masters on islamist and hindutva thinkers

"BLOOD BROTHERS, SWORN ENEMIES" A comparative study on the ideas of Maulana Maududi (a Muslim) and M.S. Golwalkar (a Hindu), with particular reference to their views on the relationship between religion and the state. M.A. RELIGION STUDIES THESIS UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA 2001 STUDENT: David Radford ID: 9810815F 'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 1 Chapter 1- The Socio-Historical Contexts for Maududi and Golwalkar 9 I. Personal Context A. Maulana Sayyid Abu'l A'la Maududi (1903-1979) - Personal History and Involvement with the Jama'at-I-Islami B. Madhav Sadashiv (M.S.) Golwalkar (1906-1973) - Personal History and Involvement with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) II. Historical and Political Contexts A. British Colonial Rule B. The Khilafat Movement C. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar (1883-1966) III. Religious Context A. Confrontation and Accommodation - The struggle of Islam in the majority nonMuslim context of India B. The Rise of Hindu Nationalism in the face of Muslim/British/Christian and the influence of Orientalism. IV. The Modem Phenomena of Religious Fundamentalism Conclusion Chapter 2 - The Question of Identity - Who or what is a Muslim/Hindu? I. 29 . Maududi A. Right Knowledge 1. Tawheed - The Unity of the Godhead 2. Hakkimiya - The Exclusive Sovereignty of God B. Right People ~ Obedience, subservience C. Right Lives - Who is a true Muslim and what does Islam mean? II. Golwalkar A. The Problem - 'Our National Malady' - Loss of Living National Consciousness B. The Antidote - Restoring National Consciousness - 'Ideal Hindu Manhood' Conclusion 'Blood Brothers - Sworn Enemies' Chapter 3- The Question of Identity - Who are we - the Community, Nation, Nationalism? And who are they - the 'Threatening Others'? 49 I. Maududi and the idea of Nationalism A. Conflict with the Traditionalists and the Modernists B. Islam is Opposed to the ideas of Nation and Nationalism II. Golwalkar and the idea of the 'Hindu Nation' A. The 'Nation' defined in terms of Cultural, Racial and Territorial Unity and Founded on a Series of Exclusions 1. The 'Hindu Nation' 2. Key ideas that emerge out of these ideas a. The Nation as 'Divine Mother' (Bharat Mata) b. The Nation as the 'Living God' c. The Nation as 'Inherent Oneness' d. The Nation in opposition to 'Threatening Others' Conclusion Chapter 4 - The Question of Secularism - How did Maududi and Golwalkar interact with the idea of secularism and how was this reflected in their ideas on society? 70 1. Maududi and Secularism A. A Critique of Western, Secular Civilisation B. Maududi' s Islamic Response 1. God as Creator, Lord and Ruler 2. The Sovereignty of God 3. The Status of Man 4. The idea of deen or the Islamic Holistic Approach to Life II. Golwalkar and Secularism A. A critique of Westem Secularism B. Hindu Religion, Culture and History versus 'Secular Ideals' 1. Religion and Culture 2. Religion as Dharma 3. Chaturvidha Purushartha ~ The Complete Life-concept 4. Secularism as understood in the Indian context 5. 'Hindu Secular Tolerance' ~ Emotional Integration and Cultural Assimilation 6. The Holistic Approach of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ii Politics and Jihad B.As it was. Wanted . Non-Hindus/Minorities and the State H. 89 Maududi . Religion and Politics Conclusion Final Conclusion 116 Source References 127 Bibliography 130 Appendix: The 8angb Parivar 136 iii . The Function of the Hindu State . Rasala (Prophethood) 3. therefore the Islamic State must be Universal and Allembracing 2.Religion and the State . Islam. Politics and Political Power F.'Blood Brothers . is a Complete system of Life. Basic Principles for Maududi' s Political Theory of Islam (Islam and the State) 1. Power.What Relationship or Interaction Between Religion and the State did Maududi and Golwalkar Envisage? I. Universal and Allembracing.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 5.A Unitary State E. Hindu Rashtra as an Organic Whole C. so it should be D. The Nation versus the State: Rashtra versus Raj B.Tawhid.Religion and the State A. The Role of Non-Muslims or Zimmis (Dhimmis) II Golwalkar . Foundation Principles for the Islamic State . Tawhid (The Unity of God) 2. The Ideal Hindu Nation/Society (Rashtra) G. Rasala and Khilafat 1. The RSS. Khilafat (Caliphate or Representation) C. as Religion.Religion and the State A. The Nature and Functions of the Islamic State D. that it does not incorporate \vithout acknowledgment any material submitted for a degree or diploma in any University and that.CANDIDATE'S DECLARATION Thesis/Project Title: Candidates name: D 40 I 0 KAQ FO·~fZO=- _ I declare that this thesis/project is the result of my own research. written or produced by another person except where due reference is made in the text. it does not contain any materials previously published. . My supervisor at the University of South Australia.N. Madan (Honorary Professor of Sociology. Michael O'Donoghue. There is no doubt though that my greatest acknowledgment is to my family. who was instrumental in helping me to see the value of a thesis that compares the ideas of Maududi and Golwalkar. Dr. Caleb and Esther. Professor T.'Blood Brothers . My parents Dr. He helped me to see that this thesis could make a unique contribution. and children. Mark Radford for taking the time to read the thesis. guided me through the detailed process of establishing my thesis and kept me 'on the straight and narrow path' of maintaining my focus a!ld not getting caught up in unnecessary though interesting tangents. lecturer at the Union Biblical Seminary on Islamic Studies (Pune. To Steve Cochrane. Institute of Economic Growth. John Azumah. Without the encourageluent and support of my wife Wendy. University of Delhi) gave of his time and input into the initial stages of the formation of the idea for the thesis. who were my constant companions on the journey of learning to write a thesis. this thesis would not have been written.Swom Enemies' ACKNO'VLEDGEMENTS I would like to take the opportunity to acknowledge those who have had important contributions to this thesis. I am grateful to Dr. and for his insightful comments that helped me to polish off loose ends. . by outlining the potential differences between the two and helped to provide the basis for which I was able to develop my methodology. India) gave added advice on issues especially relating to Maududi and his ideas. Anthony and Robin Radford. And power is the ultimate direction in which the ideas of Maududi and Golwalkar go. political power reflected in the form of the state.S. from Elaine Pagels. Only when such absolute power is available. These key questions are centred around the issues of identity. In order to understand the topic for this thesis we must understand some related issues that directly affect the ideas themselves. Maulana Maududi. Others have established that such a comparison between significant individuals. The methodology that I have used has been one where I have considered some of the key questions that Maududi and Golwalkar were seeking to answer. overtly or covertly. of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. and indeed form the backbone to them. They also require organisation and power. directly or indirectly. Neither have achieved this end. We must consider the ideas that initiated the events. Three sets of statements fonn the concluding comments. Golwalkar. This thesis explores a comparison of the ideas of these men and their radical/fundamentalist ideologies with a focus on the way they viewed the relationship between religion and the state. together and highlights once again their similarities and differences of view. and this is also considered. of the Muslim Jamaat-I-Islami and M. I have sought to find keys to better understand some of the complexities that make up the nations of Paldstan and India and in particular the more radical or 'fundamentalist' religious movements that have become so prominent over the last few decades. Early in the thesis I quote the statement' Ideas have consequences' and elaborate that we must move away from simply focussing on present national events that involve these religious movements as if they can be merely understood by themselves or by their immediate social or political contexts. fermented them and guided those who seek to lead them. Sworn Enemies' . the need for. I have studied the ideas of two of the most prominent thinkers within these movements. Their answers to these questions provided the framework for the further development of their ideas relating to religion and the state. offers valuable insight into the situations/nations in which they were directly involved. The first. In particular. The final section on 'religion and the state' brings these questions. what if they do? . one Muslim. They lead to the use.'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' ABSTRACT In this thesis. I seek to show that these two men actually corne to similar conclusions though from very different specific worldviews. and the other Hindu. is that ideas have not been enough for religious movements to succeed. Who am I as a Muslim/Hindu? And Who are we as the Muslim/Hindu community/nation and how do Vwe relate to others from different cormnunities? Secularism as an ideology played an important part in the development of Maududi' sand Golwalkar's thinking. answers. By comparing their ideas we are able to see where they are coming from and how they converge and diverge from each other. or influence of. 'Blood Brothers. to these religious movements can the ideas of these men find their ultimate fruition. but the question remains. Though both are now dead. their ideas live on in the thinking and deeds of others. and their ideas. or at least in their response to it. who lived in the same historical timeframe. and in this case the same geographical and political contexts. They also have great relevance to the ideas Maududi and Golwalkar articulated. referred to in the introduction. The final statement considered is really a series of statements quoted from Samuel Huntington's The Clash ofCivilizations. a knowledge of these ideas is essential. The conceivable future certainly could see very strongly religiously affiliated state governance that upholds the dominance and supremacy of one prevailing majority religious community over the other minority religious communities. By understanding these ideas we may hazard a future guess at what these ideas may look like as they are worked out and adapted by others. Muslim and Hindu. both internally and ultimately between them bilaterally. is far more than a 'clash of ideas'. Of course. They also have future possible ramifications.'Blood Brothers . To understand what this clash is. ultimately. of particular world-views. it is clear that many issues he raises are pertinent to Pakistan and India. Just as we must not simply consider 'circumstances' in isolation from the ideas that began them. Yet civilisations are largely built on the basis of ideas. that 'Ideas have consequences'. . and what potentially could happen if certain people and movements spearhead these nations (at the same time).Sworn Enemies' This leads to the second statement. things also rest on the ability of the new avatars of these ideas to convince a large majority of their fellow religionists that their definition of religion and of 'self and 'other' identity is not only correct but worth sacrificing everything to achieve. so we must not consider 'ideas' simply in relation to the present consequences. Of course the potential 'clash of civilisations'. While not necessarily agreeing to all he says. Both born in the beginning of the twentieth century these two men came to prominence as thinkers and outspoken communicators for the radical movements within their respective religious communities. 'Blood Brothers' because they came from the same 'Indian stock' . with the sword in one hand and the trident in the other. Max Weber has been credited with the thought that 'ideas have consequences'. heard and felt. consequences) that Pakistan and India find themselves today it is imperative that we pay attention not only to the present experience what can be seen. and the persecution of the Ahmadiya Muslim sect and the Christian communities in Pakistan.Sworn Enemies' INTRODUCTION The title 'Blood Brothers.but also to the ideas that have greatly influenced them.e. In the midst of the religio-political situations (i. And as 'Sworn Enemies' because these men and the ideas they represented stand at polar opposites to one another religiously speaking . the constant religious communal tensions between Muslims and Hindus. Maududi in respect of Indian Muslim Fundamentalism and Golwalkar for Hindu Nationalism. A comparison of these ideas will be beneficial in providing a fuller understanding of these men and the organisations they helped to develop. and will also give us added insight into possible future developments within and between these nations. the ongoing tensions over Kashmir. the rise of the Hindu political Party (Bharatiya Janata Party [BJP] in India. Sworn Enemies' is representative of the two individuals and their religious communities who are the focus of this thesis. the destruction of the Babri Mosque by Hindu extremists in Ayodhya. In my thesis I propose to make a comparative study between the ideas of Maududi and Golwalkar particularly concerning the relationship between religion and the state. These present experiences include such events as the imposition of Muslim Shari 'ah law.Introduction 'Blood Brothers . metaphorically. their blood are rooted in South Asia.the radical Muslim and the radical Hindu facing one another. The partition of India and the upheaval it caused provided fertile ground for the ideas of these men to take root.their families. the push in certain . North India. the consequences of which twenty-first century Pakistan and India are still feeling the effects. Abul 'Ala Maududi (19031979) and Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar (1906-1973) were men who lived in a unique time in Indian (South Asian) history. persecution of Christians by certain Hindu groups. Introduction 'Blood Brothers . While neither Maududi or Golwalkar nor the organisations they represented have come to absolute power (control of the state) in either of the nations where they have been strongest. and envisioned a time when all peoples of India would either recognise their inherent 'Hindu-ness' or be forced to either leave or be subjected to 'second-class citizenship' (Madan. the first Prime Ministers in India and Pakistan.D. land of the Hindus. Instead of a large majority Muslim population with a sizeable minority community Jinnah's Pakistan became almost completely Muslim (97+0/0). the founder of the RSS. following in the footsteps of the ideological father of the Hindu nationalist movement 1. neither could escape the realities that faced them. Maududi saw united India as a place for the divinely appointed and rightful Islamic Shari 'ah law to be implemented.author of the book 'Hindutva . both were adamant that these new nations were to be secular (i. and who greatly influenced the founding of the RSS under Dr. They continue to affect the nations where they have predominantly existed and 1 V. cultural. their ideas have given birth and have seen the development of significant social. religious and cultural outlook of the Hindu Nationalist movement. Hedgewar. was 2 . 1997:223). Why Maududi and Golwalkar? Men like Jawaharlal Nehru and Muhammad Ali Jinnnah.e.What is a Hindu?' which defined the political. religious and political movements that will not go away.Sworn Enemies' quarters to have the Indian constitution changed to reflect Hindu Nationalist ideals. were very influential in the formation of India and Pakistan as independent nation states following partition in 1947. Nevertheless. saw the geo-political area of India as one united 'Hindusthan'. Golwalkar must necessarily be linked together with Savarkar as Golwalkar carried forward and further developed the ideas that Savarkar initially introduced. Golwalkar. Hedgewar. Maududi and Golwalkar both opposed the Partition of India for interestingly similar though opposing reasons. and the influence that the organisations that Maududi and Golwalkar were intimately involved with (Jama 'at-I-Islalni [JI] and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh [RSS]) have had and are having on Pakistan and India. Partition was nothing less than a division of Allah's land. Though at odds on the need to divide India. despite considerable opposition. have as little to do with organised religion as possible) in nature. Therefore it will be important to consider Savarkar and the way he links into together with Golwalkar.Savarkar. 2The ideas of Maududi in particular were influential far beyond the shores and context of India. The ideas and thinking of both were born out of similar circumstances but with markedly different worldviews. But these men have other similarities. and whose influence went far beyond themselves and their local contexts. and the way religion interfaces with the state. Golwalkar. They saw incisively into the historical circumstances their religious communities and India were facing. they lived in the same geographical area and lived through the same historical circumstances (i. fundamentalism. British Rule in India and Partition). Why make a direct comparison between two individuals? Alan Bullock has proven the tremendous benefit in comparing the lives (and the ideas) of two highly influential men who lived in the same era.Introduction 'Blood Brothers . particularly as it relates to the way Maududi and Golwalkar saw religion interacting with the state. will help us to understand better the often conflicting challenges that we find in India and Pakistan .under Muslim supremacy according to Maududi and under Hindu supremacy according to Golwalkar. 3 .Hitler and Stalin Parallel Lives). particularly of the ideas of Maududi and Golwalkar.challenges which include issues such as that of secularism. My focus is therefore on the more radical approaches that those within the Muslim and Hindu communities have taken. With the decline of British Rule it was time for the rebuilding and renewing of Indian society . identified the maladies that caused them and then set about communicating a vision of the way things ought to be. 'majoritism. an organisational man. his designated successor. was a charismatic ideologue who gave fresh impetus to the RSS as a movement to rejuvenate Hindu society. 3 A term often used in South Asia referring to undue influence of the majority community over minorities.SWOlTI Enemies' have had both a direct and an indirect relationship and influence on those who have represented political authority as well as the general masses. namely Hitler and Stalin (1993 . Why and how are the themes developed within the thesis? Maududi and Golwalkar were prophetic men of vision. Maududi and Golwalkar likewise have lived in the same historical era (in terms of time) and their ideas have been highly influentiae.3. This thesis is focussed towards identifying and comparing what this Muslim and Hindu supremacy looked like.e. A comparative study. Ideas do not develop in isolation. they ultimately determine the basis for the way society. The context for Maududi and Golwalkar included such things as their history.Chapter One heading. Inevitably this raised questions. These issues go beyond simply revivalism. and of course their own personal journeys.Introduction 'Blood Brothers . Jaffrelot refers to these as those 'Threatening Others' (1999 . they come from somewhere. should function. The second and third chapters deal with the questions of identity.who was a true Muslim and a true Hindu. It also identifies the enemies of Muslim and Hindu ascendancy. In answering these questions Maududi and Golwalkar were able to provide boundaries for clear identification . As thinkers Maududi and Golwalkar were men who looked at situations (especially within their own Muslim and Hindu communities) and analysed the problems as they saw them. as well as a clear delineation as to who was in (and therefore had power and authority) and who was out (those who fell into lesser categories). The idea of secularism is fundamental to the way much of the modem world has developed particularly in relation to 4 . calls for Muslim and Hindu revitalisation in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and the widespread growth of religious fundamentalism. and who was not. The idea of secularism was very much at the core of the ideals that saw India carved up into the nation states of India and Pakistan. This chapter deals with questions such as: What is a 'nation'? and How should a nation be defined? The fourth chapter considers the way Maududi and GolwCllkar responded to the issue of secularism. Who is a Muslim? Who is a Hindu? . These form the background out of which their ideas emerged. The identity of Muslims and Hindus as a community leads to the broader issue of nation/nationalism. and therefore the state. and in order to properly understand their thinking. My focus is on 'Religion and the State'. we must work our way backwards.as individuals and as a community/nation. These questions form the themes that provide the framework for the rest of the thesis. which is the direction the third chapter takes. colonial rule. The converse was as important because the solutions to Muslim and Hindu [re] ascendancy involved both a renewal of an individual's Islamic and Hindu identity (allegiances) and therefore a renewal of their respective communities. in other words to start at the beginning. p 11).Sworn Enemies' The first chapter deals with the contexts in which Maududi and Golwalkar found themselves. but in order to get there. It was on the basis of the answers to these questions that these men formulated their thinking on the role of religion and the state. internal and external. the works that Maududi and Golwalkar wrote themselves. Marty and R. Literature Review The literature available on Maududi and Golwalkar can be divided into three sections.'Blood Brothers . The previous chapters provide the necessary foundation for the issues discussed in this chapter. their ideas and the organisations they have closely associated with. The conclusion highlights the key issues brought out by the comparison of the ideas of Maududi and Golwalkar.Sworn Enemies' Introduction the function of nation states. This chapter will also consider the specific issue of how religious minorities are viewed and the role the organisations these men founded and developed in the functioning of the State. To understand how Maududi and Golwalkar viewed the relationship between religion and society/the State. In the first category the most exhaustive work has been the five volume Fundamentalism Project edited by Martin E. Certainly this was true of the European nations that most interfaced with South Asia. With the questions of identity . we are now in a position to give our attention to Maududi's and Golwalkar's ideas relating to how they saw the relationship behveen religion and the state. literature written about these men. Literature written about the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and Hindu nationalism as part of a modem phenomenon. it is essential to deal with how they interacted with secularism. The fifth chapter centres specifically on 'Religion and the State'. and the compartmentalising or restricting of its influence to certain areas. The Fundamentalism Project is a collection of essays written by numerous individuals from a multi-disciplinary perspective seeking to analyse and understand what is considered by 5 . with a clearer understanding of how Maududi and Golwalkar saw secularism and their response to it in the light of their Muslim and Hindu communities.individual and national considered. This is true especially as it relates to the twin ideas of the rejection of things religious and of the separation of religion within society. Scott Appleby. given that the ideas of these men may well be taken up by others who will make them their own in the twenty-first century. and thirdly. How do their ideas compare? Where do they converge? Where do they diverge? What were the elements that formed the basis for these ideas? It raises some important issues for the future. R. Goyal's Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. West Versus Islam. Religious Nationalism . while Bruce E. Hansen and David Ludden focus on the efforts of Hindu Nationalists in India. Locked Minds.The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Revivalism by Walter K Anderson and Shridhar D Damle and Political Ideas of MS. Lawrence. The Islamic Way ofLife. Let us Be Muslims. Choueiri. 6 . Ishtiaq Ahmed in his book The Concept of an Islamic State gives prominence to Maududi as one of the key orchestrators and promoters of the idea and content of the Islamic State as a concept. Towards Understanding Islam. among others.The Notion of ((Hindu Fascism" as well as an extrapolation of the ideological development of Hindu Revivalism in Decolonizing the Hindu Mind.Sworn Enemies' many to be the modem phenomenon of religious fundamentalism. Modern Myths. and description of. The First Principles of the Islamic State. Christophe Jaffrelot's The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics 1925-1990's. The Brotherhood in Saffron . Many of the authors focus their attention on Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan and Hindu revivalism and nationalism in India with obvious references to Maududi and the lama 'at-I-Islami and Golwalkar and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in India. With the recently rapid rise and popularity of Hindu nationalism there has been a flood of books on Golwalkar and the RSS. Of these. They cover Maududi's detailed treatise and rationale for. in particular Dr. that Maududi and the lamaat had in worldwide Islamic fundamentalism. Towards Understanding Islam. T. the ones most pertinent to this thesis are Islamic Law and Constitution.Hindus and Muslims in India and T. In the second category Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr's two books Maududi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism and The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution stand out as the most comprehensive works specifically focused on the life of Maududi and the lama 'at-I-Islami as an organisation. Koenraad Elst has just produced a two-volume investigation into the charge of fascism against Golwalkar and the RSS in The Saffron Swastika . the Islamic State and his passionate attempts to convince Muslims to wholeheartedly devote themselves to the Islamic cause and way of life. Golwalkar by Ritu Kohli.B.Introduction 'Blood Brothers . Defenders of God and Youssef M. Human Rights in Islam and Four Basic Quranic Terms. Madan. Others such as Peter van der Veer.N. consider the rise and influence of fundamentalism in South Asia specifically. Of the two men Maududi was the most prolific writer penning a multitude of works (well over a hundred) mostly published as pamphlets. Islamic Fundamentalism look at the role. therefore.B. both come to quite similar conclusions but from very different presuppositions. especially as it relates to the ascendant and often aggressive Muslim civilisation [represented by Pakistan and Maududi] in conflict with the Hindu civilisation [represented by India and Golwalkar] has remarkable parallels with some of the issues that this thesis raises and to which I will draw some attention in the final conclusion. The works best associated with his ideas and thinking have been We or our Nationhood Defined. V. The former was his first and most controversial work and the latter were compilations of his speeches and writings as he later developed them. One final book is important to mention. What has not been written or considered before has been a direct comparison of the ideas of Maududi and Golwalkar. 7 .Sworn Enemies' Golwalkar was a great travelling man visiting and speaking all over India. Huntington. They have been considered as individuals in their own right or within the context of their own movements. Savarkar's book Hindutva - Who is a Hindu? was a foundational work for the Hindu Nationalist movement. While not mentioning Maududi and Golwalkar by name this book has significant bearing on my thesis.D. or as part of a worldwide fundamentalism/religious nationalism paradigm but not side-by-side.Introduction 'Blood Brothers . Huntington seeks to formulate a new paradigm for understanding the changing world in the aftermath of the demise of the former Soviet Union and the ending of the 'Cold War'. At the same time the centre for global conflicts on both a micro and macro level will be the clash between competing civilisations. His thesis. In this new scenario Huntington believes that the dominant shift in global activity will be the focus on alliances based on civilisations and not on the basis of a particular political ideology or other uniting factors. Golwalkar and any other thinker within this movement will inevitably refer to this book as they espoused their own thinking and to which. I believe this different perspective will be a valuable contribution to what has already been written. Bunch of Thoughts and Spotlights. Both sought to give definition and vision for their religious communities as the authority bearers for society and as I hope to show. and that is The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order by Samuel P. Other literature that he wrote can be found in Integral Approach that was co-authored with Deendayal Upadhyaya and D. and in an number of articles/speeches that he wrote/gave which are available from the RSS website. Thengadi. I will also give some attention. historically and religiously. I have sought to do this by considering some of the key questions that Maududi and Golwalkar were seeking to answer. In each chapter I will look at the question at hand and then in tum review the way Maududi and Golwalkar sought to answer them. In order to understand the topic for the thesis we must understand some related issues that form the building blocks to it.Sworn Enemies' Methodology This thesis begins by considering the context that surrounded Maududi and Golwalkar and their ideas . 8 . what has happened to their ideas and consider where these ideas might lead. Their answers to these questions provided the framework for the further development of their ideas relating to religion and the state. Each of the chapters following will look at the ideas of these men focused towards understanding what they saw as the relationship of religion and the state. At the end of each chapter these ideas will be summarised with a view to looking at the way they come together and where they diverge. I have seen it as a progressive build-up. My final conclusion will try to bring an overall look at their ideas on the thesis topic and the way they have compared and contrasted with one another.personally.Introduction 'Blood Brothers . articulated in terms of the elaborate organization of an Islamic State. he was the youngest son of Sayyid Ahmad Hasan. Mawdudi is without doubt the most influential of contemporary Islamic revivalistic thinkers.Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' CHAPTER ONE: THE SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT FOR MAUDUDI AND GOLWALKAR As stated in the introduction it is vital to understand the personal/historicaVpolitical and religious contexts that surrounded Maududi and Golwalkar if we are to properly understand their ideas. A'ia Maududi (Mawdudi) 1903-1979 Personal History and Involvement with the Jama'at-I-Islami In his comments on Islamic revivalism world-wide. constitutes the essential breakthrough that led to the rise of contemporary revivalism. I. There seems to be little doubt that Maududi had made one of the most important contributions to Islamic revivalism both in his own nation of Pakistan as well as in the movement worldwide. 1903. leaving their mark on thinke::s such as Sayyid Qutb and on events such as the Iranian revolution of 1978-1979.. His views have influenced revivalism from Morocco to Malaysia. 1996:4 footnote #12)2 Born on September 25 th .. North Africa and Southeast Asia.. in what is now the state of Maharashtra. and language is so significant that it cannot be satisfactorily understood without consideration of his life and thought (Nasr. Maulana (Mawlana) Sayyid Abu-'. PERSONAL CONTEXT A. Nasr makes the point.. Maududi was 1 For convenience sake I have chosen this transliteration of Maududi's name unless taken from a direct quote. that to properly understand the development of this movement it is imperative that we understand the life histories and intellectual contributions of particular individuals individuals who have had a significant impact on the movement (Nasr. His creation of a coherent Islamic ideology.. was one of the first Islamic thinkers to develop a systematic political reading of Islam and a plan for social action to realize his vision. Nasr describes this man and his role in Islamic revivalism as follows: . 9 . 1996:3).. In Aurangabad.Mawlana Sayyid Abu-'l AlIa Mawdudi . This chapter seeks to provide the background for the ideas discussed in the subsequent chapters. One of those significant individuals was Maulana Sayyid Abu-l A'Ia Maududi 1 (hereafter referred to as Maududi). Mawdudi's contribution to the development 'of Islamic revivalism and its aims. and have influenced the spread of Islamic revivalism in Central Asia. ideals. 'Mawdudi became particularly interested in understanding the theoretical basis and practical application of modem scientific thought in the context of an Islamic worldview'. who disputes this claim about Maududi and is in fact antagonistic towards him (see also Madan. 1987:341-342 and Veer. Fazlur Rahman. Nasr. Veer. Later in life Maududi was to refer to this familial heritage as a basis for his claim to authority in the spreading of his ideas and thinking (Nasr. 1996:15)5 A number of repercussions from the failure of the Khilafat movement (a movement initiated in India to support the cause for maintaining the Muslim Ottoman caliphate. 1988:2. Muslim and Hindu alike.. It was not long before Maududi and his brother moved to Delhi where he soon became engrossed in politics and the Indian Independence movement. a symbol of Islamic political and spiritual unity. considered later in this chapter). Aristotle. Nietzsche. While remaining sceptical of the premises underlying much of this writing he nevertheless attempted to understand it and resolve the philosophical differences between tradition and modernity.Savarkar although in his case it was his family's position in relation to a Hindu Raja. still a teenager. The significance of his mother's family lay in their intimate involvement with the Moghul rulers whom they served as military generals. Liebnitz. Nasr points out.. Marx.) 4 Some of Maududi's readings on modernity included Plato.This certainly was also true of the Hindu nationalist thinker V. Maududi. 1998: 63-64. This Sufi order has had the most significant impact in terms of the spread of Islam in Northern India. 1996: 9). Bernard Shaw. turned towards journalism. 3 Nasr makes the point that those people involved in revivalist thinking during this time were also those who had come from important Moghul related families whose fortunes were reversed once the British had come to power (1996: 11 see footnote #24 . (Nasr. Kant. Maududi' s father wanted him to follow a religious vocation. Significantly. but after his father's death in 1918. is visited today by thousands of people.D. concern for incorporating mOdelTI scientific ideas in the C01pUS of Islamic thought rather than vague attempts at cultural revival of earlier days . Augustine. after the First World War. and remains today the best known of the Sufi orders. Lenin. Darwin. 1997: 143). 1996:15 10 . Rajasthan.which may be more attributed to the conservative elements within Islam associated in India with the Ulama (those Muslim religious leaders who are educated in Islamic law and capable of issuing opinion on religious matters).Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' descended from one of the most prominent branches of the Chisti Sufi Order. It was during this period that Maududi pursued his interest in English modernist thought4 . led Maududi to believe that he needed to take some action. 3 Maududi's early education was an Islamic one. Some of these 2 See also Esposito in Banuazizi. The Chisti pilgrimage site in Ajrner. Madan mentions an Islamic scholar in Chicago. 5 Maududi' s " . the assassination of Swami Shradhanand ~ leader of the shuddhi movement (an organised campaign to convince predominantly nominal Muslims who abided by Hindu norms and low caste converts to Islam to return to Hinduism . the increasingly aggressive stand of radical Hindu groups such as the Hindu Mahasabha and especially the Arya Samaj.Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' repercussions included the subsequent violent communal tensions between the Hindu and Muslim communities following the demise of the Khilafat movement. and mysticism. Nasr comments: From this point. He became convinced that issues relating to Westemisation.its stress on conversion was a source of great antagonism to Muslims). and their differences see Madan. 1999 ) 6 11 . 8 Deoband was the location of one of the main Islamic institutions in India . He believed that Muslims needed to look towards the formation of an Islamic State to protect their interests. Some of these included the missionary activity of the Ahmadi sect. the apparent failure of Muslim intellectuals to defend their faith and community adequately. secularism.for a brief discussion on the two main Muslim Institutions at Aligarh and Deoband. and the resulting upheaval in Mecca and Medina for which Hyderabad. Madan points out that Maududi' s main issue with the Deobandi ulama was that they There were other pressing issues also. and the growing sense of despondency among Indian Muslims. 1997: 133-138. philosophy. also Gail Minault. theology. He eventually received his ijazahs (certificate to teach religious science) becoming a Deobandi 8 'alim (singular of lulama). felt that more than any other issue the events surrounding the Khilafat movement provided the defining moments for Maududi as far as his sense of divine call and efforts towards the promotion of an Islamic State. Over the next few years Maududi furthered his journalistic vocation editing a number of newspapers while at the same time pursuing his Arabic and religious studies (dars ~ inizami). law. Maududi however. and the majority Hindu dominance made it impossible for Muslims to live under Hindu rule or secular governance. as a declining Muslim stronghold in India. in a personal conversation regarding Maududi (20/11/00. Nasr suggests that this may have been because he did not want to alienate the western educated classes (1996: 18). the fall of Sharif Hussein of Mecca to the Wahabi movement in Saudi of' Abdul ~Aziz ibn Saud in 1924. New Delhi). and his reading of the Indian Muslims' political experiences in the 20th century [and his reading in more modem subj ects] led him to a revivalist position and the assumption of the authority needed to articulate it. 7 A rational exposition of the Islamic doctrine ofjihad (holy war) which had come under attack as an example of Islam's violent nature. Maududi's knowledge of Islamic history. was also closely tied (Minault. 6 Professor Madan. Action for Maududi meant taking up the pen . was not keen on publicising his Deobandi training or his ties with the Ulama. (1996:26). on issues such as shuddhi.the journalist/scholar within him came to the fore beginning with his apologetic Islam Ka qanun-I-jang (Islam's Law ofWar)7. 1999:23-31). to exalt religious law and teach it at a popular level. Maududi's developing revivalist solutions and the effects of his reconversion to Islam only began to find expression in political tenns in 1937. He shared many of their concerns especially the intrusion of colonial culture into the lives of Muslims.his fanner employers). 1996:18) thereby leaving room for him to have the freedom to interpret the Islamic scriptures and traditions in ways that he felt were better suited for modem times. I conclude that neither the old school not the new is totally in the right. to disparage popular religious rites and customs such as the celebrations of Sufi festivals. 9 Maududi did have many things in conunon with the Deobandi. and has gathered my knowledge by traversing both paths. as if to underscore the context of Maududi's journey of faith. the new and the old. anti-nationalist and anti-traditional Muslim leadership (such as the Jam 'iat-I. This led Maududi to take a stance that became even more anti-Congress. 9 I do not have the prerogative to belong to the class of the Ulema. who has imbibed something of both systems of education. for Maududi. became rituals and impediments toward realising his objectives (1996:29. that this reconversion was divorced from the traditional orthodoxy and from the institutions of the ulama and the sufis which. But this was also a double-edged sword. Maududi wanted to bridge the gap between traditional and modem education among Muslims believing that it was important to get the best from both streams. Nasr comments. No doubt. his personal conversion to Islam took place.'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' Chapter 1 supported the movement for independence from the British through the vehicle of the Indian National Congress (1997:139). by not acting as an 'alim Maududi kept himself from being 'tagged' as an outdated conservative religious leader. But it also had another more personal outcome for himself. By refusing to act as an 'aUm Maududi also withheld his acceptance of the ijma' (consensus) of the Ulama who had preceded him (Nasr. see also quote in footnote #13). (Nasr. But as a result of his own reading of the Qur'an and the Sunnah (The Traditions) and his education at the Fatipuri mosque seminary. after a visit to Delhi.'Ulama-I Hind . where he witnessed at first hand Hindu political ascendancy and the secularisation that seemed to have taken place among Muslims. and generally to create a normative order in which Muslims could live by the teachings of their faith independent of the ruling order. Like the Deobandis. '(Nasr. In the midst of his writing and activism he found himself struggling with his faith. Maududi sought to emulate "the practice of an authentic text or an idealized historical period". 1996: 19) It was while Maududi was in Hyderabad that he experienced a renewal of his faith. By virtue of my inner light. 1996: 18) 12 . I am a man of the middle cadre. 'the Islamic Association') in Lahore. 13 . see also p139). instead of Islamic. 1997:139-140) Maududi soon overcame his initial qualms. 'Indeed'. Maududi moved Daru'l Islam to Lahore. Madan quotes Maududi.Madan.indeed the formation of an Islamic State was an ideal goal. Although the JI started off with more sociocultural and religious aspirations to renew Islam from within ('there could be no Islamic state without an Islamic revolution' . This was inevitable given Maududi's passion to include all of life under the mantle of Islam . Now that Maududi had his institution and 'nerve centre' for training and spreading his Islamic revivalism. as Nasr puts it. or. who had envisioned more of an educational institution than a 'hot- bed' for fermenting religious and political revolution.Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' In 1937 Maududi moved from Hyderabad to eastern Punjab where he took up a position as overseer of a project begun by the poet Muhammad Iqbal and under the patronage of Niyaz'Ali. constitution was to be introduced and if the Criminal Procedure Code had to be enforced instead of the Islamic Shari' a what was the sense in all this struggle for a separate Muslim homeland?' He [Maududi] pronounced Western secular democracy to be the very antithesis of Islam' (1997: 140. 1997: 139) the turbulent events of Partition and the resulting formation of a separate nation for the Muslims of India spurred Maududi on to pursue more direct political involvement. Maududi established the Jama 'at-I Is/ami (JI literally. This project came to be called Daru'l Islam as Maududi's intention was that India would once again come under the 'House of Islam' with Pathankot as its revivalist centre. migrated to Pakistan. the next step was to form the organisational apparatus that would spearhead this tlrrust. 'to provide the Muslim community of India with its leaders and to serve as the foundation for a genuine religious movement of political deliverance (1996:39). Though initially opposed to the idea of partition (Madan. and actively promoted the establishment of an Islamic State and constitution for this new Muslim nation. 1996:39).' His outspoken views eventually led to both a split with the Muslim League as well as with Daru 'I Islam's patron. 'if a secular and Godless. in the process declaring 'that separation of religion from politics had no place in Islam'(Nasr. This was Maududi' s opportunity to train a cadre of dedicated men who would eventually work in the political arena without losing their strong religious loyalties. In August 1941. During this time Maududi also took steps to see that his writings were translated into Arabic for circulation throughout the Muslim World. the ultimate goal for all of Maududi's thinking. to seeking political status. near Nagpur. Maharashtra. to supporting the war with East Pakistan. Guided by his schoolteacher father. Maududi's influence and the activity of the 11 have been of such a level that the ruling establishment. Golwalkar pursued an education focused on the sciences. Golwalkar developed a keen interest in the study of spiritual issues. Nevertheless. Maududi and the 11 have had a chequered history of religious and political involvement in the affairs of Pakistan (from the forming of the constitutions of Pakistan. at Ramtek. While in his teens.S. They were at times in favour.) Golwalkar (1906-1973) . Indeed they have been instrumental in pushing Pakistan closer and closer to the realisation of a 'truly' Islamic state . Golwalkar retained an ascetic bent into his adult life. now Bangladesh. during his early childhood and adolescence Golwalkar appeared to show little interest in Hindu nationalism or politics. Golwalkar began to read extensively the Vedas and other Hindu religious writings. the 11 have continued this involvement in Pakistan to the present time. Although he considered devoting his life to these Golwalkar could not bring himself to oppose his father's wishes for the direction of his future. Some of his correspondence gives us an indication of this. Interestingly. but they were always at the forefront of espousing the cause of Islam. with the ruling authorities. to the implementation of Muslim Shariah law). Writing to two different friends Golwalkar comments: 14 .Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' In the years since Partition. Since Maududi's death in 1979. B. into a Karhada Brahmin family. to spearheading the attack on the Ahmadiya sect. However. Madhav Sadashiv (M.Personal History and involvement with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak 8angh (R88) Golwalkar was born on the 19th February 1906. and at times out of favour. and although the 11 may have never done well as far as the popular vote was concerned. and other opposition political parties and religious groups have had to redefine their agendas and include 'Islamic ideals' in their public presentations (regardless of their own personal views). and under the oversight of the Superintendent of Schools in Nagpur. Although Maududi may not have been a leader close to the heart of the people. . In this endeavour one has to endure the inevitable stresses and strains. This was an important position and an indication of Golwalkar' s growing standing in the eyes of Hedgewar. At Hedgewar's invitation Golwalkar began to work full-time at the Nagpur Headquarters of the RSS while continuing his studies in law. But if I slip. gets defeated at the hands of Menaka and deviates. There is no other way less risky than this. as this camp was the principal training programme for the RSS leadership. I have the earnest desire to tune the strings of my life in such a manner that I attain the state of self-negation to the purest extent. And there is the alternative to this sure but dangerous path. (Kohli. 1993:23) Golwalkar met Dr. Golwalkar managed to combine practising law with his responsibilities with the RSS. his decision to adopt the worldly life is justified. 'fleeing to it in the middle of the night'. Incidentally. However. If one's life gets disoriented with the normal worldliness one has always to see that his state of consciousness remains tuned with the divine music of the spiritual plane of life. Eventually he was also asked to manage the RSS Officer's Training Camp (which he continued to do until 1939) based in Nagpur. I will reach the pinnacle. A few months later he moved on to the Ramakrislma Mission in Bengal to become a disciple of Swami Akhandand (himself a disciple of Swami Vivekananda). to be a sannyasi. that Golwalkar ultimately joined the RSS.. In time he was initiated with 'Mantra Deeksha' by the Swami and gave himself to the life of a sadhu (Hindu holy man) under the former's guidance. is nothing but cowardice. In was in the midst of the dilemma of whether to pursue wholeheartedly the 'this-worldly' activity of RSS work or the 'other-worldly' spiritual pursuits he had so desired since childhood that Golwalkar ultimately. Some triumphant Shukdeva defeats Rambha and attains Godhood whereas Vishvamitra traversing the same path.opted for the latter by.the spiritual path is slippery as well as embedded with thorns. through one of his students. During this effort it won't be a matter of dissent or discomfort. In 1937. without informing either his parents or Hedgewar. But it was not unti11931. Hedgewar (the founder of the RSS) in 1929. During this traumatic experience Golwalkar returned to Nagpur where 15 . After completing his studies in 1935. But to say that because one is disheartened. as it were. Golwalkar left for the Saragachi Ashram of Ramakrishna Math in the Himalayas. He continued to teach until 1933 when he resigned his position at BHU and returned to Nagpur. the phenomena of the world cannot be tied to a set of rules. For the eternal bliss one has to get ready to face the adversities and miseries inevitably and be determined to triumph over them. I will be shattered to pieces by falling into the deep abyss. if I succeed. . this pursuit of an isolated ascetic life in Bengal was brought to a sudden halt with the death of the Swami barely a few months after Golwalkar had joined the Ashram. during one of the latter's visits to Benares Hindu University (BHU) where he was teaching.Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' At this juncture I want to reiterate that I do not have even the least intention to tune my life to the mundane material comforts of life. 16 . Its leaders were now prepared for it to take on a more activist orientation" (1987:55). Ultimately. 'the RSS was a different organisation. Savarkar's brother .something he continued to do for all the 33 years he was the sarsanghchalak (Supreme leader of the RSS). on the eve of his death. and the lifting of the ban on the RSS. A more temperate collection of Golwalkar' s works was published entitled Bunch of Thoughts.D. Andersen and Darnle. no RSS worker was to have direct involvement in politics.Kohli. Indeed the records show that there was some direct correspondence between the Congre<ss Home Minister Patel and various RSS leaders about this (Ibid. In 1940. in 1938. which is still widely available. 1993:3. Anderson and Damle claim. Dr. Hedgewar passed on the mantle of leadership of the RSS to Golwalkar. as leader of the RSS. Following the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. there appeared to be a marked increase in the RSS's involvement in both national and political arenas.V. Golwalkar. At this time there was much discussion within the Congress Party as to whether RSS members should be able to join as members. 1987:43. despite the fact that officially. Written in a very aggressive tone. Not long after this. this book is now very difficult to locate. He made a practice of touring the entire country twice every year . was arrested and a ban placed on the organisation by the government.'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' Chapter 1 Hedgewar persuaded him not to return to isolated asceticism but rather to direct his life and energy once again for the RSS cause. Congress rejected any direct relationship making allowances for RSS members to join only if they resigned their membership with the RSS. The upshot of these events was that the RSS became far more committed to being involved in politics than Golwalkar had originally planned. Golwalkar prepared the first systematic statement of the RSS ideology entitled We or Our Nationhood Defined lO • This remains until today the definitive work on RSS thinking. After his release a year later. Hedgewar had founded the RSS with a desire to see it remain a primarily 'cultural' organisation that was to keep a distance from political ac6vities. 'Despite Golwalkar's disclaimers'. Golwalkar gave himself completely to the growth and development of the RSS nationwide. A further and equally significant outcome was the decision to set up affiliated 10 Later Golwalkar was to acknowledge that this was largely an abridgement of an essay on nationalism entitled 'Rashtra Mirnansa' by Baharao Savarkar . Golwalkar continued that 'policy' for some time although as the years went by it came to be increasingly brought into question how strictly this distance remained in practice. 1987:52). and as part of the agreement reached between the government and Golwalkar on his release. British Colonial Rule The most significant historical situation was the rise. and whose former members. women etc. He actively involved the RSS in issues such as the war with Pakistan. Advani . The RSS had also begun to move out internationally where people could become involved in the RSS movement through their branch organisations such as the Bharatiya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Goyal. the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Asia and the Pacific. Furthermore the RSS had been instrumental in establishing nearly 50 'front' organisations involved in all aspects of Indian society political.Human Resource Development. 1999: 187-89). Jaffrelot. Some of these colonies were fairly homogeneous in nature. others 11 For an extensive treatment of these RSS affiliates referred to as the 'Sangh Parivar' see chapter fOUf of 17 . influence and fall of colonialism around the world and in particular British colonialism. A. hold the key positions in Government (Atal Behan Vajpayee. the Middle East. after suffering illness for several years. and the economic wealth that resided within them. When he took over the RSS there were about 50 shakhas (the small group meetings where RSS members regularly gather) and 100. The British had risen to enonnous political and economic power ultimately controlling significant areas including parts of Africa.000 shakhas with a total membership of about one million. At the time of his death there were over 10. Prime Minister. religious. is the dominant political party in the ruling coalition. Muruli Manohar Joshi . HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXTS A.Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' organisations around the RSS to become actively involved in all kinds of aspects of Indian society (Ibid. 1987:55-56 11 . their peoples. Golwalkar had achieved much. social. 2000:96-97). and the conflict with China. and maintained a close association with Lal Bahadur Shastri.000 swayamsevaks (RSS members). II. Today the influence of the RSS has penetrated into the highest echelons of power in the nation where its political affiliate. Golwalkar died in 1973.K.Home Minister. to name but a few). Golwalkar remained an influential man in Indian national affairs. who became Prime Minister after lawaharlal Nehru. education. labour. regardless of Anderson and Damle.Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' such as that of India (pre-Partition . A further step taken by the British was the undertaking of a census at the end of the 19 th century (see Frykenberg. 1993 :239). 12The British ruled significant parts of India from the mid_18 th century. and created disruption. 1987. The whole fabric of political and social life became vitiated and religion took on political overtones" (Rao. in Shupe and Hadden. 1988: 181). Gaining power was one thing. 18 . 13 Before 1909 Muslims found it difficult to be elected to legislative councils in provinces in which they were not in a majority. From the 12th century to the late 18 th century various Muslim rulers managed to hold power to be the major political authority on the Indian subcontinent. and be elected by Muslim electorates alone l3 . but not completely. Prior to British rule 12 India had been largely. One of the significant steps taken by the British in this regard was the implementation of a system of separate representation for Muslims in legislatures. Ostensibly for the better running of the administration of British India it ultimately was seen as an opportunity by various sections of the Muslim and Hindu communities to enhance their power base with the British. peoples. as a result of these separate electorates. rivalries intensified "between Hindus and Muslims. that. The British supplanted and defeated Muslim rule (the last Mughal emperor lasting until 1798). barriers were created where none existed previously. governed by succeeding Muslim dynasties. Through a complicated system of 'divide and rule' the British managed to unite India politically while seeking to placate the various competing forces that they had brought under their sway. languages. India and Bangladesh) were a much more complicated conglomerate of large numbers of cultures. This encouraged a growing polarisation between the Hindu and Muslim communities. In this light Rao comments. and the Muslim community was further isolated. while Hindu leaders made concerted efforts to see that all Hindu sects. kingdoms and religious sects. Effectively this meant that Muslims could stand for legislative office.including what is now Pakistan. Muslim leaders sought to make sure that fringe Muslims (those mainly converted from Hindu backgrounds but who still maintained strong cultural links with their Hindu roots) were clearly in the Muslim fold. Maintaining that control over such a diverse place as India was another. The more numbers one had the more one could bargain for special privileges etc. eventually absorbing the remaining minor kingdoms that had managed to keep some degree of independence from Muslim governance. British. in her book. of whatever sort . discussed the fact that the Khilafat movement did manage to foster some degree of support from non-Muslim groups. led to the sudden emergence of independent nation states from Africa to Asia. Mahatma Gandhi realised that for this to take place it was essential that Muslims and Hindus find bridges to cross the increasing divide between the two communities. Its failure (it was the Turkish leader Attaturk who abolished the Caliphate in 1924) eventually led to the polarisation of 19 . to be Hindus. However the world changed dramatically following the First World War (and certainly after the Second World War). The Khilafat Movement Essentially the goal of the Khilafat movement was to pressure the British government to keep intact the Islamic caliphate based in Turkey . Both the Allied powers and Arab separatists in the Middle East were keen on ending the political and spiritual 'domination' that the Turks had enjoyed for centuries and were preparing to carve up the Turkish Empire as war reparations and effectively strip the Ottoman caliphate of any real power or position. German.Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' their diversity of belief and practice. The Khilafat Movement (1999). Indian nationalists increased their efforts to push the British towards swaraj or Home Rule for the Indian sub-continent.the Sultan wielded both kingly (political) and religious (spiritual) authority for the Muslim world. French. Gail Minault. Although it was primarily a Muslim issue Gandhi saw it as an opportunity for Hindus to support a Muslim community concern and so forge greater levels of unity for the cause against British colonial rule. After the First World War and under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. India remained the jewel in the British 'imperial crown' through to the begilUling of the 20 th century. The Muslim community in India sought to mobilise support from within India to prevent this happening. considered themselves. The Ottoman Turks had allied themselves with the Germans during the First World War and so lost out both in terms of their religious (for Muslims) and secular (as representing a strong Muslim political power) authority in the world.was heading for decline and the resulting call for the independence of nations held under their sway. Turkish . The Khilafat movement offered such an opportunity to Gandhi. but this was more because of anti British sentiment than anything else. Colonial rule. such as the Indian Congress Party and Mahatma Gandhi in particular. B. in the eyes of the law. 'The national alliance disintegrated. In its aftermath Maududi took an increasingly opposing stance towards the Indian National Congress and Indian nationalism. But the fall-out of the failure of the Khilafat movement was far greater.. but Muslim community selfconsciousness. to their detriment. While Maududi became deeply involved in the above-mentioned 'nationalistic events' Golwalkar was busily furthering his education. Nasr states that Maududi's writings of that time clearly show that he had become 'convinced that nationalism would never protect the interests of Islam because of its secular nature' (1996:20). to the revival of Islam and its institutions in developing a 'political strategy for safeguarding Muslim interests' (Nasr. 20 . with or without the Khilafat to symbolize it. He viewed the Indian nationalist movement and the Indian National Congress as something. sought independence from the authority of the Turkish Ottoman caliphate). He concluded that the demise of the caliphate was a result of scheming of westemised Turkish nationalists from one side and the betrayal of Islam by Arab nationalists on the other (who. had become a factor in Indian politics. All future attempts to cement an Indian national alliance had to take that feeling of Muslim consciousness into account . such as the Muslim League. Mahatma Gandhi had mobilized the Congress Party. 14 Maududi had become very involved with the Indian independence movement based primarily on anti-British sentiment rather than a sense of communal or religious (i. He began to look beyond the Indian National Congress and other representatives of the Muslim community. Maududi became antagonistic towards the idea of nationalism and Westemisation. In Minault's words. ' (1999:212). including large numbers of its non-Muslim followers (mostly Hindus) to support the Muslim community in India in the Khilafat cause. In 1926 Golwalkar went on to study his 14 An important aspect of what the Khilafat movement did achieve was a greater sense of 'communal consciousness'. 1996:20)..e.'Blood Brothers ~Sworn Enemies' Chapter 1 radical elements in both religious communities with an increasing marginalised moderate middle as far as the Muslim community was concemed. on the whims of an antagonistic and far larger Hindu majority. But after the collapse of the Khilafat movement in 1924 following the abolition of the caliphate in favour of a secular national state in Turkey. Maududi felt that democracy would only work for Muslims where Indian Muslims were a majority otherwise they would remain dependent. in collusion with the Europeans. Muslims began to see themselves as having a distinct and viable identity. antiHindu) feeling. which increasingly had developed a Hindu identity and did not represent the Muslim community. 1987:33.Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' .D. playwright. Varanasi. the founder of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh [RSS]. In so doing Golwalkar came under the influence of the founder of the BHU. who was later to write his own manifesto (We or our Nationhood Defined . He was convinced that the term must be far more comprehensive than simply a description of the 15 Anderson and Damle. c.) Savarkar -1883-1966 So important is Savarkar to this thesis and to the Hindu Nationalist movement as a whole in India that a brief introduction is necessary. Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya.1939). in many ways. (Keer. Keer. who was to have a great impact on the life and thinking of both Golwalkar and Dr. Savarkar was an outstanding writer-historian."" . His determined struggle against the British rulers and his sacrifice in the wake of this struggle is a glorious chapter in the history of India.' Bachelor of Science and Master of Science degrees in Benares Hindu University (BHU). Savarkar coined the term Hindutva that also became the catch-cry for the Hindu nationalist movement in India. 1988:170 21 . It was during this time that the honorific title 'Guruji'. poet. 1988 edition) Savarkar believed that there needed to be a new definition for the term 'Hindu'. who was a recognised Hindu nationalist leader in India and one who encouraged Golwalkar to work for the Hindu nationalist cause. This was no doubt a result of the combination of his 'holy man' looks and teacher status as well as his spiritualistic inclinations.. Hedgewar. the defining work/thinking regarding Hindu Nationalism in India.". Besides. The comments on Savarkar on the inside jacket of one of the most recognised biographies describes him thus: Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. Hindutva ~ Who is a Hindu? This little book became. and also a rationalist and social refonner. in all its varied forms. Hedgewar l5 who not long afterwards founded the RSS (1925). Savarkar had an important influence on Dr. was making his own significant contribution. That man was Vinayak Damodar Savarkar (1883-1966). was bestowed on Golwalkar by his students. and on Golwalkar. Vinayak Damodar (V. In 1923 Savarkar published a book entitled. Following the completion of his Master of Science degree Golwalkar was asked to join the teaching staff of BHU as a professor of Zoology. Although Golwalkar himself was yet to become heavily involved in the Hindu nationalist movement in India another man. reverentially known as Swatantryaveer (freedom fighter) was one of the greatest patriots and revolutionaries in modem India. where one's patriotism and spiritual roots are rooted in the nation of India. (Savarkar. rites and rituals..are clearly denoted and cormoted by the word Pitrubhu while the third essential of Sanskriti is pre-eminently implied by the word Punyabhu. culture and language but with a significant addition. 1989-6 th Ed: pI 02ff). But so far as the materialistic and secular concept is concerned the Hindus are a nation bound by common culture. militant Hindu response to both Gandhi and the Indian National Congress and to the Muslim community. These are the essentials of Hindutva-a common nation (Rashtra).e. who inherits the blood of that race whose first discernable source could be traced to the Vedic Saptasindhus and which on its onward march. art.. has come to be known as the Hindu people. therefore. jurisprudence.as the land of his forefathers Let Hinduism concern itself with the salvation of life after death. His was a call for a virile. a common language.nation and Jati . Savarkar sought to promote the cause for the Hindu community to take up the reins of natural. is he who looks upon the land that extends from Sindu to Sindu-from the Indus to the Seas.. this Sindusthan as his Holyland (Punyabhu).. a common race (Jati) and a common civilzation (Sanskriti). rituals. 22 . addresses this land. For the first two essentials of Hindutva . and this at the expense and detriment of the Hindu community. to sum up the conclusions arrived at. architecture. The whole universe from one end to the other is the real book of religion. as the land of his prophets and seers. ceremonies and sacraments.. law. a common literature. (quoted in Keer. 1989: 115-116). All these essentials can be summed up by stating in brief that he is a Hindu to whom Sindhusthan is not only Pitribhu but also Punyabhu. . and a common religion. the land of piety and pilgrimage. Savarkar's Hindutva was published barely a year after this occurred. It should encompass the whole of what makes up the Hindu community (see also Savarkar. that the person who calls himself or herself a Hindu should be one who holds the nation of India as both their 'Fatherland' and 'Holyland' . as it is precisely Sanskriti including sanskaras i. assimilating much that was incorporated and ennobling much that was assimilated. cultural and political control of India.Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' religious or spiritual dimensions of those that came within the Hindu fold. Precipitated by recent events such as the Khilafat movement but not solely based on them. a common country.A Hindu. and the universe. and who above all. ceremonies and sacraments. Savarkar's emphasis was on defining the Hindu community in terms of land. rites. As Maududi took offense at what he saw as Hindu hegemony in the Indian National Congress so Savarkar and his fellow radical Hindu nationalists took offense at the way they believed Gandhi capitulated and bent over backwards to pander to the Muslim community. historical. who has inherited and claims as his own the culture of that race as expressed chiefly in their common classical language Sanskrit and represented by a common history. Let individuals be free to form opinions about the trio.his Fatherland (Pitribhu). the concept of God. fairs and festivals. Following the collapse of the Khilafat movement Hindu nationalists made greater efforts to push forward their pro-Hindu and anti-Muslim agenda. a common history. . and thus he coined the term Hindutva to express this. that makes a land a Holyland . of his godmen and gurus. 1988:228) .. this was not a settled issue. it was a compromise between religious orthodoxy and political expediency' (Madan.who ruled from 1658-1707).g. or that advocated a strict enforcement of Islamic rule (e. It also set the precedent for the subordination of the religious authority of Islam to the secular authority or power of the state.e. engaged in a battle to reform and revive both Muslim secular rulers. The point here is that there was a general sense of political expediency that necessitated a compromise on any kind of thorough Islamisation of the majority Hindu population. Madan (1997 Chapter Four) outlines the historical background of the religio-political relationship that Muslims encountered on entering the Indian context. the ulama). Those who fell into the latter category. killing of Hindus and the destruction of temples did not take place.AD 1000.The struggle of Islam in the majority nonMuslim context of India Islam has been intimately involved in the nation of India for nearly 1300 years. lalal ud-din Akbar . Rather than enforcing Islam 16 on the local people it was generally decided to seek accommodation with the Hindu community (at times even going as far as to consider the Hindu community as part of 'the protected class' or zimmis.Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers ~Swom Enemies' III.g. and the general Muslim populace who seemed to have remained bound to the customs and traditions of the Hindu community from whom they had converted. 16 This is not to say that forced conversions. The next thousand years of Muslim rule in the India Sub-continent was characterised by alternating and conflicting forces within the Muslim community that either sought to compromise and regard with toleration the Hindu community (e. who saw themselves as above the religious custodians. which was actually reserved for those considered 'People of the Book' . They tended to have the view that the primary role of the king (secular power) was to eradicate false beliefs (kufr) and enforce sharia (Islamic Law). Mahmud.Jews and Christians). :King of Gazni . RELIGIOUS CONTEXT A. Confrontation and Accommodation . These things did happen.N. In his essay 'From Orthodoxy to Fundamentalism' T. Muhammad bin Qasim . in return for acceptance of Muslim rule. 23 . In this essay Madan explains how the early Muslim invaders into India faced the struggle of how to establish a Muslim state among a majority local population that were considered infidels.AD 712. particularly those who saw themselves as guardians of orthodoxy (i. However. Aurangzeb . 1997: 111).who ruled fromI556-1605). It was considered that it was best to 'compromise on the part of both antagonistic communities. Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' Shah Wali-Ullah (1703-1762) continued this line proclaiming the need to revitalize Muslim rule and the Muslim community. His message of purification included a call for a more 'rational and broad-minded interpretation of the fundamentals of Islamic belief, thought and practice' (Madan, 1997:129) through the use of itjihad (independent judgement on an independent basis) including the re-establishment of the religious state. Sayyid Ahmad Barelwi (1786-1831), in the face of the overthrow of Muslim rule by the British, claimed that India was no longer part of dar ul-Islam (the House of Islam) but was now dar ul-harb (the 'land or house of war') and that the only valid responses to such an imperfect state on the part of Muslims was either migration (hijrat) or holy war (jihad). He also advocated the purification of the lifestyles of Muslims across all levels of society and the realization of the ideal [Islamic] state. He chose the latter response when he led an unsuccessful movement injihad. Following the collapse of the 'so-called Mutiny of 1857' a succession of reformers sought to influence the Muslim community. Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817-98) encouraged a modernist approach advocating a turn to western rationalism, science and education as a basis for reform, and eventually founding the now famous Aligarh Muslim University (1874). Others led by a group of more traditional ulama under Muhammad Qasim Nanotawi, founded the Deoband seminary (1867) near Delhi and stressed the need for orthodoxy in learning and experience, rejecting the modernist approach. Later Nanotawi helped start a political organisation called the Jamiyyat-ul-Ulama-I-Hind (the party of the Ulama of India) to push forward their ideas in the political arena. Muhammad Iqbal (1876-1938) and Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958) were twentieth century leaders who distrusted the modernists but at the same time were not happy with the Deobandis. They felt these religious ulema tended to place their opinions and interpretations over that of the original text. While both could be referred to as revivalists and promoted pan-Islamism they ultimately parted in their ideas. Azad advocated a pluralist nationalist approach while Iqbal pursued the ideas of Islamic universalism and promoted the case for a separate cultural space for Indian Muslims (which eventually led to the demand for Pakistan). 24 Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' It was in this environment that Abu-l A'la Maududi entered the picture. Once editor of the official publication of the Jamiyyat-ul-Ulamai-Hind Maududi later became disenchanted with his former employers over their support for Independence under the auspices of the Indian National Congress. He likewise opposed the modernists who sided with the British against the nationalists and who later demanded a separate homeland for the Muslim community. Maududi rejected both of these responses, and instead 'envisaged', in Madan's words, 'a future for Indian, and later Pakistani, Muslirns in which they would be co-sharers of Islamic destiny on a global scale: in his own words, "a rational nationality of believers" constituting a "world community of Islam'" (in Madan, 1997:143). B. The Rise of Hindu Nationalism in the face of Muslim/British/Christian enemies and the influence of Orientalism. We can trace the roots of Hindu nationalism in India to the beghming of the nineteenth century and particularly to developments that took place in Bengal, Maharashtra and the Punjab. A number of factors contributed to this. Madan (1997:203-204) mentions three in particular; a growing awareness of the cultural and religious heritage of the West among Indian intellectuals of Bengal and Western India; the lifting of the ban by the British government in 1813, on proselytization by Christian missionaries; and the influence of Orientalism. In the first case the ideas of Rationalism and the Enlightenment helped to foster a renewed intellectual movement among Indians. In the second, the often harsh and highly critical stance taken by some allied to the Christian cause towards the Hindu religion and Hindu practices generated great resentment by many in the Hindu community towards Christian missions 17. And thirdly, those (primarily Europeans) who promoted the ideas of Orientalism (claiming the idea of a Golden Age of Indian Culture)18 spread their thinking to India. Initially through the translation of Sanskrit classics these Orientalists helped to foster a growing sense of Hindu cultural pride especially among intellectuals who in tum embarked 'upon programmes of religious and social reconstruction' (Ibid, p204). 17 This is not to say that all Cluistians or Christian missionaries vehemently attacked Hinduism. Christian missionaries were also at the forefront of movements to reform practices that later Hindu reformers agreed needed changing such as William Carey in Bengal and sati (the practice of widows committing suicide by jumping into the flames of their dead husband's funeral fire), and Amy Carmichael, with the selling of young girls into temple prostitution, in South India. No doubt these activities also brought the missionaries into conflict with other Hindu elements. 18 For further reading on the subject of Orientalism and its impact on Hindu Nationalism see Peter Van de Veer, 1998:18-24, 133-152; Madan, 1997:204; Frykenberg, 1993:238. 25 Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' The nineteenth century saw the growing rise of Hindu nationalism - from Rammohun Roy and the Brahmo Samaj (1828), who sought to eradicate erroneous religious beliefs and degenerate social practices among Hindus (e.g. sati); to the Vaishnavite revival of devotional Hinduism and Vivekananda's revivalist and social service orientated Hindu vision; to Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay who sought to combine nationalist thought with religious sentiments; to Dayananda Saraswati and the Arya Samaj (1875) who promoted the scriptural authority of the Vedas and the need to initiate reconversion rites for those who had embraced other faiths. Sri Aurobindo Ghose advocated the idea that the nation was a living embodiment of the divine mother emphasising the deeply spiritual roots of the Hindu nation. In the early twentieth century two approaches emerged in the Hindu nationalist movement. On the one hand Gokhale promoted an approach that advocated a constitutional and gradual change towards achieving their ends. On the other, men such as Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Lala Lajpat Rai, Bipin Chandra Pal and Madan Mohan Malaviya pushed fOlWard a 'militant Hindu nationalist discourse'. These men were instrumental in the founding of the Hindu Mahasabha (1915), a political party dedicated to protect and promote Hindu interests. In the midst of this newfound Hindu assertiveness V.D. Savarkar (who later became the President of the Hindu Mahasabha) wrote Hindutva - Who is a Hindu? (1923) and within two years (1925) Dr. K.B. Hedgewar had established the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ostensibly to defend Hindu people and the Hindu nation. This was the setting in which Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar entered after taking over the leadership of the RSS following Dr.Hedgewar's death in 1940. Continuing on from Savarkar and Hedgewar, Golwalkar worked towards the protection of Hindu culture defining the nation in exclusively Hindu terms and producing the ideological treatise on RSS ideology - We or our Nationhood Defined (1939) (Madan, 1997: Chapter 7; see also Hansen, 1999, Chapter 2). IV. THE MODERN PHENOMENON OF RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM A word is needed here on the subject of religious fundamentalism. The twentieth century has witnessed the emergence of a large number and variety of radical religious movements that have crossed all major religions (i.e. Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism) and spanned the globe geographically. Martin Marty and Scott Appleby's monumental Fundamentalism Project is one of many works that have tried to analyse and describe this 26 e. 10. 27 . the events of the early twentieth century such as the Khilafat and Independence movements and their respective community (Muslim and Hindu) histories all played a part in this process. 9. are intimately associated with this phenomenon and include most if not all of the above characteristics in one form or another. as Madan points out in the Muslim context. Although. 3. Some characteristics that mark this movement include: 1. No division of sacred and secular. 6.'Blood Brothers ~Swom Chapter 1 Enemies' phenomenon. Charismatic male leadership.uncompromising. fundamentalism may merely be the modem (i. 1997:Chapter Four). Passionate Believing and Missionary Zeal (Radford. A predominantly modem (postenlightenment) phenomenon. British authority supplanting 19 See also Marty and Appleby. 2. 814-842. Selectively traditional and selectively modern. non. 7. 1991 :ix-x. 1999a: 5_8 19).'People of the Book' populace. 8. This struggle between governance and the advocacy of an Islamic state. British colonial rule. colonialism and the resultant cultural impact of the West on the rest of the world. and the 'confrontation' and on-going influence of the Hindu kafr community led to great tensions resulting in a series of reform and revivalistic movements within the Muslim community. 4. Institution Building . Exclusivist/ Absolutist . mostly twentieth century) version of a historical process of reform and revival that dates back hundreds of years (Madan. Since the early Muslim incursions into Indian territory Muslims have had to deal with the issues of what it means to hold political authority and maintain religious orthodoxy in the face of a majority non-Muslim. Desire for power. CONCLUSION Processes that included the contexts and environments that surrounded them molded both Golwalkar and Maududi and their ideas. it is valid to say that it is a recent phenomenon that has been precipitated by factors such as post-Enlightenment modernity.of organisations and structures to influence all of society. Scripture or 'Fundamentals' as authority. their ideas and the organisations that they were involved with. Identification of 'Enemies within and without'. There can be no doubt that Maududi and Golwalkar. 5. The interaction with these new ways and ideas gave an opportunity for some to bring change in the traditions and ways of the Hindu community. Golwalkar inherited the latter approach and proceeded to advocate a renewal of Hindu ways. 28 . British rule was not only non-Islamic but it also introduced political.Chapter 1 'Blood Brothers -Sworn Enemies' the Muslim ruling dynasties left a further scar. while others such as Maududi sought a more radical approach advocating both political and religious renewal towards an Islamic state. Christian. ideas and identity in the lives of all Hindu people. Others believed it was finally time to strengthen Hindu community and identity in the face of continued foreign invasions and influence. western) way of life and thinking. Some resolved these issues by embracing the British (i. The Hindu community has had to respond to the conflicting 'confrontation and accommodation' approaches taken by various Muslim rulers over the last thousand years or so. Some sought reform. Islamic or western culture/religion/ways. with the intent of transforming India into a robust nation dominated by Hindu culture over and against all foreign intrusions whether it be Muslim or British rule.e. cultural and educational ways and ideas that were very different from their own. some sought refuge in traditional orthodoxy. The more recent ascendancy of the British to political authority in India added a completely new dimension. Some sought revival and renewal of Hindu religious experience. they will be legitimate community leaders. both these men were clear that the total transformation of society that they envisaged was not going to happen in a moment of time or through the effort of a few individuals or by a sudden upheaval or overnight revolution. The question addressed here is . In this case the formula looks something like this: Ixlxlxl 1 + time = change. regenerating and restoring them to their rightful place as strong. This is the foundation on which they develop ana expand their ideas relating to society and the state.Chapter 2 "Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' CHAPTER TWO THE QIJESTION OF IDENTITY . especially as they define self-identity and the renewal of individuals within their respective Muslim and Hindu communities. and they come to places of influence. a critical mass would build up to a point where they would logically influence a total societal transformation. They spoke to their communities with a view to revitalising. they believed. if once joined together would in time become a larger and larger group. Why? 29 . Individuals in society must be changed/transformed/renewed and conformed to the 'ideal or model' Muslim or Hindu. cultural and political societies patterned according to correct religio/cultural ideals. As others are also transformed. this chapter looks at their ideas relating to the question of identity. The next chapter will continue this idea of identity but with a greater emphasis on group or community identity. However expansive their particular visions may have been. and what were the underlying principles on which they based their ideas? Both Maududi and Golwalkar were like prophetic voices to their respective communities. how did Maududi and Golwalkar envisage this transformation happening in their particular religious/commlUlity contexts.Who or what is a Muslim/Hindu? And if the transformation of society was their objective. Maududi and Golwalkar both recognised that for this revitalisation or strengthening of society to take place they needed to first see a transformation internally (from within).WHO OR WHAT IS A MUSLIM/HINDU? Having established the context for Maududi and Golwalkar and the background to their ideas. renewing. vibrant religious. These individuals. When people's lives are changed from within. and the reason why it is necessary to consider them in this initial stage of the thesis. Charles Adams points out that Maududi's goal was the 'restructuring of Indian society in an Islamic pattern. without having the grassroots of a well-knit national life. [The best way to transform a society] is by the creation of a small.can hardly infuse a spirit of devotion. adds Jaffrelot.. in the RSS belief system [i. dedicated and disciplined group who might capture social and political leadership. Golwalkar himself says. which would leaven the whole lump of society. amity. a saving element. In fact. The vision for what this change looks like harkened back to times in the 'glorious' (hoary) past when Muslims (on the part of Maududi) and Hindus (on the part of Golwalkar) were dominant and strong both politically and religiously.. 'The RSS'.'Blood Brothers .e. This kind of change is seen as permanent or lasting as opposed to sudden change that has the danger of being short-lived and temporary. 2000a). character. Revolution was not to be a violent upheaval externally in society but an internal change in the lives of Muslims in society.' (Adams. the political parties degenerate into mutual hostility and ruin the national fabric' (Golwalkar. informed. therefore. He expressed the ideal at which he aimed as the creation of a salih jama 'at. Madan says that he argued 'that there could be no Islamic state without an Islamic revolution' (1997: 140). 1966:375) Golwalkar and the Individual 'The transformation of man is of supreme importance'.even political power -for that matter . a righteous group. according to Golwalkar]. and to this end he built a program of instruction and training. 'National Oneness cannot be achieved through elections or political propaganda. or a holy minority. the necessary prerequisite for revitalizing society and for sustaining it' (1987:74). 'for such a change is. or sacrifice in the people. heroism. Political techniques . comments Anderson and Damle on this idea. 'set itself up to reform I I use the multiplication sign (x) rather than the addition sign (+) because as movements develop they grow synergistically rather than by simple addition. It was a requirement. 30 . Maududi and the Individual In describing Maududi's plan for society. that his group should be thoroughly Islamic both in ideas and conduct.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 2 Because they will bring about change that reflects the ideals espoused by those claiming to represent their communities and it will be something that is lived out in spirit (internalised) as well as in practice (externalised). also Golwalkar.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 2 Hindu society by following a form of organicism based on sacrifice of the individual. within society. the RSS has remained a very close-knit organisation with a clear hierarchy of leadership and strictly defined membership. Maududi approached this idea of the transformation of society from several directions: 1.. MAUDUDI Maududi certainly developed his ideas over time. . the ideas explained below represent the consistent underlying precepts which formed the foundations for his ideas on society in general such as politics and economics. into an organised entity (Golwalkar. Golwalkar (at least outwardly) did not claim to be building the Sangh (a personal term for the RSS family) as an organisation separate or distinct from society. Nevertheless. I. they playa distinctive organising and influencing role in society as their own unique entity. in practice. Its ambition was therefore to penetrate the whole of society through its network of shakhas. and who is not. Clarifying 'the twin and interconnected' Quranic concepts of the Unity of God (tawheed) and Divine Sovereignty (haldmiyya). A preoccupation with identifying what is true or pure Islam. and the necessary challenge to be in the former category. While it is clear that there does seem to have been a transition from an apologist to reformer to political activist in his life. 2. 1996:399. And while many of its members may also have 'normal' vocations in society [the key managers in the RSS are 'professional' in the sense that this is their sole vocation]. The appropriate response that people should have to that understanding . 3. This follows a basic premise that once people are aware of the right knowledge (or truth) then they will be able to be right people and live right lives. whereas Maududi seemed to focus on setting up an organisation of 'commando-like' dedicated elite workers who would work towards saving Muslim society [over society as a whole]. 31 . but as a vehicle for moulding the whole of society.individually and communally. and who is a true Muslim. It took the form of a long-term [italics mine] project. is that.'Blood Brothers . 200Gb). ' (1999:77) An interesting contrast here. Right Knowledge 1. and no one else has a share in them in the slightest degree. The universe exists because God wills it to exist.not just the conviction that He exists or that He is One . and who is worthy of our worship and obedience' (1997:72). the most important is belief in One God. He alone possesses all the attributes of Divinity. 32 . besides His self.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 2 A.The Unity of the Godhead Fundamentally Maududi means by this the fact that there is only One God in the lUliverse and that there are no other rivals for that place. who listens to our prayers and grants them. The omnipresence and omniscience is the attribute of God alone and no other. To associate anyone in His worship is a great sin and is an act of infidelity. La ilaha illa 'iltah (There is no god but Allah). Maududi explains that 'Only that being can be our God who is the Master. All else is transient.e. Creator. it functions because God wills it to function. or claim to be His son or daughter. ' (1986:168) . Whatever exists. and no other than God possesses any of the attributes. (1996:5) The opposite to the concept of tawheed is the idea of shirk (associating something or someone else with God . God (Allah) alone has this place. and all that is in the universe. and no other can identify himself in any manner with the Lord of the universe... . is His own creation. Quoting the first line of the shahada or confession of faith for Muslims. Ruler. humankind must turn aside from all false gods and lUlfeservedly worship Allah alone. polytheism). To worship or follow anyone/thing else other than Allah is shirk and the person who does so faces the consequences. He is man's single Deity. He has direct knowledge of the Universe. He views the whole universe in an instantaneous single glance. He alone is eternally living and present. He is no one's progeny. He knows not only the present but its past and its future as well.eternal and abiding.'Blood Brothers . Because Allah alone is God then it follows that everyone/thing else is subservient to Him. There was no 'before' Him and there is no 'after' Him. All the attributes of Sovereignty reside in God alone.i. Master. Nourisher and Sustainer. and Administrator of all that exists. and God provides the sustenance and the energy which everything of the universe requires for its existence and growth. In a highly descriptive essay Maududi explains what this means: Among the fundamentals of Islam. He has been there always . Maududi denounces shirk in all forms and comments that humankind's response must be one of 'acknowledgement of the overlordship of the one God in all fields of existence .man is to worship Him alone.but that He alone is Creator. Tawheed . Therefore. but most give not thanks.'Mounted on the Throne').7:54) and 'He unto Whom belongeth the sovereignty of the heavens and the earth. Allah hath revealed no sanction for them.Chapter 2 'Blood Brothers . Allah demands exclusive worship and exclusive obedience! In order to emphasise his point Maududi exegetes the following Quranic passages: Verily. continues. He is the real Sovereign and His will should reign supreme' (1986: 166). 1966:381). the Subdure? Those whom ye worship beside Him are but names which ye have named. and hath made the sun and the moon and the stars subservient by His command. 'All authority and power [have always. Hakkimiya . His Will and His Law reign supreme (1986: 169). 0 my fellow prisoners! Are diverse lords better. God is the Creator of the Universe. It is His will that prevails in the cosmos all around. He covereth the night with the day. He is also its Ruler and Governor (Qur'an 7:54 . And I have followed the religion of my fathers. As all creation is His. 'The Quranic concept of the sovereignty of God is quite simple. but most men know it not. (25:2). Having created the Universe God has not simply walked away.The Exclusive Sovereignty of God 'God has sovereignty over the entire life of man. Isaac and Jacob. (reference to the Quran 12:37-40. This is the bounty of Allah unto us and unto mankind. is dependent on Him (1986: 169). He further points out that God is also Commander and Ruler (lahu al-khalq waalAmr .' Maududi maintains. As the actual and complete Ruler God exercises real control over His kingdom. the Lord of the worlds' (Qur'an . 33 . Verily His is all the creation and His is the Command (the Law). He hath taken unto Himself no son nor hath He any partner in the Sovereignty. Maududi explained that God is not merely Creator of the Universe. Blessed be Allah. your Lord is Allah who created the heavens and the earth in six Days. This is the right religion. remained passive or 'gone to sleep' it is He who continues to sustain and control it.istawa 'alaI 'arsh .Sworn Enemies' Verily I have abandoned the creed on a people who believe not in Allah and who are disbelievers in Hereafter. where Joseph is speaking . He hath created everything and hath meted out for it a measure. Who hath commanded you that ye obey none save Him. likewise. the One. or Allah. Paralleling his use of the first line of the shahada in terms of the Oneness of God Maududi further interprets this in terms of God's Sovereignty to mean that 'There is none other to be obeyed but God' (Adams. It never was for us to attribute aught a partner to Allah. Abraham. His command should also be established and obeyed in man's society. He is the Sustainer and Ruler. will continue to] rest with Him' and the future of all He created.'Verily His the creation and His is the command'). ye and your fathers. which is the haste to follow it. The Authority rests with Allah alone. then mounted He the Throne.1986: 167) 2. People are to offer 'ibadat (worship) to God and to live as His servant ('abd).in other words that we must 'surrender all rights on overlordship.Italics mine). employed in Qur 'an 25:2 conveys the meaning of supremacy. This worship or 'ibadat does not simply refer to various rituals petfonned or prayers spoken but of one whose life is characterised by 'continuous service and unremitting obedience as that of a slave in relation to his lord' (1986: 128). that the one who does these things for us has the greater claim on our allegiance. the word rabb therefore is also used in the sense of master or owner. is 'one who nourishes and sustains and regulates and petfects' (1986: 129). sovereignty and kingship. is this very idea." B. His point is that Allah.. that because God is the exclusive Sovereign Lord and Master of the universe He demands our (individually and collectively) total allegiance . Therefore the relationship between humankind and God is that of 'the worshipper' and 'the worshipped'. Right People (obedience. Because of this. or underlying worldview that Maududi based both his call to personal revival (of faith) and the foundation for the social/political/moral system that he put forward. Therefore it is His Commands and Law that we must obey and none other. Lord and Sovereign' clearly explain to us the relationship between God with humankind and His other creation. as the only God (Deity).it is Allah alone: 'The question at issue was not the dominion over the sun. These terms indicate to us what our appropriate response should be acknowledgement and total obedience to God's authority. King and Ruler of the universe and no one else shares even a thread of His authority' (1986: 171). meaning master. p171.Chapter 2 'Blood Brothers . '( 1986: 136). Maududi continued. It is in the very nature of man. according to Maududi. is the more orthodox understanding of the meaning of this word. 34 . obeyed and worshipped' . This sense of rabb. can be this Sovereign. "To acknowledge this authority of Allah is the kernel ofthe Islamic concept ofSovereignty (ibid. moon and the universe but that of the 2Maududi points out that the Arabic word Uah refers to the object of that which is worshipped. The logical conclusion for Maududi from all of this is that there is no argument as to who has this rightful claim for humankind's Ilah 2 (worship) and Rabb3 (obedience). the Qur 'an gives to Allah alone the title and position of 'the Governor. Maududi. goes on. he claims. owner or Lord. legislation and exercising of authority over others . and who has the right to demand that he should be 'served. only God can exercise all power and authority. 3 The literal Arabic meaning for this word.Sworn Enemies' The Arabic word Mulk. According to Maududi the repeated use of the political terms for Allah 'Kingship. subservience) The belief.. . it may be taken away from you. whether their race happens to be one associated with Islam or because they bear a Muslim name .Chapter 2 'Blood Brothers . it is not something automatically inherited from your parents. if you are indifferent to it. Uttering a few Arabic phrases (such as the shahada)4 does not make one a Muslim if the person uttering them has no idea what the phrases mean.Who is a true Muslim and what does Islam Mean? Maududi states that a person does not become a Muslim by virtue of his/her birth: whether they were born into a family who claim to be Muslims or whether they happened to be born in a political nation that gives them a 'Muslim' tag. but that who should have the right to claim the obedience ofmen. irrespective of your attitudes and behaviour..but rather 'he is a Muslim because he follows Islam' (1997:48). Accepting Islam does not mean either that whoever simply makes a profession that they claim to be a Muslim is a true Muslim. ' . God forbid. It a is a gift which you must continually strive to deserve if you want to retain it. In Maududi' swords. Right Lives (Path) .' (1997:49).Sworn Enemies' allegiance of the people. 35 . if the Muslim community could be renewed and re-established in their faith the later would happen naturally in due course. ' (1986:131) With this as Maududi's introduction to the relationship between God and humankind he then focuses on defining what is Islam and who is a true Muslim while at the same time contrasting the same with the person who is not a Muslim. Therefore his prophetic voice was primarily directed towards the 'unbelievers among the believers' . Likewise an individual can cease to be a Muslim by choosing to refuse to do the above and find themselves expelled from the Muslim community. not that who should be regarded as controlling the forces of nature. c. which remains yours for life. his main point of issue was that. For Maududi it is a definite individual choice to willingly acknowledge and submit oneself to the authority of Allah. Accepting Islam is a conscious and deliberate acceptance of the teachings which come through 4 Contrary to the more traditional teaching. Although Maududi was committed to the spread and influence of Islam over non-Muslims. not those from the non-Muslim communities. It is important to remember as we discuss these ideas that the primary target audience for Maududi were those who considered themselves within the 'Muslim fold' or ummah. In one of his addresses he explains it as follows: . To do so one must root out ignorance.g.Chapter 2 'Blood Brothers . blessings and peace be upon him. the first essential prerequisite is knowledge. Unless you come to know the basic and necessary teachings of the Prophet.1997:47. the Islamic tenn Maududi uses to identify those who are not true Muslims.. enable the revivalists and their supporters. and to redirect them to true belief and living. no man becomes truly a Muslim without knowing the meaning of Islam. and how can you act according to what he taught? And if you do not have faith in him. They did this by enforcing the majority to be like them (e. . This actually brings up a larger issue to which I had briefly alluded in chapter one and refers back to the context in which Maududi found himself. forget what you owe to God. The Muslim masses were largely made up of low caste Hindu converts who maintained a kind of syncretistic Muslim faith after conversion - retaining many Hindu/animistic practises/beliefs while outwardly maintaining a Muslim identity. with their superior knowledge of orthodoxy. Maududi asked the question whether they should contillue to be called a Muslim rather than a kafir! It should be remembered that Maududi's challenge is to revitalise Muslim society.. how can you believe in him. Literally it means one who does not accept God's guidance and is ungrateful to Him (i. Some writers claim that revivalists like Maududi represented the controlling Muslim elite who sought to maintain their privileged position (albeit an orthodox one) in Muslim society. they cannot then follow the right path. unbelief and hypocrisy from individuals in the community. Singh. and because he /she does not know what the will of God is.e.Sworn Enemies' the Prophet Muhammad (as revealed in the Qur'an and the Sunnah) and then the living out of what that means. as fully as you can. and therefore the community as a whole. This would firstly. 50). how can you become true Muslims? (1997 :49-50) Of course the second prerequisite follows and that is that the person puts that knowledge into practice. lrnowingly and consciously. Maududi placed great emphasis on the need to teach the Muslim community the right way of living. For Maududi the meaning was essential for true conversion or in his words. Because a kafir does not understand what the right relationship between God and humankind is. have faith in him. The less knowledge people had the less likely they would be able to believe correctly and live rightly. The person who lacks this knowledge or fails to put it into practice is as good as a kafir. to maintain their leadership 36 . If one who is called or is known as a Muslim also lacks this understanding (and is ignorant) and therefore fails to live according to God's will. because he becomes a Muslim not through birth but through knowledge. 2000: 17). Utilising telTIlS such as 'entrusting yourselves completely'. True and False Muslims (1992:223). A Muslim is one who renounces all other authority in favour of God's authority. divorce etc. and 6. Legal Islam (1997: 112-114). p65) before the sovereignty of God. the ways of other peoples/religions or of particular human leaders. Maududi sought to interpret the Qur'an and the traditions on these areas and then to passionately articulate his thoughts about them. 1997:chapter four. ones who commit kafr or who were kafirs) is seen in the fact that he gives at least 5-6 different kinds of lists for clarifying where people actually stood before God. 1997: 148). 'relinquishing all claims to independence' 'surrendering yourselves' (ibid. says Maududi.Chapter 2 'Blood Brothers . Islam. these revivalists would ensure greater numbers for their side in the effort to influence the British authorities.e. Maududi's preoccupation with identifying those who were in the 'true Muslim' fold and those who were not (i.True Muslims v. It begins with the acceptance of God as Lord in every area of life. Only God's authority must be listened to and obeyed and that authority has precedence over every other fonn of authority whether it be an individual's opinion/reason. is the way Maududi included in these ideas.) but also a detailed blueprint of the way the authority of God should be worked out in the affairs of the state (Maududi. 5. not merely the authority of God over personal matters (inheritance. These include: 1. Maududi pushes the claim of God to every area of a person's life. 4. 2. Partial Muslims (ibid:114-118). see also Minault. The first 37 . That this was at least a serious issue becomes evident when we realise that at this time of Maududi's life (late 1930s to early 1940s) the call for independence (swaraj) from the British was at its zenith (see Madan. their family or cultural customs. the point which sets Maududi apart. and to which this thesis is directed.True Islam v. also means 'submission and obedience to God' (1997:65). And secondly. by purifying the 'mixed-up' masses that claimed some kind of Muslim identity. Four classifications of Men (1996b:29). True Muslims v. While this view may be heard from other Muslim religious leaders.Sworn Enemies' position. 1999). kafirs (Ibid:49-94). 3. Four levels of Disobedience (1986:175). These classifications indicated the status of a person graded on a scale from total degradation on the one hand to ideal 'True Muslimhood' on the other. It leads to the recognition that if it is true in the personal realm it must also be true in the societal and political realms as well. these have nothing to do with Islam. their lives.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 2 classification I have already touched upon above. 3. their ideologies. Neither their loves nor their hatreds. husbands or wives. 4. All their roles they have become subordinate to the one role of being Muslims. traders. it is because Islam wants it to be withheld. Those who called themselves Muslims but were more interested in following the customs/ideas and ways of other civilisations and cultures (especially western.will all to a great extent be unaffected by Islam based on secular considerations. families. their collective behaviour is governed by the precepts of Islam alone. If they give anything to anybody. Those who were religiously Muslim but whose lives were not wholly devoted to God. their bellies. their thoughts. 2. rulers. and opinions. In the second Maududi claims the partial Muslim is the one who professes to be a Muslim but who then confines Islam only to a part of their lives. Their relations with their businesses. businessmen. The third list classifies the various kinds of disobedience (therefore they are false Muslims) that Muslims fall into: 1. professional people . soldiers. Allah's guidance holds complete sway over their hearts and minds. their desires.g.. it is purely for the sake of Islam. A partial Muslim is one who claims the name only but wishes to allow other authorities (influences . educational or political norms and institutions. are formed independently of Islamic criteria. all are shaped by Islam. even thought they seem Islamic' [italics mine] (1997:114). (!986:175) 38 . A true Muslim is one who conforms to this and actively seeks to see this happen in both personal and public arenas. their bodies and their souls. their public lives. societies . those who completely merge their personalities and existences into Islam.. secular values) govern how they behave in most areas of their life. secular) and limited Islam to only certain aspects of their lives. Whether they fight or make friends. their hands and their feet. p 115) The Sovereignty of God demands obedience to Allah's Will (Law) that affects every area of a person's life.in all spheres they will behave as if they are autonomous having no connection with their positions as Muslims. their societies are also based entirely on Islam. sons. When such people establish cultural. landlords. Their feelings. their likes and dislikes. In contrast true Muslims are: . (ibid. their eyes and ears.e. and children. their sexual desires. Those Muslims who claimed no religious faith at all. it is because Islam requires it to be given.'Blood Brothers . As landlords. labourers and employers. Those who called themselves Muslims but maintained beliefs/customs (idolatrous and polytheistic) that were more closely related to their culturaVfamily traditions than to the Qur 'an and the Sunnah. They live as Muslims when they live as fathers. If they withhold from anybody. And this attitude of theirs is not limited to personal lives. Their collectivity exists for Islam alone. a classification of four different kinds of Muslims. In fact this definition. Even though their conduct may not be bad and are not directly involved in corruption and violence. Verbal affirmation and outward compliance to those essential signs that follow that affirmation (e. However. Those who possess no faith at all. 4. They don't just 'talk the talk but walk the walk'! However. They deserve some punishment but are not directly revolting against God so still remain Muslims. His Law. false Muslims are those who: 1. This legal affirmation may be sufficient for earthly purposes where men can 39 . their good deeds will be of no value. 3. the Qur 'an. Those who have faith and belief in God. By it people are recognised as being a part of the Muslim ummah (corrununity) and have their rights guaranteed as Muslims. They refuse to acknowledge the sovereignty of God and are rebels. Their lives are influenced more by other considerations and in actuality make religion conform to their views rather than their views conform to true religion. The worst of the lot! (1996b:29) The fifth list defines a true Muslim as one who has faith and deeds. 2.Sworn Enemies' The fourth list. lists in descending order of merit: 1.Chapter 2 'Blood Brothers . Those who have a firm faith and follow the way of God with complete and fervent devotion. Those who simply allow themselves to blindly follow their forefathers (cultural ways) or their contemporaries (modem western influenced thinkers) (1992:223). Their authority for living is whatever they think or feel is best and religion has not part in their life.g. 3. Those who profess some religion but in reality follow their own opinions. Legal Islam is that form of Islam that outwardly conforms to what the letter of the Law demands. this will not be the basis all which Muslims will be judged in the Hereafter. according to Maududi has provided the legal and cultural basis on which Islamic society has been organised. the Hereafter) are seen as enough proof of your Islamic allegiance. the Messenger. the Day of Judgement but whose faith is not deep and weak so that they are not fully submitted to God. 2. Those who possess neither faith nor good deeds. More significant perhaps is Maududi' s division between 'Legal' and True' Islam (1997: 113114) in his sixth list. Belief in Allah. Stand for 'freedom' of opinion to live and act. is to take an active stand in enforcing that 'renewal' in society. They have turned off the straight path. seen together. economic. For him there were various levels and kinds of impurity that needed to be identified and cleansed in order for the Muslim community. the legitimate role of government in an Islamic context.Chapter 2 'Blood Brothers . for Maududi. Maududi was a dreamer who passionately believed in his vision for a renewed Islamic society in India. 40 . If only Muslims would tum back to Allah with whole hearted devotion. Maududi asked: Why are Muslims humiliated today? (1997:57). and indeed there is a level of overlap between them.Sworn Enemies' only see the exterior but God will judge between the true Muslim (Mumin . This became even more true in Maududi' s thinking when he moved to Pakistan after partition (1947) and saw the possibilities of a truly Islamic state taking place. they show us that Maududi recognised that individuals within the Muslim community were not uniformly the same. if only they would allow the teachings of the Qur 'an and the Sunnah to be their guides in every aspect of their lives then Islam would once again return to its fanner glory where Muslims would both live lives pleasing to Allah (right relationship with God.true believer). The answer he gave was that it was because there are too many Muslims who are not totally devoted to believing and living their lives (in every area) wholly consistent with the teachings of the Qur 'an and the Sunnah. to finally be able to realise the revitalisation and renewal that he envisioned and which he believed would ultimately lead to the restoration of a powerful religious. other Muslims and the world around them) but would also live under political control of their own societies. It is because of these kinds of so-called Muslims that Muslims have lost political control of not only the subcontinent but also of the Turkish Caliphate. as we will see.' The one who has wholly devoted his life only to God will be judged a mumin and the one who has not a munafiq (hypocrite). 'Allah sees deep into your hearts and knows precisely the degree of your Iman [faith]. but rather. Realistic or not. These lists are not meant to convey a chronological changing of Maududi' s ideas. Written at different times and in different contexts the lists indicate that Maududi both had a tendency to say the same thing but in slightly different ways but also to add classifications that he may have omitted before or were the focus of the specific discussion at hand. as a whole. While it may seem that this position would encourage a view that one should wait until Muslims in society are renewed in their faith before seeking political control. cultural and political Islamic society. Like Savarkar.Chapter 2 <Blood Brothers . must have strong foundations and it is on these concerns for a clearly defined identity that Golwalkar and Maududi (see above) based their thinking and used them as a springboard to broader issues. Ideas. as Golwalkarperceived it. wholly devoted to this end. both Golwalkar and Savarkar laid claim for the Hindu community to the rights of rulership culturally and politically5 over the land and peoples of this area.a loss of national [selfJ consciousness. blood and culture.'Our National Malady' .Loss of living National Consciousness Although We or our Nationhood Defined (originally published in 1939) came a little over a decade later than Savarkar's Hindutva . GOLWALKAR Golwalkar.the true focus of worship. Having defined the Hindu Nation Golwalkar then diagnoses what went wrong for the Hindu community . similarly. the wider Hindu community. or in their terms. in this case.Who is a Hindu? (originally published in 1923). A Hindu derives his/her identity in direct relationship to their identification as being part of the Hindu Nation (Rashtra). The problem. to be effective. These transformed Hindus. A. a 'national' level. Golwalkar incorporated many ~f Savarkar's ideas concerning the definition of a Hindu and the Hindu community. The Problem . Some of these issues will be discussed later.Sworn Enemies' II. and by claiming the Hindu Nation to be synonymous with what was then geographically the Indian subcontinent. both sought to bring definition to the Hindu community. And like Maududi he too saw this transformation beginning with the need for self-definition and the renewal of the inner person as a pre-requisite for lasting societal change. His prescriptionJantidote for the problem is the education and transfonnation of individual Hindus into what he refers to as the 'ideal Hindu manhood' (1996:436ff). had visions for the transformation of the whole of society. was that over the last thousand years or so 41 . Golwalkar begins his discussion of Hindu identity from a corporate or community level. will then ideally be merged into a revitalised Hindu Nation . By defining Hindus in tenns of territory. B.1989:2229). A Nation in ignorance needs to be once again informed of its true identity and reorganised to regain the place of prominence and dominance it once held.Restoring National Consciousness . a 'donnancy of national feeling' while at the same time 'suppressing noble patriotism' and 'real nationality'.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 2 there has been a 'loss of living consciousness of one Hindu nation' by the Hindu Nation. of 'national sentiment'. For Golwalkar this did not simply mean an acknowledgement of one's cultural roots. Those people who made up the Hindu Nation had allowed a kind of stupor or ignorance to overcome them and dull their real sense(s) of identity. suffering 'a loss of national consciousness'. 6 Re-interpreted and applied to the present circumstances by Golwalkar. customs and ideas. but as I will show. what was needed was 'cultural regeneration'. it also required a renewal of Hindu philosophical thinking and practice 6• This was something that contrasted him with Savarkar who steered clear of overt Hindu religious terminology (perhaps reflective of his own more atheistic beliefs) but which was very much a part of Golwalkar's personal history (as mentioned earlier). This breakdown of 'consciousness' and 'kingdom' made the Hindu Nation 'vulnerable to attack from without'. 5 Savarkar in particular was more associated with the latter idea. 42 . The Antidote .'Blood Brothers .'Ideal Hindu Manhood' According to Golwalkar. and later in the form of Islam and the British (1989: 14-1 7). religious and cultural power and influence of these foreign forces. As a result the Hindu Nation became 'deculturalised'. The Hindu Nation succumbed to the political. If they did not totally reject their Hindu roots they certainly aped foreign manners. it was also true for Golwalkar. 'denationalised'. After an initial period of prosperity and perfect harmony the [one] Hindu Nation succumbed to a sense of security and carelessness which eventually led to the break up into smaller principalities. firstly in the fonn of Buddhism (although originating from Indian soil Savarkar claims that Indian Buddhists too became dominated by foreign nations . a kind of 'Hindu National renaissance' that involved rejuvenation of that dulled consciousness and of 'Hindu reorganisation'. It was as much as anything an appeal to the heart and emotions as it was to any intellectual reasoning . But though we cannot define it. Golwalkar claims that Hindu society or culture ultimately 'is a living reality which all of us feel [italics mine] and experience in every drop of our blood. For Golwalkar this is not a 'one time conversion event' but a process that involves 'the law of cause and effect (karma) where every action (cause) has its effect in this process. or perhaps in others accepting his definition of what a Hindu is. life is not without purpose. Hansen. 1999:78. the same beliefs in the supremacy of the inner spirit over the outer gross things of matter. A Hindu then is one who recognises that he/she is on a journey of self-realisation to becoming one with the Ultimate Reality (moksha).. He then outlines what this waking up or transformation (ideal state of manhood) involves. the same adoration of certain qualities like brahmacharya [control of the senses].Sworn Enemies' In a kind of paradox. the Reality in him. the same goal. the same holy samskars [spiritual disciplines] (the brackets mine) . power. etc. One life will not suffice to reach the goal but through the continuous effect of multiple rebirths (reincarnation) and honest effort a person will eventually completely rid them-self of 'the least trace of ignorance of his true Divine Self' (1996:56).it was the 'same philosophy of life. the same path in re-birth. 1999:94-95) Golwalkar begins by emphasising the fact that. Jaffrelot.'We feel (Hindus) therefore we are (Hindus). see also p122). ' 43 . In terminology reminiscent of Brahminical thinking (compare. which alone takes a man to the state of everlasting supreme bliss' (1996:55).' Rejecting a negative understanding of a Hindu as one who is 'non-Muslim' (which he claims the then political leaders were apt to do) Golwalkar sought to instil positive content into the word. The transformation of the Hindu Nation begins when individuals within that nation wake up out of their self inflicted stupor (if you like a kind of self-forgetfulness).innate Spark of Divinity. we can and must appreciate the special features which mark out the Hindus as a distinct people' (1996:99. While recognising the great diversity in paths of devotion in Hindu society Golwalkar believed there was one common dharma (way of life) which held it together . That purpose is not measured in earthly terms such as position. Golwalkar seems to recognise that even given the above there is still great difficulty in defining.. satya [truth]. for the Hindu.Chapter 2 'Blood Brothers . name or fame but in the 'realisation of his true nature . It means that the building up and maintenance of a social order capable of affording each individual full opportunities to identify with wider and wider social groups and serve society with all he possesses. not on the accumulation of or desire for earthly possessions. Golwalkar says that one must act out of a sense of duty and without selfish motive. do your duty in a selfless spirit. 7 This is not a mere metaphysical or abstract way of thinking. the 'Hindu Nation') is to be the object of worship and service. 7 44 . and manifest the best in him. Humankind (more specifically. society would function harmoniously. Hindu Society must be focused towards the welfare of humanity. What kind of conduct is necessary to progressively realise the 'Ultimate Reality'? Referring to the Bhagavad Gita. human beings come together and live as social beings in the form of society. the sanyasins. Andersen and Damle..Sworn Enemies' (1996: 102). This 'pure spirit of oneness' transcends the inequality that had wrongly crept into the Varna system. the persons who have evinced the greatest honour and respect from great and small alike have been those. These ideals or values linked all sections of Hindu society together and must be fostered if any lasting transformation of society was to take place. develop. In traditional Hindu society. without thought of receiving any reward or fruit from our action. He can rise in the social rung and progress towards the fulfilment of the aim of life.' (1996:57). who have shunned the material world and focussed on the more important .e. Man does not live alone. So.. The objective manifestation of the Reality in the world that can be felt and experienced and by which one may be able to complete the process of realisation is 'man' (or humankind). But for Golwalkar. 'Ultimate Reality' must and can be seen in this objective world. 1993 :91.. Originally the varna-vyabastha (Hindu social order i. that we are all children of this great and sacred motherland Bharat Mata' (1996:116).Chapter 2 'Blood Brothers . he shuns solitude. Service to humanity is verily service to God (1996:57). is the best way for lighting up the path of every individual towards the realisation of the Ultimate Truth.. Thus he can live well.'Do your work. 1987:81. One's duty should now be to selfless service in the cause of the Hindu people rather than to one's traditional place in the social order. Vaishya. and when done in a spirit of selfless service. In other words one must do the right thing without personal attachment.the 'inner There were certainly some that were highly critical of Golwalkar's reformist ideas. See for instance in Kohli. when one worshipped God through such duties. the reality was that now 'our (Hindu) people should be reinstalled as the living God in our hearts . Brahman. Having detached oneself from the effects of our actions we are better able to concentrate on our True Self . Kshatriya. He is gregarious by nature. Sudra) demarcated what those duties performed were to be. at least. way of life. or because they have simply managed to avoid conversion to Islam or Christianity8. it really means that first of all we should be keenly conscious in our day-to-day life of our Hindu heritage and should mould every aspect of our life in keeping with those great traditional values. This is the prime responsibility that rests upon us. These ideals include a life-long commitment to 'discipline and self-restraint.'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' Chapter 2 possessions'. 1987:76). 9 According to Golwalkar the Hindu dharma.' Golwalkar summarises his thoughts on this when he says. in our behaviour and in all walks of life.which will ultimately transform Hindu society. Although Golwalkar would have opposed this. is not dependent on any individual person or one particular religious book as the supreme authority for their dharma or sanskriti ~ see 1996:395. it is a conversion to an Indic religion and not to a perverted foreign one .those other things which would claim ones allegiance (Anderson and Damle. While falling short of claiming the Ramayana and the Mahabharata as the source books for Hindus to guide their life by (a sticking point for those Hindus who do not regard them as their source of divine inspiration for life)9 Golwalkar certainly encourages and urges Hindus to see them as worthy guideposts for identifying those very values and ideals that are embedded in Hindu culture and which make up Hindu life. Therefore.'The ideal Hindu manhood' . They are the example for Hindu society. The challenge remains for those who c~ll themselves [True] Hindus to assimilate all those key Hindu characteristics that will enable the Hindu community to once again 'stand before the world as positive. in their eyes. (1996:59) One who calls himself a Hindu must begin by imbibing the deep and positive samskars (ideals lived out in daily life) of the Hindu Nation and practising them in day-to-day life. in our dress. which purify and strengthen him [sic] to reach the Supreme Goal in life' (1996:60-61). The end goal is achieved when a person has been able to come to a point where one's greatest loyalty is to the nation over and above all other 'lower' forms of attachment . 45 . Golwalkar challenges his Hindu audience. whether these feelings and ideals are theirs or whether they are Hindus because of the force of circumstances. It is the development of Hindu character . a 'lesser of two evils'. as the present RSS does. that stamp of and conviction should be vividly manifest. whether they are this kind of 'positive Hindu'. though the idea of organising Hindu Society may appear to be very simple.in other words. 8 Recently there has been a 'second-wave' of conversions ofDalit (low-caste) Hindus to Buddhism led by a man called Ram Raj. the accident of birth. In all that we do. following in the footsteps of Ambedkar of earlier years. dynamic Hindus. 46 . language. Every individual Hindu must therefore devote themselves to the cause of building one unified.this should be the solid basis for Hindu reorganisation' (1996:60)... We are Hindus even before we emerge from the womb of our mother' (1996: 117).Chapter 2 'Blood Brothers . province etc) are transient (adhruvam) (1996: 118).. recognising that society is the only permanent reality (dhruvam) and that all else (politics. According to Golwalkar (and akin to his earlier diversion from a more rationalistic approach that Hindus are Hindus because they 'feel' they are). The transient must always be subservient to the permanent.433). this is my philosophy which I have to live and set up as a standard for all the nations to follow . this is my dharma. Instead he emphasised that a person must uphold the Hindu cause because this is a 'positive conviction [italics mine] that this is my Hindu Rashtra.Sworn Enemies' Golwalkar opposed those Hindus who seemed to promote the Hindu cause out of either reaction against the actions of Muslims (negative Hinduism) or for political objectives. Golwalkar believed that the time had come for Hindus to reinstall (or worship) Hindu society (people) as the 'living God in our hearts' and that the 'supreme call of the times is to revive the spirit of inherent oneness' (1996:116-117). some thing which should be able to be realised (not be afraid to put into practice) in every area of a person's life. Hindus are born Hindus. caste. 'he gets his first samskar when he enters the mother's womb and the last when his body is consigned to the flames . whole and integrated Hindu Nation or in Golwalkar's words 'to bring to life the all-round glory and greatness [param vaibhavam] of our Hindu Rashtra' (1996:43). personal and public. unlike people of other faiths.. This involves not mere lip service or external affirmation but it must be something lived with understanding and conviction (Golwalkar refers to this conviction as a Hindu's 'sacred duty' ~ 1996:151-157. Because Hindus are also bound together by ties of blood and history they must remain as one. Maududi and Golwalkar 47 . The once powerful Muslim society had fallen short because of the failure of Muslims to know and obey the truth. the Qur'an and the Sunnah. Only true and total obedience. Indeed only such a Muslim is a true Muslim. of the Unity and Sovereignty of God. and of humankind's need to respond in worship and total obedience to that demanding overlordship. this meant returning to the prescriptions of godliness that are found in the revered sources of Islam. only complete submission and devotion to Allah and His Will in every area of a person's life will suffice to bring about the desired transformation of Muslim society and to which Maududi passionately called his audience.Sworn Enemies' CONCLUSION Maududi and Golwalkar both believed that their Muslim and Hindu societies desperately needed transforming. to re-embrace the ideals inherent in their culture and to once again hold firmly the conviction that the Hindu Nation must truly be the focus of their worship and sacrificial service. Hindus therefore needed a wake-up call to shake off this stupor they had allowed to overcome them. A Hindu was one who resided in a particular sacred geographical land. For this process to be lasting it must first begin through the transformation of individual lives. in all areas of life. All else must be subservient to the Hindu Nation. Both sought to define the ideal Muslim/Hindu.sanskriti) that always existed had overcome Hindus. all others are really kafirs (unbelievers) in the sight of Allah for they have given their allegiance (partially or wholly) to other authorities. For Maududi.Chapter 2 'Blood Brothers . Both believed that their respective societies had faltered because of an ignorance of right knowledge of what a true Muslim/Hindu was and that what was needed was an 'awareness campaign' to counter this. and inherited a way of life (religion) or culture that found its roots 'from eternity' in the same sacred area and among the same sacred people who spoke the same sacred language. Muslims need to be made aware of the knowledge of the truth. was tied in 'inherent' blood to those similar others. Hindu society had fallen from its once lofty position because of the failure of Hindus to embrace the inherent oneness that existed and could be felt. Golwalkar's definition of a Hindu referred to Savarkar's earlier ideas. Both Maududi and Golwalkar called for transformation of individual lives in order to bring transformation to the whole of society. A kind of self-forgetfulness of the true national consciousness (the ideals of society represented in their culture . their goal was the same. westernised kafirs according to Maududi or western.initially of individuals.a devotion that would influence every area of a person and society's life and which would be totally subservient to the ideal. 10 Maududi believed that one was not born a Muslim. Both called for a return to wholehearted devotion to the ideals that formed the very basis for their respective society (the Muslim scriptures/Hindu culture) . For Golwalkar it was the challenge for 'God (who is 'within') realisation' . Secular. as a servant would to his/her master. They just needed to recognise reality. world-views. In the end they sought to draw lines or boundaries to define who were true Muslims or true Hindus. Though their answers were contrasting.fonn the building blocks for the transfonnation of society. 10 A certain vagueness in definition is deliberate in an attempt at including as many in the Hindu fold as possible and to avoid division based on particular religious or philosophical differences. as the Supreme guide and basis for life decisions. Though corrring from two widely different religious backgrounds. Maududi saw it as an'imperative for humankind to bow absolutely to the authority of God (Allah) and therefore to His Law. and who were not. based on right knowledge of the truth revealed in Islam. the ideals embedded in it and to the Hindu Nation . Clarifying this issue also had added benefits. and therefore.the outward manifestation of these things. Golwalkar was convinced that Hindus were born Hindus. it was an individual's heart response to Allah.The putting aside of ignorance and world-centreness through self-less service to the Hindu Nation. On the other hand. The answers to the question of identity . this inherent oneness. but finally of community (as we will see in the next chapter) . For Maududi this was a call for humankind to recognise and subrrrit to the will of God (who is 'without') in absolute obedience. Allegiance or ultimate authority was another important element for these men. But it was not only transfolTIlation of individual lives that Maududi and Golwalkar were after. 48 . Golwalkar believed that the Hindu's ultimate allegiance lay in their culture.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 2 " sought to bring their communities back to a sense of 'God-consciousness'. It defined more clearly who their enemies were. Maududi and Golwalkar ultimately converge in terms of the direction of their ideas.'Blood Brothers . Muslim and Christian foreigners mleccas/foreign ways according to Golwalkar. Chapter 3 'Blood Brothers . Maududi's and Golwalkar's goal is not individual but societal revitalisation. community or society. nation and nationalism. I. this chapter will focus on group identity ~ how do they see those groups who constitute the 'faithful' and those who are considered the 'other'. and as we trace their journeys on which their ideas about religion and society developed. Ultimately. and showed how the answer to this question was at the core to the thinking of both Maududi and Golwalkar. NATIONALISM? AND WHO ARE THEY ~THE ' THREATENING OTHERS'? In the previous chapter the question of identity in terms of the individual was addressed: Who am I as a Hindu or as a Muslim and where do'!' fit in the visionary transformation of society as espoused by Maududi and Golwalkar. On the one hand the Deobandi ulama. Conflict with the Traditionalists and the Modernists As already noted in the first chapter the push for national self-determination was dominant in both Muslim and Hindu communities on the subcontinent in the first half of the twentieth century. the traditional custodians of the spiritual life of the Muslim community in India.Sworn Enemies' CHAPTER THREE QUESTIONS OF IDENTITY: WHO ARE WE . joined hands with the Indian' National Congress in putting forward the idea of a broad-based coalition supporting 'Indian nationalism' that included all religious communities. In this light. Maududi and the idea of Nationalism A. no matter how much they emphasise the importance of the renewing of individuals. NATION. The specific context of the early-mid twentieth century requires us to consider these ideas in the terms of community. On the other the 'modernists'. The goal was independence from British rule under the banner of Indian self-governance that did not single out any specific community!.THE COMMUNITY. The identity and transformation of the individual inevitably leads us to the identity and transformation of the group. of the wider Hindu and Muslim communities. Maududi found himself in opposition to the two major attitudes prevailing at the time. who benefited from and supported European education and development initially supported a compromise in co-existing with the 49 . advocated the two-nation theory (i. They declared that the avowed goal for the Muslim community was not collaboration with the British. The reasons for Maududi's opposition to all these proposals give us insight to his thinking particularly as we begin to consider the broader idea of what relationship religion has with the state. The Indian National Congress) but rather a separate political land (nation) where the Muslim community would be the dominant/majority communitythis land they called 'Pakistan' (Land of the Pure). These 'separatists'. nor with the Indian nationalists (i. had Islamic mentality or Islamic habits of thought' (Madan. The very idea of nation for Maududi was a 'Western and false concept'. one Muslim and the other Hindu). (Rafiuddin Ahmed. that there are two nations in India. A further group splintered from the 'modernists' and developed the idea of a completely separate homeland for the Muslim community.e. Maududi opposed the Deobandi ulama because he did not believe that any right thinking Muslim could agree to a Western ideological formulation of nationalism that negated the role of the religious point of view in society.e. which was the cornerstone of the Muslim world-view of life. as none of the leaders including Muhammad Ali Jinnah. would 'safeguard merely the material interests of Indian Muslims and neglect their spiritual life. 1994:675) 50 . It would be a country or nation where Muslims would be a majority but not necessarily a state that would be governed by Islamic law or principles. led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the Muslim League. B. Islam is Opposed to the Ideas of Nation and Nationalism Maududi believed strongly that Islam was against the very ideas of nation and nationalism and was no doubt influenced greatly by the 'disturbing' events that led to the break up of the Turkish caliphate by Western influenced secularists and the rise of nationalist movements particularly among the Arabs. It could not work because the very so-called leaders of the Muslim community failed to live out Islamic ideals in their own lives an essential pre-requisite for successful Islamisation. Such a state Maududi claimed.Ch~fJter 'Blood Brothers . For Maududi it was just as bad to push for a separate political homeland. 1997:139). Maududi advocated the idea that the ultimate goal of Islam was not independent Muslim nation states but rather a 'world state': I Maududi accused them of 'drinking Jawaharlal's suddhi like sweet syrup' so leading Muslims astray. Firstly..Sworn Enemies' 3 British. We return therefore. The community's boundaries are not defined by nationality. performing one's duties and obeying divine commands.in his own words. language.e. the Islamic ummah.this community transcends all of the above qualifications and must remain so if it is truly Islamic. cultural. who hold common view-point in relation to all important problems of life . "a rational nationality of believers [constituting] a world conununity of Islam'" (Madan. Therefore humanity.. . Made up of those who profess these beliefs. ideas and sentiments and feelings. Utilising a rationalistic approach Maududi states that nationalism can only take place where either a particular 'nationality' already exists (i. this global community is in fact one nation. is found among those people who are of one religion. who take common standards 51 . this kind of nationality does not give birth to nationalism. is divided into two nations: the one of Islam and belief.in which the chains of racial and national prejudices would be dismantled and all mankind incorporated in a cultural and political system. According to Maududi. .Chapter 3 'Blood Brothers .. who are identical in their thoughts. 'Political nationality' comes into existence when a group of people are governed by one political system. linguistic or political criteria. He stated that there were only really two kinds of nationalities 'political nationality' or 'cultural nationality'. bound by culture. 1997:143). Maududi saw the Muslim community on a global scale. 1993a: 13). A Muslim's sense of identity cannot be based on particular racial. to the Islamic idea of the two 'houses' or 'lands': dar ul-Islam (land or house of Islam) and dar ul-harb (land or house of war).Sworn Enemies' . while those who reject them are another. for Islam transcends all these but rather in their participation and solidarity with the world-wide community of believers.e. who display the same kind of moral characteristics. geography) or if it does not it must of necessity come into being (1993a: 43ft). and which hostile competitions would give way to friendly cooperation between peoples that they might mutually assist and contribute to the material and moral good of one another (Maududi. with equal rights and equal opportunities for all. This community is bound together with the conviction of the truth of worshipping God. not simply the people of India. religion. and the other of those who do not believe (and therefore do not follow the truth). On the other hand 'cultural nationality' is that kind of nationality which: . from different cultures).. even though the people themselves may not be homogenous (i.. culture. Maududi was particularly addressing the movements towards independence and nationalism in the Indian context. territory or language but by those who are of the faith of Islam ... Commenting on Maududi' s thinking Madan writes that Maududi 'envisaged a future for Indian and later Pakistani Muslims in which they would be co-sharers of Islamic destiny on a global scale .a view-point which may have effected a uniformity even in the cultural and social manifestations of their life. India is far from a homogenous Hindu culture and therefore India cannot be founded on 'Hindu-cultural nationality' (c. who are bound together by these ties of blood and affection because of inter-marriages and social relations. culturally and socially have become one people. Savarkar/Golwalkar). can develop a common national type and evolve a common national idea. Nevertheless.Sworn Enemies' . Maududi clarified his previous opposition. Maududi and many of his followers decided to leave India and move to the 'nation-state' of Pakistan. who are familiar with the habits. temperaments and leanings of one another. Chapter 3 of likes and dislikes' lawfulness and unlawfulness. To form a new nationality therefore. 'I honestly believed. the detractors of Maududi and the Jama'at. spiritually. The reason is that the description that Maududi gives above is virtually a word for word rationale for the movement of Hindu nationalism. Here Maududi and Golwalkar (and company) suddenly converge.'Blood Brothers . diverges because he has already made it clear that while there may be such a thing as 'Hindu nationalism'.1993a: 43-44) Maududi further claims that nationalism can only take birth from 'cultural nationality' and that it is clear that the people of India do not constitute a cultural nationality but rather is made up of many cultural nationalities. morally. If nationalism can sprout. either the culture of one nation may conquer and absorb the cultures of other nations or a common culture will evolve. it can do so only in the soil ofsuch nationality. ~. Further. after independence in 1947. 52 .. Maududi immediately. who mutually understand their susceptibilities. the very idea of which he had so strongly opposed. p45). (Italics mine . Getting to the point Maududi states emphatically that on this basis nationalism can only be the goal of those who plead for 'Muslim Nationalism' or 'Hindu Nationalism' (ibid. an organic whole. sacredness and profaneness. it is incongruous even blasphemous to say that there could be such a thing as 'Muslim nationalism' when it is viewed in limited territorial terms. who manifest this nationality. that it was my duty to remind Muslims that their objective should not be just the setting up of a Muslim national state but of setting up an Islamic state. In order to justify both his presence in the country and his ongoing participation in the life of the nation of Pakistan. Only those people.I-Islami would continue to hold this against them for some time to come. however. He goes as far as to claim that this expression is as contradictory as 'Communist Fascist'. and that they should try to build up the personal qualities and character which was essential for the tasks involved' (Ahmed. 1994:676). :~. who are liable to be motivated by the same historical traditions . 'Socialist Capitalist' or a 'Chaste Prostitute'! (1993a: 12-13) Since Muslims should not be identified with any particular national identity it is clear that any form of territorial nationalism is opposed to Islam. and still believe.p.in short it is found only among those who mentally. This ideological position left Maududi with problems when. 104ft). 1997:144. In an essay (originally written in the 1930s) outlining his thoughts on the nationalism issue in pre-partition India Maududi claims that the whole foundation of nationalism is completely wrong. 1991:94. also Maududi. Maududi was not simply seeking to answer the question of identity here. resulted in wars and aggression in the pursuit of the above. The Nazis under Hitler promoted the very kind of nationalism that Maududi considered an 'evil'. Writing in the 1930s Maududi was very aware of the growing National Socialist movement in Germany.Sworn Enemies' But it was not merely the fact that Maududi saw that a Muslim's primary identity was in this global ummah. Secondly. It was built on political. He believed that the total transfonnation of the world under Islam was the inevitable outcome of the purpose of things. linguistic and cultural foundations that promoted the 'ancient practice of racial prejudice' (Maududi. Islam as the final revolution will not just be political and administrative like the Muslim rule in India that was replaced by the British. 1997:285-303. 1997:106). born out of a western European context that encouraged competition and conflicts between neighbouring nation-states. 2000: 14). A corollary of this for Maududi is that 'an attack on an Islamic state is not simply an aggression upon its territories but a direct assault on Islam' (Ahmed. 1997:142-145. national self-preservation and national prestige/aggrandisement which. 1989:216-217. Commenting ~n this breed of nationalism Maududi says: I will comment more onjihad in the context of the state in the fifth chapter.. 106. together. 1991 :96. economic. national consciousness. Choueiri. 1991: 104) and a call for jihad or retaliatory action and support against such states (aggressors) which are persecuting Muslims is a legitimate response 2 . 1993a: 18).Chapter 3 'Blood Brothers . Nevertheless I will add that he does qualify and further eloborate on this statement. Ahmed.. he honestly believed that Islamisation was the 'final dispensation through which God will establish his kingdom. Maududi had problems with the fact that nationalism was a secular concept. Maududi has much more to say about jihad which would take up another thesis to explain (see for instance Maududi. Needless to say many radical Muslim 2 53 . it will effect the total transformation of the world' (Singh. The effects of nationalism produce national pride. It was the direction that all Muslims should be working towards. Lawrence. As an international revolutionary movement jihad (holy struggle) becomes the process by which this 'revolutionary struggle' is initiated [against unIslamic systems of government] and the means by which the objectives of Islam are achieved [to replace these unIslamic governments with Islamic rule] (Choueiri. secure inspiration from traditions which may have been imported from outside. 25). Maududi had some strong words to say about nationalism. Instead of promoting unity and harmony (solidarity) in the world nationalism has divided human beings. and against the law of God '(brackets mine ~ 1993a:26). it is in the nature and constitution of nationalism that it should condemn everything that comes from the outside and praise those things which are products of its own home. At its heart nationalism is anti-religious (anti-Islam) and will be a deterrent to the possibility a pan-Islamic movement becoming a reality. He would regard all these things not only as foreign but would look upon them with that displeasure and hatred with which everything of foreign invaders is received. corporate solidarity) . Elsewhere he states that. He states that nationalism as an idea promotes patriotism (as defined by Maududi above in the effects of nationalism) which appeals to ideals that become transterritorial and universal. 'closer to the notion of ummah (i. they have made him worse than wolves' (1993a:20. whose ideas have 'degraded man to the level of beasts. It has become humankind's 'greatest curse'.e. This culture/land/people is then revered and honoured to the exclusion of other outside 'foreign' influences. That he should relate his own past and link his national culture with that of his ancestors in a chronicle sequence. accept the central importance and sanctity of such places as are not situated within his country. It is appropriate here to refer to comments that Bruce Lawrence makes regarding the opposition that Muslim fundamentalists have shown to the issue of nationalism. In other words Maududi and his later contemporaries saw nationalism not only as a direct 'competitor" between different nations but with Islam itself. admit the cultural influence of a language which may not be his own. and would endeavour his best to elimillate and cast out all these external influences from the life of his nation. 'these satanic principles have stood as formidable obstacles and powerful adversaries against the moral and spiritual teachings [i. Maududi claims that it was this very idea of nationalism that caused the downfall of the dream for a Holy Christian Empire (which he saw as a positive religio/political structure ~ 1993a: 16-18). universal brotherhood] embodied in the heavenly books.e. historical or legendary or real In short.Sworn Enemies' The national self-consciousness of a nationalist can never brook it that he should take as his hero persons who do not belong to his nationality. (1993a: 32-33) His comments once again amazingly echoed the words of Golwalkar/Savarkar in their own extrapolation of Hindu Nationalism. It is the natural demand of his nationalistic sentiment that he should associate his sentiments of sacredness and sanctity with his own home-land. that he should take as his heroes. that he should revive his ancient national historical traditions (traditions which this foreign religion describes as the relics of the age of ignorance) and pride in them.. that he should sing hymns to rivers and mountains of his own country. Ultimate nationalism is where 'the whole world' revolves around the nationality of one culture/land/people as defined by a particular person or group.Chapter 3 'Blood Brothers . 54 . He believed that the same response among the various people of Asia and fundamentalists have used this idea in justifying their violent reaction to what they consider unlslamic govermnents. (italics mine ~ 1989:200). . ideology or institution is a form of apostasy and idolatry and falls into the category of kafr4 . In Maududi's Islamic world-view God has claim of obedience over the life of every person and over every area of life. What was called for.a term that Maududi uses to describe the sources for the Islamic religion and law (Shariah Law of God). 1997:102). indeed. but based on national interests not on Islamic principles.e. i.Nationalism resurrects the kind of tribalism or jayliya that Muhammad opposed and which early Muslims. dividing Muslim nation against Muslim nation.Sworn Enemies' 3 Arabia would also ring a 'death knell' for a pan-Islamic movement (the solidarity of the Muslim ummah). (1993a:39) In Lawrence's words nationalism became so despised because it demands the state (nation) as an 'obedience-context'. Lawrence continues. racial or political considerations seeks the total transformation of society. In its stead there should be a patriotism that seeks the benefit of all states of society and of Muslims everywhere.. Maududi states that it leads to the place where God is equated with the life-force of the nation. was for a patriotism that should be directed towards the world-wide community of Muslims and against the ideas that lured Muslims away from their faith and undermined the community: Nationalism becomes the most despised front edge of secularism because it demands the state act as an obedience-context.Chap~er 'Blood Brothers .. not for the sake of Islam.. In other words the nation and nationalism take the place of God. The nation itself becomes the earthly manifestation of God. patriotism should replace qawmiya (or ethnocentrism) of one group with the wataniya (or solidarity) of all participants as equal participants in the Islamic ummah '. Perhaps the most important grievance that Maududi held against nationalism was that it claimed the same allegiance (loyalty) that belongs to God (Allah) and the 'shariats' 3 (the revealed scriptures and the example of the Prophet Muhammad) of God alone. This allegiance based on economic.. He will brook no rivals. a religion which stands as a rival. If we refer back to the previous chapter regarding Maududi' s thoughts on the total Sovereignty of God and his law this makes perfect sense. and adversary against the shariats of God. (1989:216. something which Maududi derided but 'shariats' . ' there should be an emphasis on the general welfare of all Muslims (malasha) exercised on behalf of the believers against the prevailing ignorance (jahliya) of time . temporarily overcame. Turning his thoughts once again to the form of [cultural] nationalism exhibited in Germany. It opposes the shariats of God not only in the intellectual plane but also in practical working. 3 55 . 'In its [nationalism] stead'. [it] aims to establish its sovereignty in all these departme:1ts of human life whom the shariats of God propose to bring under their own control. See also Choueiri. In other words the nation and its traditional roots becomes the focus of worship. Hitler is his Prophet and the 'national goals' the religion he brings. It is done for the sake of the nation. An attachment or obedience to any other person. just like Islam. To quote Maududi again: Nationalism is. He advocated a community identity in tenns of a 'nation' that was defined as a global transterritoriaVtranscultural-linguistic phenomena. As far as Maududi was concerned nationalism was at odds with Islam because it 'turns the mind of man from Islam to ignorance . 56 . as we will see.. Those outside of this community (in every culture etc) lie in the 'nation' of war (dar ul-harb) where ignorance and unbelief reign and which is characterised by conflict and rivalry. According to Maududi. The only cure for this sickness is in the shariats of God. which Maududi saw as the very antithesis of the ideas and beliefs inherent in Islam concerning the nature of God and the way the community is to function. the 'nation' of Islam (dar ul-Islam) is the worldwide community of believers (ummah).acknowledge the Sovereignty of God and His law revealed in Islam. In summary. [When it] enters the heart and mind of a Muslim from one direction Islam leaves them from another direction ....Chapter 3 'Blood Brothers . whose loyalty and allegiance is not to a particular culture. promoted. the ummah or dar ul-Islam. Golwalkar and the idea of the 'Hindu Nation' Maududi answered the question of 'community identity' in the context of opposing 'nationalism' as an idea. or choose a path of 'evil'. Maududi believed the same thing would happen to those Muslim nation-states that based their identities on nationalistic ideals (1933a: 36). that leads to apostasy and its consequences. Golwalkar sought to answer the question of 'community identity' by promoting the idea that the 'nation' is specifically 'Hindu' and 'Indian' and that 'nationalism' was more its driving force. II. language or geographical territory but to Allah and His shariats. The choice for every person or people is straightforward . The 'threatening others' for Maududi lay primarily in the ideas that secular nationalism promoted. 4 Others spell this as 'kufr'. and it is only Muslims in the world that can represent His shariats (1993a: 40). and in the people who had imbibed these ideas and sought to spread them in the Muslim community. of nationalism. Any Muslim who has pledged himself to the evil of nationalism has been divorced by the angels of Islam' (1993a:37-38). the world has given itself to the ideology of nationalism because it does not possess a 'natural moral teaching' by which it can keep itself in check.Sworn Enemies' which Golwalkar. such as Golwalkar. a Hindu) and 'out' (a non-Hindu). Other terms were either too inclusive (fuzzy boundaries = no clear community identity) or too exclusive (it did not include all those who should be included).. A. However.g. Savarkar attempted to reconcile the great differences between the' orthodox' and 'heterodox' within the Hindu fold and arrived at a definition which he believed could include all sects. It is vital to look at Savarkar's thinking in order to appreciate properly Golwalkar's ideas.g.e. He saw this as the key ingredient for understanding Hindu identity. He felt all previous definitions failed to adequately describe the word particularly as it related to identifying the boundaries by which a person could be legitimately considered as one within the Hindu-fold. Muslims and Christians).. Basing his ideas on territorial and historical foundations Savarkar's Hindutva encompassed a combination of three main areas (1989:115-116)5: 5 Savarkar took great pains to detail what these meant in the context of defining who could legitimately claim to be 'in' (i.Swam Enemies' Golwalkar. Racial and Territorial Unity and Founded on a Series of Exclusions 1) The Hindu Nation (Rashtra) D. Hindutva . could qualify. Sikh Dharma. Other similar terms such as Hindu. 1999:13).e. Principally it required a person to fulfil all three areas. but when looked at independently could be viewed as 'such and such "'Dharma'" (e. when viewed as whole. united dominating (majority) community who should be the primary decision makers in the way the physical manifestation of that nation is controlled (and this is not limited to the political arena) in the event of a new political reality (i. Hindusthan and Hinduism are included in this all-inclusive word. Savarkar's groundbreaking work. established the basic definitions and premises that later Hindu nationalists. Buddha Dharma) (1989:102-106).Who is a Hindu (1923).Chapter 3 IBlood Brothers . and Savarkar before him. whom he designates as mlecchas or foreigners (e. The 'Nation' defined in terms of Cultural. It was important for Savarkar to make this clear because there had been so much debate over the term and definition of the word 'Hindu'. or otherwise. independence from the British ~ see Hansen. Savarkar defined the term Hindutva as 'Hindu-ness'. as he progresses in his thinking even Savarkar admits 57 . other communities. as Savarkar himself explains. were intent on defining the 'Hindu Nation' both as a way of establishing boundaries between those who were 'insiders' and 'outsiders' as community identification but also to push forward the idea of a single. incorporated as the guiding principles for the movement as a whole. 1996:288-289). art. Those who are not included are called mlecchas . This definition seeks to both identify who is 'in' and who is 'out'. 1999:27ff. Sanatan. Brahma. the words 'Fatherland' and 'Motherland' are often used.sanskriti) . . and points out that'S' and 'H' are commonly inter-changeable in Sanskrit so that Sapta-Sindhu can as equally be read as Hapta Hindu (1996:98). Buddha. These people are those who either originated geographically and racially out of the 'Land' or who those who hold to religious beliefs that did not originate from a person of the 'Land'. festivals etc).all that could be included in the life of a civilisation (common language . Jain. Buddhists and tribal peoples would be included (see also Jaffrelot. one's spiritual bonding to their nation. He refers to the fact that the name Sapta-Sindhu was already given to the land and people as mentioned in the oldest records in the world. A Common Blood .Sworn Enemies' Chapter 3 1.i.spiritual origin)6. Elst. 58 .another loophole) could still qualify as a Hindu. Sikh.Himalayas . 3. 6 In this thesis. in other words. Sarkar in Ludden. 'Fatherland is most often used in the sense of one's patriotism. 1999:78-79. A Common Civilisation (or Culture . history. A Common Land (or nation Rashtra) . Avaidak.SanskritlHindi.e. there are loopholes!) See Savarkar. 'Motherland' and 'Holyland' are virtually synonymous and refer largely to a person's devotion and worship for one's nation.geographically defined (from 'Sindu to Sindu' . that it included all those whose religious affiliations were derived from those people whose blood originated in this land and race . Clearly. Golwalkar following a similar approach to Savarkar's affinns that there is good historical and 'blood' reasons for using the word 'Hindu' (and not simply because foreigners used it) to describe the natural people of those residing in the geographical area of India.e. a person's physical and emotional bonding for one's nation. 2001 :282f. the Rig Veda.Vaidik.physicaVpatriotic origin) and their 'Holyland' (Punyabhu .'Blood Brothers . there may be the odd individual or so who may be considered Hindu without fulfilling all three requirements (i.Race (Jati) a person's forefathers came from the racial mix of those who have resided in this 'Land' for an indeterminable thousands of years. 1947: 129ffwhere he explains how Sister Nivedita (an Irish lady who had embraced Hinduism but not married to a Hindu . those who claim to be Muslim or Christian fall into this category but Sikhs. Hansen.to the Seas) and to which a person felt attached as both their 'Fatherland' (Pitribhu . Chandel.from the Indus . This meant.foreigners. laws. rites. literature. 2. according to Savarkar. Interestingly. Golwalkar certainly had in mind a geographical vision of India which included a number of territories claimed by others as their own. from Tibet in the north to Sri Lanka in the south' Andersen and Damle. the mountainous Himalayas In the north and the ocean seas in the south referred to as Hindusthan or 'Land of the Hindus') encompassing an area 'extending from Iran in the west to the Malay Peninsula in the east. Culture (#3 and #4 were closely linked). it is a population with a common origin under one culture' (1947:48-49). He speaks of religion (and for Golwalkar this was more closely. conunon language. 4. on the cover of Golwalkar's original treatise on the subject (We) he includes a map of Bharat (another term for the Land of India) that outlines most of the above countries. In fact. and utilising similar European modernistic ideas of 'nation' Golwalkar formulates what he calls the 'famous five "Unities'" (1947:23). has been associated with us in our history and tradition for so long that it has now become our universally accepted and adored name (1996:73-74). 3) & 4) Religion (dharma) and Culture (sanskriti). is unknown to the scholars ofhistory. 2.'Blood Brothers .The name "Hindu". common memories of glory and disaster. People. We had brought into life almost everything that was beneficial to man. He later goes on to say: The origins of our people.We existed when there was no necessity for any name. the date from which we have been living here as a civilised entity. but are indigenous children of the soil always from times immemorial and are natural masters of this country' (1949: 15). 1987:77. derived from the river Sindhu. and a unique social order. 1) Land . We built a great civilisation.Golwalkar emphasises that for a race to 'live the life of a nation' and blossom they require a defined physical territory (preferably with natural boundaries .. His definition of the Hindu Nation included descriptions categorised under: 1. 3. Language (1947:24ff). unlike Savarkar. Religion. We were the people who knew about the laws of nature and the Spirit. While shying away from Maududi's global idea of what the term 'trans-territorial' meant. who seems to recognise the idea that at some point in history Aryan peoples issued forth into this 'sacred land' (Hindutva p4ff). 2) People (Race) . the enlightened people. The Hindu Nation incorporates all of these.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 3 Expanding Savarkar's 'three essentials'. Land..For Golwalkar these two 'unities' are closely linked to the point where it is difficult to distinguish them.Golwalkar states that a Race is 'a hereditary society having common customs.i. in short. Golwalkar claims that Hindus have always existed in Hindusthan. and 5. 'we Hindus came into this land from nowhere. 1986:83-84). We were the good.. e.. see also Golwalkar. a great culture. including Afghanistan. Then the rest of mankind were just bipeds and so no distinctive name was given to us . though not 59 . where it governs every action of the individual as well as of the society as a whole' and culture 'as being the cumulative affect of age-long customs. identified with Hinduism than Savarkar was willing to suggest) as being the 'very life-breath of a people.. history. Golwalkar claims that Sanskrit ('the dialect of the Gods') is the language that gave birth to most of the languages of Bharat (India) and takes place of honour linguistically for the Hindu Race. traditions etc.1947:27].creating the peculiar Race Spirit' [The term Golwalkar employed to describe the 'consciousness' or life-breath of the Hindu Nation . it is 'verily the chosen land of God Realisation' 60 . He supports Hindi. 1987:77 7) Golwalkar refers to this sacred land/geography as 'Divine Mother': . and most particularly of religious beliefs and their attendant philosophy. traditions. The Nation as 'Divine Mother' (Bharat Mata).. with Sri Lanka (Ceylon) as a lotus petal offered at her sacred feet by the southern Ocean. 84) This imagery had the benefit of a 'two-sided coin'. 5) Language . a place which nurtured and cared for her people and invoked a sense of maternal devotion. religion.a land which has been to us since hoary times the beloved and sacred Bharat Mata whose very name floods our hearts with waves of pure and sublime devotion to her. The devotion required to this land should not merely be expressed as patriotism (love for the nation) but also of worship. It was this picture of our motherland with Himalayas dipping its arms in the two seas... The great wrong was that this same land had also been desecrated and raped by various foreign invasions and the partition of India..Sworn Enemies' exclusively. Evoking imagery that deeply impacted the Indian psyche as well as utilising concepts intimately associated with Hindu religious tradition (see Andersen and Damle. as the modem language closest to Sanskrit. On the one side is the land itself. at Aryan (Iran) in the West and at Sringapur (Singapore) in the East..Any race that lives for an extended period of time in a given location will evolve its own language its culture. inhabited by her people. historical .. The land is sacred. Key ideas that emerge out of these 'five unities' a.. 2.ChaI--l:er 3 'Blood Brothers . and as the language that should bring Hindus (Indians) together. (1986:82. that was constantly kept radiant in people's minds for so many thousands of years. 'Divine Mother' characterises and holds the Hindu Nation together. For Golwalkar. Therefore. Ultimate authority lies not with family. It is what Golwalkar expressed earlier in this paper. 1993: 17).Kohli. 67ft). Hansen points out that the romanticist views expressed here by Golwalkar had their roots in the scholarship of Orientalism prevalent in the 19 th and early 20 th centuries (1999: 10-11. but rather concentrates on the identification of the individual with the Hindu Nation. Therefore: It is up to us to keep a glow that highly evolved sentiment of mother towards our land. 8 b. The spiritual life and destiny of Hindu people is intimately linked with the physical land of Hindusthan as well as being the place where the nation resides. 61 . the chief requirement was the emotional bond or sense of belonging that is felt. 1993: 17). It finds expression in unity of culture summarised as 'commonality in goals of life. As the 'Living God' the Hindu Nation is not merely the object of worship and devotion but of complete attachment. as the Divine Mother. 1994:629). of which the land is merely a part of the sum. Now how are we to express our devotion to her? Our people have been doing this until this day in a spirit of religious devotion. Indian nationalism or Rashtratravad (expressed 7 Anderson and Damle explore this Mother image theme more deeply and then indicate the way the RSS renerally have sought to utilise it in their communication (1987:77). The other side of the coin is that the Hindu Nation is also referred to as the Divine Mother. (Kohli. The Hindu Nation. recite hymns. A Hindu is one because he feels he is one. caste. 1993:27) Merely living on a piece of land is not sufficient to make one group of people a 'nation'. The bottom-line here is allegiance.'Blood Brothers . Hansen comments that the goal desired for every member of the Hindu Nation (and in particular for the RSS member who is supposed to epitomise the 'ideal Hindu man') is that the individual eventually 'experiences a greater loyalty to the nation than to any other 'lower' form of attachment' (1999:76). values of life' (Kohli. ideals of life. follow the religious injunctions. This sentiment. This 'Living God' should be loved and served with total devotion 'in a spirit of sacrifice for its cultural values and way of life' (Rashtra Bhakti . 9 The individual's identity is meshed with that of the Nation. and expressed in terms of the Hindu people and culture 'should be installed as the Living God' in the hearts of each one (1996:116). The Nation as the 'Living God'. In a similar vein Golwalkar says that one must also consider the nation as both fatherland (pitrabhumi) and holyland (puyabhumi). worship and offer flowers and take baths in various holy waters. They go around the country of pilgrimages. which for many may "appear more immediately visible and attainable than the ritual cosmos of traditional Hinduism~' and "offer the most viable personal religion available'" (in Embree. language or religious sect but in the Hindu Nation and all else should remain subservient to it. stated as devotion to the. 9 In this connection Gold suggests that 'Hindu Fundamentalism has emerged as an alternative path for personal religion that does not demand devotion to a particular deity.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 3 (1996:85). e. the example for which he had seen in Nazi Germany (1993:28. (ibid. and the adoration of the Hindu Nation as the 'Living God'. as advocated by Golwalkar.e. 1993:31) must be 'reborn' in such a way that the Hindu people. As children of this 'sacred motherland' the people of the Hindu Nation have an ingrained unity and spirit of identity that ties them together. 62 . Golwalkar sought to pursuade the people that it was their duty born with their birth (sahaja karma) to recognise this. should forever be the single point of devotion for all of us. Let us revive that pure spirit of oneness [i. we as a people bound together by ties of blood and history.. were precisely what Maududi envisioned as the natural outcome of the 'evil of nationalism'. pi18). The adulation of the Nation and the worship of it as 'God'. i.Sworn Enemies' in the ideas of Hindu nationalism). though they may be extremely near and dear to us.. that 'inherent oneness' established over thousands of years existed in 'Bharat as one nation' (Kohli. in their culture and in their way of life. the object of devotion.see Quotes from Hitler and the creed of the Nazi Youth).Chapter 3 'Blood Brothers . Golwalkar not merely advocated the merging of the individual under/within the Hindu Nation. is founded on 'individual contribution and sacrifice for the larger interest of the Rashtra which is the bigger entity' (Kohli.. He was also convinced that the oneness that links the people of the Hindu Nation (community) together will be the natural outcome: 'The whole of our people should be reinstalled as the living God in our hearts . [therefore] Hindu society. language. Again Golwalkar comments: . The product of nationalism for Maududi was the worship of all things considered 'national' to the negation of anything else. [He goes as far as to say that] ' ... No other consideration whether of caste. and who come to us as an obstacle must be considered as ten million times an enemy. 1986: 116). province or party should be allowed to come in the way of that single-minded devotion (ibid.. now realised as the 'Hindu Nation' find renewed identity in the community.. p 119) According to Golwalkar the Hindu Nation is bound together through ties of cultural unity. strengthen and defend it against all adversaries. That societal unity. to 'realise' the truth of this. and then to respond with complete devotion to uphold.35 . what Golwalkar refers to earlier as the 'Race Spirit'] born out of the realisation that we are all children of this great and sacred motherland Bharat Mata' (Golwalkar... whole and integrated.those who do not love Rama. 1993:21). The Nation as 'Inherent Oneness'. sect.. c. remain one and whole . that though. In this light a couple of well-known passages are well-worth quoting: In an nutshell we may say that in this land of ours we have lived for God knows how long. Religion. naturally fall out of the pale of real 'National' life (ibid. far less subjugated. and the RSS itself was beginning to assert itself in a much greater way. that through all these years it has engaged in a terrible struggle to free the land of this pest..complete the natural Nation concept. p52) 10 The Bhagwa Diwaja or Bhagawa Dhwaj is the object of worship for members of the RSS. we find ourselves not the degenerate.' (Golwalkar. More especially. All those not belonging to the nation i. down-trodden uncivilized slaves that we are taught to believe that we are today.Sworn Enemies' d. Hindusthan. the Nation has not been conquered.Chapter 3 'Blood Brothers ....e. 'It is in keeping with that sublime cultural tradition that the Sangh has kept before itself neither an individual nor a book as its authority but Bhagawa Dhwaj. our history is the story of flourishing Hindu National life for thousands of years and then of a long and unflinching war continuing for the last ten centuries. or what Jaffrelot calls the 'Threatening Others' (1999:11). and the need for the Hindu Community to rise up out of the weakness into which they have allowed themselves to fall. the Bhagwa Diwaja lO . is striving for the inculcation of pure devotion to the nation as a whole. but a Nation. a great Nation of the grandest culture. Hindu language. a free Nation of illustrious heroes. Hindu culture. it was written before partition and the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi and the resulting persecution of Golwalkar and the RSS. Culture and Language. for the last thousand years or less. Hindu Race. Referred to also as the 'guru'. the Hindu race. and through that. National consciousness blazes forth and we Hindus rally to the Hindu standard. the land has been infested with murderous bands of despoilers in various parts. This was most evident in his earlier work We which was written (1938) at a time when he was beginning to take a greater leadership role in the RSS. the glowing symbol of all that is good and great in our national life. 1996:396). that in fine. which has not yet come to a decisive close. And again: Thus. Hindusthan exists and must needs to exist the ancient Hindu nation and nought else but the Hindu Nation. with its Hindu religion. And when we understand our history. thus rightly. the conclusion is unquestionably forced upon us that in this country. fighting the forces of destruction for the last thousand years and determined to carry on this struggle to the bitter end with ever increasing zeal and unflagging national ardour. Golwalkar comments. set our teeth in grim determination to wipe out the opposing forces (Golwalkar. 1949: 117-118). 63 . The Nation in Opposition to 'Threatening Others' A large part of Golwalkar's discourse is directed against/towards those he considered the enemies of the Hindu Nation. And Race spirit calls. In short. applying the modern understanding of 'Nation' to our present conditions. or may stay in the country. Islam and Christianityll. He claims that this is not the case but that with conversion in their faith [to the foreign religion] there has also been.. and he makes it abundantly clear in his later writings.'Blood Brothers . either to merge themselves into the national race and adopt its culture. claiming nothing. wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation.a change in attitude. they must not only give up their attitude of intolerance and ungratefulness towards this land and its age-long traditions but must also cultivate the attitude of love and devotion instead . With strongly romanticist overtones Golwalkar claims for the Hindu Nation not only rights to the geography of Hindusthan but also to the highest and purest of civilisations ~ the Hindu civilisation.ibid. They are no longer emotionally bonded with the Hindu Nation.There are only two courses open to the foreign elements. p125). 177-201). must cease to be foreigners. which have chosen to live in our country. p125) Golwalkar states that the problem is of a different nature. That is the only logical and correct solution. must entertain no idea but those of glorification of the Hindu race and culture i. The critical issue here 'is whether THEY [Muslims and Christians] remember that they are children of the soil' (ibid.not even citizens rights. no other course for them to adopt.e. What then follows is a flowery piece of oratory intermingled with vicious jibes against non-Hindu peoples.in one word they. It is clear from these passages. Further. pure and united. and let us deal. must learn and respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion. at least should be. There is. that the arch-enemies of the Hindu Nation are primarily the Muslims with the Christians (and Communists) not far behind (e. and which is so essential for the strengthening and stability [identity] of the Hindu Nation. for Golwalkar and other Hindu nationalists. which is the realisation of 'oneness'. with the foreign races. We are an old nation. their feelings of identification have now transferred to the 'enemies' of the Hindu Nation. While claiming that he is not against God being called by different names ('He cannot be a Hindu who is intolerant of other faiths' . deserving no privileges. 'gone is the spirit of love and devotion for the nation' (ibid).g. As members of foreign (nonII Andersen and Damle make the point that a repeated characteristic 'in belief systems is the identification of hostile forces which plot against the nation and which are disruptive strains in the country.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 3 And finally: . These disruptive 64 . That event. p56) . From this standpoint. That alone keeps the national life healthy and undisturbed. Golwalkar. (ibid. 1996:124-132. as old nations ought to deal. That alone keeps the Nation safe from danger of a cancer developing into the body politics and of the creation of a state within the state. was the beginning of the decline of the Hindu Nation.. His use of the expression 'except for the last thousand years or less' is a direct reference to Muslim rule in the sub-continent which we have previously noted began about a thousand years ago. that devotion. or to live at the sweet will of the national race. sanctioned the experience of the shrewd old nations. far less any preferential treatment . which apparently beforehand was virile. the non-Hindu peoples in Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language. 1987:72. Other religions (cultures/religions) are stigmatised because they represent both lower (lesser) fonus of civilisation and promote divided loyalty. voluntary settlement. Hindus are identified with the Hindu Nation and the quality of 'being' a member of the Hindu Nation is not so much something that is passed down through genes (race) as it is through cultural tradition. Put simply. Arabs. therefore. Europeans). they speak foreign languages (Urdu. in their own words. which distinguish the 'Threatening Others' from the Hindu Nation can be delineated by the five 'unities' that Golwalkar proposed. Jaffrelot comments that Golwalkar's definition of the Hindu Nation is more closed than Savarkar's (1999:56). that it is because of the 'community orientation' of Christianity.Sworn Enemies' 3 Indic) religions those who claim to be Muslims and Christians now look to foreign lands as their holy places (Palestine. and it should not be 65 . they name themselves after foreign peoples (i.e.post-partition). that Christians are distanced from the larger [Hindu] nation or. They further state. and not simply the dogma itself. Arabia). Using Golwalkar's tenus . they have separated themselves from the "national soul''' (Ibid. With the policies of Nazi Germany at the forefront of news in the late 1930s forces are often identified with particular social groups. The boundaries. the person who denies one or all of the five 'unities' is the 'enemy'. p73). who are usually defined as different. p126). a new. stripped even of citizen's rights (see above quote) 12. These people have not only changed their faith but their national identity and are guilty of treason by abandoning their mother-nation (ibid). These foreign enemies or mlecchas must realise that to reside in Hindusthan they must willingly and knowingly be relegated to a subordinate position under the Hindu Nation. merging themselves with the aggressors (ibid. 'Because Christians are culturally different. Andersen and Damle point out that it is not only the Muslim and Christian religions that are seen as a threat (because they promote values seen to result in the denationalisation of those who embrace them) but also the 'westernized' [Hindu] elite who champion the cause of capitalism. English) and have cut themselves off from their' ancestral national moorings'.adherence to another religion is akin to adherence to another culture that in tum means adherence to another 'nation'.Chap~er 'Blood Brothers . 12 In a different place Golwalkar states that for a 'foreign~ race to claim any kind of special treatment at the hands of the [Hindu] Nation it should not be 'an upstart. united and powerful' . socialism. For Golwalkar. This community or 'national' orientation is a similar problem with Muslims but with them the problem is far greater because of the sheer size of the Muslim community (about 12% of the population . or communism as solutions for Indian development (1987:72). It certainly reflects a very extreme fascist type of view.Chapter 3 'Blood Brothers . reintegrated or 'fused' back into Hindu society and the Hindu way of life ('our dharma ') as lost brothers. Stating that there are different kinds of foreign dominations .the Jews. It is true to say however. and in fact later disowned even to the point of withdrawing from future circulation (Elst. Elst comments that this quote reflects a view that Golwalkar later repudiated. In other words those who have excluded themselves from the Hindu Nation can be assimilated. and the one most quoted against him.Golwalkar goes on to say that it is 'our duty to call these our forlorn brothers [those Hindus who have embraced Islam or Christianity]. A convenient figure when one remembers that the government population statistics are clear that Muslims make up 13%. back to their ancestral home' (1986: 128). Germany has also shown how well nigh impossible it is for Races and cultures. The goal is a kind of unity that includes characteristics typical of the foreign dominations he mentioned earlier . below 20% of the total population of the state. cultural and religious. economic. 66 .' (ibid. a good lesson for use in Hindusthan to learn and profit' (italics mine 1949:43). 13 Though Elst himself gives no concrete proof to this effect.political. economic. pp36-37). that a cursory view of Golwalkar's wider writings does show that he leans more toward a subordinate strategy for the minority communities rather than the extennination method that Hitler and the Nazis employed toward the Jews and other minority communities residing in Gennan controlled areas. on possible methods to deal with problem minorities: 'To keep the purity of the Race and its culture.political. 2001b:82. cultural . but also the political ground realities that the RSS found themselves in a avowedly pluralistic and secular post-partition India. suffering under religious slavery for centuries. to be assimilated into one united whole. He claims that present critics of the Hindutva movement and the RSS keep quoting from it when in fact it is a view no longer held either by Golwalkar until his death or the present RSS leadership. having differences going to the root. It may be more appropriate to quote his later 'sanitised' views reflecting the result of the persecution of the RSS and his imprisonment following Gandhi's assassination (1948-1949). Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the Semitic Races .Sworn Enemies' Golwalkar made the following infamous comment in his earlier work We or our Nationhood Defined (1938). Race pride at its highest has been manifested here.92)13. Hansen. 15 Jaffrelot here refers to the term used by Pandey . It is not the kind of 'racism of extermination' that Hitler employed towards the Jews and other minority races (and which Golwalkar himself disclaims. not of a biological kind (i. 1999:30). (Jaffrelot. Golwalkar's comments reflect another fonn of racism 14 .e. we have absolutely no objection. Golwalkar 1996: 131) in order to maintain racial purity but rather a form of socio-cultural racism 15 that places groups on a hierarchical scale reminiscent of the caste system where minority (lower castes) were required to assimilate into society. Thus he has his choice in a portion of his individual life. For that. The discrimination that was to be exercised towards the mlecchas 17 was not on the basis of racial characteristics but by whether they observed the cultural rules recommended by the [Hindu] Dharma. As a thinker and protagonist for the cause of Hindu nationalism the goal for Golwalkar through his pursuasive communication of the above was 'to install the territorial boundaries of the nation as inner mental boundaries in the minds of its citizens' (italics mine . 56). a samaja dharma (duty to society). If Golwalkar could make the 14 In a recent publication Elst objects to the way Jaffrelot and others use the term 'racism' in connection with the ideas of Golwalkar and the RSS and believes that it is inappropriate and misleading (2000: 132ff. the legendary name of the first Aryan who unified the 67 . 16 At least below the Brahmins. allegiance to any other external culture is anti-national. a kula dharma (duty to ancestors). 295ft). even after fulfulling all those various duties in social life. what Golwalkar allows for Hinduism he refuses for those of other faiths. allegiance to external Hindu culture is equal to Indian nationalism. If a person accepts the conditions of subordination and assimilation. Golwalkar is more explicit: We must revive once again the parakrama-vad. anybody says that he has studied Quran Sharif or the Bible and that way of worship strikes a sympathetic chord in his heart. they are tolerated. he must be one with the national current. In other words. If. we should make it clear that the non-Hindu who lives here has a rashtra dharma (national responsibility). 17 Golwalkar defined mlecchas as 'those who do not subscribe to the social laws dictated by the Hindu Religion and Culture'. In the context of the discussion Jaffrelot also refers to this 'racism of domination' to Savarkar's ideas. under the Hindu Nation. For the rest. in the typical use of the word 'racism') but rather a 'racism of domination' (1999:38). Paradoxically this is a view contrary to the holistic view that Golwalkar holds of religion and which is discussed in the next chapter. but at a subordinate rank 16 reflecting principles indicative of 'Indian Traditional xenology' (1999:38. That is real assimilation.'an upper-caste racism' (1999:57). all external indications must demonstrate unity (allegiance) or 'oneness' with the Hindu wider community.'Blood Brothers . That is. (1996: 130) In this scenario.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 3 For Jaffrelot. They may hold religious beliefs different to that of the Hindu 18 (Indic) religion but it must remain private or personal. and only in his vyakti dharma (personal faith) he can choose any path which satisfies his spiritual urge. that he can pray better through that path of devotion. 1999:56) 18 Jaffrelot explains that the use of the term 'Hindu' is used less frequently than rashtriya ('national') or Bharatiya ('this was the adjectival form of Bharat. traditional Hindu tolerance is 'limited' tolerance. Golwalkar's fellow religionists primarily supported accommodation with all minority communities.of the Muslim community and its shariats over non-believers (kafirs) and of the Hindu Nation and its cultural traditions and rules over non-Hindus (mlecchas). Maududi opposed all nationalisms claiming Islam was anti-nationalism and pro-[Islamic] Internationalism. accommodation with the British. In this Golwalkar and Maududi were of one mind. Both Maududi and Golwalkar attempted to promote the acceptance of their vie\vpoints (ideas) particularly within their religious communities.Sworn Enemies' majority Hindu population think like he was thinking (a kind of indoctrination) he would be well on his way to achieving his ultimate objectives .Chapter 3 'Blood Brothers . He claimed that one's allegiance ('obedience context') must be to the Hindu Nation who is to be adored as the 'Living God' in a form of 'new age' Hindu religion. studied or experienced the extraordinary events leading up to and surrounding the demolition of the Babri Masjid (mosque) in Ayodhya this was a painfully clear objective and terrifying reality that the RSS and its affiliates achieved (however seemingly temporarily) among the general Hindu populace. that allegiance ('obedience context') must be to Allah and the shariats above all other claimants including the nation as a sovereign entity. For Maududi. He concluded that the worship of the nation as God was the natural consequences of any form of nationalism and that this was blasphemous and idolatrous. CONCLUSION Much of Maududi and Golwalkars' s views on community identification were born out of the context of pre-partition India and the scramble to promote viable alternatives. Golwalkar agreed. All other religiolis/cultural-linguistic/social/familial attachments must be subservient to this end. Both were deeply convinced that their viewpoints should be the accepted viewpoint of their communities and worked toward that goal. Allegiance was demanded by both. to British Rule. In that sense. Golwalkar advocated the primacy of the Hindu community over and against all other communities. that the nation should be worshipped as God. for Maududi~ was transterritorial and transcultural. 68 . competing 'nationalisms'. For theirs was an 'accommodation of domination' . It implies the belief that Hindu culture contains within itself the essence or purity of Indian idePtity. The Muslim community. or a separatist ideology claiming a nation of their own. consistent with his presuppositions regarding the sovereignty of God. It was a global subcontinent and. Maududi' s fellow religionists either advocated accommodation with the general Indian nationalist movement. resulting. (1999:57) 19 For anybody who has read. by extension..the total transformation of society patterned in his definition of Indian Hindu nationalism 19. in this case in a communal 'hatred' and xenophobia against the Muslim community. the term used to designate India in Sanskrit and Hindi texts '). Ideas about religion and the society/state are founded on pre-suppositions. The purpose for these opening chapters is to lay bare some of those presuppositions so that we may be able to more fully appreciate what were their broader consequences. that is. Their divergence is obviously in the specific answers to these questions as outlined above. those 'threatening others'? As we considered Maududi'sand Golwalkar's answers to these questions we are once again faced with the convergence/divergence factors that we came across in the previous chapter. willingly adopted these modern western formulations in an attempt to construct the Hindu Nation and justify its primacy in all things national. bound by the geography of the subcontinent but bigger than present day India. not only in terms of 'us against them' but more especially as 'us over them'. who is not 'we'.Who am I [as a Muslim/Hindu]? . western European concepts and had no place in the formation or identity for the Muslim community. Golwalkar claimed the Hindu Nation was bound by a broad but limited territoriality (from 'hoary ages').Who are we [as a community]? And. This community had clear cultural boundaries. The ideas of Maududi and Golwalkar about how the specifics of this 'intercommunity' relationship is understood in the functioning of the society/state. and how the 'others' should relate to them. This third chapter has focused on the broader questions of identity . common practices and common authority.as well as the individuals place in the process of the transformation of society. These boundaries then became division factors.Chapter 3 •Blood Brothers . Hindu and Muslim neighbours/communities who/which had lived side by side in reasonable peace 'overnight' became enemies. Another difference between the two was that Maududi was set against the ideas of nation and nationalism because he believed they were secular. at least externally . as did Savarkar before him.Hindu cultural boundaries. They were both concerned with the need to define the boundaries that set apart their respective communities from those who were not included. 69 . It was not transcultural though. in India or anywhere else in the world. The first chapter provided the overall context out of which Maududi and Golwalkar lived and developed their ideas.Sworn Enemies' community that was bound together by chords of common faith. is discussed in the fifth chapter of the thesis. The second chapter looked at the question of identity in terms of the individual . They both sought to identify 'allegiance' factors that bound their members to one another and defined how the community should relate to the 'others'. Golwalkar. Sworn Enemies' CHAPTER FOUR THE QUESTION OF SECULARISM . The first was the idea that there is an undercurrent of antagonism to religion (an anti-religious bent) in its thinking seen in the need to separate religion (theistic ideas) from mainstream society. secular civilisation Maududi outlined the growth and development of secularism in Western society. Maududi and Secularism A. Maududi charts this reaction as a result of the injunctions that early Christian scholastics placed on religion as a consequence of the rigid acceptance of Greek 70 . The other spheres of society must function separately from religion and without the interference of religious ideas or elements. is that once religion has been separated from society as a whole it should remain in the individual domain. especially as it related to their respective communities. as far as Maududi and Golwalkar were concerned. Secularism as the dominant philosophy in Western society was intimately related to colonial history as well as to the newly emerging nationalist movements that were springing up all around the world. He saw secularism as a reaction against the Christian church and the role of the church in Western society.Chapter 4 'Blood Brothers . In particular. I. It was therefore a critical idea with which Maududi and Golwalkar had to come to grips as they formulated their own viewpoints in the light of the emergence of an independent India. More importantly. 1 The second. Religion is to be a purely personal and private matter. Critique of Western. the answers to the isspes that secularism raised are crucial in terms of how Maududi and Golwalkar viewed the relationship between religion and society. There were two primary issues raised by secularism. with respect to this thesis. following on from this.HOW DID MAUDUDI AND GOLWALKAR INTERACT WITH THE IDEA OF SECULARISM AND HOW WAS IT REFLECTED IN THEIR IDEAS ON SOCIETY? Maududi and Golwalkar were both confronted with the question of secularism. many of whom lost their faith in the teachings of Islam.. 15). it did not merely mean that one law had been replaced by another.ignoring Allah (God) and life after death' (Maududi.it is the work of the legislature.. The ideas of the enlightenment coupled with modem scientific research became the bedrock of secular thinking that became the predominant philosophy that governed Western society. ultimately leading to the construction of a system (world-view of life and society) that was established on the ideas of atheism and materialism . As we will see.. .. This Godless secular system was then imposed on Indian [Muslim] society. corrupting the morals and ways of living especially among the upper and educated middle classes who embraced these ideas. Developing scientific findings often contradicted the views traditionally held by the church resulting in fierce opposition. The acceptance of their [Secular.. When the Brutish rulers had abrogated all those Shari'ah (Islamic) laws which were in force in the country and implemented their own law instead.totally devoid of the theistic idea. What was worse for Maududi was that many of these same Muslims would on the one hand claim that 'Islam was a complete system of I This was certainly anti-religious as far as Maududi and Golwalkar were concerned.. economics. moving from the sphere of mere learning to include such areas as politics. drank wine and acted in movies. The same occurred in the area of law.· .. It meant a cancellation mark had been scratched across one system of morality and culture and the foundations of another moral and social system had been laid . 1991 :9. Ultimately the church lost out. This was evident in such things as the acceptance of co-education and the fact that women openly danced. 71 .z· 'Blood Brothers .. the 'new civilization was permeated with dei-phobia and a secular non-religious mentality got rooted into its innermost being. In his own words.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 4 philosophy and science. To suggest otherwise is to imply 'anti-religious' thinking. public morality and the social system.They even shook our basic belief that Allah alone has the authority to make laws . At best religion was restricted to the level of personal beliefs and actions of individuals while the secular idea transformed the whole of society in its image. The social and cultural effects were equally destructive. British and European] economic system became the only way for people to live and grow undermining the haram livelihood and slowly blurring the distinction between haram (forbidden) and halal (permissible) from the minds of Muslims. ' (1991: 18) But it was not only in such distinct spheres such as law and economics that Maududi took issue. The consequence of this conflict with the church establishment was to sow seeds of distrust and antagonism towards not only the church but to religion as a whole. religion for both these men necessitated an unbroken link between religion and the rest of society. Laws were imposed that significantly changed the social and cultural system that had been established by Islam. to exercise reason or one's own personal taffaquh (legal deduction) in deciding what the clear commands of God should mean (Adams. the traditional interpreters of Islam. who had totally imbibed the secular philosophy. For the purposes of this thesis I will relegate it to a brief footnote. experience and needs and that the purpose of life is prosperity in the life lived in this world. Communism or Fascism. Nadar Saiedi comments on itjihad that it 'is the rational deduction of new decrees in accordance with the spirit of Islam [i. Far from it. (1966:386).is in no need of guidance from Him.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 4 life' and on the either hand they would prove by their behaviour that Islam was really only a private affair. In this connection Charles Adams lists three concerns: (I) The fact that the basic sources are silent on many matters of concern to the Muslims and must be supplemented by some other principle of authority. that Maududi addressed much of his polemic against hypocrisy and the 'false' or 'partial' Muslims.] 72 2 . It was these Muslims. 1986:72-92. their underlying secular philosophy was the same: They all have one cultural concept in common: there mayor may not be a God.. the exact meaning of which is doubtful and require interpretation. ideologies and actions of the West and then tried to refashion Islam in that image. His diatribe was against the complete unadulterated acceptance of both the results and the underlying presuppositions that came with it and the inability of Muslims. as mentioned in chapter one. As a result itjihad could be applied. indeed put himself forward as a credible candidate. Itjihad was extremely important for developing the five legal schools between the eighth and eleventh centuries.. Maududi. especially the ulama. but man is under no obligation to obey Him. [For a detailed explanation of how itjihad was to function and the kind of person who could exercise it see Maududi. (1991 :27) In saying this Maududi was not negating the progress or innovations that modern science had discovered. After the eleventh century the gates of itjihad were closed' (1986: 180). by appealing to the right to utilise itjihad Maududi conveniently bi-passed the ulama. The Qur 'an and the Sunnah while conveying many truths falls short of describing in detail every situation and problem faced by humankind in all their varied cultural and historical circumstances. be it Capitalism. is not answerable for his deeds before Him: there is no life after this life in which man's worldly deeds will bear fruit.'Blood Brothers . believed that it was time to 'reopen the gates of itjihad' claiming that the present circumstances required the need for personal judgement on matters not specifically covered either in the original sources or by the five legal schools and for which the present ulama were unable to effectively address. and (3) The fact that even the clear commands must be understood in the light of whatever historical circumstances may prevail. according to Maududi. As mentioned earlier. Man is totally independent and has to find his way in light of his own knowledge. along with many modernists. 1966:386). not independent of the shariah} and the precepts of reason. For Maududi it did not really matter which kind of political system came out of Europe. Mutjahid is the Muslim learned scholar who is supposed to be knowledgeable enough to engage in the act of itjihad. Maududi asserted the right.e. It was in this context. and freed him to develop a detailed blue-print for A study of itjihad is worthwhile for understanding how Maududi went about interpreting the Qur 'an and the Sunnah (the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad that have been handed down) to justify his personal discourse on what Islamic society should look like. whom he felt had 'become stuck in the mud' of tradition and their own opinions and deductions. (2) The fact that in addition to the their clear commands the basic sources have a number of others. to use the Islamic tools (itjihadl available to them 'to interpret the principles and laws of Islam in the light of changing situations' (1992:37). B. If one therefore. accepts that God is Creator. Therefore to relegate God to a private domain is nothing short of independence. cultural or political.4 Besides. 1. For Maududi the secular view of life inevitably leads to individual. 1997:93-94. 73 3 . national and racial selfishness and division which he saw Islam transcending. economic. is to accept the overlordship of something other than Allah (1991:69). class. also comments in chapter two of this thesis). Maududi is in some ways closer to the modernists he vehemently opposes than the conservative ulama (1966:394)3. However. God (Allah) is either Creator. then one cannot accept either these divisions or the antireligion/non-religion or irreligiousness inherent in the idea of secularism. he continues. is that 'to mark out certain areas of life as belonging to God and others to Caesar would be to deny divine sovereignty over the whole. rebellion and insanity. Lord and Ruler or He is not. If He is not. then there is no need even of a private connection in which an individual should practise his religious beliefs. Maududi' s Islamic Response The battle for Maududi was an ideological one. God as Creator. arrogance. comments Adams.394-397. states Maududi. there is really no such thing as a private area of society. Man is a social being and lives life in relationship to other people.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 4 Islam in the modem context. Maududi' s point here.conducting ones life in ways other than that prescribed in Islam or imitating the ways of other people (see Maududi.'Blood Brothers . In this respect. The great evil of secularism. be it the family or the greater society. From the Islamic viewpoint the presuppositions that underlay secularism were all wrong. 1966:384-388. then the private is out and religion must influence the totality of life (1991 :50). Lord and Ruler. For Maududi the answer is an unequivocal 'Yes'. Adams points out. if it is yes. Lord and Ruler According to Maududi. is that to accept it. social. 2. As he [Maududi] said at For a further comparison on Maududi's relationship with the conservative ulama and the modernists see Adams. The Sovereignty of God Because God is Sovereign the Qur 'an demands that humankind acknowledge that sovereignty in all areas of life whether it be moral. 4 And is liable to the charge of being guilty of kafr . Therefore the implementation of God's sovereignty in the affairs of humankind must be total. God alone is sovereign and His commandments are the law of Islam. The principle of the Unity of God altogether negates the concept of the legal and political sovereignty of human beings. Hence it is neither for us to decide the aim and purpose of our existence nor to present the limits in our worldly authority.his ultimate objective must be transfonnation of the social order. 3. This right vests only in God who created us.Chapter 4 'Blood Brothers . This was not simply Maududi's opinion. In this system absolute powers of legislation and determination of values and of the nonns of behaviour rest in the hands of the people. It impacts not only the total life of individuals but of society as a whole. therefore. The Status of Man Maududi states that the major mistake which secular philosophies have made in relation to ethics and moral values is that their starting point is fundamentally wrong. but Allah's commandment to be obeyed as Sovereign of the Universe. individually or collectively. Nothing can claim sovereignty be it a human being.. A response of a Muslim must be one of complete obedience and submission to that claim. because God's sovereignty stretches over all of life.Sworn Enemies' one point: "The shari iah is a complete scheme of life and an all-embracing social ordernothing superfluous and nothing lacking. [or a philosophy of life constructed by man such as secularism] or even the human race as a whole. Islam's claim was over all of life. and therefore. the right to make laws falls also in their rightful preview. No person. has the right to claim sovereignty to make decisions or impose laws or structures in society or even to answer the questions of the existence of life.. nor is anyone else entitled to make these decisions for us. Maududi repudiated this. and provided all material provisions for our use. The overarching concern is the clear implication of his notion of divine sovereignty'" (1966:388). or system of philosophy. endowed us with mental and physical faculties. The question is not 'what is the criterion of right and wrong for the purposes of human conduct and what is the 74 . (Maududi quoted in Choueiri. 1997:111) There was no such thing as half-hearted belief and practice for Muslims as far as Maududi was concerned. a class. stating that this is the very antithesis of Islam as it challenges the very core Islamic understanding that God alone is sovereign and is the One who claims not only spiritual but also legal and political authority. or a group of people. In this Maududi also had problems with secular democracy because Western secular democracy has as its foundation the concept of the 'sovereignty of the people'. Because humans are but mere servants and agents of Allah it is incumbent on humanity to seek the permeation of all of life with God-fullness (taqwa . There is no separation of religion and society. Humankind's status can be summed up in two main words. see Ahmad.Allah. 1991 :464). including humankind belong to God and have no rights. Humankind are not the masters. criminal. Fundamentally Maududi was saying that Islam is not only competent to address life issues but it is the final arbiter as to how life should be lived in all its varied and multifaceted aspects. The idea of deen or the Islamic holistic approach to life In Maududi' s six volume commentary on the Qur 'an.God-consciousness. limited in power and authority. on which Maududi< built his movement (the Jamaat-I-Islami) for the total transformation of society was iqamat-i-deen. Religion (Islam) must necessarily transform society in its image and not vice versa. Tajhim al Qur 'an. Ahmad comments. The way of life (al-Deen) in Islam is not a private affair. In doing so he sought to clarify for Muslims what Allah's guidance was in all the fields of life be it constitutional.Sworn Enemies' good for the realization of which man should direct his efforts?'(which comes much later) but rather. The code of conduct is not to be formulated by man. The implications for this are profound. civil. literally 'the establishment of religion. social.italics mine). Neither can al-Deen be limited to a few sets of 75 .Chapter 4 'Blood Brothers . (l996c: 32 . 4. commercial or international law (Ahmad. that of 'abd (God's servant and slave) and khilafat-ul-AUah or khilafatu 'Uah fi'l-arz (Allah's deputy and vicegerent on earth). It is diametrically opposite to the secular ideal. The core concept. he has to take it from God and follow it. he painstakingly 'explicates and interprets' the verses of the Qur 'an that have political and legal implications. 'what is the status and position of man in the universe?' (l996c: 26). The test set by God is not confined to anyone aspect of life or to any particular branch of human activity but extends to all aspects oflife and all spheres ofaction enlarges the full field ofmorality and makes it coextensive with life. It follows that as vicegerents the only moral course open is to fulfil what has been assigned to them. but rather the agents or deputies of God. or the complete subordination of civil society and the state under the divine law as revealed in the Qur 'an and practised by the Prophet. If all of humankind are the slaves of God. then all things. except that of obedience to their master . 1991 :488) not Godlessness. 1989:200). 1991 :487) In other words. This also refutes the views of those who think that deen has nothing to do with culture. However what Maududi did. that once established in Pakistan. nor that there should be no separation of religion and the state. It is a battle between competing holistic world-views that brook no rivals. was to 'offer a set of clear and well-argued definitions of key Islamic concepts within a coherently conceived framework and then to build a systematic theory of Islamic society and the Islamic state on the basis of these concepts' (Ahmad. As one well-known scholar of Islamic fundamentalism has so incisively stated: 'At a latent level what the fundamentalists have grasped is the holistic challenge of nationalism [i. he actively sought to speak to and influence all aspects of Pakistan life. this is ultimately where the conflict is centred between Islam and secularism. adherence to a set of beliefs. Maududi was passionately convinced that the correct Islamic approach to life was a holistic one.Sworn Enemies' beliefs and rituals to be performed or adhered t0 5 • At one point in his commentary. This use of the word categorically refutes the view of those who believe that a prophet's message is principally aimed at ensuring worship of the one true God. For Maududi and his fellow Muslim fundamentalists. What also set Maududi apart from others was his ability to authoritatively and passionately articulate his thinking on Islamism in all its varied aspects.Chapter 4 'Blood Brothers . The idea that Islam encompasses every sphere of society is not original to Maududi. 1991 :487). He wrote. perhaps more than any other Muslim thinker. given Maududi's ideas on the Islamic holistic approach to life. judicial. Maududi translates the word deen as law and then writes.e. A true Muslim is one whq actively seeks to apply these truths to their lives individually and corporately. 1989:215 for more general comments on the Islamic fundamentalist refusal to separate the private/public aspects of society. politics. observance of a few rituals. He was instrumental in pushing forward the idea that the new constitution of Pakistan (following partition) should be an Islamic one and not one based on secular ideas. the elements that make up Islam cannot be separated from one another. (in Ahmad. legal. 76 . with secularism as its philosophical basis] to the holistic claims of Islam' (Lawrence. and other matters pertaining to this world. 5 See also Lawrence. economics. Because it is a system and not merely a sum of the parts. It is not surprising then. the Islami Jamiat-iTalaba (UT). journalists. Golwalkar and Secularism A. accountants. The successful revolt against this theocratic hegemony of the Church led to the growth of 'secular states' versus 'theocratic states'. labour and student organisations. after all these precious sacrifices [the suffering of partition] we fail to achieve the real and ultimate objective of making Islam a practical. and if instead of the Islamic Shari 'ah. Likewise. The most direct reference to 'Western' secularism was in Bunch of Thoughts. seeking to influence those areas from their understanding of what the correct Islamic perspective was. sponsored a large array of 'daughter' organisations that became involved in many different aspects of society. engineers. now. controlling educational institutions and organising public protests. with the Pope as the pinnacle of authority. Of these the student body.a live force to fashion all facets of our life. The Jamaat-i-Islami sponsored trade unions. a secular and Godless constitution was to be introduced. According to Golwalkar ther~ had never been a time in the history of [Hindu] India where such intolerance had taken place. the British Civil and Criminal Procedure Codes had to be enforced. The latter are characterised as a religious state intolerant of all other faiths. A Critique of Western Secularism Golwalkar addressed Western secularism fairly circumspectly. He comments that the notion of 'secularism' developed in the West and that it had no relevance to India. 77 . it is not surprising that once established in Pakistan society.Chapter 4 'Blood Brothers . what was the sense in all this struggle for a separate homeland? We could have them without that (1986:43). He saw secularism as the outcome of conflict between European kings and the Church. 1991 :492). where he addressed the accusation that the concept of Hindu Rashtra was against 'secularism' (1996:1620). and writers who had their own independent memberships not included in the numbers of those considered officially a part of the parent organisation (Ahmad. professional organisations of doctors. was the most important and became a vital source of recruiting students. the lamaat-i-Islami. Indeed.Sworn Enemies' If. our entire struggle and all our sacrifices become futile and meaningless. the organisation that Maududi founded. teachers. if instead of an Islamic. 6 II. social. political and constitutional reality. It mostly took the form of contrast between the traditional Hindu (Indian) approach to religion and culture and the ideas that secularism bred. Originating from the Christian West ('who have . have no place in 'this-worldly' affairs. 1947:29) these ideas promoted the thinking that religion is merely concerned with matters that are 'other-worldly. B. an issue to be solved by each person in his\her own private individual way. so say the sceptics (secularists). according to those who hold this view.'Blood Brothers . without consideration for individual aptitudes or the fact that the teachings therein do not accord with modem [scientific] knowledge' (1947:27.no religion worth its name'. even in India. 'a few opinions dogmatically forced down the throats of one and all.7. At most. competition. Ahmad further contends that 'the IJT has developed into the largest.. and individual enjoyment and hedonism (1999:81). Hansen further points out that Golwalkar asserted that the materialistic (secular) West had failed to provide happiness to people because it unduly stressed [to the exclusion of other concerns] strife.' The natural consequence for this was that religion had no place in the realm of politics and religion could be clearly distinguishable from the prevailing culture. in these Western nations it was culture and not religion that dominated society and was most important. Christianity. for the spiritual benefit of the former. there was an inclination to affirm that religion is an individual issue and has no place in public and political life. Hindu Religion. Religion in these countries has been relegated [by secularism] to a mere matter of form.. 78 6 . As a result. Further. and most successful student movement not only in Pakistan but in the entire Islamic world'. 29). 1991 :492-493. and should. according to Golwalkar had made no major inroads into moulding the minds [world-view?] of the people but was merely an ornament worn for decoration and show. Golwalkar's response was clearly a response of contrast to 'secularism. Religion is therefore. conflict. religion had become nothing more than 'an attempt to establish a relationship between the individual and God. 'a toy luxury to play with'. 7 At least 'secularism' as he saw it and as described in the previous section. Neither was 'secularism' as defined by West. Culture and History versus 'Secular ideals' This next section deals with Golwalkar's response to the ideas and implications that he believed secularism raised. a part of the continuum of Indian Ahmad.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 4 Another significant conunent that Golwalkar made in relation to religion and the West is that culture has been separated from religion in Western Christian countries. They become one. traditions. indeed we are born and we die . it fOTIns the only incentive to all action. not its end. is an all-absorbing entity that pervades and is 'eternally woven' into culture. generation after generation. or to gain some kind of spiritual benefit from it is but a small part of religion.. There cannot be a separation between religion and public life.30) and despite the 'degenerating contact with the debased "civilizations'" of the Muslims and the Europeans the Hindu religion has continued to evolve in its greatness. Religion as the 'life-breath' of society. planting on the Race consciousness its own particular stamp (1947:27). The two are so closely linked as to be indistinguishable: Where religion forms the very life-breath of a people. historical and other conditions and most particularly of religious beliefs and their attendant philosophy).it is plainly a result mainly of that religion and philosophy.Sworn Enemies' history nor was it reflected in traditional Hindu (Indian/national) ideas of society and the relationship that religion was to have with society. engage in arts and crafts. or between religion and political life. where in short.. worldly and spiritual. creating the peculiar Race spirit. It regulates society in all its functions. 79 . Indeed more than that. therefore. it is difficult to distinguish the two factors clearly. where there is such a philosophy) on the Social mind. 1. we are what our great Religion has made us . Culture being the cumulative affect of age-long customs. In his view religion cannot be seen as a purely individual or private matter. Golwalkar continued: With us every action in life. individual. The two cannot be de-linked. where it governs every action of the individual as well as the society as a whole. amass wealth and give it away. social. Each part was intimately linked with the other. or political. We make war or peace.all in accord with religious injunctions. through to the moral to the spiritual plane' (1947:29.. Golwalkar did not view society as separate segments or domains. Naturally. as it were. a part of its body and not distinguished from it (1947:28). or as the 'soul'. religion is also the means by which the whole of society is raised 'from the material. culture is but a bi-product of our all~comprehensive Religion. Religion and Culture Golwalkar emphatically stated that in relation to Hindusthan there is no separation between religion and culture. . which controls the social life and shapes it. is a command of Religion. To establish a relationship with God.Chapter 4 'Blood Brothers . For him the difference between what he means by dharma and the Western idea of religion was diametrically opposite. the living principles that. but rather 'a comprehensive vision of life that should inform and elevate and correlate all fields of society for the fulfilment of human life in all its facets' (1996:72). It is the glue that holds society together. 3.Sworn Enemies' 2. According to Golwalkar it is dharma alone that is able to keep the human mind in check. In Bunch of Thoughts Golwalkar speaks of those who opposed his use of these terms when speaking of the public and political spheres of life. It is not a distinct sphere of national life such as economics and politics. competition. is not a dogma. Chaturvidha Purushartha . unhappiness etc.The Complete Life-concept In this light. confusing it with what he referred to as the Western concept of religion. 80 . when adhered to. Golwalkar claimed that people said this because they had a misunderstanding of what he meant by dharma. For Golwalkar. this is a direct result of the fruit of secularism where people have focused on the economic and political arenas to the negation of the roots of spirituality (dharma) that have underpinned traditional Hindu society. Golwalkar harked back to 'the way things once were' when the complete lifeconcept of chaturvidha purushartha set apart the society of Hindusthan from other societies (even to the point where other countries would bow down in veneration to the [Hindu] nation. and to nurture the human soul to a place where peace and happiness are prevalent.Chapter 4 'Blood Brothers . where the energy of human society is taken up in satisfying physical desires and to raising the standard of life (measured in material terms). He saw this as an unfulfilled never-ending cycle that leads to strife. Religion as Dharma When Golwalkar speaks of religion and culture he utilises the Sanskrit words dharma and sanskriti. He saw religion in the West as a dogmatic idea of religion and the control of the state by the church (1996:72). but rather an understanding of the totality of life. dharma or spirituality as he puts it. maintains society in a harmonious oneness. For him. 'Why do you bring religion into politics?' they questioned. a set of rigid beliefs. Golwalkar saw the goal of secularism in primarily materialistic terms. e.artha (the amassing of wealth) and kama (the satisfaction of physical desires) as well as dharma and moksha (enlightenment. The former concerns the individual. It is clear from this that in Golwalkar's view there was no way that the 'anti-religion'.it gave life meaning and purpose. where a person's mind must learn to develop self-restraint along with certain other qualities 9 . For Golwalkar dharma had a twofold meaning. Dharma is that power which accomplishes the second component. when understood and lived out in all aspects of life leads society to moksha . Firstly. without going into detail.direct communion with God Himself. Similar to his reformist ideas regarding caste (see chapter two) Golwalkar gave new definition to the meaning of Dharma.'Blood Brothers .Sworn Enemies' Chapter 4 or to use Golwalkar's romanticist terminology. Dharma.God Realisation) was the basis on which society was built. or irreligiousness or the bi-passing of religion in society could hold any place in (Hindu) national society. 8 It is worth noting here that Golwalkar clearly has the comparison with Western secular society in mind and the need for Indians (Hindus) to show once again the superiority of the Hindu way of life over and against the Western society.8 He described chaturvidha purushartha as 'the harmonious blending of artha and kama with the higher values of dharma and moksha' which were simultaneously worked out on both the individual and national/societal levels. as being the 'five yamas for the body and the five niyamas for the mind' (1996:45). For him it was not merely that religion was the life-breath of society or that through it every area of society was linked and integrated . In outlining his understanding of the Hindu (national) society Golwalkar obviously felt the freedom and authority to reinterpret traditional concepts and ideas. the end of the cycle ofre-births or as Golwalkar refers to it . which 'made our name shine bright on the horizon of the world' (1996:47). 9Golwalkar comments that these can be identified in the various Hindu scriptures such as the Bhagavad Gila and refers to these. 81 . Something for which Maududi also believed in relation to the Muslim community and its relation to Western culture. The second component relates primarily to the social level where individuals must learn what it is to live in a complementary (harmonious) relationship with one another. i. As people follow dharma the other aspects of artha and kama will follow (1996:44). good social order to hold people together' (1996:44-45). Golwalkar stated that this 'fourfold achievement' made up of material happiness . it meant 'the adjustment of individuals for a harmonious corporate existence. He comments that this idea of chaturvidha purushartha is especially necessary because when people do interact with other countries they tend to end up 'wallowing in physical desires' to a greater level than the people living in those places do themselves (1996:47). it is the 'proper rehabilitation of man's mind' and secondly. He refers to the individual as that which IS 'impermanent' or transient (adhruvam) and the nation or national life as that which is 'permanent' (dhruvam -1996:45. language.shows that the establishment of dharma means the building of an organised social life wherein each individual has realised his oneness with other is society and is imbued with a spirit of sacrifice to make others' material life richer and happier. 'secular' did not mean 'anti-religion' or 'irreligion' but rather 'multi-religious' where 'there is equal respect of all religions' and 10 Full a fuller discussion on the debate with reference to the input of key leaders and the Constituent Assembly see my unpublished paper. 118). once again countering the idea that society.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 4 A combination of these two [components] . continued Golwalkar. Where the impermanent. and develops spiritual strength which leads to realisation of the ultimate Truth (1996:45). th 11 It was later added. be it the individual in society. in the 44 Amendment in 1976. Secularism as understood in the Indian Context When the constitution of India was being formulated in the year or so after partition (19471949) there was a great debate as to whether the word 'secular' should be included in the final written draft or no1. 82 . or the nation. in the secular sense. that.'Blood Brothers . to use a Golwalkar expression. The private and public spheres of life merge here. The permanent. province or [political] party (1996:118). together with the word 'socialist' in the Preamble. comes in the way of or weakens the permanent then it must be given up.. i~ the Indian context. Just as society should be an integrated whole. 4. Nothing should come in the way of maintaining and strengthening that united integration whether it is caste. of the individual with the wider society can also be looked at from another side.. should be divided clearly into the private/public and secular/religious domains. The impermanent comes and goes but the permanent remains. sect. 'In what understanding of pluralism was the Constitution of India written?' (l999b). 'Hindu society whole and integrated'. or politics as a part of society. where each sphere of society is linked to each other through dharma so each individual should be linked into and blended with the whole. The ideal for Golwalkar is where the 'impermanent' individual is transformed (by the personal application of dharma) as a means to attain the permanent ~ the social good or strengthening of the nation (see Chapter 2 for a further description of this building and revitalising of the 'ideal Hindu man'). l0 The final conclusion was that though the word 'secular' was not to be inserted ll it was understood. 'should forever be the single point of devotion' for all Hindus. takes precedence over the individual. This 'blending'. It reveals a basic lack of understanding of the important difference between the 'nation' and the 'state' (see next chapter). 'Nation' refers to the whole. 'tolerance' means different things to different people and Golwalkar is no exception.where all religions are to be treated equally and without government bias or partiality. integrated 'living' entity. statecraft. Golwalkar comments. 'the state was never tagged on to any particular faith.Emotional Integration and Cultural Assimilation Golwalkar's notion of tolerance is a very important aspect of his acceptance of the secular idea in India. All faiths are not merely 'tolerated' in the Hindu tradition but are considered sacred (1996:537). Golwalkar was against equating secularism with nationalism. 5. One of the problems. however.Sworn Enemies' 'toleration' . Apart from this negative aspect. Golwalkar continued. Relegating men of non-Hindu faiths to second-class citizenship or levying of "Jezia" on them was unknown.Chapter 4 'Blood Brothers . Golwalkar concludes. However. as we recall from the discussion in chapter three is defined within the constraints of the five 'unities'. Never did the king prostitute the state apparatus to impose his personal religious dogmas' (Ibid). 'In this country'. Those who fall within these boundaries laid out by Golwalkar are considered part of the 'nation'. those who don't come under a different and clearly lower 83 . the 'allcomprehensive' view of life embedded in the Hindu ruler made him respect and protect those from all religious persuasions. In this respective. 'Nation'. and secularism is merely but one element of one part. For him it was wrong to lift one 'limb' such as 'secularism' to the level of the whole body the 'Nation' (1996:162). if the Indian understanding of secularism is not antireligion or where religion is not divorced from everyday life. and where every religion has the opportunity to grow and where one religion is 'restrained from pouncing upon another' then secularism is one with the spirit of Hindu Rashtra (1996: 163). For him this went far beyond the Western concept of tolerance. The association of secularism with nationhood is key to his understanding of tolerance. 'Hindu Secular Tolerance' . that Golwalkar had with secularism in post-independent India was that rather than being impartial to all religions it had come to mean 'anti-Hindu' in practice where partiality had been exercised by the state in relation to the minority religions as against the Hindu community. So. the Hindu ('our') concept of the 'state' has always been 'secular'. All were absolutely equal in the eyes of the law. Likewise. 1991:567). 1947:56).87. He accepts the truth that there are different paths to God Realisation'. constitute the national culture. One must conform to them in order to belong to the nation.. Freedom of choice is available only at the comprehensively circumscribed level. custom and practice) and to develop a feeling of devotion to the 'motherland'. not only in form. So 'secularism' or 'tolerance' in the context of the 'nation' is when non-Hindus (otherwise referred to as 'minorities') are tolerated or given freedom provided they accept their place in the hierarchical structure of society and where the Hindu tradition remains firmly ensconced on top. The need of the hour for Golwalkar was for non-Hindus to accept a form of secularism that resulted in 'emotional integration and cultural assimilation' (Kohli.. Gold. and rashtra dhanna. 1993:78-87). or 'love of the motherland' encompasses the others.81. 1996:417. Religious freedom and respect for non-Hindu faiths is limited to personal beliefs in the privacy of one's home. Hindu norms. and are indeed 'the bedrock of national integration'. the Hindu Nation. So Golwalkar could speak of the minority communities in the terms 'Hindu Muslims' and 'Hindu Christians' (Kohli. in his earlier polemic We he claims they have no rights to citizenship (see Golwalkar. 1993:83. the national level (rashtra). 2001b: 480. values and traditions should be embraced 12 . Elst. In 1971. individual level is subordinated to the others. non-Hindus are told to treat religion as 'just 0ne portion of the individual's life. In a broader discussion on the various levels of dharma that Golwalkar outlined (1. but also in the functioning of each sphere of society. lineage (kula) and 4. kula dharma embodies the value of fraternity and sarna) dhanna that of common culture (heritage. 1999:224. and the values typifying them. so that the lowest. he said: 'The Hindu is born secular. is that though he states above that non-Hindus were never forced into a place of 'second-class citizenship'. for the rest that individual must be one with the national current' (Kohli. The arrangement is hierarchical. 2. 12 And so Golwalkar could say that he saw no reason why Muslims and Christians should not revere true national heroes such as Rama and Krishna regardless of whether one considers them to be the manifestation of God or not. 3. The first three levels. history. social (samaja). 84 .. Outwardly. 1996: 130-132). Kohli.83.107).. Only in this limited sense are Golwalkar's exhortations that Hindus must be tolerant about religions other than their own to be understood. ideals and aspirations). 1993:80. cpo Golwalkar.'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' Chapter 4 or lesser category. the individual (vyakti)) Madan made the following comments. (Golwalkar. 1993 :81 13 ). Contradicting his own understanding of religion. [the private] . An interesting note here. The expected 'tolerance' on the part of the non-Hindus is to 'forget' Moghul rule and the foreign elements associated with their faiths and 'return' to their roots (as they were of the same race as the Hindu people and whose ancestors were originally Hindu in faith. and pluralism is allowed to operate in the private domain of personal faith and worship. The public arena is homogenized. (Madan. Dr. Golwalkar was responsible more than anyone else for the expansion of the RSS into all domains of society through the establishment of new organisations who would focus on a particular part\sphere of society but who would find their leadership. So. but rather it wants to influence and infiltrate all parts with a goal of strengthening the cause of the Hindu Nation. According to him. over and against all other communities. 'The Sangh. thus Hindu Nationalism. values. Kohli says that: Golwalkar claimed that the RSS was a socio-cultural organisation . though the word politics is missing it does not mean that the RSS cannot be involved in that sphere of society either. also p520). He had no intention of it becoming involved in the political arena of society. Describing itself in cultural terms is equally useful. it was now (post1949) time to expand it more strategically. culture was not confined only to the realm of music. The Holistic Approach of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Reference to the words 'religious' or 'political' are typically and deliberately left out of descriptions the RSS gives of itself. 1974: 15.. into an organised activity' (1996:399.. . for culture.. However. checks and balances. More than anything the RSS does not want to limit itself to one or a few parts of society.. For politics is as much a part of society and the wider culture as any segment.. Though Golwalkar had envisioned the RSS as an organisation for the uplift of the Hindu community in every area of society. we have already noted that for Golwalkar religion or dharma is intrinsically linked with all areas of society. that there is no separation of religion from society. Sahitya Sindu Prakashan: Bangalore.In his view. Hedgewar established the RSS as a socia-cultural organisation for the purpose of organising and revitalising the Hindu community in India. ideology and inspiration from the RSS and who together form what they themselves have called the Sangh Parivar (the family of the Sangh - 13 Compare Golwalkar in Spotlights. not merely anyone part of it.has never entertained the idea of building an organisation as a distinct and separate unit within society. our culture was the manifestation of a collective mind and ethos of the people of Hindustan. 85 . Right from its inception the Sangh has clearly marked out as its goal the moulding of the whole of society. art. norms for progressive steering of society (1993:93). dance etc . imprisomnent and the banning of the RSS in the aftermath of the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi this significantly changed.'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' Chapter 4 6. like religion involves every area of society. Golwalkar continued this approach but following his arrest. it included politics and economics and also other mechanisms. Secondly. Individuals are linked to the rest of society and find their purpose/their salvation when they live out their religion in connection/in relationship to the wider community and society.Sworn Enemies' RSS). 86 . For Maududi it clearly came out of his understanding of the' Sovereignty of Allah' over the whole of life and for Golwalkar the fact that Hindu religion!dharma was the life force. Anything else lays people open to the charge of hypocrisy. the Vidyarthi Parishad among students and the Mazdoor Sangh in the trade union movement now the second largest in India (see for instance Andersen and Damle. They were also both 14 For an extensive study into the origins and development of the lana Sangh see Craig Baxter (1971) lana Sangh. also Appendix 1). The difference was obviously on the basis for which they asserted this position. 1999:61. Maududi and Golwalkar analysed Western secular society and concluded that the fruit of secularism is selfishness. Fundamentally Maududi and Golwalkar were united in their antagonism towards secularism on the dual issues that religion should be separated from public society and the underlying negative stance towards the idea of God and religion. the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) in to the overtly religious realm. Likewise they both opposed the idea that religion could be restricted to the private domain.64.•• . 1993:93. Kohli. 1987: 108-156. 1 ~ Chapter 4 'Blood Brothers . According to Maududi if God was truly Sovereign then He has the right to speak into every area of society and He does so through the Qur 'an and the Sunnah. It certainly provided one of the major challenges ideologically to both Maududi and to Golwalkar. that guided and held the whole of the Hindu Nation together.' . Oxford University: Bombay. Jaffrelot. division and rivalry in the lives of individuals and nations. Golwalkar believed the same thing but took as his basis the values and ideals held in the Hindu tradition.67. Religion for both Maududi and Golwalkar was all-encompassing. What was needed was more 'God-consciousness' not less of it. For both men. or none of it. These included such organisations as the Jana Sangh 14 and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in politics. religion and God (however they understood God to be) were essentially involved with society. the glue. CONCLUSION Secularism has had a profound impact on the nations of the world and none more so that India. Maududi' s vision was to bring all of society under the sovereignty of God . Maududi and Golwalkar took the liberty of interpreting their own scriptures/traditions in the way they felt best responded to the challenge of Western secularism. he went on to define 'Indian secular tolerance' as submission to and assimilation into the Hindu Nation.'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' convinced that their world-views Chapter 4 were the necessary remedies for these individual/national/world problems. Finally. For Golwalkar the answer lay in the developing of inner restraint (character).it required obedience to the ideals and unity of the Hindu Nation. For Maududi that meant that the world must tum to the unity of Islam under God's overlordship. Golwalkar claimed 'tolerance' was always a part of Indian Hindu tradition (especially as it pertained to the running of the state). but which held to their ideological premises and who looked back to them for accountability and inspiration. One element that was unique to Golwalkar was the way he interacted with the idea of 'tolerance' that developed in post-independence India. While Maududi and Golwalkar rej ected the values and premises inherent in the secular worldview they were not averse to utilising modem ideas and advances and to include them or reinterpret them into their present contexts (e. Not all Muslims agreed with Maududi' s views on Islam and not all Hindus would subscribe to Golwalkar' s understa~ding of the Hindu tradition. modem scientific discoveries for Maududi and modem ideas of the 'nation' for Golwalkar). 87 .it required obedience to the dictates of Allah. Both the Jamaat-i-Islami and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh started offshoot organisations that focused on reaching particular segments of society. Because they both had a comprehensive view of religion in relation to society it was natural that the organisations that they led would seek to infiltrate and convert every part of society to their world-view. and the discovery of the unifying Ultimate Reality that pervades all of creation. it comes down to whether they are successful in being able to convince their fellow religionists that their interpretation is the right one and that enough of their fellow religionists live it out in society to effect societal and world change.g. While accepting this idea in principle. Golwalkar's vision was to see the harmonious working of society that would lead to God-realisation . Most significantly. 'Blood Brothers .Sworn Enemies' Chapter 4 The next chapter takes us on from 'secularism' to the 'state'. including the state. how then does religion interface with the state and especially the state's relationship to any minority communities within its boundaries? 88 . If religion cannot be separated from the rest of society. Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers ." Mawdudi consistently defended the principle of Islam's role in political life as both 89 .Sworn Enemies' CHAPTER FIVE RELIGION AND THE STATE . the way society as a whole is governed. Basic Principles for Maududi's Political Theory of Islam (Islam and the State) 1. the power to defend against enemies (perceived or real). Din . The power to influence. The goal for this chapter is to outline what those ideas were for Maududi and Golwalkar. Both religion and the state have to do with the subject of power. means political authority. is a Complete System of Life. Maududi and Golwalkar both sought to provide ideological frameworks for their respective communities to pursue a 'right' understanding of the relationship between these two power-centres. as Religion. and through whom and how authority is to be exercised ~ especially in relationship to decision making and the religious minority communities of this society. the power to maintain order and uniformity. an Islamic State must also be Universal and All-embracing The essence of this chapter has to do with the practical outworking of the ideas of Maududi outlined in the previous chapter.RACTION BETWEEN RELGION AND THE STATE DO MAUDUDI AND GOLWALKAR ENVISAGE? The previous chapters have provided the background and basis for the discussion for this last chapter. between faith and politics: "The chief characteristic of Islam is that it makes no distinction between spiritual and secular life. the answers to the questions of individual and community identity and the response to the challenge of secularism ultimately culminate in the question relating to the relationship between religion and the state.Religion and the State A.WHAT RELATIONSHIP OR INTE. 'state'. In Nasr's words: 'Mawdudi. religion and the state... asserted that Islam recognized no boundaries between the spiritual and the mundane. In the present context.Islam. MAUDUDI . the power to coerce. I. therefore. The personaVsocio-historical-politicaVreligiolis context. Universal and All-embracing. the power to enforce. the power to control. 'Say: 0 my Lord! Let me try by the Gate of Truth and honour.such as salat (prayers). rab (Lord).' (17:80) 90 . Along with din. It is not sufficient to merely assent to this understanding of din it is incumbent on all Muslims to do everything in their power to establish a society based on Islamic beliefs. 1991:487) Din is most easily translated into English as 'religion'. and likewise my exit be by the gate of truth and Honour. Maududi keeps coming back to this holistic and primarily political meaning of the word deen. deen (way of life). Throughout his commentary on the Qur'an. way of life prescribed by) Allah. In uncompromising terms. scourge ye each one of them (with) a hundred stripes. Mumtaz Ahmad comments regarding this term that it is this very concept that makes up the raison d'etre for the Jamaat-I-Islami (the organisation Maududi founded) and provides the doctrinal and theological justification for the political/ideological struggle of the Jamaat in Pakistan (1991 :487). Mumtaz Ahmad outlines the way Maududi came to this conclusion: Through a systematic treatment of such key Islamic terms as Allah.focussing on the main beliefs and practices (five pillars . But 'religion' must be filled with Maududi's understanding of the word and not the more familiar idea that it relates only to what is typically considered as spiritual beliefs or practices.'Blood Brothers . The key Islamic concept that Maududi used to express this holistic idea of Islamic religion is din.. 3 These concepts are presented in the following verses of the Qur'an: "The adulterer and the adulteress. He was unhappy with them because they not only sought to fight for independence from the British with the Indian National Congress (see chapter one) but that they consistently interpreted the Islamic faith in primarily spiritual terms . law and political theory. The key Qur'anic concept that Maududi used to advance the idea of Islam as a complete system and way of life is deen. For Maududi Islam as a religion could not be limited simply to spiritual matters l . 1991 :487. if ye believe in Allah and the Last Day" (24:2). zakat (tithe to poor) of Islam. practices and principles. malik (master). Maududi's interpretation of Islamic religion in strongly political terms is a key difference between himself and the ulama. the traditional Muslim religious lead~rs. lies the necessity for the establishment of an Islamic State. And grant me from Thy presence a ruling authority to add to me. and through a serious exegesis of two key Qur' anic verses 3 Maududi explains the rationale for the Islamic State: [ Which was probably his principal grievance against the ulama. And let not pity for the twain withhold you from obedience to the din of (i. And.e. for Maududi. Herein. (Mumtaz Ahmad.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 5 fundamental and logical' (1996:80). and shahada (to bear witness). 2 Mumtaz Ahmad. Maududi demonstrated the rational and logical interdependence of Islam to morality. More importantly Maududi believed that din could not be translated into practice unless there is a state to enforce it (1986: 164). 'ibada (worship). Maududi utilises another key Qur'anic concept called iqama al-deen (the establishment of deen)2. It means that religion does not merely mean prayers. it also includes the law of the land and the institutions of the State. (1986: 146) Maududi could say this on two accotmts. Adams refers to Maududi' s concept of the Islamic state as 'an all-powerful. despite the all-inclusiveness. The state cannot be restricted in the breadth of its activities. In this kind of state no individual can regard any part of their life as personal or private. If we want to establish the religion of God.Sworn Enemies' Here [in this verse] the criminal law of Islam has been called Din-Allah i. 1966:390) Maududi recognised that this sounded highly autocratic and controlling. or state. eradicate evil. it is vastly different from the totalitarian and authoritarian states. And if instead of God-given laws some other laws are adopted. On the one hand. (1986: 164-165).e. put an end to conuption. because He believed that since this state was ordained by God it must be the best and His commands are always just and benevolent (Adams. set right disruption which has spread throughout social life and administer justice according to Thy revealed law. either grant power to me or grant me the assistance of any ruling authority. the objectives will not be achieved by merely establishing the institutions of Saum (fast) and Salat (prayer). it will not amount to establishment of din." the religion of God. the state would ftmction with selfless power and little internal disorder. it means nothing short of rejection of din . vulgarity and sin. monolithic state. 1966:390). The salient points are as follows: as Islam is universal and all-embracing so the Islamic State must also be universal and all-embracing in nature. so that I may with the force and resources of the coercive power of the State establish virtue. He was convinced that when all necessary factors were present. Considered from this aspect the Islamic State bears a kind of resemblance to the fascist and Communist states. It presents the middle course and embodies the best that the human society has ever evolved. But he saw it differently. But you will find later on that. Individual liberty is not suppressed under it nor is there any trace of dictatorship in it. It must be involved in every sphere of human life.Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers . . According to 91 .. under virtually tmanimous assent and consent by the whole community to the state using whatever means it saw fit to enforce Islamic Law/ideals even into their personal lives. and fasting and Hajj and Zakat. On the other it reveals once again Maududi's propensity to believe and expect a utopian ideal. . then even if the institution of Salat etc. It will only be partial enforcement of it and not a total one.. and threatening. We shall have to establish side by side with them the Divine Law and make the Shari 'ah the law of the land. Not only that but it actively seeks to mould every aspect of that life into the image of Divine Law with its moral norms and programmes of social reform. If the latter is not established. upholding a definite religious ideology and using the full weight of police and judicial power to ensure all aspects of life will reflect the character of its Islamic ideology' (Adams. In a section entitled 'Islamic State is Universal and All-embracing' Maududi outlines the role the state should have in society (1986: 146). is in force. -i/•. , Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers - Sworn Enemies' Maududi, this is not authoritarian because people will joyfully accept, indeed, want, this kind of •state interference'. Maududi even goes so far as to call this the ideal democratic society. In a polity in which there were no grievances and both the government and the citizenry abided by the same infallible and inviolable divine law, there would be no problems with democratic rights and procedures. The question of democracy would not arise .. .If the populace did not feel itself oppressed, it would not dream of democracy. The Islamic State was based on the society envisioned by the din. The ideals of the din would not only cure Muslim society of these maladies that produced cleavages in other societies, it would also distribute resources and power equitably. It would produce a society that would make both government fiats and individual rights unnecessary (Nasr, 1986:85-86).4 Though din is not exclusively 'spiritual or religious' in nature it certainly includes that cOlU1otation and therefore the role of the state must necessarily include the mandate to enforce and ensure the establishment of Islamic beliefs and practices: to uphold and promote those virtues and eradicate those evils and vices 5 enunciated in the Qur 'an and the Sunnah (1986:263). With the Prophet Muhammad as his prime example, Maududi saw this state as an institution whose prime purpose was to set up the rule of God on earth, to implement in entirety the entire Islamic system of life revealed as the Shari 'ah, and to make sure that obedience to it is followed through by all its citizens (Maududi, 1991: 102-103). 2. Power, Politics and Jihad Maududi's thinking evolved over the years. Certainly, in the early establishment of the Jamaat-I-Islami during the late 1930s and the following years Maududi's rhetoric focused on the hmer rejuvenation of Muslim society through individual renewal. However, with the reality of partition and his subsequent involvement in Pakistan political life he became increasingly convinced that in order for the Islamic order he envisioned to become a reality it was imperative that all centres of power would need to be controlled by the appropriate (i.e. ideologically correct, Islamically pious) people. Only political power could guarantee the preservation and implementation of Islamic religious nonns and values. Anything less than the capture of political power would render the idea of a truly Islamic State a mere dream or ideal. Regarding this, Charles Adams (1966:389) comments that Maududi held 'the belief that An interesting corollary to this is that Maududi sincerely believed that once Muslim society was run in this way society would not just run well but all its soc;ial ills (l.e. poverty) and natural problems (e.g. drought etc) would disappear. It is perhaps because of this that Maududi paid little attention to the present and real social needs of the different sections of Pakistan society. For him what needed to be addressed was not their needs but whether they were living out the ideal Islamic life. When they did that their social problems would be realised (see 1. Ahmed, 1991: 114; R. Ahmed, 1994:699; Ahmad, 1991 :509). Needless to say, Maududi and tl-te Jamaat-I-Islami received little public support from the most needy, and the most populous living in TUral areas. 5 These included adultery, drinking, gambling, obscene literature, indecent films, vulgar songs, immoral display of beauty, promiscuous mingling of men and women and co-education. 4 92 'Blood Brothers - Sworn Enemies' Chapter 5 societies are built, structured and controlled from the top down by the conscious manipulation of those in power. Nothing, absolutely nothing, is more important for the realisation of the Islamic ideal on earth than that the right people, holding the right ideas, should occupy the posts of governors in society6., Adams goes on to quote Maududi directly: A man who has devoted any thought to the matter knows that in human affairs the most important thing is, 'who holds the bridle reins?' Human society is like a carriage. Just as the carriage goes wherever the driver wishes, so a human civilization goes wherever the leaders desire. It is obvious that common people must act according to the pattern ordained by those who possess power, who control the means of framing public opinion, who form the systems of individual and social life, who determine the standards of morality etc. if these are in the hands of righteous people, worshippers of God, then it is inevitable that the whole of social life be God~worshipping...None of the purposes of religion can be accomplished so long as control of affairs is in the hands of kafirs [unbelievers]. (in Adams, 1966:389; see also Maududi, 1993b:77) 'Power', Madan writes, 'is at the very centre of Maududi 's concept of true Islamic society, and all varieties of legitimate power are for him expressions of God's sovereignty (hakimiyya) (1997:141). Maududi complained that the problem with the leaders of the Muslim League, including Muhammad Ali Jinnah ('The Father of Pakistan') was that their lives and lifestyles fell far short of the Islamic ideal. Their political goals were likewise, not predicated on the basis that an Islamic State would be established but rather, simply, a geographical area of land - a place where Muslims would be a majority without fear of political domination by non-Muslims (see Maududi, 1986:43). The capture of political power from 'morally corrupt' individuals (Muslims) or even from non-Muslims, or from the dominance of un-Islamic systems (i.e. secularismf, in order to establish a true Islamic order/society was an obligatory requirement for all true Muslims (Maududi, 1986:165; Choueiri, 1997:143). Maududi described this as requiring 'effort', or more typically of it being a 'struggle'. The Islamic idea associated with this is jihad (struggle in the cause of God)8. It is also through jihad that the State and its citizens will establish din in the Islamic State. This is not to say that Maududi based his ideas on a rational argument alone. He also certainly harkened back to the example of the Prophet Muhammad in Medina, Adams, 1966:389; see also Maududi, 1991 :102-103). 7 Nasr, 1996:83. 8 For a fuller discussion on the meaning ofjihad by Maududi see Maududi, 1997: Chapters 28 and 29, 93 6 'Blood Brothers - Sworn Enemies' Chapter 5 This was precisely the direction that Maududi and the Jama'at-I-Islami took in relation to Pakistan. 'The political struggle of the Jamaat', Mumtaz Ahmed concludes, 'has been based on the assumption that Islamic change in society will occur only when political power is transferred into the hands of a party of God-conscious, Islamic activists, who by taking over the state, will establish the necessary conditions for reforming society' (191 :485). Needless to say, Maududi believed that he and the Jama'at were the appropriate ones to do this. It is quite clear from all of the above and from Maududi's writings themselves that the Islamic State for him was an ideological state, founded on ideological principles and laws, to be led by men who have completely imbibed these Islamic ideological ideas (i.e. from the Divine Lawthe Shari 'ah) and who seek to put this ideology into practice in their daily lives and also in every part of their lives! This ideology of din crosses all ethnic, linguistic and racial boundaries and is incumbent on all those who claim to be Muslims. At the same time it also clearly demarcates those who do not belong to this ideological community. They may not hold any leadership role in this state but they may remain (as we will soon note) as non-Muslim citizens with rights, but without public influence or poy/er. B.. Foundation Principles for the Islamic State - Tawheed, Rasala and Khilafat 9 1. Tawheed (The Unity of God) With Maududi it is impossible to begin any discussion on any subject without first touching on the Sovereignty of God. It is the ultimate bottom-line and foundation for all he has to say. Although some of his thoughts on this subject were already outlined in chapter two, pages 3233, and touched on in the following chapters, it is important to review this topic. According to Maududi Tawhid is the first principle of Islamic political theory (1986:135). This means that the One God (Allah) alone is Sovereign Creator of the universe and of all that is in it. As Sovereign, God alone is invested with the right to command or forbid. He 'alone can claim worship and obedience and He does not share that with anyone, in any form. Therefore humankind is not in a position to dictate what the purpose or aim of life or society should be, Elsewhere Maududi mentions three other principles that incorporate these three the third of which adds the statement, 'The government which runs such a state will be entitled to obedience in its capacity as the political agency set up to enforce the laws of God.' Maududi, 1986: 146. 94 9 Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers - Sworn Enemies' or can prescribe what the limits of human authority are. Neither has anyone the right to make these decisions apart from God alone. This principle of the Unity and Sovereignty of God altogether dismisses the idea that human beings have the right to legal or political sovereignty. No individual, family, class or race can set themselves in a place above God. He alone is Ruler and His commandments are the law of Islam, indeed are the laws intended for the whole of humankind. Therefore, the appropriate response of human beings, individually and collectively, to Tawheed is one of complete and utter obedience to God and His laws, 'surrendering all rights of overlordship, legislation and exercising authority over others' (1986: 137). 2. Rasala (Prophethood) Rasala or prophethood, is the medium by which God has made the law of God known. According to Maududi there are two things that we have received this way. Firstly, the Qur'an, 'the book in which God has expounded His law'; and secondly, the Sunnah, which is 'the authoritative interpretation and exemplification of the Book of God by the Prophet Muhammad, through word and deed, in his capacity as the representative of God' (l993b:8). For Maududi, the broad principles on which the whole of human life should be based have been clearly given in the Qur' an. Muhammad, as the Prophet of God, was able to establish a model for this system of life we are to live, by 'practically implementing the law and providing necessary details where required' (1993b: 8). The combination of these two sources is called the Shari 'ah. 10 This is not a minor issue. Maududi clearly stated that the nature of any legal system [in a state] essential depends on the source or sources from which it is derived (1986:45). The One Sovereign God has given His Law through these sources alone. It follows therefore that no law for society should be established without having its basis solidly in the Shari 'ah. 3. Khilafat (Caliphate or Representation) 10 Basically the Shari 'ah provides the framework for constructing human affairs. It is divided into two main categories: Ma 'rufat (virtues) and Munkarat (vices). The latter is further divided into three further categories: The 95 Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' According to Islam, Maududi goes on, the correct place of humanity is that of the representative of God on earth, His vicegerent. In other words, because of the powers or authority delegated to humanity by God, humankind has been mandated to exercise that Godgiven authority within limits given by God. Utilising the illustration of the person who has the responsibility to oversee an estate Maududi likens this role of humanity to an administrator who is responsible to put in to place God's directives for human life and society (1993b: 8). The state that is established in accordance with this political theory will in fact be a caliphate under the sovereignty of God and will have to fulfil the purpose and will of God by working on God's earth within the limits prescribed in accordance with His directions and injunctions (1993b: 9). All those who are ready to fulfill the conditions of representation and the principles of tawheed and rasala (that is, Muslims ~ those who have surrendered to Allah) I I are khilafa. This position or responsibility is not limited to special individuals or to those who are from a particular family, ethnic, national or linguistic background. It is bestowed on the entire Muslim community. Thus, according to Maududi, the Islamic state is built upon the sovereignty of God who acts as the Law-Giver and is the de jure head of the socio-political order. Humanity as God's vicegerents would look after the world as a kind of 'care-taker state' (Nasr, 1996:89). The Islamic state that Maududi extrapolates, based on the above, is not one that is somehow evolving, it is already perfect and complete and humanity's job is simply to implement and maintain it. Things such as politics, elections and legislation play merely a secondary role in this state (ibid). The realm or state in which these three principles of tawheed, rasala and khilafa is described by Maududi as the 'Kingdom of God or theo-democracy'. 12 As Singh comments, this is 'universal in scope because one God is sovereign over all. .. [and because] the scope for Islamic polity is universal, there is space for expansion [geographically] through Mandatory (Fard and Wajib), the Recommendatory (Matlub) and the Permissible (Mubah). For a more detailed explanation of the Shari 'ah see Maududi, 1986:40-70, 72-92. 11 In another place Maududi defines those who qualify for khilafa or vicegerency as those 'who accept and admit God's absolute sovereignty over themselves and adopt the divine code, conveyed through the prophet as the law above a111aws ... ' (Quoted in Singh, 2000: 12). Singh also comments that this belief in humankind's vicegerency is rooted in the Qur'anic and Hadith accounts of Adam's creation: see for instance Surah 2:3035; 7: 11; 15:26-33 (Ibid, also footnote #8). 12 Maududi outlines the differences between theo-democracy (TD) and secular democracy (SC) in 1993b: 101. TD ~ Sovereignty rests on one God; in SC ~ People are Sovereign 2. TD - All believers are vicegerents of God; SC - People are sovereign 3. TD - All vicegerents obey the divine laws revealed through the prophet; SC - People make their own laws 4. TD - The chosen fulfill the wishes of the sovereign God on behalf of all; Government fulfils the wishes of the people. See also Singh, 200:13. 96 c. Once in office the amir was to emulate the role of the prophet in Medina and the first four caliphs. The Shura or Legislature 14 - As: a kind of parliament the shura's primary function would be as an advisory role to the executive. although they would have some role in setting forth Another prefers to call it 'modem-day theocracy' rather than thea-democracy! (I. The Nature and Functions of the Islamic State To discuss this thoroughly would require a separate thesis and others have already done so 13.The titular head of the Islamic State. The Amir or Caliph . 3. However. 1966:390). They are God's agents establishing knowledge of One God and securing obedience to His laws' (2000: 12). Maududi was convinced that it held a complete blueprint for the constitution of an Islamic State and the running of individual lives within it. Ahmed. the amir was to be elected by the citizens of the state. After the initial years of the formation of the State any dissent in the polity based on divine law could only be viewed as apostasy (Nasr. because to have them would be to suggest that there was more than one correct Islamic position. or the example of the first four caliphs' (1966:390). In Maududi's earlier thinking there would also not be any political parties. In other words the two roles of prophet (religious leader) and king (political leader) would merge together in the one role. 97 . 'of the organization and functioning of the state derives from directives of the Qur'an. Nevertheless some brief comments are appropriate.The first requirement of the Islamic State is the full implementation of the Divine Law .the Shari 'ah. it was religious law (guided by the amir and the shura) not the will of the people that was to decide what the truth was. The length of time and breadth of his power would only be limited by his faithfulness to the ideology of the state (Adams. These people could not either nominate themselves for the post or engage in electioneering. the traditions of the prophet. The Shari lah . 'Each aspect'. Adams comments. 1996:91) though in theory every Muslim would have the right to their own VIews. 1991: 11 0) 13 For example Ishtiaq Ahmed's The Concept ofthe Islamic State in Pakistan.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 5 the vicegerents. 1. 2.The Leader of the Islamic State .'Blood Brothers . 98 14 15 . 1991:100). How could the Jamaat then enforce an Islamic State when this inner transformation had not yet taken place? (Nasr. Maududi's answer to this problem was to recognise both at work. The Role of Non-Muslims or Zimmis (dhimmis) Maududi outlined in quite some detail the position and rights of non-Muslims in an Islamic State (Maududi.Sworn Enemies' legislation based on the practice of ijtihad (Nasr. the religious sciences as well as in modem subj ects (a reference to his antagonism towards the ulama).242-245 (Qualifications for rulers). 1993b).15 4.. 16 Maududi. a just Islamic order should be created' (I. Even though all Muslim citizens would be eligible for these leadership roles as co ~vicegerents. Choueiri. In other words there could not be an external enforcement of Islam until there had been internal (in the hearts and minds of individual Muslims and society) renewal and reformation to Islam. Muslim. 1996:95. 1996:95). D. See Nasr. social and cultural reforms based on Islamic values should be introduced. Capturing political power was essential even now. 1986:101. As already outlined above the foundation for the Islamic State is the Islamic religion revealed through the Divine sources and established on the Sovereignty of God. 1986:Chapter 9 and Maududi. This issue particularly outlines Maududi's problem. in actual fact these were still elitist positions to be available to those who met specific criteria ~ i. As stated earlier he was the one who unabashedly stated that there could not be an Islamic State without and Islamic revolution. Maududi.Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers . Maududi. It is an ideological state. The Qada or Judiciary 16~ Maududi saw the judiciary as the body responsible for administering the principles of Islamic justice set out in the Shari 'ah.. Therefore all positions of power and influence in society must be in the hands of pious Muslims alone. Ahmed. well versed in Arabic. pious men. 1986:224-234. 1996:95). 1986:221-223. but the full implementation of society under Islam was a gradual process that would take place over various stages. Thus before the law of amputation of a hand for theft is put into practice. 11997:115. Maududi was concerned however that before the Shari 'ah could be enforced in full 'necessary economic.e. belief and practice . Human Rights in Islam and 'Rights of non-Muslims in an Islamic State'.within the context of their own religious community.e. 1996:99 18 For a more complete discussion on human rights in Islam see Maududi. 'It is coequal with membership in a social order that seeks fulfillment through the state. all those nonMuslims who have affirmed to remain loyal and obedient to the Islamic State wherein they propose to live. Non-Muslims fall into a secondary citizenship with qualified rights. Chapter 9 jn Maududi.e.male Muslims.' (1991:103-104). See also Singh.. Criminal and civil laws for the state would be the same for both Muslims and non-Muslims while issues relating to personal matters within the non-Muslims communities would be based on their own beliefs/personal religious laws.17 It is possible for them to live in peace and stability within the boundaries of an Islamic State and could expect rights 18 albeit with certain restrictions.i. giving non-Muslims 17 Maududi further qualifies non-Muslims into three different types: 1. 2. regardless of the country they were born in' (1986:247). They may even propagate their faith. of freedom of opinion. of personal freedom. 19 Maududi explained that there was room for a separate electorate where non-Muslims could be elected to the modern idea of a Parliament or a Legislature. property and honour. 'People of the Book' . and certainly not be allowed to be the head of state or a member of the shura.. Maududi and the Jamaat also insisted on the establishment of separate electorates 19. 1986:278ff.. They have the rights to protection of life. 2000: 19-20 where the author outlines a brief description of the sources from which Muslim authorities have decided the position and rights of non-Muslims . Nasr comments that Maududi had four main groups .The Conquered and 3. Their sphere of influence however' would be limited to matters relating to the general problems of the country or to the interests of the minorities concerned and their participation would pot damage the fundamental requirements of Islam' (1986:295-296). is tantamount to treachery. making such a traitor a potential ally of the enemy. This applies both to the one who was born into the Muslim community as well as to the one who had originally converted from another faith. However.Christians and Jews) and non-Muslims (for those who did not fit into the other three).Sworn Enemies' Chapter 5 Only Muslims should hold the rights of full citizenship in society. 99 . Maududi. Ishtiaq Ahmed further states. where the former takes a much more rigid. Maududi's position was closer to the more tolerant (comparatively?) Charter ofUmar. female Muslims. Residents. they may not hold positions of real power and influence in society.'Blood Brothers . Muslim men were divided into sub-categories . Contractees. anti-pluralist stand. with Muslim men enjoying full citizenship and women only having partial rights. Belief is not a matter of personal faith. in relation to the issue of conversion. zimmis ('protected subjects" specifically followers of those religions recognized by Islam i. He defines this group as Zimmis: ' . A change of faith therefore.followers of din and nominal Muslims. but only among nonMuslims. Only the first two categories were accepted as citizens. the 'Charter ofUmar' and the 'Constitution of Mecca' .. 1986. He also distinguished between those who were Hanafi Sunnis from those who followed other law schools and the Shi'as. that Maududi believed in punishment by death for any Muslim who converts to another faith though the one who influenced the apostate is not to be punished. 'In practice he often shown willingness to compromise with ideas and positions that are more or less contrary to his ideal theories. There is a very definite sense of 'us' and 'them' and the system of separate electorates emphasises and maintains (protects) this policy. For a comparison with the policy of separate electorates with British India see Adams. Maududi viewed it positively as a means to keep the Islamic community pure and unadulterated. It is often used in an antagonistic sense where oppression or violence is committed between communities or from one community against another. Maududi also comments. there does not seem any reason for the Christian minorities to feel threatened. does not explain what would happen if the citizenry refused to accept the state's position and actions. The reality of history is that since the direct involvement of Maududi and the Jamaat-I-Islami in the political life of Pakistan there has been a difference between theory and practice. In concluding this section on Maududi I do want to remind my readers that the topic of this thesis is primarily concerned with the ideas of Maududi. 'This as long as they remain aloof from politics and do not carry their freedom beyond the delimitation of their religious institutions. utopian way Maududi was convinced that there will be hannony in society and little disorder. ' . He however.' Though he does qualify this by saying. 1966:392. 1966:393). 20 100 .22 While it established din in every part of society it also upheld hrnnan rights and honoured the individual. that is.Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers . 1996:92).a policy. He also stated that those administering the State were not to force their will on the citizens of the state.' (italics mine .. 20 It also helped to t 21 crystallize Maududi's deliberate anti-pluralistic policy of communalism • In an ideal situation Islam was to remain clearly separated from other communities (see Chapter 3). because the purpose and desire of the individual will be the same as that of the community.2000: 12).. For Maududi. the execution and enforcement of the Divine Law. See also Singh who after evaluating Maududi's thoughts on the issue feels that ' . while at the same time ensuring that non-Muslims will not be able to influence the Islamic State and its Islamic ideology based on the Shari ah..Sworn Enemies' restricted political rights. 21 Communalism . (Adams. the Jama'at's approval of the 1956 Constitution of Pakistan provided for a genuine parliamentary government. those holding executive positions the same as the individual citizen.the establishment of an ideological Islamic State is the greatest guarantee for nonMuslims in Pakistan' (1986:153). action or way of thinking that promotes and reinforces the separation and segregation of different communities usually based on religious and cultural criteria. The basic right after all was the right to demand an Islamic order and to live in it and not the right to differ with the ruling authorities (Nasr. Adams points out that.. personal and family matters.' For example. the Islamic State as he envisioned it had the best of everything. In a highly romanticised. if an Islamic State chose to adopt Maududi's version of Islamism. 'religion' without nation and culture.Religion and the State As we consider Golwalkar's views on the relationship between religion and the state we must remember that in his writings and discourses he uses the words 'nation'. This. 'Nation' refers to a cultural unit while 'state' refers to a political one.the state' (1947:1). GOLWALKAR . 101 . One cannot talk of 'nation' without religion and culture. 'culture' and 'religion' quite interchangeably. for him. The duty of the citizen was to obey the state (i. to remain loyal and to work for its welfare. and therefore the distinction is important. Golwalkar stands for the rejuvenation of the Nation not 'for that hap-hazard bundle of political rights .Sworn Enemies' Shari 'ah and of din in all spheres of society. KoWi comments that Hindu Rashtra (the Hindu 22 For other comments on Maududi's willingness to compromise when faced with political realities see Nasr. that is. The Nation versus The State: Rashtra versus Raj In the preface to his initial treatise We or our Nationhood Defined (1947: 1-4). is particularly important in light of the comments he makes in We about minority communities. obeying the Islamic faith). He believed that the two are clearly distinguishable and that although he would like to write further on the topic of the 'Hindu State' or 'as people now call it the "Indian State'" he would have to reserve that for another discussion. 'culture' without nation or religion. It was in this light that he said it is vital to define the question of identity: 'who are we?' which we considered in Chapter Three. The Islamic State was also democratic because in Maududi' s mind it captured all the virtues that were meant by the term. Golwalkar stated that in all that follows he wants to make it quite clear that his discussion revolves around the term 'nation' and not 'state' though they may be related. The focus on simply a political state and not the nation would serve only to further the destruction of [Hindu] culture. the society in which the highest moral values and the most cherished political ideal were blended together (ibid). II. These comments were apparently not to reflect any political status they would have in a 'state' but were to reflect their inclusion or otherwise in the body of the [Hindu] 'Nation'. The Sanskrit word Dharma is the all-embracing term that links them all together though each may have their own separate peculiar elements.e. A.Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers . and shudra (feet)] to the mouth. also Elst. economic life another.514. thighs. With each part of society representing one element. is a Hindu religious ('cultural'.102. Ahmad. and so on. 1991:485. Rashtra and Raj (or rajya) are similar though different terms. Golwalkar directly and indirectly refers many times to the concept of society (rashtra/nation) functioning as an organic whole23 (indicative of Golwalkar's biology science background). Hindu Rashtra as an Organic Whole Though alluded to in the previous chapter it is worthwhile touching on the holistic nature of the Hindu Rashtra especially as we define where the political or state sphere fits into the whole and how it relates with religion.156.-? Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' Nation) has actually little to do with religion or a theocratic state but rather it has to do with a 'geo-cultural' concept of nationhood (1993 :34).' In the Indianffiindu context if finds its genesis in the Rig Veda. 1994:619. the revivalists employed it to emphasize and to suggest the necessity of a single political system. R.629. while Rashtra ('a state having a Hindu character') is the more general and holistic term referring to society in all its different spheres. 'Indian') term that is intrinsically related to and encompasses the term 'nation'.who says that Hindu revivalists attempted to use this organicist model to create a new egalitarian Hinduism in order integrate the Untouchables (shudra) into Hindu society. 'national'.59 . at least in regards to the comment that it had little to do with religion. See Golwalkar. Here I have to disagree. Unless Kohli defines more specifically what is meant by religion. political or state life another.530. kshatriya (anns). Referring to Golwalkar's Bunch of Thoughts Jaffrelot further comments that the idea is that 'individuals will 23 102 . M. 2001b: 661. Dharma. bound together by dharma. Andersen and Damle. 'the oldest Hindu sacred text [which] pictures human society as evolving from the Supreme Person (Perusha) and compares the four social divisions [brahmin (mouth). Golwalkar (and later RSS spokesmen) use the term Raj (lit.'. 24 Andersen and Damle write that the organic concept of society 'was a particularly persuasive argument for the purposes of social unity and nationalism. The two Sanskrit words used to define nation and state. organ or limb 24 . 25-26. B. The function of the state (Raj) is merely one element of society/the nation (Rashtra) and not necessarily the most important (Embree. 1987:82-83). social life another. 1999:21. and feet of the Supreme person' (1987:72).528. there is no doubt that religion has everything to do with the Hindu Nation even if it is not the main element of it. 'rulership of the Hindus') to primarily mean the law and order functions of the state. with a view to dissuading them from converting to another religion. See also Jaffrelot.113. 1994:695-696. Ahmed. Choueiri. I have already established that it is all interconnected.45. in some ways distinct yet at the same time codependent and integrated with another. 1996:xi. vaishya (thighs).118.1997. Overt religious practices and beliefs are one element. arms. What holds 1996:95. embrace these ideas. the caste or varna system] will lose its meaning. Jaffrelot comments: Golwalkar's ideology can be regarded as virtually totalitarian precisely because he concentrates so much on the relationship between the individual and the nation. the national [Hindu] community.. comments Hansen. this confonnity is to dharma. of Golwalkar's ideas. and politics will impact religion in some way . . it will attain the state of divinity. The idea is that as individuals merge themselves into the Nation 'like limbs and organs of man having a single instinct and a single guiding motivation and all of them fused together [they] can work as one corporate personality [and] when that personality works on the lines of affection and love and not of hatred or antagonism. 'The strength of Hinduism'.' He believes that. If those holding political power in the state. yet real cultural/religious overarching 'Single Reality'. the external cultural forms and internal values and traditions that Golwalkar believes have historically bound the Hindu community together.the understanding that the tiniest thing. He also used it to describe the relationship individuals in the Nation were to have with the whole. a relationship in which a unifonn system of socialisation prepares men and women to participate only in the one collective entity. how will it affect the way they relate eventually merge into a homogenous nation. or being as an integral part of a larger whole' (1999:81). the hierarchical model remained. 1996:528). that invisible. in actuality. As stated earlier.but where both are following the dharmic way. There is both a sense of attaining moksha or oneness with the Divine Reality as a community. in which social differences [i. Religion therefore will impact politics. 103 .. organism. In this sense there is a totalitarian element involved. Though apparently without coercion.In this sense the Sangh (RSS) seeks to invade and "dominate" every sphere of national life' (1999:61) This has implications not only in relation to an attempt at providing an egalitarian platform to embrace all sections of the varna or caste social order but also in relation to non-Hindu minority groups who see themselves as distinct from the majority Hindu community.. 'and the spiritual correction offered by the Hindu mode of thought lies in holistic thinking . individuals are expected to voluntarily give up a sense of individuality in order to strengthen the whole.Sworn Enemies' it all together is dharma. as well as the sense of each individual conforming to the collective unity of the Nation.Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers .e. an avatar. 'innate oneness' (1996:26) or code of life. ' (Golwalkar. This organicist model employed by Golwalkar was not intended simply to describe the relationship between different spheres of society. He saw this as a way of enslaving individuals and robbing them of personal initiative: 'It is well-known that power tends to make its wielder oppressive and tyrannical. Nevertheless.As it was. It was primarily a 'law and order' institution whose responsibility was to protect the nation from foreign invasion and internal strife. He never did get to write that book mentioned in the preface to We. he himself maintained a particular disdain for things political in nature. they ordained that government power was only a means and was not to become an end in itself. This is specifically in reference to the 'Welfare State' mentality that was in vogue in India at the time of his writing. which was the higher law.Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers . was not to be a weapon for the state to wield authority. thereby rendering themselves incapable of securing the peaceful progress and welfare of the people' (1996:74). although the RSS became increasingly involved in the political arena. The functions of the state were fairly limited. according to Golwalkar (1996:74). The state would only be able tp do good as long as it remained the faithful upholders of dharma. It was decided that in order to 'avoid slavery and bloody revolution and provide enduring peace and freedom in society' political power was to be kept separate from 104 . c. Golwalkar did not write or provide any kind of blueprint for the running of a state that lay within the Hindu Nation. In order to guarantee that this would not happen the ancient Hindu lawgivers. Violence and coercion. strive to suppress their potential opponents through violence. As we will see. He believed that the state is not to concentrate all power within itself and should not secure control in all spheres of individual life. This was to be achieved in two ways: 1. Men in authority. therefore.Sworn Enemies' to minority/non-Hindu communities who do not want to 'fuse themselves' into the Hindu Nation? This question is addressed below. therefore. A common refrain for Golwalkar was that the state in modem times has taken on too much power and influence and that it is dabbling in areas that it should not. Further. The Function of the State . so it should be Unlike Maududi. decided it best to impose checks on those exercising power. scattered among his writings he does comment briefly on some of the issues' involving the state usually taking the opportunity to hark back to the 'hoary' history of the Hindu community (Nation) for appropriate keys for running the state. e. political and economic) history tells us that the outcome is loss of social stability. It is also a secular state and all those who are now non-Hindus have also equal rights to live here. Assyria. He was against the federal system that existed in India as it was 25Elsewhere Golwalkar writes of these seers in history: 'They represented the dharmasatta.the sages and seers 25 living in hermitages'. not to mention tyrannical and oppressive rule (e. Kings would come and go but the dharmasatta continued to hold the people and the Hindu Nation together. The king was only an ardent follower of that higher moral authority' (1996:69). These holders of the 'scepter of spiritual [and moral] authority' were supposed to be on the alert to any injustice or wrongdoing perpetrated by these two powers acting as 'constitutional seers' who interpreted dharma (Andersen and Damle. one society. one country. The lives of these seers was supposed to be characterised by their 'statesmanship. Together they offered unprecedented control but separating them in this fashion kept them independent. 105 . dedicated life. Wanted . 1987:83). Golwalkar analysed world history and as a result believed that the destruction and extinction of ancient civilizations (e. Gennany and China -1996:75). and mutually corrective (1996:76). Greece and Egypt) was because of the overdependence of society on the State to steer and maintain society (1996: 67-69). one culture' stance it is not surprising that he also advocated that India needed to be governed through a 'single state of the unitary type' (1996: 197). When the vast majority of people are Hindus. Likewise where one group or individual exercises total power (i. 1993:50).A Unitary State Consistent with Golwalkar's 'one nation.g. character.~: 'Blood Brothers . sharp intellect. the state is demographically Hindu. Our present state is in a way a Hindu state. Both powers were to be placed under the guidance and control of the dharmic authority in the fonn of 'selfless and disinterested persons . Rome. The state does not exclude anyone who lives here from occupying any position or honour in the state' (in Kohli.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 5 economic power.1993:39). D. Russia. compassion and concern for society' (Kohli. progress and prosperity.g. As to whether India should be a Hindu State Golwalkar merely replied: 'The word Hindu State is unnecessarily misinterpreted as a theocratic one which would wipe out all sects. 2. . More than this. The vivisection of the 'motherland' during partition was bad enough. Politics and Political Power Any discussion about the state inevitably leads to issues concerning politics and political power. linguistic or other types of pride being given scope for playing havoc with our integrated harmony' (1996:218-228). negating the truth. Golwalkar's remedy 'was to sweep away the existence of all "autonomous" or semi-autonomous "states" within the one state. viz. One Executive" with no trace of fragmentation. ' (ibid). E. superficial and transitory 106 . and proclaim "One Country.. One State. sectarian. which was virtually anathema to Golwalkar who saw India as a homogenous nationhood. to lead some states towards claims for the right to secession from the political entity that India had become. One Legislature. This was consistent with the view that Golwalkar advocated that there was one homogenous Hindu culture. The federal system recognised separate states mostly on the basis of linguistic and cultural grounds. according to Golwalkar. and threatened. it also promoted a loss of national self-consciousness and cohesion. as he saw it. creating a kind of amnesia of self-forgetfulness that undermined the Hindu Nation. The interesting thing about Golwalkar's views on the Unitary State is that it leans towards a centralised administrative power structure. The conflicts that various states were then having with one another further confirmed this view to him. for Golwalkar. Bharat. Consistent with his focus on cultural" identity and dharma Golwalkar considered politics and the things that went with it as something that was temporary. Recognition of a prolification of regional cultures could seriously undermine this view. of a single nationhood. The federal system according to Golwalkar sowed the seeds for fragmentation and separatism in India. Apparently this was something to which he was also opposed.. regional. It certainly was an essential part of Golwalkar's discourse on the relationship between religion and the state.'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' Chapter 5 divisive and encouraged separatist feelings. So strongly did he feel about it that Golwalkar commented: 'It must be remedied and the Constitution amended and cleansed. In other words politics is only a means to strengthen dharma (which included culture and religion) and the Hindu Nation (rashtra). thus degenerating the whole process' (in Kohli. making workers deviate from their goals. tied together by blood and history. How does Golwalkar view political power? Can political power be an instrument of furthering and maintaining dharma. and when it fails to do so. Golwalkar would have none of it.. those in governmental authority) come and go but society. 1993:64). eternal. He did not believe that political power was essential to spread dharmic ideology. Political power can also serve the Hindu Nation if it 107 .. but relYing simply on their faith and zeal that the world bowed at their feet (1996:72). Political power corrupts and makes the wielder oppressive. Political power does not solve the problem. As mentioned earlier. it should be removed.e. immortal. In his view the present powerlessness of Christianity to mould life in its image in Christian countries is a direct result of falling prey to political power. insincerity. 'Power'. the cause for the strengthening and establishment of the Hindu Nation? Golwalkar had a great mistrust of political power and the role of the state. ulterior motives. Political parties and kings (i. Deception. partisan approach . permanent (dhuruvam) (1996: 118). political. In fact. Golwalkar went on.Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers . The same was true of Islam. citing the example of Christ and his early disciples. It is an important discrimination for Golwalkar. When their successors gained political power corruption and degradation took place. governmental power is only a means to an end. His stand was that if the transient (politics) came in the way of the permanent (society) then the political must be given up. duplicity. of Hindutva. 'brings a lot of vices along with it. It is only good as long as it remains a faithful upholder of dharma and where it remains under the guidance and control of the dharmic authority. remains one and whole.Sworn Enemies' (adhivuram). Questions do arise however. shallowness in thinking. Golwalkar claimed that it was actually when they had no political power. This can be seen in nations such as Russia and Germany [under Hitler] where the intoxication of power has led to the slavery and dehumanising of the population the government is supposed to serve (1996:73). Though some would point to the rise and spread of Islam and Christianity throughout the world through the wielding of political and military power. In due course of time. 1993:49)26. The innate oneness of the inanimate and the animate creations will be felt by all. for the instrument of the State. the different' Yugas' 'Satyuga'.HinduslMinorities and the State 26 See also Andersen and Damle. As time passed by. all were equal. One assumes that somehow the entire world has imbibed the way of dharma in belief and practice. All four components of Dharma pervaded the society. The future society would be a stateless society. 1993 :48) The way. Erosion of Dharma is the root cause of all the miseries and disorder in society. Political authority is powerless to play an effective role in rejuvenating society.. the situation aggravated into what today is termed 'Kaliyuga'. 1993:50). therefore. G. ' Tretayuga' .Sworn Enemies' allows mass organisations in the country which are focused on rejuvenating society from within to remain separate from political authority and if the men who serve in it do so with zeal and dedication (Kohli. to deal with the present problems in society and to see the rejuvenation of society is by inculcating dharma in all the people. Dharma will flourish with all its glory again. and therefore no need for social controls. 1996:223). He held to the belief that there were four' Yugas'..an 'external appliance' that can be used or abused (Madan. for political power. Therefore politics has only a 'limited. people would not acquire wealth through wrong means and their lives would not be guided by materialistic goals. Where dharma is practiced by all there will be no disorder. property belonged to all and people used to live happily in harmony. 1987:83. Dharma did not allow men to fight with one another. There would not be envy. Non. where political power would fade away and society would be governed by sanskriti and dharma (Kohli. its cultural values and social solidarity and cannot substantially further ideology. Our ancestors . the need of some governance and state power was felt by the people.put forth a future model named' Krityuga'. (Kohli. 'Devayuga' and (Kaliyuga' represent the different situations of societal development: In 'Satyuga'. instrumental character' in Golwalkar's thinking . The Ideal Hindu Nation/Society (Rashtra) Kohli explains the ideas Golwalkar has regarding the origin and development of the state and state power. whether this idealised society is also functioning in relation to other societies who do not uphold dharma and whether political power would be needed to defend the Nation. To him. 108 . or the transformation of the minds of people into the Hindutva world view. F. So. It is not clear however.Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers . This 'Krityuga' will be ushered in by the perseverance and endeavour of the people abiding by Dharma. selfishness in human nature slowly raised its head. Elst attempts to address Golwalkar's famous words. and sometimes pagans as well. in certain circumstances. One would do well to take note of Koenrad Elst's recent attempts to bring a different 'positive' side to Golwalkar's comments. is the part of the quote where Golwalkar claimed that the minority people must 'not claim even citizen's rights'. Elst writes that the comments have nothing to do with genocide and ethnic cleansing as non-Hindus 'may stay in the country'. Elst goes on. although they may not claim any privileges. In view of his earlier comments that India would do well to learn from Nazi Germany's experience in their initial treatment of the Jews. is a 'State' not 'Nation' idea. In context. in this case. Golwalkar passionately made his case that non-Hindus. he goes on. Yet. But. without the expectation of favour. There should be no special provisions made just because one is from a minority religious community. However. In his preface Golwalkar takes pains to state that his comments must only be interpreted in the context of his views regarding the concept of 'Nation' and not that of the 'State'. He further comments that ardent secularists should agree with this. especially Clrristians and Muslims as members of a foreign religion. Given the strength of his comments one finds it difficult to make a clear distinction between the two. All people should be treated the same in a secular state regardless of religious faith. The disputable part of Golwalkar's 'fascist' comments. Golwalkar fails to explain further how he sees this being enforced by the state. Elst points out that in later years Golwalkar and the RSS withdrew We or our Nationhood Defined from circulation and it has not been published since. Firstly. for instance. it would simply mean that Muslims would get the sa:c1e status in Golwalkar's India as Clrristians and Jews.Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers . one is hard pressed not to consider the possibility that the [Hindu] state. may use their powers to enforce the will of the state on its minorities. must either return to their Hindu roots and be assimilated into the Hindu Nation or find themselves outside the nation 'at the sweet will of the national race'. preferential treatment or even citizens rights. as they would under the Zimma 109 . According to Elst this was done in recognition that We or our Nationhood Defined was an immature publication and that its focus was an attempt to cast the Hindu Nation in the mould of Western nationalism (2001a: 129). Citizens rights. there does not seem to be a clear repudiation of the underlYing ideas.Sworn Enemies' Any discussion on the relationship between nonHindus/minorities and the State invariably returns to the remarks that Golwalkar made concerning the non-Hindu minorities in his book We (see Chapter 3). Nevertheless. 2001 a: 133). But his point is taken. However.Hindu law. that religion was all-encompassing and there should be no dichotomy between the sacred and the secular.. Its emphasis is on the oneness of the nation and the need to organise Hindu society into a strong. 110 .'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' Chapter 5 (charter of toleration)27 situation in an Islamic State. But it served another purpose as well. amongst other things it has helped to give birth to organisations political and religious such as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). This may seem strange but for Maududi this was logical.. Not that the new India should adopt Islamic law but that the new Constitution should be framed on the basis of the laws of Manu . and indeed the RSS. The RSS. 1996: 100). in his books. It was consistent with his anti-secular views. especially Islamic ideology.. the RSS clearly is involved in politics and religion. For him it was better for Muslims to live in a Hindu religious state than in no religious state at all. have continued to maintain down the years that the RSS is a non-political socio-cultural organisation whose aim is to revitalise Hindu society (see for instance. It would also help to preserve the communal boundaries between Hindus and Muslims which was an important issue for Maududi and his ideology H. but not participation in political decision-making (author'S italics . The expression "not even citizens rights" strictly means that he would give Muslims the same status which residents with a foreign passport have protection under the law. At worst one could interpret the controversial paragraph in Guruji's book as amounting to a proposal for reciprocity with the treatment which non-Muslims get in the status under the mildest (Hanifite) system of Islamic law. Elst takes some time to explain the different Islamic schools of interpretation and comments that a fundamental element in the whole status conferred is that non-Muslims are excluded from the political decision making process. that if Golwalkar was to continue to hold to this view it would only be a similar situation to the way non-Muslims are treated in those countries seeking to establish a Muslim State.. Promoting the one ensured the legitimacy of the other' (Nasr. 'Advocating a society based on zimmi (non-Muslim)Muslim dichotomy was the flip-side of the imposition of Hindu Manu laws on Muslims. vibrant nation. 27 See my comments on this under Maududi's section in this chapter. They may stay in their own country (conquered by the Muslims) but may not claim any privileges or even citizens rights (2001a:132). Elst clearly has a bias against Muslims. 1996:517). Elst continues: . Though this may sound surprising this was actually what Maududi advocated for India after partition. while it may not publicly acknowledge any overtly political or religious goals. Religion and Politics Golwalkar. including political ones. whom they themselves refer to as the 'Sangh Parivar' (literally 'family of the Sangh' ~ RSS). The question remains: To whom then will they be accountable? As a final word it is well worth quoting T. not just political. to: Sri Ram against Ravana. In the organicist model the RSS see themselves as the body that works towards the organising and rejuvenating of the Hindu Nation. was a recognition that it was vital for the RSS to get more directly involved. the RSS and the relationship between Hindu culture [and religion] and politics: This is clear in some comments made in Bunch of Thoughts where he likens these sages and seers. The inference is that Golwalkar and the RSS see themselves as ones who stand in the same roles. They were to be the 'head of the household'. 29 See Goyal. In much the same way that the seers of old were supposed to act as the 'moral authority' to check political and economic powers in society the RSS see themselves taking the same role both for their own 'family' as well as for society as whole 28 . establishing dharma. In the context of the political/state arena Golwalkar writes that they are 'keeping themselves aloof from the tentacles of political power [while] at the same time alert and powerful enough to check the erring powers that be' (1996:73.N. Surdas against Muslim domination. Tulsidas. to use Gold's expression (1991: 571). Vivekananda. after the ban on the RSS was lifted in 1949. Yet a significant difference was that the RSS itself would not be overtly represented as their own body in any area. Chaitanya. 28 III . as the defenders of the Hindu nation. The large number of affiliated organizations. 1993:550).e. As a kind of 'institutional guru'. 2000: 166. see also Kohli. Sri Shankaracharya against Buddhist age. Dayananda Ramana and Yogi Aurobindo. the RSS seeks to input. He sees the same spiritual authority in the [then] present national renaissance. at the apex of the decision-making process (Andersen and Damle. They are above all institutions in society. 1987:95-96. and bringing harmony and oneness once again back to the Nation. Madan who made these summary statements about Golwalkar. This meant also that it was important to have a politically friendly government having witnessed first-hand what an unfriendly state power could do to them (i. 144) of this family of organisations. the revivalists. there was a clear shift in strategic involvement in all areas of society. influence and to hold accountable those wielding political power (the state) in the nation of India in order to best achieve their ultimate objectives for establishing Hindu Rashtra in all its glory. against the foreign British yoke: Sri Ramakrishna. the arrest of Golwalkar and subsequent ban on the RSS).Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' Certainly. or as a Raj Guru 29 . 'the religious infonned the political and the political sustained the religious' (1996: 83). The above discussion of Golwalkar's views should suffice to bring out the fact that. disavowals notwithstanding the ultimate objective of the RSS is political domination through cultural homogenization (1996:223. As Embree concluded.Sworn Enemies' The above [Golwalkar's famous comments in We] is an unambiguous statement about power. As Nasr so clearly pointed out regarding Maududi's ideas. the partition of India for Maududi and 112 . the professed non-involvement of the RSS in politics can be seen for what its. namely a strategy.. If we recognize the pre-eminence of Hindu culture. Both. however. These two terms.Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers ... Both sincerely believed in their ideology ..to outsiders it [the RSS] appears as the quintessential example of the involvement of religion in politics' (1994:619). CONCLUSION This chapter began with the simple statement: Din and Dharma. but which also holds true for Golwalkar. In view of this.. Both the religious and the political were simply parts or limbs of the same system of life which was held together . Hindu monopoly over power is ensured ideologicalIy. both compromised to various degrees when faced with political realities. couched in cultural and political tenns.. There was no dichotomy between religion and politics. religious beliefs and philosophy (with reference to Hindu scriptures). post-We] the responsibility that went with it made him more circumspect in his pronouncements. provided the framework for their respective ideologies. and by dharma according to Golwalkar. [since Golwalkar's assumption of the leadership of the RSS. 225) Once Hindu cultural supremacy is established. the relation between culture and politics is obviously an internal (hierarchical) one. and dharma for Golwalkar.. din for Maududi. ' .by din according to Maududi. and established organisations that would help propagate and realise that ideology in their respective societies. Both terms implied that Islam on the one hand and Hindu culture/religion on the other represented an all encompassing way of life. it is natural that political power will be used to maintain and protect that position. took the liberty and responsibility to interpret these in the light of their own understanding and the changing historical/cultural/social/political circumstances they faced in their generation. Though both believed that it was essential to first see a transformation in the character and lives of individuals before society and the political arena could be changed. The contrast of course was that Maududi filled din with meaning based on 'clearly revealed' Divine sources and the understanding of the Sovereignty of God (Allah) whereas Golwalkar filled dharma with meaning based on traditional Hindu culture. but the essence of his politico-cultural position remained unchanged.the belief system or world-views that they set forth. Both Maududi and Golwalkar were against the use of force and violence or coercion to fulfill state responsibilities. with the right ideas. 113 30 . As for the running of the state both Maududi and Golwalkar had concerns about the abuse of authority and sought to bring in checks and accountability. even if this appeared contrary to their original strategy. Apparently the amir was to remain accountable to the shura.'Blood Brothers .30 Rather than taking the driver's seat. BJS/BJP and the VHP) which would represent them and their ideology/vision in politics and direct religious advocacy. Maududi saw this in the qualifications of those who would take the positions as the amir and in the shura. Golwalkar looked to the seers and sages. They helped to birth affiliated organisations (for example. religious holy men who were supposed to be disinterested and above political and economic corruptibility to provide accountability for the powers that be. Golwalkar and the RSS on the other hand took a different route. so to speak. they were happy to be the navigator directing the other groups and assuming a directive though unofficial. For Maududi. the state was inherent in the formation of din so the ideal meant joyful obedience to authority and righteous rulership. though in reality their ultimate goal was the same as the Jamaat. Maududi believed that the political arena was an intrinsic part of Islamic society. idealised visions for society that stated that if everyone in society would only live according to the ideals set out in din and dharma there in fact would be no disorder in society and harmony would reign. sadhus etc of Hinduism and mobilize them to support issues that support the cause of Hindutva. They were both convinced that if they were able to put 'the right people. Golwalkar saw this as a 'stateless society'.Sworn Enemies' Chapter 5 his arrest and the subsequent banning of the RSS in 1947-49 for Golwalkar. and was only valid to the degree that it upheld dharma. sages. in the right positions of power' then the state could and would work for the establishment of din and dharma. decision-making role. men who were elected because of both their piety as well as their understanding and interpretative ability of the shari 'ah. for example the destruction of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya and the plan to rebuild the temple in its place. But for Golwalkar the political was transient. yet both were unclear as to what would happen if there was opposition. Maududi and the Jamaat believed that it was right to jump right into political life as an organisation seeking to directly 'capture' power in order to see Islamisation take place fully. Both were strongly against The VHP seeks to unite the seers. the Law of God. In fact both held utopian. They both agreed that conversion is primarily a change in loyalty to the community and would be viewed as a dangerous threat to society (treachery) and the ideology that underlies it. For Golwalkar. Maududi believed wholeheartedly that the state should be actively involved in enforcing religious injunctions in society. 114 . It was both part of society. however. For Maududi. . The Hindu Nation. took that place for Golwalkar. If Hindu supremacy were guaranteed.. Golwalkar shied away from this believing that autonomous socio/cultural organisations would better serve this purpose. would it mean that all would have to follow Hindu Law? The objective for the state according to Maududi. Another difference was that Maududi worked towards a state in which there were different laws and a different status for Muslims and non-Muslims. according to Maududi was the de jure head of the state and society. culturally. and in the strengthening and defending of that Nation (politically. adherence to the ideology would naturally follow. What is not clear. is whose laws would be the unifonn law and under what basis would they be decided. Both would initiate steps to address this.Sworn Enemies' "i conversion from their religious community to another. the Sovereignty of God and the Shari lah were the foundations for society and the state. was the complete implementation of the Will of God expressed through the Law of God. whose end was merely one element amongst many both in the expression of dharma in the Hindu Nation. In a real sense the Islamic State was both the means and the end for the establishment of Islam in society. When the Hindu Nation was supreme.. economically and socially) against internal and external threats. free from the corrupting influence of political power. For Golwalkar it was the Hindu Nation and the living out of dharmic values. He was a strident communalist. . religiously. the state was simply a means. God (Allah). . the shari 'ah.. Through state guidance and individual renewal the Sovereignty of God would be revealed in society.·. ~. and yet encompassing the whole of society as the expression of din. Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers .f.. Golwalkar on the other hand believed in a single law system irrespective of religious background. although perhaps political expediency required Maududi to describe the 'how of enforcement' in more circumspect tenns. Maududi' s painting would be filled with fine. its dealings. falls short of any detailed undertaking as to what it would actually look like. while acknowledging the rightful place for the State to uphold dharma in society. If the relationship between religion and the State were like a painting. its functions. He leaves the details for others to fill in.Sworn Enemies' Perhaps the biggest difference between the two was that Maududi produced a detailed blueprint of the Islamic State. Golwalkar.Chapter 5 'Blood Brothers . its laws. 115 . detailed parts whereas Golwalkar's painting would be full of broad sTNeeping strokes. the building blocks. Golwalkar. Golwalkar believed the need was for the strengthening of the Hindu community and it's identity through a renewal of Hindu ways and ideals . 116 . Maududi' s answer was the need for the political and religious renewal of Muslim society with the end goal being the introduction of an Islamic State. A brief summary of the results of the comparisons made in these chapters now follows.The end goal for Golwalkar was the creation of a robust nation dominated by Hindu culture over against all foreign intrusions. the way in which Maududi and Golwalkar answered several important questions was considered. likewise. Maududi and Golwalkar. This of course.Conclusion 'Blood Brothers . then the questions raised by the ideas of nation and nationalism. In Chapter 1. are we (the community)?.Sworn Enemies' FINAL CONCLUSION At the outset of the thesis it was proposed that before directly considering the topic 'religion and the state' it was important to look first at the related ideas. and by secularism. Who. the context for both Maududi and Golwalkar centred around the events of the first half of the twentieth century and in particular the events leading up to and after the partition of British India into India and Pakistan in 1947. These included questions of identity . historical. Maududi was placed in a long history of Muslim revivalists in India who. then they will be used as a basis to make some general conclusions for the thesis as a whole. were faced with the challenge of upholding religious orthodoxy while maintaining political authority and control over a majority non-Muslim populace. political and religious contexts. After reflecting on their personal. for the nearly thousand years that Muslims dominated the political life of India. Maududi was faced with the same challenge of upholding religious orthodoxy but in the context of nOllMuslim British rule and the potential for change to majority Hindu governance. included the issues raised by British Rule and colonialism. was placed in a history of Hindu reformers/revivalists who had to respond to the changing 'confrontational and accommodationalist' policies exerted by the Muslims over the non-Muslim population during Muslim Rule and of the 'divide and rule' policies of the British.Who am I (the individual)? and. that were essential to the thinking of the proposed protagonists. Maududi and Golwalkar both fought to communicate to their respective communities a means of identification in order to combat alternative and competing 'nationalisms' to British Rule. Maududi's vision for the Muslim community was trans-territorial (global) and trans-cultural.these represented the ummah or dar ul-Islam. was the leading cause of these maladies and the cure lay through education and instruction and a return to God (Allah/Bharat Mata )-consciousness. The embracing of Hindu ideals. Golwalkar.s defmition of the Hindu Nation was limited territorially (bound by the Himalayas in the north and the sea in the south. Both advocated the primacy of Muslim and Hindu communities (that is. The foundation for societal transformation was both a renewal of God-consciousness and an undivided commitment and allegiance (loyalty) to Allah and the Law of God. but included more than what is known today as India) it was clearly bound by one. these included geography. external question of community identity. their own) over all other communities in an 'accommodation of domination'. These ideas helped to demarcate boundaries as to 117 . Both believed that their respective societies had fallen from lofty and dominant positions once held in India.its culture and ideals according to Golwalkar. according to Maududi. For Maududi this meant that Muslims should return to the sources of the Islamic faith. Golwalkar looked to identify the roots of the Hindu Nation as essential ingredients in defining a Hindu. the Qur 'an and the Sunnah. They sought to define and promote an idealised concept of what a 'true' Muslim or Hindu was. the understanding of Hindu oneness and the worship of the Nation as God would lead to both individual and community salvation . In Chapter 3 we looked at the broader. tradition and language). The Muslim Nation did not refer to a particular piece of land or a particular culture but to all Muslims around the world who hold to and practice the faith of Islam . blood and culture (Hindu religion.that is God-realisation. Each held that all else must be subordinated to these t\vo things. claimed Maududi and Golwalkar. and the Hindu Nation . the Qur 'an and the Sunnah. and to absolute obedience and submission to the Sovereignty of God in every area of their lives. and that for this transfonnation to be lasting it must begin with individual renewal (the internal question). Golwalkar claimed it was because Hindus had forgotten the inherent oneness that had always existed and held Hindu society together.'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' Conclusion In Chapter 2 we saw that both Maududi and Golwalkar believed that their respective societies needed transformation. Ignorance. 'homogenous' Hindu culture. Maududi claimed it was because Muslims had failed to know and obey the Will of God revealed through the great sources of Islam. 118 . In Chapter 4 we considered the issues that secularism brought for Maududi and Golwalkar. in all its varied 1 Something that Maududi also did in his definition of the term 'democracy' in association with his envisioned Islamic State described in Chapter 5. both claimed that what was needed was not less of God but more of God-consciousness in all areas of society. Chapter 5 summarises the ideas of Golwalkar and Maududi which have been the focus of this thesis. Weakness or threat was defined by the degree. Islam and Hinduism respectively. or rather lack . strife and division and that the solution to these problems (whether it be the individual.Sworn Enemies' who was included and excluded in the Muslim and Hindu communities. community or world) lay in either the implementation of din . Hindu or 'true' tolerance meant that all other communities would be tolerated as long as they were not seen to weaken or threaten the Hindu Nation. guided and established society. In it I considered how the elements of the ideological systems of Maududi and Golwalkar find their logical conclusions in their theory of the political order. For both men secularism raised two main issues: a negative view of God and religion. Maududi and Golwalkar both defined religion. and the separation of religion from society. according to Maududi. In view of tms both Maududi and Golwalkar encouraged the establishment of 'sister' affiliate organisations that would penetrate and influence specific sections of society. As stated above. Religion was not limited to the personal realm but also had clear societal ramifications. of assimilation and embracement of Hindu culture and ideals. More than an 'us against them' mentality it was an 'us over them' boundary definition to show what place other communities would have in relation to their own community. Both were convinced that secularism only brought selfishness.of bringing all of society under the Sovereignty of God. as a way of life (din and dharma) that pervaded. including the State. from the public to the private domain alone.Conclusion 'Blood Brothers . A unique issue for Golwalkar was his definition of Hindu tolerance (an important element of secular society as Golwalkar saw it)! as submission to and assimilation into the Hindu Nation. Where such a point was reached Hindu tolerance would become intolerance and steps should be taken to arrest the situation in favour of the Hindu community. or the implementation of dharma (Hindu ideals and traditions) in all parts of society as Golwalkar believed. ) and politics were limbs of the same body or system of life. to threat and. ceremonies. the Islamic State was supposed to represent a kind of 'heaven on earth'. accountable to dharma and Hindu oneness. and therefore society. according to Maududi. The Islamic State or governing political authority was both the means to. to deterioration. as expressed through dharma. The political was subordinated to Hindu culture. Heaven. Maududi believed that upright. or ideal society. The rights of non-Muslims were limited to the practice of their own faith within their own community and where it did not contravene or threaten Islamic society. He held that to give this to anyone else was to open the Islamic State. rites. pious and knowledgeable men could fulfill both functions without the need for separation. in time. was described by Maududi as a place where the Law of God was perfectly enforced and obeyed by the State and its citizens. Golwalkar's view. Non-Muslims could not be counted on or trusted to defend and implement Islamic Law (be it the Shari lah or din). Regarding members of other religious communities (non-Muslirn/non-Hindu) Maududi was very explicit about this relationship and unashamedly outlined a blueprint for society that had Muslims as the main citizens of the state and all non-Muslims as secondary members with limited rights and privileges. holding the State.ideology of Islam) were allowed to hold significant positions of influence and decision-making in society. men of high moral character and spiritual enlightenment (detachment). Rather than the State wielding both religious and political authority. as Maududi wanted. beliefs . as indeed other parts of society. would both interpret and implement God's Law for and in society. 119 . 'Religion informed politics and politics sustained religion' .Sworn Enemies' aspects. saw the State as simply one part of the whole. It was not the end.Conclusion 'Blood Brothers .the two were fundamentally intertwined. Fundamentally. It was only Muslims who could be counted on to be loyal. both to the state and to the ideology it stood for. from internal and external threat (that which could threaten or weaken the Nation). Its role was to uphold and protect the Hindu Nation. and the end of an ideal Islamic society. Golwalkar saw a separation with religious seers and sages. Institutional religion (overt religious practices. Only Muslims (who had correct faith and knowledge . while holding to the above understanding of the way religion and politics related to one another. These men. Maududi' s view of the relationship of religion with the State was very overt or explicit.about the nature of God etc. and especially in relation to the monotheistic. from their religious faith to another. in his famous statement in We. but only if they are committed to upholding Hindu dharma. then it is possible to consider where his ideas might lead.Sworn Enemies' Conclusion Golwalkar never specifically outlined how he saw non-Hindus functioning in his ideal society. allowing for a 'Muslim or Christian-Hindu'. If we remember that Golwalkar. In an apparent paradox2 . and the implications they hold for their religious faith. strengthening the Hindu Nation and imbibing Hindu oneness. Nothing is more detrimental to breaking harmony and solidarity and causing weakness in society (the Muslim and Hindu Nations) than conversion. They may hold decision-making positions in society and the State. and that this would be enforced and upheld by the state governing body. I have touched on. though it may sound good to Golwalkar there are some serious implications. who sought to paint a picture of the ideal society. anathema or blasphemous. to be considered full citizens. 2 The paradox is that Golwalkar. and they would be disqualified from holding positions of influence. allows for a kind of semi-compromise by. 120 . Maududi and Golwalkar would make conversion. Not the least of these is that many if not most Muslims and Christians would find that their core doctrinal beliefs would hold such tenninology. Certainly. persons. Non-Hindus. then their loyalty would be questioned. -'. Golwalkar went on to claim that unless Muslims and Christians change to 'Hindu-Muslims'. while speaking against things foreign. this topic. illegal (indeed. was a man of vision. In the whole issue of religion and the state. Nevertheless the ideas he elucidated implied the direction that it could take. missionary religions of Islam and Christianity. Externally they must participate. it would be an important element to be added for further discussion. Maududi actually advocated the death penalty as punishment).. would be limited to personal beliefs (that is. in the home only). Given the boundaries of this thesis.. unlike Maududi's view.i. Certainly. in the minimum. like Maududi. would need to virtually deny any commitment to religious traditions. Nevertheless. or places that did not originate from the soil or blood of India. as pointed out earlier. Religious freedom. Of all issues concerning non-Muslims/non-Hindus the issue of conversion was perhaps the most emotive for both men. Golwalkar made it clear that non-Hindus only have a full and equal place in the Hindu Nation as long as they assimilate and uphold Hindu values and traditions. 'Hindu-Christians' etc.- 'Blood Brothers . laud and look Hindu. but not delved deeply into. This may well be explained as political expediency in order to sound more acceptable. in the case of non-Hindus. was consolidated political/state power which would effectively see those ideas become finnly established in society. 121 . although it cannot succeed without them. Inevitably that leads to a discussion about power . ideas. and some of the issues resulting from the relationship. of religion and the State. However. he compromised and a diluted his ideas to conform to the ~present reality'. who. Two more factors are equally important if those ideas are to have any long-term impact in society. and speak to future implications that need to be considered. The first is a comment from Elaine Pagels 3 : 'For ideas alone do not make a religion powerful. On entering the newly formed nation of Pakistan Maududi saw in it the hope of a truly Islamic State. the need for organizational structures. in the context of religion.Conclusion 'Blood Brothers . 3 This was written in the context of the early spread of Christianity. This was an issue that was uppermost in Maududi's mind concerning the large mass of Muslims. The acquisition of power was the missing piece of Maududi' s puzzle needed to complete his vision. have not been able to implement their vision for Pakistan. became a religious reformist/revivalist and ended up a political activist. The context is more comparable with Maududi as Pagels was pursuing an argument about the way the State and religious establishment used their combined power to stamp out what they considered to be heretical (heterodoxical) beliefs and practices. Both developed their ideas and helped to establish organizational structures to carry forward those ideas (the Jamaat-I-Islami and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh -and the extended Sangh Parivar family of related organizations). This statement would certainly hold true for Maududi and Golwalkar.Sworn Enemies' This thesis now concludes by considering three statements and their implications for present day India and Pakistan. These three sets of statements highlight some of the crucial issues that fonned the basis for the thesis.' (Pagels. That is.to defend and promote those ideas and to unite society around them. though essential are not enough.who holds it and how it is used? Pagels was stating that. and has been missing up to now. and therefore. and power . in this case merging. while claiming to be Muslims. they address key ideas that arise out of it. perhaps. While being influential.state power . beginning as pamphleteer. 1979: 141) This thesis focused on the relationship between religion and the state. still held to beliefs and traditions that had more to do with their Hindu past than with orthodox Islam. Maududi. What was missing. in pursuing the political option. equally important are social and political structures that identify and unite people into a common affiliation. Maududi and the Jamaat-I-Islami have never been able to 'capture' political power in their own right. which I have described in the thesis. Some of those I have listed in the introduction. yet their ideas live on in the hearts and minds of others. The ideas that Maududi and Golwalkar put forward have had their consequences in Pakistan and India.. Kolkata) on this very issue. Minister for Human Resource Development. 2/1/02. as I write this conclusion. there is an article in The Times OfIndia newspaper (p 4. This he is doing. [the attempts by the BIP and the Sangh Parivar to rewrite history 4 122 . the BJP is the dominant party in the ruling government and holds most of the major portfolios. Indeed.Conclusion 'Blood Brothers . While. says scholar'. the Constitution of India would likely be changed or amended to facilitate this process.. their second attempt through the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been far more successful. The attainment of political power without the aid of ideologically opposed political parties will give the RSS/BJP/Sangh Parivar the opportunity to implement an agenda that is even now. the Jamaat-I-Islami and the RSS have had those who have left their For instance the attempt by Murali Manohar Joshi.Sworn Enemies' Golwalkar and the RSS (Sangh Parivar) have been through a similar situation in India although they have been more successful politically and ideologically speaking. But temporary compromise does not necessarily mean a change in long-term goals.'Ideas have consequences'. A well known non-RSS scholar.BJS). today. My point however. for instance. My concern is for the future. but they also have consequences. The reasons for this are beyond the scope of this thesis. Though their initial foray into politics did not go well (Bharatiya Jana Sangh . For instance. Not only do ideas come from a context.suggest that history books need not be written by historians any longer and that anyone with 'basic knowledge' of history and 'writing skills' suited for children.. many of those ideas are the same. Both men are dead. albeit in small bites. 4 Almost certainly.. to 'saffronise' (the term given to the RSS's agenda to impose/promote a pro-Hindu ideas in society) the education system in India. Realising this they deliberately and strategically withdrew several of their key personal (Hindutva) election planks in order to gamer a consensus coalition to fonn the central government. there is always the potential for others to take these ideas further and develop them in their own unique way (Osama Bin Laden is perhaps an example of this). is quoted as saying: 'The future of India's children and the nation's history is indeed in danger when self declared academic gurus carrying a saffron banners and chanting shoklas . Presently. can be given the task . by rewriting the curriculum for history books to correct what the RSS believe to be past 'mistakes' and 'inaccuracies'. Nor can truth be hidden or twisted to ensure that the sentiments of certain people are not hurt . is that though they have tasted some success in assuming politicaVstate authority in India they have still not gained power in their own right. Entitled 'RSS scared of the truth in history. being put into place. The second related statement is one mentioned in the introduction .History cannot be imagined and rewritten simply to suit political needs. Sumit Sarkar. As a result they have also had to compromise on what they would like to achieve. But they still require the support of more than twenty minor parties to function in that role. force or violence. there is no doubt that there are others who have taken these ideas. were] nothing short of Fascist methods of censoring history'. whose book The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order has been a major talking point since its publication in the mid-1990s. A clear differentiation between religious 'fundamentalists' and 'extremists' (that is. There needs to be a clear differentiation between those who hold to the 'fundamentals' of religion as they see it. Other factors such as economics and sociology are involved. Of course historical events/movements and an accurate prediction of the future cannot be reduced to the simple formula ideas plus organisation plus power. the genesis of much of history is located in ideas and the way they are worked out through individuals and society. the man who assassinated Mahatma Gandhi.Sworn Enemies' respective organisations because these people believed that there had been too much compromise and dilution. Some of the parallels are fascinating and worth pursuing in more detail. or the Nathuram Godse. and the organizations were not as radical as they should be. and who rightly fall under a 'religious-extremist' label. Though there may be some debate as to which category Maududi and Golwalkar belong. culture. accused of masterminding the September 11 th 2001 destruction of the World Trade Centre towers in New York. those who advocate violence for their cause) is important. a combination of statements. It became especially significant since the recent military action by the United States and its allies in Afghanistan to bring to account Muslim 'terrorist' Osama Bin Laden and the Al Qaeda network. comes from Samuel Huntington. Some pertinent quotes will suffice as preface to its final comments. The third. Examples of the latter are Osama bin Laden. cited above. was a former disgruntled RSS member who did not feel the RSS were going as far as they should have in implementing the Hindutva agenda. While I do not necessarily agree with all of Huntington's comments or theses some of what he says is directly related to this thesis and its conclusion. It is worth noting here that one should be careful about the use of the term 'fundamentalist'. or perhaps the' abortion clinic bombers' in the United States. The fact that some of his history books were being rewritten gave extra bite to his words! 5 For example.Conclusion 'Blood Brothers . Nevertheless. text books and recent statements by its self appointed academic gurus. Nathuram Godse. 123 . if necessary through oppression. 5 The radical end/consequences for the ideas of Maududi and Golwalkar would be the establishment of states that would uphold the supremacy of their particular religion. and way of life over other communities. who assassinated Mahatma Gandhi. and those who are willing to advocate and use violence to enforce that view on others. have attempted to do in India...g. all these echo in the present and historical relationship between Islam and 124 . 'Who are you?' Every state has an answer... furnish "people with a sense of identity and a . for Muslims to find their basic identity and loyalty in the religious community . and symbols those of the state. and social structures.. as Hindus... They cooperate with and ally themselves with similar or common culture and are more often in conflict with countries of different culture [and religion].Identity issues are. particularly intense in cleft countries that have sizeable groups of people from different civilizations. Such divisions and the tensions that go with them often develop when a majority group belonging to one civilization attempts to define the state as its political instrument and to make its language. Involving fundamental issues of group identity and power. each side has incentives not only to emphasize it[s] own civilizational identity but also that of the other side. (p 98) . to 'fault line conflicts' between civilisations. sacred land to which they have an inviolable right: . its cultural identity...The question.. however. That answer. (p 137) In the emerging world.... Fault line conflicts are . of course. as Hassan al-Turabis said. head shapes. to a cleft country (India). Bernard Lewis argues... the fault lines between civilizations are becoming the centralljnes of conflict in global politics . there has been "a recurring tendency in recent times of emergency...] Kashmir (pp 252-253). faith and family. religion. what counts for people are blood and belief. religions give people a sense of identity by positing a basic distinction between believers and nonbelievers. Whatever universalist goals they may have. a clash of civilizations (p 270)..much more likely to emerge within a cleft country where large groups belong to different civilizations. it sees itself not just fighting another local ethnic group but fighting another civilization ..In India. defines the state's place in world politics. In coping with identity crisis.Sworn Enemies' In the post-Cold War world... the most important is religion. And finally: In fault line wars. The crucial distinction among human groups concern their values. (1997: 34) Of all the objective elements. In India the prevailing trend is the rejection of Western fonns and values and the "Hinduization" of politics and religion.Conclusion 'Blood Brothers . These comments are very pertinent to the situation which exists between Pakistan and India... not their physical size. to 'sacred territory' (both Pakistan and India).direction in life. . .. (p 94) All religions..The local war becomes redefined as a war of religions.. In its local war. In this process people rediscover or create new historical identities.. 'a new Hindu identity is under construction' as a response to tensions and alienation generated by modernization [and other factors]. states increasingly define their interests in civilizational terms. which define civilizations. and skin colors. its friends.Fault line conflicts are conflicts between states or groups from different civilizations . the relations between states and groups of different civilizations will not be close and will often be antagonistic (p184) .. beliefs. From the need to define one's civilisation in tenns of religion and culture. they are difficult to resolve through negotiations and compromise. frequently [over] . the control of territory. The resurgence of Islam and "re-Islamization" are the central themes in Muslim societies.. [e. In the Muslim world. (p 42) Indigenization has been the order of the day throughout the nonwestem world in the 1980s and 1990s.. institutions.The territory at stake often is for one or both sides a highly charged symbol of their history and identity. and its enemies . "Which side are you on?" has been replaced by the much more fundamental one.. (pp 125-126) Deep divisions are . an entity defined by Islam rather than by ethnic or cultural criteria". between a superior in-group and a different and inferior out-group" (p 97).. the potential for a major 'fault line conflict' is high (even if we were to put aside the 'little' problem that both nations presently have nuclear weapons). 'Blood brothers.'Islamic Pakistan versus Hindu India' the 'Green Crescent versus the Saffron Trident'. Though from quite opposite ideological and religious world-views both Maududi and Golwalkar come perilously close to similar conclusions. come to complete political power in their respective countries.Conclusion 'Blood Brothers . 125 . Religion has everything to do with the state. Yet they were also 'Sworn Enemies'. 'Blood Brothers. Be it din or dharma both claim that their religions are not simply made up of external religious beliefs and rites but a way of life that must necessarily permeate and be lived out in every sphere of society. and have the power to enforce it. If. and fundamentally. A robust Hindu Nation would rise to the challenge and one can speculate what might happen.Sworn Enemies' Hinduism in South Asia. Theirs is an 'accommodation of domination' where Muslim and Hindu supremacy must be reinforced in order for society to be strong and vibrant. and one. including the political realm. In the end. Of particular concern would be if those in Pakistan would not only see Kashmir as a problem that needs solving ('freeing their Muslim brethren') but if they also believed they had the divine mandate and power to extend the House or Land of Islam (dar ul-Islam) throughjihad. in the future. have been able to convince a majority of their countrymen that their self-definition is the correct one. during the same time. They were seeking to bring definition to their civilizations as they saw it.Maududi and Golwalkar were born and died within a few short years of each other. The decisive factor will be whether those who hold to and have developed their ideas further. They were not simply defining their communities. Their definition is most clearly seen in their opposition to each other. the bottom line is that both have largely defined themselves and their respective civilizations in antagonism and opposition to one another . over present day Indian territory. between Maududi and Golwalkar and their ideas concerning religion and the state. between Pakistan and India as political states. History will one day tell us whether the ideas of 6 In Pakistan and India the term would more appropriately be 'Cousin Brothers'. on Indian soil. and of Indian blood. Sworn Enemies'. a series of events takes place whereby people and organizations who have inherited Maududi's ideas in Pakistan and Golwalkar's ideas in India.6 . Conclusion 'Blood Brothers . and in particular. 126 . the future of Pakistan and India.Sworn Enemies' Maududi and Golwalkar will have ultimately defined the future of South Asia. 'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' Source References REFERENCES Adams. Vistar: New Delhi. (1993) 'Hindu Nationalism and the Structural Stability of India' in Fundamentalisms and the State edited by Martin E.(2000a) 'For National Re-Organisation'.org/librarylbooksandpublications. Walter K.). ------(2001 b) Decolonizing the Hindu Mind . (1994) 'The Function of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh: To Define the Hindu Nation' in Accountingfor Fundamentalisms. Bullock. Chicago University Press: Chicago. Vol. -----(1996 _3 rd edition) Bunch of Thoughts. 1 and Vol.Parallel Lives. edited by Martin E.The Notion of "Hindu Fascism ". Chicago University: Chicago. Marty and R. Ainslie T. Princeton University Press: Princeton. Charles 1.rss. University of Chicago: Chicago.: New Delhi. Marty and R.org/library/booksandpublications.rss. Choueiri.S. Ahmed. (1966) 'The Ideology of Maulana Mawdudi' in South Asia Religion and Politics. Ishtiaq (1991) The Concept ofan Islamic State in Pakistan. D. Gold. Robert E. Bharat Prakashan: Nagpur. Elst. Anderson. [Online accessed 21 June 2000] URL: http/www. Smith (ed. Marty and R. Raifuddin (1994) 'Redefining Muslim Identity in South Asia: The Transformation of the Jama'at -I-Islami' in Accountingfor Fundamentalisms.Ideological Development ofHindu Revivalism. and Damle. Rupa and Co. Scott Appleby. Voice of India: New Delhi. [Online accessed 21 June 2000] URL: http/www. ----. Fontana: London. Ahmad. Pinter: London. Vanguard: Lahore. (1997) [1990] Islamic Fundamentalism. 2.htm/ -----(2000b) 'Our Social Fabric'. Marty and R.htm/ 127 . -----(1974) Spotlights. Chicago University Press: Chicago. (1947 . Scott Appleby. Scott Appleby. edited by Martin E. edited by Martin E. Scott Appleby. Youssef M. Marty and R. Frykenberg.4 th edition) We or Our Nationhood Defined. Alan (1993) [1991] Hitler and Stalin . Shridhar D. Mumtaz (1991) 'Islamic Fundamentalism in South Asia: The Jamaat-I-Islami and the Tablighi Jamaat of South Asia' in Fundamentalisms Observed edited by Martin E. Ahmed. Sahitya Sindhu Prakashan: Bangalore. Embree. Daniel (1991) 'Organized Hinduisms: Vedic Truth to Hindu Nation' in Fundamentalisms Observed. Scott Appleby. (1987) The Brotherhood in Saffron: The Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh and Hindu Revivalism. Golwalkar.E. Koenraad (2001a) The Saffron Swastika . M. Sahitya Sindhu Prakashan: Bangalore. Chicago University Press: Chicago. Huntington. Hansen. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. Ritu (1993) Political Ideas ofMS. -----(1993a) Nationalism and India (originally published in 1948). -----(1993b 3rd ed) Human Rights in Islam (an English translation of a radio talk given in Jan.14) edited by Verinder Grover.'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' Source References Goyal.Hindutva. Kohli. Savarkar (Political Thinkers of Modern India . Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. -----(1996a) The Message ofIslam (a paper presented in 1976). Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. -----(1991) Come Let Us Change the World (a collection of his writings from 1939 to mid1960's). Penguin: New Delhi. Abu Ala (revised ed. 1948). Oxford: Delhi. original 1960) Islamic Law and Constitution [trans. Radha Krishna: New Delhi. Chitra (1993) 'Life of Barrister Savarkar' in V. Penguin: New Delhi. University of Carolina: Columbia.D. Christophe (1999) The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics -1925 to the 1990s. Gupta. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. Secularism. (1997) The Clash ofCivilizations and the Remaking of World Order. Golwalkar . Nationalism. Samuel P. Popular Prakashan: Bombay. -----------------------( 1996b) Towards Understanding Islam (the original written around 1960). -----(1996c) Ethical Viewpoint ofIslam (an English translation of two public addresses given in 1944). Oxford University Press: Delhi.Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India. Locked Minds.N. Jaffrelot. Khurshid Ahmad]. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. -----(1992) West Versus Islam (a collection of various articles written by Maududi between 1934-38). (2000) [1979] Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. edited.1986. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. D. (1997) Modern Myths. Bruce B. Maududi. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. (1989) Defenders ofGod . Lawrence. Madan.B. revised and translated by Khurshid Ahmad. T. Deep and Deep: Delhi. 128 . Dhananjay (1988) Veer Savarkar. T. (1999) The Saffron Wave .The Fundamentalist Revolt Against the Modern Age. Keer.R. Deep and Deep: Delhi. Taj Company: Delhi. 1940] Let Us Be Muslims. Hadden. Nadar (1996) 'What is Islamic Fundamentalism?' in Prophetic Religions and PoliticsReligion and the Political Order. Oxford: New Delhi. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. Saiedi. V. Vol. K. Van de Veer. University of South Australia. E. Thought and Action. first pub. edited by Jeffrey K. 129 .!!. Paragon House: New York. Seyyed VaH Reza (1996) Mawdudi and the Making ofIslamic Revivalism.6th Edition) Hindutva . in Making India Hindu. An unpublished paper towards Master of Arts degree in Religion Studies.D. and why has it emerged? In exploring these issues discuss at least two examples of fundamentalism. (2000) 'Prefatory Reflections on Muslim-Christian Relations in the Context of Mawdudi's Islamism' in Dharma Deepika. Gail (1999 edition) The Khilafat Movement. Deepika Educational Trust. Peter (1998) Religious Nationalism . Deep and Deep: Delhi. Hadden and Anson Shupe. Rao. Bharti Sahitya Sadan: New Delhi. Source References -----(1997) [Ed. Oxford: New York. Oxford University: Delhi. Radford. David Ludden (ed). Pagels. Khurram Murad. Savarkar. Sarkar. -----(1999b) 'In what understanding of pluralism was the Constitution of India written?' An unpublished paper towards Master of Arts degree in Religion Studies. Trehan. Seshagiri (1988) 'The Roots of Hindu-Muslim Conflict in India: British Colonialism and Religious Revival' in The Politics ofReligion and Social Change-Religion and the Political Order.)". (1979) The Gnostic Gospels. Nasr. Weidenfeld and Nicolson: London. Paragon House: New York. Oxford: New Delhi. David P (1999a) 'What is fundamentalism. the adequacy of the concept and some issues of interpretation'.Who is a Hindu.Hindus and Muslims in India. Singh. David E. University of South Australia.'Blood Brothers ~ Sworn Enemies' . Minault. Jhoti (1991) Veer Savarkar. Sumit (1996) 'Indian Nationalism and the Politics of Hindutva' . Chennai. (1989 . edited by Anson Shupe and Jeffrey K.L. E. Scott Appleby.) Vol. at a Glance. P. -----(1995) 'Politics. Eliade.html. Scott (1995) 'Examining the Cases' in Fundamentalisms Comprehended. edited by Martin E. Baxter. Craig (1966) 'The Jana Sangh: A Brief History' in South Asian Religion and Politics.. Marty and R. Said Amir (1995) 'Unity and Diversity in Islamic Fundamentalism' in Fundamentalisms Comprehended. Smith (ed.crusades. Scott Appleby. Sivan. Oxford: Delhi.muslimsites. D. Chicago University Press: Chicago. Sage Pub: Beverly Hills. Downloaded: 15/6/00 -----'Mawlana Sayyid Abul A 'la Maududi . R. Basu. Ralph (1986) 'India: Religion. -----(1971) Jana Sangh. Buultjens. Marty and R. Orient Longman: Hyderabad. Bayly.). Richard D. Lambert. Chicago University Press: Chicago. and Fundamentalism' in Fundamentalisms Comprehended. Political Legitimacy. Mircea (1978) A History ofReligious Ideas. Ethnicity. Bajpai..A. (1998) Origins ofNationality in South ASia.tufail/maududi. G. Oxford University: Bombay. Datta. and Sen S. Chicago University Press: Chicago. Emmanuel. Marty and R. (1993) Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags. Marty and R. Bayly. Tapan. edited by Martin E. Delhi.com/r.S. 130 . C. Chicago University Press: Chicago.A.orglpolitics/politicalsystem. 'Essential Features of the Islamic Political System'. Leonard (1961) Religion and Politics in Pakistan.htm. and Appleby. Binder. Susan (1994) 'Christians and Competing Fundamentalisms in South Indian Society' in Accountingfor Fundamentalisms.S. Arjomand. 483: January 1986.Bibliography 'Blood Brothers . Chicago University Press: Chicago. edited by Martin E. www. Downloaded: 15/6/00 Almond. and the Secular State' in The Annals (of The American Academy of Political and Social Science). Dr. Sakar S. edited by Martin E. Princeton University Press: Princeton. Scott Appleby.Sworn Enemies' BIBLIOGRAPHY Abul Ala Maududi.Pioneers of Islamic Revival' . Scott Appleby. Suruchi Prakashan: New Delhi. www. Suresh Chandra (1998) R. (ed. Suruchi Prakashan: Delhi. (1991 b) Integral Approach.S. Vanguard Press: place not known. Robert E. Krishna (1993) 'Hindu Revivalism and Education in North-Central India' in Fundamentalisms and Society. 'The Founder'.rss. 'Towards Manmaking'.D. Chicago University Press: Chicago.org/library/booksandpublications. Paragon House: New York. Penguin: New Delhi. Smith (ed. Marty and R. (2000) [1979] Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh. Downloaded 15/6/00 Kumar. (1993) . Upadhyaya. Deendayal. www. 'Our National malady'. edited by Martin E. Rajrnohan (1999) Revenge and Reconciliation .org/overview/founder. Gandhi. edited by Jeffrey K. 'The Founder . and Afghanistan. ----. Golwalkar. Marty and R. Valerie J. Al Fatiha Foundation: Pune.Understanding South Asian History. Chicago University Press: Chicago. Paragon House: New York. Hadden and Anson Shupe. (1966) 'Religion and Politics in a U. (1986) 'Introduction' in Prophetic Religions and Politics .'Blood Brothers . D.Writings about Him'. Scott Appleby. (1995) 'Muslim Fundamentalists: Psychosocial Profiles' in Fundamentalisms Comprehended. Radha Krishna: New Delhi. Harry A.D. Verinder (1993) V. 'Guidelines for National Workers'. 'The Founder . Marty and R. Hadden and Anson Shupe.P. edited by Martin E. Jeffrey K.Religion and the Political Order.. (1986) 'Modem Islamic Sociopolitical Thought' in Prophetic Religions and Politics . Constituency' in South Asian Religion and Politics. D. John L.htm. M. Iran. edited by Martin E.). Chicago University Press: Chicago. Frykenberg. -----(1987) 'Islam: Ideology and Politics in Pakistan' in The State. 'Our Nationalism'. Jamaat-i-Islami. Gould. Hindu Fundamentalism and the Structural Stability of India' in Fundamentalisms and the State. Downloaded 21/6/00 Goyal.jamaat.Religion and the Political Order. www. Thengadi D. Scott Appleby.R. Grover. Scott Appleby. Hadden.'Our Motherland'. edited by Jeffrey K. 131 . Gadre.html. edited by Ali Banuazizi and Myron Weiner. Princeton University Press: Princeton.E. Hoffman. Religion and PoliticsPakistan. G.Sworn Enemies' Bibliography Esposito.His Writings'. Savarkar: Political Thinkers ofIndia -14. Deep and Deep: Delhi. (1990) The Role ofIslam in South Asia.B. Hadden. 132 . Eran (1981) 'Mawdudi's Concept of Islam' in Middle Eastern Studies 17.Sworn Enemies' Lapierre. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. Paragon House: New York.Religion and the Political Order Vol. Long. Chicago University Press. Theodore E. Fundamentalisms and the State ------1994. Chicago University Press: Chicago. Scott (editors) ------1991. Theodore E. Ludden. edited by Anson Shupe and Jeffrey K. (1986) 'Prophecy. -----(1979) Finality ofProphethood. ------(1993b) 'Introduction' in Fundamentalisms and the State. Hadden and Anson Shupe.492-509. pp. Scott Appleby. Larry (1997 Freedom at Midnight. David (ed) (1996) Making India Hindu. Paragon House: New York. Pippa Rann: Farnham. edited by Anson Shupe and Jeffrey K. Marty. (1988) 'A Theory of Prophetic Religion and Politics' in The Politics ofReligion and Social Change . -----(1978b) Vitals ofFaith. Vishal (1997) India: The Grand Experiment. Markazi maktaba Islami: Delhi.4. Fundamentalisms and Society ------1993. Paragon House: New York.Religion and the Political Order Vol. Abula Ala (1978a) The First Principles ofthe Islamic State.!I. Khurshid Ahmad (trans. Charisma. Dominique and Collins. Accountingfor Fundamentalisms ------1995. edited by Martin E. Scott Appleby.Bibliography 'Blood Brothers . Long. Khurshid Ahmad and Khurram Murad] The Islamic Way of Life. -----(1986) [ed. and Appleby. Vikas: Delhi. Marty and R. Oxford University: Delhi. Martin E. Fundamentalisms Observed ------1993. Lennan. Marty and R. Maududi [Mawdudi]. R. edited by Jeffrey K. Hadden.). II. and Politics: Reinterpreting the Weberian Thesis' in Prophetic Religions and Politics . Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. ------(1995) 'Introduction' in Fundamentalisms Comprehended. -----( 1988) 'A Theory of Prophetic Religion and Politics' in The Politics ofReligion and Change .Religion and the Political Order. edited by Martin E. Fundamentalism Comprehended Chicago University Press: Chicago. Mangalwadi. Islamic Publications Ltd: Lahore. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi . Markazi Maktaba Islatui: Delhi. -----(1995c 4th ed. -----(1992a rev. Prof. 133 .Bibliography 'Blood Brothers . -----(1995d) [1973] Islamic Movement Pre-Requisites for Success.Sworn Enemies' -----(1989a) [1981J Our Message.A. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi.Dynamics of Values Power and Change. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. -----( 1992b) [ed. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. -----(1989c 3rd ed. ------(1997b) Four Basic Qur'anic Terms.J The Islamic Movement . Khurram Murad] Witnesses Unto Mankind . -----(l995b 4 th ed.) Nations Rise and Fall. and trans. ed) [1973J A Short History ofthe Revivalist Movement in Islam. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi.] An Introduction to Understanding the Qur 'an.The lama 'at-lIs/ami ofPakistan. -----(1997a) [Zafar Ishaque Ansari trans.The purpose and Duty ofthe Muslim Ummah. -----(1994 3rd ed. -----(l996d) Purdah and the Status of Woman in Islam: Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. 8. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi.Why? .M.) Islam and Ignorance. Rauf] The Education. -----(1995a 4th ed) The Economic Problems ofMan and Its Solution. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. -----(l996b) The Message OfIslam. Nasr.) The Prophet ofIslam. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. -----(1993b) [trans and ed.Tauris: London.) The Sick Nations ofthe Modern Age. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. -----(1991 b) [Khurram Murad ed. Seyyed Vali Reza (1994) The Vanguard ofthe Islamic Revolution . Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. -----(1990) Guidelines for Islamic Workers. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. LB. Markazi Maktaba Islami: Delhi. . Princeton University Press: Princeton. Scott Appleby. Harjot (1995) 'Mapping ludic Fundamentalisms through Nationalism and Modernity' in Fundamentalisms Comprehended. -----( 1966) 'Emerging Patterns of Religion and Politics' in South Asian Politics and Religion. edited by Martin E. Edward W. -----(1966) 'The Political Implications of Asian Religions' in South Asian Politics and Religion. (2001) Orientalism . Jeffrey K (1988) 'Religion and Social Change: The Critical Connection' in The Politics ofReligion and Social Change .) Secular Challenge to Communal Politics. Robb. Princeton University Press: Princeton. Penguin: New Delhi. Anson and Hadden.E. Rao. Marty and R.E.). Vol. Smith. Harindra (1993) The Epic Sweep ofSavarkar. Rashtrottana Sahitiya: Bangalore. Paragon House: New York.Sworn Enemies' Oberoi. Piscatori. 134 . Peter (1995) The Concept ofRace in South Asia. Oxford University: Delhi.R. Seshagiri (1988) 'The Roots of Hindu-Muslim Conflict in India: British' Colonialism and Religious Revival' in The Politics ofReligion and Social ChangeReligion and the Political Order. James (1994) 'Accounting for Islamic Fundamentalisms' in Accountingfor Fundamentalisms. Sindhu. Chicago University Press: Chicago. Srivastava. Sahitya (1981) Dr. D. Smith (ed. Prakashan Vibhag: Bangalore. Savarkar Punruthan Sansthan: Delhi. D. Scott Appleby. Oxford University Press: New Delhi. (ed) (n. David Ludden (ed). Said. Sarkar.L. II. edited by Anson Shupe and Jeffrey K. Hadden. edited by Martin E. P.!I. Sumit (1996) 'Indian Nationalism and the Politics of Hindutva' .Religion and the Political Order Vol. Oxford University Press: Bombay. Marty and R. Ram. (1963) India as a Secular State.Western Conceptions ofthe Orient. in Making India Hindu. VD. K. Vikas Adhyayan Kendra: Bombay. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (1985) RSS Spearheading National Renaissance. Donald E. Paragon House: New York. Chicago University Press: Chicago. Hadden. Smith (ed.d.Bibliography 'Blood Brothers . Shupe.Hedgewar The Epoch Maker. edited by Anson Shupe and Jeffrey K.). Anwar (1984) Pakistan .Bibliography 'Blood Brothers . 135 . edited by Martin E. Hindu Nationalism and the Discourse of Modernity: The Vishva Hindu Parishad' in Accounting/or Fundamentalisms. Vanguard: Lahore. Scott Appleby.Islam. University of Burdwan. Chicago University Press: Chicago.Sworn Enemies' Syed. Marty and R. Peter (1994) . University of Burdwan (1994) Communalism in Contemporary India. Van de Veer. Politics and National Solidarity. the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has now spread over 30. and has about 53. The ABVP has a membership exceeding 750. etc.Sworn Enemies' APPENDIX I Source: www. Social transformation.000 places -. reading rooms. tailoring classes. executing more than 6000 projects. the village Tayning (in Nagaland) has a school. almost half of whom are women.rss.000 active workers. etc. has been left out of its fold. medicare centres. More than 250 . The ABVP workers are actively engaged in apprising the Bihar Government. 600 ABVP workers devoted their time and effort in providing succor and help during the Latur Earthquake. The Bharatiya Shikshan Mandai (BSK) has about 26. traders. Seva Bharati of Delhi has over 200 projects. For example.'Blood Brothers . 3091 chapters in 126 (out of 170) universities with 289 full-time workers. the press and people about the growing threat from Bangladesh infiltration. The role of ABVP in bringing the Assam problem to all-Bharat level is significant. For example. The number of "one teacher one school" type of institutions in the far-flung vanvasi areas are growing fast. is the largest University organization today.including both in Bharat and outside Bharat. with baalwadis. As a special mention. The residential school in Haflong in North Cachar Hills district has 150 students drawn from 20 janajaati groups comprising Nagas and others.. kirtan mandalis. artisans. No section or group in the society. Many full-time swayamsevaks (volunteers) have been working relentlessless and selflessly for a dynamic and positive transformation of the Bharatiya society. baalsamskar kendras.org Since its inception in 1925. Education in rural area~ occupies a place of importance in the scheme called Vidya Bharati (VB). Most recently. enhancing the self-esteem of the downtrodden occurs with proper samskars imparted by various service activities. but has attempted to generate awareness regarding the national problems among students as well. ABVP has not just undertaken the task of conducting reforms at the University level. upliftment of the poor. an infanticide survey project in Tamilnadu was carried out and programs were convened to educate the people as regards the associated ills. coaching classes. The sustained efforts have had their desired effect. This scheme runs about 6500 schools across Bharat. covering about 75 slum areas. popularly known as the ABVP.000 teachers all over the country. students. VKA has 808 full-time workers. an associated hostel and a medical centre operated by the Ashram with the assistance of Heraka Naga Leaders. Seva Bharati is dedicated for such a cause.000. The Akhil Bharatiya Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA) has been running schools and hospitals in the rural and tribal areas. The Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad. night schools. which is now accepted by the Central/State Government. could carve out even from the crudest of stones the magnificent images of the Divine! With the passage of time.Sworn Enemies ~ projects have been launched. Its all-Bharat convention held at Nagpur in March 1987 presented a beautiful blend of various shades of enlightened Sikh opinion. The Sikh Sanghat has 135 coordinating committees. In this context. There have been a number of instances where the co-operation of BMS Unions have helped the management to get over their troubles and run the industry efficiently. befitting the concept of appropriate technology. and humanity in general.000 Sangh karyakartas.'Blood Brothers . has emerged as a major peasant force in the provinces like Guj arat and Andhra and is making rapid strides in other provinces as well. With its units in most states. with a participation of about 150. Samskar Bharati has organized several seminars and symposia of artists and literateurs with a view to fmding out how best art could be made to combine healthy entertainment with ennobling samskars. Groups of volunteers associated with VB have set up infonnation centres in villages to provide necessary technical advice required by their rural brethem. Our master-artists. Family planning programs have been organized by medical students. Rashtriya Sikh Sanghat has been fonned for promoting greater cordiality between the Sikh community and rest of the Hindu society. The uniqueness of the BKS movement lies in the detailed study and constructive approach in solving agricultural problems. The Parishad offers a variety of programs and projects that . encourages excellence of performance whether in production or in rendering service. trained in traditional skills. creativity and educative content to art. and in rural areas in particular. Programs and seminars have been organized in engineering and medical schools illustrating the use of scientific know-how for the bettennent and improvement of life in general. BKS is active in 301 districts and 11. a labour organization. Successful agitations have been launched by the BKS to get fanners' grievances redressed and their legitimate demands fulfilled. Vigyan Bharati (VB) was established to provide scientific and technological knowledge to rural areas. Samskar Bharati was concieved to promote originality. Akhil Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS).5 million membership across the country. The Rashtriya Suraksha Samiti has been very active in Punjab to fight the secessionist and anti-national elements. BKS was the first to demand crop and cattle insurance. This organization has about 3400 unions with a 4. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad promotes awareness about Hindu heritage and abou matters of vital importance to the Hindu society in particular. this unique tradition began to loose its sublime motivation.000 villages with an membership of about 0. however. Akhil Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS). over the years.25 million. However. . Many other schemes and social welfare programs have been inspired and launched by the RSS for achieving and producing a dynamic and vibrant Hindu society but promoting proper samskars through education and service. the above provides sufficient glimpse of RSS activities -. "Vigil". Youth Camps. represents the vigilant voices concerning public welfare. They are simply too many to mention. Mukherjee with the help of swayamsevaks has grown into a tree in the form of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The Bharatiya Vichar Kendra (based in Kerala). seminars.a step towards fulfilling the dream and vision of a better. to enhance intellectual understand~ng and deriving solutions to problems facing the contemporary Bharatiya society. for example. presenting Hindu Art Exibitions. lectures. In 1952. literally hundreds. etc. pervading all aspects of social and national life. Education Fund. of other programs and projects inspired by RSS. and others are involved in organizing discussions. The VHP. peaceful and harmonious society. along with the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh. hopefully. They joined nationalist Dr. This group is active in projecting nationalist views through the mass media and reacting against every injustice. a forum founded in Madras. are some of the activities of the VHP . Kenya has 53 branches in 31 different places. overall percentage of swayamsevaks participating in politics remain negligible. etc. Support-a-child proj ects. is working in 20 different countries. andlor by its allied and scion organizations. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee in founding a new political party rooted in country's ethos called Bharatiya lana Sangh (BJS). The sapling planted by Dr. There are numerous.Sworn Enemies' cater to the needs of the society. Regional Hindu Conferences. Pandit Deendayal Upadbaya Institute. essay and elocution competitions.'Blood Brothers . a few swayamsevaks expressed interest in serving the society through participation in politics.in Bharat as well as abroad. BJP remains the party of choice for swayamsevaks interested in politics even though they have a wide variety of choice among mushrooming political outfits in the country. Baal-Vihars. Arranging educative camps for writers and poets is one of its popular programs. However.