned at all. And we surely cannot interpret the theory as stating that the male aspects of the man and the woman unite! Something seems wrong here, and when we look at the excerpts from the Brhat Nigam (see n. 104) on pp. 382-87, on which this theory is mostly based, we find that the author seems to misinterpret his material. For this text expressly residing in says that the sahaj mdnus is the Prakrti,140 the menstrual blood in the thousand-petalled lotus in the woman's head.141 It sallies forth to unite with the Purusa (isbar "Lord," and bij). First comes the blood, then ras and rap / the form (rap) of ras. The "sub- stance" (bastu) (Prakrti?) reaches the six-petalled lotus. The bindu (semen; cf., too, n. 88) descends. Then all three go to the four-petalled, and finally to the thousand-petalled lotus, where they are joyful and flavor ras together with the "pair."142 25. The theory of U. Bhattacarya (1980) (?23) might stem from his identifying the lotuses with six and four petals as svddhisthana and muladhdra, respectively, which would mean that the substances mentioned unite in the woman's body, for that is where the svddhisthana would have to be, as the malddhara lies lower. But the text (pp. 383f.) expressly defines not only the sahaj manus as Prakrti, but also the siddha mdnus as separated, and this is what the man does; he separates out the sahaj mdnus "having the form of prem, i.e., the sensation of the unchanging (or: the unchanging sensation of the) joy of prem,"138makes this ascend to his head and feels the joy of the eternal prem-union of Prakrtiand Purusa.139 24. But this theory is actually problematic; especially the last part is unclear, seeming, moreover, to juggle Purusa, who is to create a garden and partake of ras 137Cf. also the discussion (Dimock 1966a: 140ff.) on the different, but basically one, bhatatman (Prakrti= material nature), jivatman (Purusa = spirit) and paramatman (PrakrtiPurusa). But P. Das (1978: 199ff.) takes these to refer to the soul (atma, opposed to deha "body"), saying however that the individual (jib) addicted to earthly pleasures is the bhutattman, with a mind purified through the guru's influence the jivatman, and in oneness with Krsna the paramatman. The texts cited do not seem to substantiate this, as also not the theory on the nature of the three bodies (bhautik deha, hutadeha, nityadeha), explained as the bodies of the nonpracticer of ritual, the practicer, and the successful practicer, respectively. 138prem-rupi sahaj-manus . .. arthat' sthir premanander anubhuti. 139 140 ami sahaj manus hai kisuri (= kigori) sbarap, tumi siddha purus hao krsner anurup (p. 384). Also: isbar puras haen pikiti mdnus (ibid.). [sic] padma kisurir mastak upare, tahar bhitare rahe raja satadhare. tahar angete hay manuser gati . .. (ibid.). 142 isbar miliba bali manus cali ydy, age rakta cale pdche rasarap dhdy. eirupe mdnus cale haid rase bas, bindupdt haile hay mddhujyaprakda. saradale jay bastu muttimdn haid, dpan sadal nayyd rahila basia. tdr'pare tin jane catudale jay, kisurir krpalese sahastadal pday. nijasthdne tin jane dnanda haid, jugal sahit rahe ras dsbddid. 141 sahastadal on This theoryis brieflyrepeated pp. 398f., a passage from the Bibartabilas being cited as proof. But this is unclear, and also a Sahajiya, not a Baul, text, not necessarily referring to the same matters (see n. 105). DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 409 with one lover in Braj (Beng. Braja, OIA Vraja-),143as the vagina is called: sei bhag hay sudhya midhajya brajadhdm. Now the Prakrti appears in Vrindavan (the woman?, her vagina?; cf. pp. 383f., 386f.; also S. Cakrabarti 1989: 134) of the woman, the Purusa in Navadvipa (Beng. Nabadbip) in the man (p. 386). This seems a reference to the notion that Caitanya is the male aspect of Krsna;144it is thus consequent if the text not only lets him seek union with Rfdha, but also says (ibid.) that, through the union, Krsna, the divine Prakrti-Purusa,is obtained.145Considering the fact that Baul ritual requires coitus reservatus, it becomes clear that the six-petalled lotus cannot be the svidhisthana of the woman, but must rather refer to the six-petalled plexus described in ?13 as the lowest plexus-in the male. Then the four-petalled lotus is also not the miiladhara of "Hindu" tantrism, but either the fourpetalled lotus in the throat mentioned by the Nigurhirthaprakasabali (P. Das 1978: 151), or akin to the mahasukhacakra (?padma), in the head, of "Buddhist" tantrism. 26. From this it follows that the Prakrtiis cranially situated in the woman just like the Purusa in the man, and that both are referred to by the same term, "man" (or "person"), which may be qualified by differentiating adjectives, but need not be, as Baul songs tell us. Of course, I do not know whether we can postulate acceptance of this by all Bauls, as it is not without its problems, for the seat of the Prakrtiis usually taken to be in the perineum. However, it is also true that most tantrism seems to be concerned only with males, so perhaps this does not hold true for females. But there is also the problem of the three substances ascending in the male. These may be the Prakrti-Purusaand its two components regarded as separate entities (cf. also ?22), but what then is the "pair" mentioned in ?24? And what is ras in the text of n. 142; is it linked with the Prakrti, or is it semen in the male? There is obviously much more to be studied, and this holds true also for the differentiation of ras and blood, which brings us right back to the problem of rati and female semen discussed above. But we should also remember the passage in ?22 telling us of three different substances in the tubular passages of a woman (cf. also the three ratis in ?17 and ?18).146 This brings to mind ?3, which mentioned three days as the actual period of ritual intercourse. According to Baul songs, there is obviously a difference in the menstrual discharges of these days; the question now is whether such differences might perhaps be linked with different substances being discharged by different passages, or whether there is just a qualitative difference in the single substance secreted. In this regard we must however also examine whether all the passages discharge on each of the three days, or whether only one discharges on each day. Baul songs contain a wealth of material on these matters. I may however point out again that the problem is obviously linked to that of the three ratis, too; see ?18. 27. This leads to another problem regarding rati. A song of Lalan147mentions the same triad (ras, rap and rati) as ?22, saying, however, that it moves about in the "hundredor thousand-petalled one(s)."148Then the song, in succession, mentions lotuses with the following number of petals: two, six (twice) (or sixteen and then six),149 ten. On ten petals see ?13, on sixteen ?12; the other two lotuses would correspond to the ajna and svadhisthdna, respectively. The thousand-petalled lotus corresponds to the sahasrdra. But what is the hundredpetalled one? Is it just another form of the thousandpetalled lotus, or different? If the latter, are the two somehow part of each other, or separate? The hundredpetalled lotus is mentioned in several songs of Lalan, 143 ei braje ek kuija karid sijyan, ek pyari lana kara ras dsbadan. Padmalocan's Brajer gydm'sundar'ke dhar'bi yadi sbarap sadhan karo (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 931) seems to use "Braj" similarly too, as also might Rejo Ksyapa's Brajapure rup'nagare yabi yadi man (ibid., 922f.; on rup cf. ?20). 144This older theory has been almost fully superseded in Bengali Vaishnavism by the image of Caitanya as an androgyne, i.e., as Prakrti-Purusa.This development has been studied in detail by Stewart (1985; see also Srivfstav 1988: 51517, S. Sen 1988: 501). On its place in Baul thought see U. Bhattacarya 1980: 54, 312; S. Cakrabarti1986b: 134. 145 pikiti bilase sukh jane jei jan, sei pdibe braje brajendranandan. 146 Brnddbanetin raner tin phul (Capwell Radhagyam's 1986: 183; sung by Yatin Das: Recordings 15: side A, no. 3) seems to refer to Radha and Krsna in the three menstrual streams (cf. ?18), which is quite problematic (cf. ?23). 147 Kibda obhd dbidaler pare; for different versions see Dag/Mahapatra 1958: 155f., U. Bhattacarya 1980: 627, Brahma 1987a: 154, Hamidul Is'lam 1981: 111 (I could not find it in S. Mitra 1979). 148 satadal kimbd sahasradal ras'ratirupe kare caldcal (thus correctly Dag/Mahapatra1958; Brahma 1987a has rab for ras, probably a misprint, whereas the other two works delete rfpe). 149 Brahma 1987a: soladale bardm yogdntare for saradale baram.... 410 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) either joined by "or,"150 or else in a copulative compound,151 with the thousand-petalled one, and once alone,152 the latter however doubtful, as other versions do not have this reading.153 One gains the impression that the two might be in the same place, the head. Bholai's first song in n. 58 actually tells us that the "hundred-petalled one" is (up)on the tree, i.e., the body.154 But in his song Ki djab ghar ... (see n. 88) he says that the body-house (see n. 66) has a lotus of the feet, of semen and of a hundred petals, the latter being where the house is made erect,155 which I do not understand. His 0 yauban bali tore (Tena 1980: 8f.) mentions the lotus of a hundred petals as something that does not work properly anymore in old age (like the emotions, senses, etc.); could this refer to the brain? Imfn All, in his song of n. 89, says that the hu150 Til parimdn jay'gate ki kud'ratimayin Abu Talib 1968: 25 (joined through ki; Das/Mahapatra[1958: 91f.] have a copulative compound). 151In Apandr apani re man na jdna thikdna (Das/Mahapatra 1958: 6, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 569, Hamidul Is'lam 1981: 99), Ache adi makka ei mdnab'dehe (Das/Mahapatra 1958: 199f.; the relevant line is missing in the shorter versions of U. Bhattacarya 1980: 572f. and Hamidul Is'lam 1981: 37) and Bhdber uda) yedin hay (Das/Mahapftra 1958: 270, Hamidul Is'lam 1981: 80, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 669, and S. Mitra 1979: 193f.). 152In Mur'gid ran'mahale saddi jhalak dey (Dag/Mahapatra 1958: 90). 153U. Bhattacarya 1980: 615 and Hamidul Is'lam 1981: 107f. read saptatale antahpuri (cf. ?46) instead of gatadal an- man body ("lotus") has a hundred thousand "bunches/ clusters" (?), or that it ("flower") has a lotus with a hundred thousand petals (cf. n. 90), but that a hundredpetalled flower is on its eighth bunch/cluster/petal (and a thousand-petalled flower in the head). Does this mean that the hundred-petalled plexus is on the eightpetalled plexus (cf. n. 158), or that it is the eighth plexus?156 28. As far as I know, "orthodox" tantric systems have no hundred-petalled plexus. But Sahajiya Vaishnava works do (see, e.g., Dimock 1966a: 174-76; U. Bhattacarya 1980: 337f.; P. Das 1978: 150f., 277; Bose 1927a: 51 and 1986: 129). There seems however to be confusion on the site of this padma (indeed, the whole system of sarobars and padmas in these texts seems not to be standarized; cf. also n. 46). Some place it in the region of the heart (corresponding to that of the andhata), some in that of the upper abdomen (corresponding to that of the manipura).157 The Atmanirupan, in an obvious amalgamation, mentions two such lotuses, in the heart and the navel regions, respectively.158 The Sahaj'tattba too mentions two such pad156sata sahasra dal padma phule, ihdr astam dale ray gatadal; bhom'ra se thake cirakal berajer kule (cf. n. 120 and ?21). ore dudiya padma achen sei phule, oi ache sadhaner phale; ihar astam dale ray satadal, sahasra dal ray mastake. 157Cf. P. Das 1978: 150, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 337; in the text quoted (Anandabhairab) the hundred-petalled padma arises from the ksirod sarobar, which is above the man sarobar in the abdomen. (Dimock [1966a: 174] overlooks the latter part of this statement; thus, according to him, the padma mentioned arises from the man sarobar.) One could argue that both sarobars are in the abdomen, one in the lower, one in the upper part. But the text of the Nigiurharthaprakdadbali (P. Das 1978: 151) expressly places the ksir sarobar (obviously = ksirod sarobar) in the heart, the man sarobar in the abdomen above the navel, which would tally with what the Anandabhairab says, except that the hundred-petalledpadma is said to arise from the man sarobar. The Amrtaratndbali (ibid., 277) places the man sarobar, which gives rise to a hundred-petalledlotus and is the seat of rati, in the heart. 158The lotus in the heart is the place of the "game" [of the cosmic principle] descended from the thousand-petalled lotus, whilst that below is where rup, rati and ras glitter (rup ras rati karejhal'mal ) (U. Bhattacarya1980: 338). In the Anandabhairab (see n. 157, esp. P. Das 1978) the man sarobar seems to be the place of union; the mul substance (bastu) tahpuri. 154The concept of the body as a tree is old, found in the Caryapadas (cf. Kvaxrne 1977: 40-42), and in tantric texts too, where the tree is also said to be inverted (Gupta/Hoens/ Goudriaan 1979: 58), which reminds one of the cosmic tree (often upside-down), not only in Vedic India, but in religions all over the world (on the cosmic tree see, e.g., R. P. Das 1983: 67326, 1987: 247, and 1991: 74732; Reno 1977: 78ff.; Parkes 1991: 85ff.; see also Derrett 1992: 55f. and Yakariya 1974: 169 on the anupdm brksa in Gupicandrer Sannyas of Sukur Mah-mud). In Baul songs the tree seems also to be, more specifically, the trunkof the body, and, still more specifically, the spine with its passages and plexuses. Cf. also a song by Miraj All (Ami kare yauban dan kariba, Recordings 16: side B, no. 4), in which the poet, like a woman pining for her lover, laments on his futile quest for the "friend," saying that he has bound the pot (see n. 69) of (i.e., for) ras (see n. 22) on the tree of prem "love" (cf. n. 25) in vain. See also n. 17. 155ache pada padmadal, muni padmadal, gatadale hay ghar khadr. On muni see n. 58. DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 411 mas, the seats of Purusa (here Krsna) and Prakrti (here Radha), in the right and left eye, respectively (Dimock 1966a: 176);159 this is repeated in the Brhat Nigam (see n. 104) (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 383). All the texts mention the thousand-petalledpadma too. Is Lalan thus actually alluding to these theories, telling us that there are two different places in which we may expect to find the Purusa (at different times)?160 29. Baul songs may, like the Upanisads, refer to a cosmic principle in the heart. This could be due to lax use of metaphors, maybe influenced by love songs, placing the beloved in the heart(-lotus) of the lover. On the other hand, P. Das (1978: 150f.) quotes a Sahajiya text placing seven sarobars (sarovaras) in the heart. True, this seems an uncommon notion (do we have a microcosm within the microcosm?), and, moreover, not in a Baul text, but, given the links between the two groups, we should examine the possibility of a transference of attributes of the body to the heart in some Baul tenets, especially since there are old Indian notions, still surviving in Bengal (S. Cakrabarti1989: 134), placing the macrocosm not in the body as such, but in the heart.161 While delivering the paper summarized as Tkatschow 1987, Dwight A. Tkatschow drew attention to a Tibetan tantric text describing how two opposite energies, at the base of the spine and in the head, respectively, can be (Prakrti?) is found here, especially on the hundred-petalled lotus: mul bastur sbarup sei padme ray. But the line immediately following runs: tar ndm sarobar prthu ndm hay "Its name is the sarobar named prthu," with no description or localization preceding; could one or more lines between the two lines have been mistakenly left out? An eight-petalled lotus arises from the latter sarobar; this lotus however arises from the ksir sarobar according to the Nigurhdrthaprakdsabali(see n. 157), the prthu sarobar lying at the navel and giving rise to a six-petalled lotus. (On the eight-petalled lotus in Sahajiya texts see also U. Bhattacarya 1980: 365.) Cf. n. 162. 159It also locates the paramdtman (see n. 137), coming and going via the nostrils, in the navel-region. Radha and Krsna in the eyes remind one of Indra and Indrani, residing in the right and left eye respectively (descending to copulate in the person's heart during sleep), in a Vedic belief (Frauwallner 1982: 103ff.). Sukur Mah-mud's Gupicandrer Sannyds too mentions two sarobars in the eyes, but with no other details (Yakariya 1974: 154). 160Cf. also the enigmatic mention of the hundred- and thousand-petalled lotuses in a copulative compound in the Balahari song in n. 86; the song might eventually also say that an ocean is to be found in these. 161See Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan1979: 57. made to approach each other by certain practices and unite in the region of the heart (cf. also n. 159); unfortunately, the paper containing this information has, to my knowledge, not yet been published. In a Chinese theory, what we would call the Purusa, situated in the perineal/genital region, has to ascend to the seat of what we would call the Prakrti,namely to the heart, and there unite with the latter; cf. Beurdeley 1969: 40. This is quite intriguing, for we have seen that the Prakrti is connected with a hundred-petalledpadma, which itself may perhaps ultimately also be connected with the region of the heart, even though, in the texts mentioned in ?28, the lotus is in the eye. Thus we should also consider the possibility of the Prakrtiresiding, according to some Baul theory, in the heart; we shall return to this problem in ?31 below. According to Beurdeley (1969: 40) however, the Chinese theory mentioned is a later development in China, which once again leads to the most complex problem of the possibility and, if it should have existed, the nature of the relation between the Indian and Chinese (and other) mystical sexual systems; I lack competence to remark on this old bone of contention (see too U. Bhattacarya 1980: 527f.). But see Meyer 1990: 42ff. (also Gulik 1961: 198, 200): according to Chinese and Tibetan (medical) theories, a branch of the path leading from perineum to cranium leads to the heart. Cf. also the theory of three bindus (cf. n. 88) signifying the three deities of the (male) "Hindu"trinity, of which one is linked with the mouth, the other two with the breasts of the Devi (= Prakrti) (bindudvayam stanadvayam hrdi sthdne niyojayet) (see 1988: 156). Prajnianananda 30. Here an unknown author's song (Aj'gubi tarahga nadi: Ab'dul Hamid 1981: 18f.) is interesting. In it, the laden boat plying upriver (cf. n. 131) from the triveni (n. 63) must pass a bend where the sun has appeared, navigating past which is very difficult, as six guards (obviously the six vices: lust, anger, greed, infatuation, vanity and envy) sally forth and impede the boat. If "bend" refers to one of the plexuses to be passed on the way up, then "sun" is hard to explain. Could it be the light in the heart of the plexus of this region (the anahata in "Hindu"tantric terminology), which is also said to be the world of the sun and, in some theories, where the jivdtman or Prajapatiresides?162This would 162 According to one theory, this lotus of the heart containing the jivdtman has eight petals (Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan 1979: 51); cf. nn. 78, 158. As for the sun, note that there is also a very ancient (Vedic) theory linking the heart directly with the sun (see Frauwallner 1982: 100ff.). 412 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) rusa (cf. n. 55); this fits the usual notion of the Prakrti being the active, the Purusa the passive principle. Could "sun" therefore be the Prakrti here too? Kalusah, fit the theory that one of the several "nodes" (OIA granthi-) in the susumnd, forming especial obstacles to ascent, is at the door of the andhata.163 We saw in n. 137 that the jivatman may be equated with the Purusa. Now "sun" is linked with the male principle, as, e.g., in the case of the sun-passage, the pihgala (cf. ??15ff.); dazzling brightness is a characteristic of the (Prakrti-)Purusa,in any case.164 Note too the discussion on the hundred-petalled lotus in the eye carrying the Prakrti in ?29; there is, as we have seen in ?28, a similar lotus in which the Purusa is situated. Cf. also the remarks on the receptacle of semen in n. 21. So could we postulate that the song refers to the Purusa in the heart?165Interesting in this connection is also Briggs 1973: 313, where the manipara(ka) in the region of the navel is called saryasthana "place of the sun"; cf. manipura as the abode of semen in ? 11. 31. But what about the difficulty of moving past the bend? This hardly makes sense if it should harbor the male aspect. Some tantras hold the/a sun to be situated at the base of the spine,166 where the Prakrti's influence is strongest. Sun and Prakrti are equated in some "Buddhist"tantric theories (see, e.g., n. 107, also n. 165), just as "moon" often denotes semen and Pu163Cf. Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan 1979: 175f. According to Yakariya (1974: 175) the "postern"(on this see n. 231) is situated in the heart. If so, then this too could explain the difficulty of navigating past the "bend," if this indeed be the heart. But is the explanation of Yakariya correct? 164Cf. also Paul 1972: 10. 165In China the male principle is connected with the sun, the female with the moon (Gulik 1961: 197). He opines that these equations are actually of Indian origin (pp. 342f., 356) and imported into China (p. 347), and that later there was a reversal in India. But even earlier than the time of the supposed Indian influence we seem to have had a reversal in still older mystic correlations in China (p. 84), though of a complicated nature leaving unclear whether the ancient equations, male principle = fire = sun and female principle = water = moon (pp. 37, 40), were any longer valid. The point I want to make here is that there seem to have been theories current in India and adjoining countries linking the Purusa with the sun, and that we thus cannot discount the possibility of the Bauls' having been influenced by them. Note also theories linking the intellect with the heart, e.g., in Carakasamhita, Cikitsasthana9.5 (buddher nivdsam hrdayam) (Acharya 1941) (cf. also Sutrasthana30.3ff.); see Rao 1987: 105f., also Rhys Davids/Stede 1975: 728f. and Ruben 1971: 38, 83. 166See, e.g., Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan1979: 60, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 445. in a song,167 says: ek mdiya sahasra dale basat kare hrd kamale "One/A girl resides in the thousand- petalled [lotus], in the lotus of the heart" (note too how the sahasrdra and the plexus of the heart are mixed up; cf. ??28f.). A song by Ajit Das begins: Amdder hrd'- brnddbane thdken rddhi, thdken krsna-ndi kona samgay "In our heart-Vrindavan resides Radha, resides Krsna-there's no doubt" (A. K. Das 1980: 78). But this may have been used metaphorically. Cf. however Briggs 1973: 318: menstrual blood originates in the manipara(ka) = siryasthina (cf. ?30). We may thus consider whether "sun" in our song might not refer to the Prakrti. Then a "bend" with the "sun" would obvi- ously be very difficult for the cosmic principle to navigate past. On the other hand, the "curved river" (cf. n. 187) may be the vagina (S. Cakrabarti 1989: 14, 151); could "bend" here thus actually be the vagina? But the bend is part of the river's upward course (nadir o ujdn banke); would this apply to the vagina? 32. But the song apart, there are other tantalizing hints above that, to some at least, the heart might be the seat of either Prakrti,or Purusa, or Prakrti-Purusa.Some of this is not based on Baul songs, and is not even Indian; nevertheless, given the close parallels between many Indian and non-Indian esoteric sexual theories, we should not neglect any possible avenue of investigation. The need for following up such leads may be illustrated by a line from Panj's Nirakdre jyotirmay (see ?11), which says that rati sports in the lotus of the heart (hrd'kamale), mixed with radiant ras. The preceding line mentions the mingling of rap and sbarup, and the following line the union in the manikothd (cf. ?11). U. Bhat.tacarya (1980: 1059) explains the line by referring to the astral body of Theosophy, saying that Panij means to say that in this astral body rati (which is not explained) arises in the heart of the Purusa. This does look far-fetched. I must confess that I have no explanation of my own, but the song is very difficult and obviously meant only for the initiated. Nevertheless, I would like to draw attention to the various mentions of rup, ras and rati in ??22, 27 and n. 158. The possibility of a link must be considered in any case, and this shows that the discussion regarding the heart may not touch just some obscure particulars in Baul belief, but 167Man tui phakir habire maiydr bdjare ydiyd (As'gar 1985a: 95f.). DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 413 fundamental concepts, though not necessarily in the tenets of all Bauls. 33. But the heart is not the only problematic internal organ. The uterus too is puzzling. In males the three tubular passages open out in the perineal region, and one should think that this is what they do in women too. But these passages are in women instrumental in the process of menstruation, and one cannot imagine that Bauls would have no idea at all about the connection of menstrual blood and the uterine opening into the vagina. Note in this connection the remark of Qureshi (1977) in n. 63 on the triveni and the uterus. Of course Baul songs mention the uterus too, but I have not come across any references linking it with the theory of ritual intercourse, though I have not made a systematic search. In any case, I may draw attention to the problem of the three tubularpassages and the uterus, which, to my knowledge, has not been studied yet. 34. Males however also have three tubular passages. Since we have seen above that at least some theories hold that women discharge different substances through their passages, the question must arise whether something similar might not be the case for men, too. In this connection the song mentioned in ?30 (Ab'dul Hamid 1981: 19) is interesting, for it ends with the question (to which the answering song seems not to be known):168 168 Disputes between individuals or groups on religious themes in the form of poems and songs, often spontaneously composed, were popular in Bengal, and still are in some parts or among certain groups (to which the Bauls also belong; see ?38). In Jessore (Yago[ha]r), such disputes (called dhdti ) are part of the marriage ritual (to test the bridegroom; cf. Masud 1980: 208). In "orthodox" Hindu surroundings, particularly, this form of question and answer developed into a quite literary genre which was at one time very popular; see P. Pal n.d. and D. Simha 1978. In many parts of Bengal, the contestants were or are called kabiyal (see also Ohidul Alam 1979: 88-90 and 1985: 43-64 on the kabiyals of Chittagong; on p. 90 of the former, an opening statement [ghosa] mentions the lahut; cf. ?14). The word bayaff, used in our song, is rarer in such a context. It may, incidentally, also refer to the lead or sole singer of a group; cf. 0. Ah'mad 1974: 100. For quite another meaning of baydaf ("narrative singer" is probably the nearest equivalent) see A. Bhatt.carya 1977: 1236, Deb 1966: 45267. See also Abu Talib 1985: 202-19. Many singers, mostly of local fame in East Bengali villages, affix the word bayatf to their names; a well-known example in Bangladesh is Ab'dur Rah'man Bayati, who also has done several recordings. Three Moon and sun are situated in the sky; That sun has a [dark period] of new moon. On which day do sun and moon have the [period of] new moon? O (poet-)singer, tell me [what] the new moon Of moon and sun [is].169 As the outer tubular passages i.da and pihgald are the moon and sun passages respectively, one may consider them being meant here. But we have remarked in ??30f. on the equation of both Prakrti and Purusa with the sun, too. Also, "moon" often signifies the cosmic principle in Baul songs, which is hardly surprising, for, quite apart from any secret terminology, "moon" (cad, candra), as the second part of an appellation, especially in endearments, is common to Bengali. "(Full) moon" also refers to the "man" appearing out of menstruation (cf. ??23ff.), which170 Baul songs often allude to as "new moon." A "new moon" of the Prakrtiis of course no problem, but what if the poem should refer to a "new moon" of the Purusa too? This leads to something on which I have only tantalizing hints from informants and hardly any references in primaryor secondary sources. Some Bauls may have a notion that the man too has a "new moon" like the woman, less frequent than her menstruationand not necessarily coincident with it. S. Cakrabarti (1989: 195) seems to be referring to this too, but as "full moon," not "new moon." Could Camu's Jhumur song (Saha 1973: 132) hint at something similar: yubatir hay mdse mase pu- ruser hay kon dibase ("the young woman has it month after month; on which day does the man have it?")? As to the fluids possibly secreted, I have no idea what they are, where they come from, and whether or not they are related to semen. The "new moon" (amabasyd) of the sun is mentioned in Sukur Mah-mud's Gupicandrer Sannyds (Yakariya 1974: 17 If.), too. The text says that the sun has phases that are the exact opposite of those of the moon; thus it has a new moon when the moon has its full moon, the latter having its new moon when the former has its full moon, and the like (see also folk-poets with the title bayati are described in Ghatak Caudhuri 1984: 43-54. Milu, the main character in Kay'sar 1987, is also a bayati in his village, singing folk- and his own compositions, before he becomes a professional singer in Calcutta and Dhaka. See also n. 57. 169dakaete candra sfrya ray, o suryer amabasyd hay. candra suryer amdbasyd kon' dinete hay? candra suryer amabasyd re bayati kayyd deo dmdy. 170The menstrual period or only its first day (the usage varies). 414 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) Mandal 1949: 171). I must confess to not understanding these and similar statements of the passage; the editor, too, was at sea, on p. 203 simply explaining "new moon" according to the etymology of OIA amavaisya as the time when sun and moon dwell together, which is not very helpful (on the new moon cf. also G. Bhattacarya 1989: 41). 35. In Capwell 1986: 49, a Baul claims to effect "internal" sexual union, regarding this as superior to the "external" one (cf. n. 103) (like the Kartabhajas, who practice both; see A. C. Das 1986: 70). Such "internal" union, usually not considered as effective as "external" union, seems unusual among Bauls on the whole, but not unknown.171 The Baul is however quoted as saying: "The reason a partner is needed at all is that semen must be activated, not merely retained,172 in order to force it along the reverse path up the spinal column from the mystical plexus near the genitals, to which it has descended, to the plexus in the brain where it can unite with its female counterpart." This last part is highly problematic; it either seems to imply that the Prakrti is situated cranially and the Purusa genitally, for which I know of no parallels, or that both Prakrti and Purusa (the latter first made to descend) rise upwards together, but not united on the way, for which, too, I know of no parallels. And the possibility that they might ascend along different paths is not in keepCf., e.g., the song Harike dhar'bi yadi age gakti sahda kar of Candi, which says that the "mother of the world" (jagat-mdtd) resides in the miuldhara, the "father of the world" (jagat-pitd) in the sahasrara (U. Bhattaicarya1980: 712). See also ibid., 84f. 172An activation of semen makes sense especially if the abode of the Purusa is not the sahasrara, but the djfia. For, as far as I know, the Prakrtialone cannot effect the difficult passage from the adjd to the sahasrdra. Thus, if the Purusa be static and the Prakrti alone be dynamic and ascend up to it, only the djnh would be reached, as there the Prakrti-Purusa would remain in a state of static harmony. But the dynamic Prakrti-Purusaformed from a dynamic Purusa brought down to the miuldhara and then forced up could be forced right up to the sahasrara. In fact U. Bhattacarya(1980: 481) gives us the words of a tantrist, who says that only the Prakrti-Purusa from the Purusa first made to descend (cf. p. 479) can reach the sahasrdra, whereas those bringing the Prakrti only up to the Purusa can reach only the djfd. The reason for this statement is given I.c. as: saptam dbdr (Nagari: dvdr) par raja baithat, tahd kahd yaobi (Nagari: jdobi/jdvbi) nari "On/At the the seventh door(way) [between ajni and sahasrdara] King where will you go there, woman (i.e., Prakrti)?"See also sits; 1988: 14419. Prajfianananda 171 ing with the belief that only the middle passage leads to the ultimate abode. Has the author misunderstood the Baul's statement? But it is in accord with Panfij's Nirdkdre jyotirmay, given in ?11, which mentions a this latter should be in the union in the manikotha-if head; see also n. 114 and ?21. I have no solution. 36. ?1 drew attention to the amalgamation of cosmic principle and preceptor. In Baul theory this also seems to apply to preceptors par excellence, like Caitanya, already divine to Vaishnavas (on his divinity, see, e.g., De 1974: 110-24, also Stewart 1985).173 Muhammad (Beng. Mohammad), too, has amalgamated in this manner; it is thus no wonder that, in many songs, Allah (cf. n. 13) and his Prophet seem not only one and the same (see R. Cakrabarti 1990: 238),174 but that the latter often seems to usurp the place of the former (we must also bear in mind a similar phenomenon in the popular version of so-called orthodox Islam in Bengal). And not only Allah's "light" (= Muhammad), but Muhammad's "light," too (Arabic nur, Bengali nutr), plays an important role as an omnipotent force in Baul songs;175 according to Yakariya (1974: 1712), cranial semen evolved out of this "light." Then again, at times Allah and Muhammad seem to be pictured as Purusa and Prakrti respectively;176 this notion exists already in 173The song of n. 75 says kaler kothdy rap-sanatan (printed thus), i.e., "in the chamber of the apparatus(cf. ?4) is the eternal/permanent (sandtan) form (rip)," or "in the chamber of the apparatus are Rup and Sanatan." Are two of Caitanya's most important disciples, founding fathers of Bengali Vaishnavism, who are often mentioned in one breath (on them cf. N. Jana 1970), identified here with the Prakrti (on rup cf. ?20)? The vagina is also the portal of (the disciple) Nityananda (on him cf. Chakrabarty1985: 133ff.); see S. Cakrabarti 1989: 230, 242. On Caitanya as the Purusa, cf. n. 144. 174 This is probably influenced by Sufi concepts too, though these, even when tending more or less in the same direction (cf., e.g., Schimmel 1982: 21ff. and 1985: 140), as a rule do not go quite as far as this. 175 It is important in mysticism elsewhere in the Muslim world, too (cf. Schimmel 1985: 123-43; also Dimock 1987: 381f., R. Cakrabarti1990: 224). On different lights connected with special centers in the body, cf. also A. Roy 1983: 168, Haq 1985: 180f.; such centers (latiphd, Arabic latifa, on which see Profitlich 1973: 85ff., Gramlich 1976: 63f., 144822, 399) vary in number (cf. Ab'dur Ragid 1984: 183, Datta/ Bhaumik 1966: 1893). 176Thus, e.g., in Kachim's Dekh- caiyd tor dehar mdjhe (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 171): dlld-rachul ek jani, ek na haile kem'ne duniyd ray. ek-duiye milan kari, bhabanadi ydbe tari. cdiyd dekh', tor ei dehate raiche duiyer meld "Allah and the DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 415 medieval Sufi-yogic works (cf. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 513-15). But Adam (Arab., Beng. Adam) too is often said to be the same as Allah and as Allah and Muhammad; we also find it said that all three are present in the body, bringing up again the problem of three substances, which has already caused us much trouble.177 The use of ddam as "human, man" complicates this. See also U. Bhattacarya 1980: 509ff., on an "unknowable man (manus)" who is "smaller/inferior to God" (khoddr chota), but "larger/superior to the Prophet" (nabir baro). We also find the mention of a female Prakrti, such as Fatima (Beng. Phatima, Phatema),178 and maybe also Eve (Arab. Hawwa', Beng. Haoya). Such problems are intrinsically linked with those discussed above, bringing in however a further complication, namely, the Islamic (Sufi) component. 37. There are also other matters to ponder, as, e.g., the role of the Prakrti theoretically present even at the perineum of a man who obtains the Prakrti from a woman. But I cannot discuss here all problems having to do with the heterodoxy of Baul thought, and shall pass on to the problem caused by the secrecy still sur- being replenished, of ritual knowledge-their scripture.180 The songs serve to impart knowledge, ask questions on ritual matters,181test the knowledge (often in riddle form) of other Bauls, and also occasion theological discussions, often in the form of publicly sung debates.182Cf., e.g., S. Cakrabarti1989: 14. Most of their matter is supposed to be kept secret, especially that large part which has to do with sexual rituals. Songs are however also something public; to overcome this difficulty, Bauls resort to a coded mode of expression. Not only do code words and oblique allusions replace plain statements, but many songs may also have two (or even more) levels of meaning, the actual ritual one(s) being comprehensible only to the initiated.183 Some songs even seem to delight in playing with such different levels of meaning, making it extremely difficult even for Bauls to understandthem.184 39. Many code expressions are now known, thanks in no small part to pioneers like U. Bhattacarya(1980); I will confine myself here to terminological problems going beyond the general ones that use of a secret 180And not merely upwellings of an overflowing heart, as many believe, though this element is not to be neglected (cf. also Capwell 1986: 49). 181 According to Lut-phar Rah-man (1985: [18]), Baul songs are in the form of paired questions and answers, one song answering the other. If so, it is a pity that mostly only the question songs seem to be available. 182See n. 168. Bauls engaged in such disputes are not necessarily expected to compose a song on the spot, but to select one from their repertoire to fit the occasion; spontaneous composition is however also known. 183Perhaps this is why, though Bauls readily sing for a general audience and appear to enjoy it, they seem happiest when singing for other Bauls, who can readily appreciate what is being sung (cf. the illuminating descriptions of Capwell [1986: 68, 70]). 184 Such methods of imparting secret knowledge are, of course, known from other parts of the Indian subcontinent and of Asia. I may also mention Chinese texts simultaneously discussing alchemical and sexual matters (see Gulik 1961; also on sexual texts in the language of treatises on warfare; on this latter subject cf. also Scharfe 1985, Leslie 1989: 243); explanations of alchemical operations in sexual terms are known from Europe too. R6sel (1928: 37) discusses possible connections between tantrism/yoga and alchemy in the Indian context. Cf. also the explanation of the process of imparting knowledge among Baul, Sahajiya and similar groups (S. Cakrabarti 1989: 13, 79f.; P. Das 1978: 290), which has a parallel in a medieval IsmaCilitext (Buckley 1984: 147, 149). See also n. 22. rounding Baul ritual (cf. ?6). 38. Bauls have no written codex except for a few works (cf. n. 104; those listed by Mallik [1986: 188] are today mostly classed as Sahajiya texts); its function is taken over by their songs, which are, apart from the secret instructions of preceptors and some utterances of famous authorities,179their main repository, constantly Prophet are one, I/we know; if [they] were not one, how could the world remain (= exist)? Uniting the one and the other, [you] will cross the river of life. Look and see: in this your body is the assemblage of both." "River of life" and "ocean of life" may also be esoteric terms for menstrual blood (cf. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 430). Lalan's Narekare dujan nnri bhds'che saddy (Das/Mahapatra 1958: 81, S. Mitra 1979: 206f.) calls Prakrti and Purusa two luminous beings (nnri), bringing to mind the nurs just mentioned. I found an even more concrete statement in a song-placing Allah in the head and the Prophet in the "apparatus-room"(kaler ghar), the perineal seat of the Prakrti (see ?4; cf. also ?31)-but, unfortunately, did not at the time make a note; I have not found the song again, though it should be in one of the works used to prepare this study. 177 Cf. also Datta/Bhaumik 1966: (131)f. 178 See, e.g., Panfij's song in n. 94: nurer yatna kebal jdnen phdtemdy "Only Fatima knows how to care for the light," the latter referring, as the song expressly states, to the "light" of the Prophet. 179 Some Bauls jocularly call this their Hadit (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 370). 416 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) language entails. One such problem is caused by the use of the same term in different meanings; this applies to some very important expressions, too. Thus "flower," though often used for menstruation or the menstrual flow (see n. 104), may also refer to the vagina,185 the plexuses, the placenta (U. Bhatt.carya 1980: 374), the tubular passages (cf., e.g., Datta/Bhaumik 1966: [128]), the dazzling lights at the cosmic principle's abode (cf. also, p. 1682), this principle itself186 (its male and female aspects, too), semen (see ?11), and maybe the body (see ?13). Bholai's first song in n. 58 (not fully clear to me) plays on different meanings of "flower" (phul) (cf. n. 91); see also ?27. 40. A similar expression is "dying"; no one seems to have noticed so far that in some contexts this cannot mean the same as in ?1. In such cases it usually refers to a mistake preventing the cosmic principle from reaching its final abode; though theoretically this could also be something else (e.g., wrong breath control), as a rule it means the unwanted ejaculation of semen.187 There 185 Thus also as regards phul (differentiated there from most drasare many such references in Baul songs-the tic I know in a song by Dah (i.e., Dr.) Hanipha,188 mentioning the restless (nat'khati) khdm'dhard (?) (which wants to burst out of even the tightest loin-cloth): ksudhd lag'le kare bami khdile hay mard "When he's hungry, he vomits; when he eats, he becomes dead"; khdoyd is obviously elliptical for the obscene magi khdoyi "eat a wench," meaning intercourse with a woman.189 A song by an unknown poet190 refers to the vagina191 as (which Krsna has blocked) in Radhfbiraha 29 as being situated in the oral cavity, though in keeping with a tantric theory (also among the Nfths, cf., e.g., Das Gupta 1976: 239-43), could also refer to the tenth body-opening through which semen issues, in the genitals; cf. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 426 (on the corresponding "curved passage" see pp. 345f., as well as Bose 1927a: 57f., which describes the curved river Viraja, on which see also n. 120; cf. too ?31). U. Bhattacarya(1980: 33-35) wants to disregard the latter Srikrsnakirtan(a)passage (p. 33: aprasahgik mane hay "it seems irrelevant"), but apodictically and not based on evidence, and despite its fitting the narrative plot well. The "tenth door" (the vagina in S. Cakrabarti1989: 84, 151) is also found in Carydpada 3.3. The Sanskrit commentary explains it as the "door of Vairocana," which is enigmatic, but nevertheless what the allegorical explanations of most modern scholars seem to follow; Yakariya (1974: 174), however, identifies it with the brahmarandhra (cf. ?43), whereas, according to J. Simha (1969, 1:61, 151), it is the seminal opening in the sense above. 188Khel'te dilam bhabe tin taiserkheld (Reja 1978: (94)f.). 189 And not, like the similar American expression, to cunnilingus. puspa) in the Brhat Nigam (see n. 104) (see U. Bhattfacarya 1980: 383: phul sadbe bhag mor sbarirete han). The tiger mentioned in ?40 bears the name phulesbari "mistress who is a/of the flower"; depending on the analysis of the compound, the "flower" here is the menstrual blood or the vagina. 186 Cf. dheu khelaio apan dele, padma yena bhase padmdr jale "Make waves play in your interior/core (see n. 72), so that the lotus floats on the Padma's water," in Sekh Bhfnu's Nisithe yaio phul'bane (Ab'dul Kadir 1985: 98, also Man'sur'uddin 1967: 25; the poet is Radhframan in Bhattiacarya/ Caudhuri 1988: 396), which uses "flower" in various meanings. The Padmf, the East Bengali arm of the Ganges (the other works cited have gangar for padmar), is the susumnd of the triveni (see n. 63) (see, e.g., S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 155f.); "waves" could refer to sexual excitement (cf. S. Cakrabarti 1989: 240; A. Bhattaicarya1977: 979 sees no sexual connotations in the song). 187See too Enamul Hak 1979: 4515; cf. the French "petite mort" for an orgasm, and Chinese expressions for "die," for having one (see, e.g., Gulik 1961: 304, 306). Hathayogapradipikd 3.88 (Svatmarama 1975) says that one preserving the bindu (cf. n. 88) conquers death (cf. ?1); death results through the bindu falling, life through its being preserved (see, too, Schoterman 1980: 29). Such uses of "death" might make us ponder whether the emendation in Srikrsnakirtan(a), Radhabiraha52, of marane to ramane (Klaiman 1984: 300172) or mane (Lahf 1988: 167) is justified, as it is known that the author of this text was versed in tantric practice or at least terminology; cf. also Klaiman 1984: 283f. and 1983: 1 If. Also, the explanation by Klaiman (1984: 28495) of the "tenth door" 190Bdgher dake antar kape (Recordings 5: side A, no. 1, sung by Paban'das). The song also mentions the dancing naked woman in battle attire, i.e., Kfili. References to Kali are quite rare in Baul songs, though not unknown. Thus Mo. Nechar All Sekh's song in n. 49 mentions the naked Kali's temple, with blood flowing in it, obviously a reference to menstrual blood, and Duddu's Jydnta kali gharer mdjhe dekh-li na (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 816) urges worship of the real Prakrti, not just the image of Kfili. Bhaba Pfig'la, famous preceptor of many Bauls in the extreme west of Bengal, seems especially influenced by Sakta tantrism. He has also written a hymn to Kali; cf. Recordings 5: side A, no. 3. Very interestingly, the singer Paban'das unconsciously substitutes hari for kali in the line kata din rabe tumi e(i) dhard dhdme, maran tomdr nai maja kali name (he then repeats it with the correct kali), showing how uncommon this hymn to Kali must have seemed to him. 191 Here also called the "residence/chamber of the city/ abode of honey" (madhupurer ghar), a reference not only to sensual pleasure, but also to sweet juice needing purification (cf. nn. 24, 69). The similarity of madhupur to manipur (see DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 417 a blood-sucking192 tiger with a snub nose (the clitoris), and says that the tiger does not eat dead persons, but catches a sadhu193 if it gets one.194 Some songs seem to play with different meanings of "dead." 41. A song clearly playing with different meanings of the same word is one by Gopal, in which "moon" occurs in several meanings.195 Where is the dwelling of the moon? In which circuit does the night rotate; in which circuit does the movement of the day take place? All people know the taking (grahan) of the moon at full moon; The taking (grahan) of the moon at new moon-who enquires about that? The nature/system of the four moons-get to know, mind, its/their description; Had [you] (or: [they]?) known it, The harmful sentiments in the mortal body (or: in the bodies of [all] beings?) would have ceased to exist. Know (or: You'll know) that rising and setting is what the moon does in this world; Then (i.e., if you know this) the radiant moon (or, maybe better: moon brought to light/shine), the full moon, will rise. ?11) is surely no coincidence. I have found madhupur again in the song Ghorar byepdri, about a horse-trader who overworks his horse (= penis, it seems to me) without any palpable reward, also squanderinghis wealth on useless women. He is advised to learn the correct art of horse-trading from a guru, the song ending with the admonition: tom'rd sabe hao sabdhan, abeder lok'sdn madhupure ghordr khydpa diyd "You all be careful/You be careful in all: the votary's loss is (= takes place) by making the horse run mad in the madhupur" (Recordings 16: side B, no. 5). 192 An oblique reference to semen; semen is, in India, widely (also in medical tradition) believed to be derived from blood. In Bengal one drop of semen is widely held to equal ten (or even a hundred) drops of blood. 193 See n. 68. The sadhu of course retains his erection. 194 Mard mdnus khay ni bEghe, sddhu pdailedhare. Crocodiles (= the body's adverse emotions) seemingly do the exact opposite in a song by Pag'la Kanai: "When they see [a man to be] fresh, they catch and eat [him], when they see [him to be] dead, they run away" (tdjd dekh'le dhairad khay mard dekh'le dauriyd palday:M. Caudhuri 1985: 199), but on "dead" here, see ?1. 195See esp. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 375; cf. also ??31, 34, 47, as well as Mandal 1949: kha[6]-[8] and Yakariya 1974: 168ff. D. Bhattacharya (1969: 452), of course, sees only Krsna in "moon" (cf. nn. 12, 62, 63). In two fortnights (or: In/Through each party) (paksa) there is one; the name of that/those, one says, [is]: "pair." Half a moon is hidden [as] the girl; her husband is at the root of the Brahman. He who makes the full moon rise during/from the new moon Will be victorious in [all] the three worlds: Heaven, Earth and Nether-World. It's not the work of an ordinary person; [only] when one endeavours deeply [with the right knowledge] does one become accomplished (siddha). Now G6sai Ram'lal (Gopal's father and preceptor)196 says: "Gopal, you'll be able to see its radiance."197 42. Not all the references are clear to me; also, since Bengali does not usually distinguish between the singular and the plural of non-determinate inanimate objects, "moons" may often (or throughout) be more correct 196 In South Asia, a father (the preceptor par excellence; see, e.g., Wezler 1979: 34-36, also Oguib6nine 1990: 2) is often his son's esoteric teacher. Cf. pariya sunid dekha bhdrata purdne, pita binu guru ndnfii tina bhubane "See by reading/reciting and hearing in the Mahabharata[and] Puranas: there is no guru apart from the father in these three worlds" (Enamul Hak 1979: 56; modern pronunciation is disregarded). Cf. the songs of Nedhusah (whose father Kalugah was also his preceptor), many playing on the names Kalu and Kala, also names of Krsna (clearly, e.g., in the song Kdlu bihane saddy Jkhi jhare in As'gar 1985c: 53f.; cf. also ?1). But a preceptor not the actual father may be called the father, too (cf. Riyajul Hak 1976: 29, S. Cakrabarti1989: 60). According to the Yogi-kdc father, mother, elder sister and elder brother are gurus (Mandal 1949: l-gha[5]f.). On esoteric meanings of guru (woman, breath) see S. Cakrabarti1989: 151, 224. 197 U. Bhattacarya 1980: 787f.: kon'khdne candrer basati. kon' pake rajani ghore, kon' pake hay diner gati. purnimdte candragrahan jane sarbajan, amdbasyay candragrahan ke kare tar anbesan, car candrer niripan, jdn'gd man tar bibaran, jan'le pare jib'dehete ghuce yeta kumati. uday-asta candrer karmajdnibe bhabe, dipta candra purnacandra uday haibe tabe; dui pakse ek'ti hay, tar ndm yugal kay, ddh candra gupta meye brahmamile tar pati. pirnacandra ye kare uday amdbasyday sbarga-martya-patdle tin dhdmete habe jay, samanyer karma nay, sddhile siddha hay, ebdr gosdi rdm'ldl bale, gopdl, dekh'te pdbi tar jyoti. 418 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) caused by the use of the same word in various meanings, not to offer solutions at any cost. 45. But often Baul secrecy does not even give us the chance of trying to coordinate a possible meaning with known aspects of the creed, simply offering us no information at all to build upon. Such is the case as regards an expression in one of the best-known Baul songs, Lalan's Khacdr bhitar acin pdkhi.201The line at(-)kutharl nay dar'jd atd either calls the body, here a house (see n. 66), "having eight chambers" (dt-kuthari), or says that "[it has] eight chambers" (at kuthari). This is enigmatic.202 "Eight" is absent in the list of numbers here. Nevertheless, I have chosen this song because it is one of the few direct references to a very secret Baul ritual,198 namely the imbibing (grahan) of the four "moons" menstrual blood, semen, urine, and stool (cf. also n. 39), among some groups singly, but mostly either in pairs (the first two and the last two) at different times, or all together (the semen usually obtained by the woman through fellatio). "New moon" refers to the menses, out of which the cosmic principle, the "full moon," has to be "taken" out (grahan) (see ?34). The pun on grahan is completed by its meaning "eclipse." Of course there is a difference between a lunar eclipse and the new moon, but the tertium comparationis is the disappearance of the moon. 43. The "moon" menstrual blood can be taken in only at "new moon." If paksa refers to a fortnight, then we could have a reference to the time when this "moon" and the "moon" with which it forms a "pair" (semen) "rise" or appear.199If however paksa here is a "party" involved in something, then "moon" would refer to the cosmic principle created by the union of menstrual blood and semen, or to man and woman. "Half" refers to the Prakrti,half of the "moon" cosmic principle (cf. also n. 215). Brahman (Beng. brahma) is the name of a tubular passage, the innermost and finest of several such, lying within the central passage (susumna) according to most theories; it leads to the true residence of the cosmic principle, but in many theories also to the brahmarandhra, the secret opening on the crown (in some theories however the highest plexus), which we should perhaps also consider here is referred to.200 In any case, "root of the Brahman" could be the perineal region whence the central tubular passage leading up to this plexus originates, the place of union with the "husband." 44. Most of the song is thus relatively clear, though difficulties remain, such as the circuits of night and day. Are these the two outer tubular passages ida and pihgald, the moon- and sun-passages? However, I have discussed the song as an example for the problems 198 See U. Bhattacarya 1980: 394ff., 424ff.; Capwell 1986: in Datta/Bhaumik 1966:(126)-(31). It reminds one of as.tdnga, the eight parts of the body used in profound obeisance, but, by definition, this refers neither to the whole body, nor to all times. Qureshi (1977: 225f.) explains our term as "huit enveloppes corporelles," but gives no references and no other elucidation. Does he mean something akin to the "skins" (OIA tvac-) in classical Indian medicine? These are, however, six or seven in number. Mahapatra(1972: 33) says: "Eight cells are the eight stages in the process of Baul sadhana."There are however only three (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 111, 405), four (Lut'phar Rah-man 1985: [18]), or five (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 503ff.) (see also ?14). Does he then mean the plexuses, or something similar, situated in the path of movement of the cosmic principle? This would then not be an "orthodox" tantric theory. The plexuses (as well as their "petals") could be and are indeed at times called "chambers" or the like, and Hi. Bandyopadhyay(1978: 49f.) does mention eight cakras residing within the body in Baul belief. But he names only two (miuldhdra and svddhisthana) and says no more; we thus do not know on what this statement is based. Banerjea (1961: 172) says: "Cakras are enumerated generally as six, and sometimes as seven or eight or nine" (cf. on the last number also n. 45), but gives no references for eight. 201For different versions of the text see, e.g., Das/Mahapatra 1958: 202f., Baul n.d.a: chatris f. (but Baul n.d.b: niranabbai is different), Brahma 1987a: 5, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 599f. and Hamidul Is'lam 1981: 17. The song is not found in S. Mitra 1979; Lut-pharRah-man 1985 too does not have it, but this work is still incomplete. For different staff notations see, e.g., Nurul Alam 1985: 41f. and B. Roy 1980: 15, for different sung versions (differing in tune and/or text), Baul), Ree.g., Recordings 2: side A, no. 1 (sung by Puirnadas cordings 3: side B, no. 5 and Recordings 4: side B, no. 1. 202 In a song written by her to "answer" Lalan's song, Brahma (1987b: 25) evades the issue, which a Baul poet would not have done. 22; Qureshi 1977: 236; S. Cakrabarti1989: 30, 182ff., 198ff. 199In cases in which only menstrual blood and semen are taken in together, urine and stool are usually ingested a fortnight later. 200 See too Banerjea 1981: 173f. on the brahmacakra in the muladhara, the latter, according to pp. 182-88, 30 not a cakra, but an adhara (see n. 45), the highest such being the brahmarandhra(cf. also Briggs 1970: 317). DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 419 46. Panfj's song Nirakare jyotirmay (see ? 11) mentions seven "storeys" of the body. U. Bhattacarya (1980: 1059) says these are the seven worlds.203 But this is not sure, as the text says that nectar, mixed with lustre, drips downwards (as it does in many songs) from the however onto each of the two-petalled lotus-here seven storeys, while lightning plays in the six-petalled lotus and the cosmic principle tastes ras (see n. 22) at the triveni (see n. 63).204 Gobin'cad in a song205 says that the cosmic principle, taken up from the mulddhara, lights seven storeys, or else lights that which has seven storeys (alo kare saptatali) (on its way up?) and then shines in a hidden chamber, obviously the cranial abode. Similarly, Lalan speaks of the cosmic principle in his abode above/on top of seven storeys,206 and of the mirror (signifying brilliance) on/above seven storeys.207 Now "seven" may refer to various things in Baul songs,208 but the above statements do make us consider whether here seven plexuses on the spinal 203 This refers to the seven worlds on earth and above, against the seven below. Together these give fourteen (see also n. 211). As a rule, "seven worlds" refers to the first seven (in Baul songs also found combined with the plexuses, though not necessarily systematically). Note too U. Bhattacarya 1980: 444 and Bose 1927a: 49, 53; Bose 1986: 127; A. C. Das 1986: 66: of all the passages (naii) in the body, fourteen are the most important. 204 yugal'padmejyoti mise hacche sudhCrbarisan saptatdldr tale tale saradale bidyut' khele tribeni-tir-dhdre rase kare asbadan. 205 Khel'che mdnus bakdnale (U. Bhattaicarya 1980: 85 If.). 206 Ke bojhe sair lila kheld llf., (Das/Mahapatra 1958: 1 S. Mitra 1979: 136f.). 207 Ki sobhd kar'chen sai rati'mahale:Hamidul Is'lam 1981: 133, Dag/Mahapatra1958: 103 (this with saptataldaa'nd alta for sapta tald . . .). 208 Apart from the seven worlds (see n. 203), e.g., the seven oceans (cf. n. 46), the seven divisions of the earth, the seven mountains, etc., of ancient Indian cosmology, present in the microcosm too, also according to several Baul songs. Ab'dur Ragid (1984: 179) points out that some Sufi theories speak not of five, but of six or seven mokams (see ? 14). The seven parts of Muhammad's body are also often said to be in the body (as seven plexuses?); cf. Schimmel 1985: 140, where this seems to be not correctly understood. Ananta in a song (E myad-samsdre ghireche dmda saptarathite, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 945f.) calls his mind and the six vices (see ?30) the seven charioteers of the Mahdbhdrata (who killed Abhimanyu). The mind and the vices are obviously also meant by Abdur Rah'man, who complains of marrying seven shrews who live in his body and make his life miserable (Sddh kare biye kare geche biyer sadh mite, Tena 1980: If.). path might not be meant, or, at least, layers of the body209 containing them.210 If the latter, then these layers would probably be situated in the trunk and head.211 One could then ask whether Lalan's song might not refer to something similar, for adding the 209 In Lalan's Ache adi makka ei mdnab'dehe (see n. 151) a fantastic sound arises in Mecca (the body), piercing its seven storeys. U. Bhattacarya (1980: 508) says this refers to the seven heavens mentioned in the Koran, but that is sheer speculation; the song gives no hint on what is meant. 210 One could think of similarly explaining the seven abodes/rooms of Ananta's song of ?11, among/in the middle of which is the innermost room (gharer prdcir[,?] saptapur, tar madhye antahpur; is the "wall" the skin?). They cannot be part of the fourteen worlds (see n. 203), as these are mentioned too. But the body is also a six-storeyed building (cf. nn. 66, 77) (in Recordings 17 the line ghar bes atdsatd, chatald kotha is different: e gharer car'dike berd, ache as'mane khrai), having one more storey, the manikothd, above/on top of it (tar upare). Should the plexuses be referred to, the case for "six" would be as valid as for "seven." Which should we consider? And if "six" refers to the plexuses, what about the extra storey, the manikotha? If it does not, what does it mean? The six vices (see ?30) can hardly be meant (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: [129]f. are at a loss in similar cases). Does "six" refer to the Indian medical theory of the body's six divisions (OIA anga-): the extremities, head and trunk (cf. Rao 1987: 38f.)? On the other hand, Bose 1986: 194 draws attention to the six qualities of the five sense objects and vildsa "pleasure." Note also that in the secret language of some religious groups the perineum is called the goindriya, giving six senses (OIA indriya-) in all; see U. Bhattacarya 1980: 426. He (p. 333) also mentions a seemingly rare theory speaking of six, not seven, mountains (cf. n. 208). Should we consider this? A. Bhattacarya (1977: 1274 [song no. 47]) complicates matters by listing not only six localities (mahalla) (and six enemies, galim), but also sixteen storeys (tald), the latter a problem, too (see ?12). Nechar Ali Sekh's song in n. 49 too mentions six talds, but five gems (the senses?) are also said to be there under heavy guard. So tald could be "storey" or "lock" here, making "six" even more enigmatic. 211 But see also the references to the lower portions of the body in Dimock 1966a: 175f.; S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 87; U. Bhattacarya 1980: 337, 1060, and n. 155. Garudapurdna, Uttarardha(Pretakalpa) 22.52-54 (see Pandey 1986), part of the description of a macrocosm present within the microcosm, says that the seven cosmic nether worlds are also present within the human body, namely in the parts below the navel; they are: tala (the usual name of this world seems to be atala), vitala, sutala, taldtala, rasatala, mahatala and patala. The similarity with the Bengali word usually used for "storey" in Baul songs, namely tald (also tal[a]), strikes one 420 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) body and contain no new information, but should the former be meant, then we would have a problem. Bhaskar Bhattacharyya in his notes on Jfianananda's song explains the eight compartments/chambersas the cheeks, breasts, navel, forehead, chin and heart-I do not know on what evidence, and, also, not how these can be "shut." Yet this reminds one of U. Bhattacarya (1980: 375), who lists eight "moons": mouth/face, breasts, hands, chest, navel and genitals.214 This is really worth considering; however, no reference for this list is given,215 and this also holds true for P. Bandyopadhyay (1989: 571), where Lalan's "eight" in ?45 lower extremities (as one unit) would give eight. The song however also states: tar upar ache sadar-kothd, dynd-mahal tda "Above this/these is the principal chamber, in this the mirror gallery," i.e., the abode of the Purusa (see ?2), which could thus be above the eight chambers ("layers"). This need not be, as "above" might simply mean "at the highest point of," but if the abode itself should be one of the plexuses, there would be a new difficulty. One could circumvent this by counting each leg separately, but this leads even more into the realm of unfounded speculation. However, the abode of the Purusa (or maybe only the Prakrti-Purusa,the combination of Purusa and Prakrti) at times appears to be a void above the plexuses (cf. ??8, 14), so that one may still arrive at the number eight by counting the lower extremities as one. On the other hand, Ram'krsna expressly calls each cakra (seven in number, the sahasrdra included) a bhimi 1988: 159f.), so that "site; storey" (see Prajiinanananda we should consider whether the seven storeys of Baul songs might not refer to the same. But this would be even more difficult to reconcile with the eight chambers or compartments, as in this case we must operate with the plexuses themselves, and not with layers, which need not necessarily all contain a plexus. 47. But the eight compartments/chambersof the body are also found, equally enigmatically, in other songs. Jfanananda's Esecha basecha bhabe tds khelite (Recordings 7: side B, no. 2; sung by Subal Das) describes their significance as a secret only the initiated knowi.e., the enigma is intentional. This song however also refers to the saptatald as another secret. This mention side-by-side makes the reasoning based on Panij'ssong in ?46 weaker,212leaving us, as before, at a loss. The confusion is worsened by Naran's advice213 to make the cosmic principle ascend by means of wind, while keeping the eight chambers/compartments,or that with eight chambers/compartments,shut (at kuthuri bandha ka're); the latter would be simply a reference to the at once; however, this may be mere coincidence, since the discussion here (?46) does not make a special connection of the seven "storeys" with the lower part of the body seem likely. The worlds in the upper part of the body too are listed in Garu.dapurana,Uttarardha (Pretakalpa) 22. 55f. (Pandey 1986), the names there being the same as those generally given the upper cosmic worlds, namely bhirloka, bhuvarl?, svarl0, maharl0,janal0 (usually janarl0), tapol0 and satyal?. 212 As we would have not different systems of enumeration (cf. n. 77), but two systems, of which one subsumes the other. 213 In his song Dam lagiio sei damer ghare (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 858). is explained as "two hands, two legs, forehead, breast, throat and backbone." 48. A Bangladeshi who has received basic Sufi initiation216 told me that the body contains the eight layers of Paradise (Beng. form: behest, behest), and that this is what Baul and similar songs often hint at. But Islamic cosmological systems usually mention only seven heavens (and also seven earths and hells).217 In some astronomical texts we do find eight heavenly spheres mentioned, but the number is generally given as nine218 (in some mystic systems, too, the body has nine levels).219 And the mention of eight (in contradistinction to seven) worlds in mystic texts seems to be 214Also enumerated thus by Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 2601; this looks like a quote from a previous edition. 215 L.c. only refers to a song, explained on pp. 1060 in exactly the same apodictic manner. True, there is also a quote from a passage of the Caitanyacaritamrta, but this is puzzling, for it does not seem to be of any relevance, referring instead to an eighth moon in the forehead, explained by H. Das (1987: 86) as "halfmoon" (arddhacandra) (the astami is the eighth day of the lunar half-month, i.e., the day of the halfmoon); on the "half-moon" see also Mandal 1949: ca[l], where it is equated with semen (sukra) (cf. ?43 too, where the female principle is called half-a-moon). 216 One of his first lessons, in a well-known mosque (!) in Dhaka, was on the importance of holding back semen during intercourse. 217 See, e.g., Nasr 1964: 57 and Heinen 1982: 138-45, with the corresponding notes on pp. 196-209 and also p. 218. On the significance of the number seven see also Diwald 1975: 40. According to Paul (1972: 27) the haft 'alam "seven worlds" are the five stages or planes mentioned in ?14 plus "others"-I do not know on what evidence. 218 On the number eight see, e.g., Nasr 1964: 133f.; on the number nine, e.g., Diwald 1975: 152, Nasr 1964: 133, 236. 219 Cf. Nasr 1964: 97, though note the explanation which states that these levels are "the first odd square and the number of heavens." DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal 421 very rare in general. Etim Alam and Ali Raja however describe eight heavens in Abdullah'r Hijar Saoydl and Sirdj Kul-b, respectively (Sariph 1976: 177, 204), though to both the number "seven" denotes the seven heavens, "eight" the chief angels guarding God's throne (ibid., 145, 217; see also p. 214). We could arrive at the number eight by taking the earth together with seven heavens, but again we enter the realm of unfounded speculation. Moreover, though Hindu cosmology, as a rule, has seven worlds on earth and above (see n. 211), some systems mention eight, too.220 As if this were not enough, the Brhat- Nigam (see n. 104), tells us that a man and a woman each have four substances, of eight syllables in all, in their bodies.221 But Datta/Bhaumik (1966: [133]f., 1734) state that the body is composed of eight parts, four each (the known quadruplet: water, fire, dust, and wind) from mother and father, these eight being part of the eighteen "stations," "abodes" or "bases" (mokam / mukdm) of the body often alluded to in Baul songs.222What is quite intriguing is that Datta/Bhaumik (1966: 1751) gloss mukdm with kothd, without comment. I do not know on what this is based, or if it is justified at all, but it opens up interesting avenues for investigation, especially when we consider the Sanikhya system of eight prakrtis223 making up the body. 49. I have found other references to the number "eight." A song by Abdulla224 refers to four lawcourts in number eight, in the city called the body; I do not know what "eight" refers to.225 A song of Phakir (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 259f.) speaks of a hoe of eight digits with a sixteen-digit handle for digging up the earth for one's own body, which looks like an allu220 OIA brahmaloka-, pitrl0, somal0, indral0, gandharval?, raksasal0, yaksal0 and pisacal?. 221U. 1980: 382: the male body has pankajalaBhattacairya padmamula, the female body, patraphulabrndapuspa (the transliterationdisregards pronunciation). 222 Textual evidence supports this; see also Yakariya 1974: 173 and Sariph 1976: 50. For another explanation of the eighteen mokams (including the mokams in ?14) see Datta/ Bhaumik 1966: 1734 and Qureshi 1977: 225 (the reference, in the former, to U. Bhattacarya 1980 seems to apply to an edition I do not have); see also S. Cakrabarti 1986a: 84 and 1989: 42. On the (Arabic) terms maqdm in Sufi texts in general see also Profitlich 1973: 93ff. 223 Not the term prakrti we are here dealing with. 224 Ek'ti phuler tin'ti rase ddam-gahar (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 168f.; see also the speculations on "eight" on p. 1698). 225 On "four" see op. cit., (129), 1687, though I do not know if the explanation is correct. sion to the grave. Another song speaks of a man measuring eight digits, with intelligence/brains (bujh) of sixteen digits (ibid., 172f.) (ironic for: not intelligent?). "Eight" seems in both songs to refer to the cosmic principle, but I am not sure, for should "sixteen" mean the vikdras (see n. 79) and thus the body, one might consider that the penis is meant. But note the description of the body as a.t kuthari sola tald (in song 854, Bhattacarya/Caudhuri 1988: 406). A song by Sarat (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 17f.) seems to call the body an earthen jar (cf. n. 69) with eight gan.dds of cowries in it; this works out to eight annas (half a rupee) (ganda = anna), or else to thirty-two (gan.dd = four). This last song (I am not sure about the others) looks as if it could be relevant for our discussion, but I do not understand it. Ar'kum,226describing the upward journey of the cosmic principle to the head as a laden boat's struggle against the current (cf. n. 131), speaks of eight baks227 in the boat.228 Now usually certain qualities, properties, or agents are associated with the boat in or the like usually such images in the songs-plexuses being associated with the river or land along or through which the boat plies. This rather speaks against "eight" referring to plexuses or the like, at least here. Attention may also be drawn to Rath 1982: 10, where we find the esoteric explanation of vasudhd "earth; country" as "divided into eight" (according to the numerical value 8 of vasu); since the body is regarded as a microcosm, complete with its own geography, it may be worth examining whether similar notions might not be at the root of the problematic eight compartments/chambers in ??45ff. Dimock (1966a: 14238) lists still more eights, in Sahajiya contexts, but they, too, do not serve to clarify matters. I am still at a loss as to the significance of the eight compartments/chambers, though it is clear by now that we do have a problem here.229 50. What further complicates the matter is that the original meaning (whatever it was) of this expression may no longer be known to all who use it. Indeed, I have come across a clear example of this in the song Bhdnddre bhan.ddri ache (Recordings 6: side B, no. 2) 226Are asdah maser gold (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 333-35). 227 This is a nautical term describing certain planks (see Ray 1971: 77), for which I know no equivalent. 228 Also of twelve "bulwarks" (buruj). Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 1734 are of no help regarding the meaning of this. 229 It is however unlikely that an eight-petalled plexus such as that at the navel in some Sahajiya theories (cf. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 365) or the dharmacakra in the heart in some "Buddhist" tantric theories (others speak of thirty-two petals) are of any import here. 422 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) 51. We thus end on a note of confusion, which, however, exactly mirrors the material studied. This study has shown that there is much here that is confusing and contradictory, much that is unclear, and much that is unknown. Having to admit this is of course frustrating, but more honest than trying by all means to press the material into some uniform theoretical frame, smoothing over difficulties by means of intellectual caprioles and subterfuges-even though more satisfying to the scholar concerned. We must also not overlook one important fact: phenomena such as those dealt with do not exist merely in the intellect, but as parts of real and very material life, subject to all its influences and developments, and not to be separated from the humans who form and are formed by them-humans who are characterized by unpredictability, inconsistence, desultoriness, and all the other traits that so frustrate psychologists and sociologists. And it must also be borne in mind that these phenomena did not develop or were not developed for the sake of study by scholars searching for universally valid explanations and rules. A NOTE ON BAUL SONGS of Rameg (on him see n. 73), which has the line at daraja naiko dbari "eight doors, [but] there is no doorkeeper." The nine "doors" (= openings) of the body are standard all over South Asia; eight "doors" are, however, a puzzle. I suspect that we have here a misinterpretation of the term dar(a)ja; dar(a)ja "door" has a homonym dar(a)jd = Arabo-Persian daraga "stair; order, rank; sort," which (also as darga) is also used as "storey" in Hindustani and in other Indian languages (also Bengali). As, in Bengali, the word is today rather rare, at daraja could actually once have referred to eight ranks, sorts, storeys, etc. (see above),230 but then have been misinterpreted as "eight doors." The same seems to be the case in Sadananda's Bal' hdoyate kay'che kathd (see n. 86), where the cosmic principle in the body, which is expressly said to have the usual nine doors (openings), is asked whither it goes, shutting the seven doors (dar'jd) and keeping the postern (khir'ki) unfastened.231 Obviously, such things serve only to complicate an already complicated situation.232 230 Unfortunately, the various meanings of dar(a)jd do not allow us to draw any definite conclusions on the significance of dt(-)kuthari. 231The postern door is, according to Yakariya (1974: 150, 175), the gateway for unwanted thoughts and emotions to enter the mind. It remains to be examined whether this also applies to the "postern" mentioned in Yadubindu's lines in n. 133, which I do not quite understand. But whatever the "postern" does refer to in Sadananda'ssong, and irrespective of the problem of the number of doors mentioned, the picture in this song seems to be different from that, e.g., in Ab'dul Halim 1977: 21f. (song: Phaindphillar dese yadi yabi), which tells us to close the nine doors and keep one door open to see the rup (cf. esp. ?20), seemingly thus making Allah within us visible: nav dar'ja-y maro tald, ek dar'jd rakho khold, sei darjdy mil'be ruper chabi; the open door here probably refers to the secret tenth mentioned in n. 187, especially since the song subsequently speaks of a union to be effected in the "room of three" (tiner ghare kara mil), which does look like a reference to the meeting point of the three tubular passages. 232A famous song from Chittagong, Bhainer bandrasi sari gay (see Ohidul Alam 1979: 81 and 1985: 6) seems to speak (referring to the body of the "sister"?; on "sister" as a term for the female lover cf. Ohidul Alam 1985: 70) of seven compartments (sat kutari) and nine doors, with a locker room (tdlar ghar) in the middle (genitals?, heart?). But the song, as found on Recordings 9: side A, no. 1 (Bhainar bendrasi sari gay), has at kuthari, i.e., "eight" in the place of "seven," and in the light of our discussion, that appears to be the correct version. The other version, however, shows that the line in question has been misunderstood, and perpetuated as such. Defining a Baul song exactly is difficult. Bauls do compose songs relating to their creed (not only its sexual aspects). But their syncretism allows them to take over songs of other religious groups, or even folk songs, too, if these may be interpreted to fit their tenets (see also Salomon 1989: 323). Conversely, songs of a Baul nature may be part of the stock of songs of other religious groups too. The researcher must thus also consider songs classed as Padabali (Padavali) (mostly of Vaishnavas), Dehatattba (Dehatattva), Phakirali (Fakirali), Maij Bhandari (see n. 72), Mursidi (Murshidi), Mar'phati (Marfati), Dhuya (Dhua), Gurubadi (Gurubadi), and so on (none composed with scholars in mind). This obviously does not lessen the problems detailed in ?6. The mass appeal of the Bauls has created problems, too, as it has led to the circulation of many fake Baul songs (cf. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 103f.; S. Cakrabarti1989: 253f.; also n. 3),233 to the designation of any folk song as "Baul" by many, and to a commercialization which has led Bauls (often fake) to take up the concert stage-which, though it has made an acquaintance with Baul thought easier, has also served to enhance their false image in the public mind, as often only "clean" songs are sung. Some Bauls give lessons 233 Not all songs composed by non-Bauls are out of keeping with Baul tenets, though; a case in point is T. Das 1977. DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Hauls of Bengal42 423 in singing for a fee (cf. Capwell 1986: 46), to people who often probably have no idea what they are learning-if they learn real Baul songs at all. In B. Ghos 1986: 49, a Baul sadly remarks on this state of affairs. I am not moralizing, for why should Bauls, many of them desperately poor, not sell their repertoire if they wish to? I am only pointing out that this has created problems of which the researcher must be aware. Cf. also P. Bandyopadhyay 1989: 100ff.; A. Mukhopddhydr 1988: 108ff.; and Sarkar 1990: 72, 78ff., 190ff., as well as-mutatis mutandis-H. Siinyal 1989: 243ff. on the state of kirtan singing today. Note too what Banerjee (1989: 209) rightly states: "What is masquerading as folk culture in the commercial network is sans the participation of the original artistes-common folks." BIBLIOGRAPHY* 1977. HOlim sarigtt biTtarka-yuddha: Sarifrat (cover: Sarij~ati) o mdr'phati (cover: mdr'phatW* gdner baT,l prathamkhanda. 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RECORDINGS* 1 GraamBanglar Gaan. Grambamlargan. Anup Ghosal. His Master's Voice/EMI (Dum Dum 1984) ECSD 41553. (LP-record.) 2 Abismaraniya lalan. Immortal Compositions of Lalan Fakir. His Master's Voice/EMI (Dum Dum 1975) ECSD 2525. (LP-record.) = HMV (Calcutta 1985) TPHV 28048. (Cassette.) * Recordings by artistes of Bangladesh, made in Bangladesh or in the UK, are readily available (often in a pirated form) in the many shops in and around Brick Lane, London El. 430 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992) Reprint Corporation (distributed by: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers). RIYAJUL KHONDAKAR 1976. Lalan sdhitya o darsan. HAK, (ed.). Dhaka: Muktadhiira. 1985. Bhab sangit. Dhaka: Bamla Ekademi. (Lok'sahitya samkalan 40.) RICHARD. 1928. Die psychologischen Grundlagen der ROSEL, Yogapraxis. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer. (Beitrage zur Philosophie und Psychologie 2.) RoY, ASIM.1983. The Islamic Syncretistic Tradition in Bengal. 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Kal'kata: SANYAL, Ke Pi Bag'ci Ayagnd Kompani (for the Sentar Phar Stadij In Sogyal Sayenses'). TARAPADA. 1970. Nabadbipe tantra sddhand. KaSANYAL, likata: PharmaKe.El. Mukhopadhyay. AH'MAD SARIPH, (1976 and 1978: ed.). 1969. Bai'ldr suphi sdhitya (alocand o nay'khdni grantha sambalita). Dhaka: Bamla Ekademi. 1973. Bdul tattba. Dhaka: Bafi'la Ekademi. 1976. Saoydl sdhitya. Dhaka: Bamla Ekademi. 1978. Kiphdyatul musallin o kdy'dani kitdb, Sekh Muttdlib biracita. Dhaka: Bamla Ekademi. 1983. Bnidli o bdan'lI sdhitya, dbitiya khanda. Dhaka: Barnamichil. 1984. "Ek'ti baisnab'paderitikatha."LSP 4.1-4 (Januyari-Disembar): 13-23. R. SARKAR, M. 1985. Regional Cults and Rural Traditions: An Interacting Pattern of Divinity and Humanity in Rural Bengal. New Delhi: Inter-IndiaPublications. . 1990. Bauls of Bengal: In the Quest of Man [sic] of the Heart. New Delhi: Gian Publishing House. 3 Gafiga amar ma, padma amar ma. Runa Lay'la. His Master's Voice/EMI (Dum Dum 1984) ECSD 41541. (LPrecord.) 4 Reba Sar'kar. Lalan giti. Concord Enterprise (Dhaka n.d.) CE 544. (Cassette.) 5 Le Chant mystique des Bauls. Sonodisc (Paris 1982) ESP 8401. (Prestige de la musique extraeurop6enne.L'Inde 9.) (LP-record; the order of the songs on the record does not agree with that given on label and cover.) 6 Kalpana Lala. Maij'bhandari.Sargam (probably Bangladesh) 45. (Cassette.) 7 Bengale. Chants des "fous." Le Chant du Monde (Paris 1979; distributed by harmonia mundi) LDX 74715. (Traditions musicales des cinq continents. Collection du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique et du Musee de l'Homme.) (LP-record.) 8 Les Musiciens Bauls. "Fous de Dieu" du Bengale. Arion (Paris 1983) ARN 33728. (LP-record.) 9 Silpi: Sephali Ghos. ? (distributed by Milfa Ltd., 7 Chicksand Street, London El 5LD) SG 2. (Cassette.) 10 Folk Songs of Bengal. Vol. 2. His Master's Voice/EMI (Dum Dum 1969) ECSD (on the disc: ECLP) 2403. (LP-record.) 11 Lalan phakirer gan. Spirituals of Lalan Fakir. 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