Master Thesis Boekraad

Ecological sustainability in traditional Sámibeliefs and rituals Master thesis Gerarda Maria Doeke BOEKRAAD May 2013 University of Bergen, Norway Faculty of Humanities Department of Archaeology, History, Cultural Studies and Religion Spring semester 2013 Mapping ecological sustainability in traditional Sámi beliefs and rituals TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1. Introduction. Ecological Sustainability and the Study of Religion: Sámi Culture as Case Study ……………………………………..…………………5 CHAPTER 2. Sources and Methodology…………………………………………………..21 2.1 Indigenous Methodologies ………………………………..……….……………………..22 2.2 My Perspective as Researcher…………..….………….……..……………………….…..24 2.3 Types of Sources ………………………...………………….……………………………25 CHAPTER 3. Sámi Backgrounds…………………………………………………………..34 3.1 Sámi People and Languages Today.………..……….……………………………...…….34 3.2 Change, Suppression and Diversity….……….…………………………………………..35 3.3 Traditional Sámi Culture…………..…...……………………………….………………...38 3.4 Birgejupmi: Are Sámi Sustainable?.……...………………………………………………40 3.5 Structuring Beliefs Related to Ecological Sustainability...……………………………….46 2 CHAPTER 4. Individual-level Supernatural Agencies …………………………….…….48 4.1 Animal Shape Shifting ………………………………………………………….……......48 4.2 Non-Human Personhood ……………………………………………………………........49 4.3 Individual Sacred Animals…………………...…………………………………………...58 CHAPTER 5. Species-Related Superhuman Agencies……………………………..…….60 5.1 The Bear…………………………………………………………………………………..60 5.2 Animal Species- Related Protection Spirits; the Máddo…………………….……..……......62 5.3 Animal Ancestry ………………………………………………………………................79 CHAPTER 6. Local-Scale Superhuman Agencies…………………………………….......82 6.1 Underground Spirits………………………………………………………………………82 6.2 Sieidi: Local Superhuman Agency and Management of Resources ………………….…93 6.3 Landscapes ……………………………………………………………………………...103 CHAPTER 7. Regional and Global Superhuman Agencies …………………...……..…109 7.1 Nature: Gullat luonddu jienaid ………………………………………………...............109 7.2 Mother Earth ………………………………………………………...............................115 7.2 Ancient Pantheon ……………………………………………………………………….117 3 .………..………...………131 Appendix Chapter 4……………………………………………..…………….…………………147 4 .…….141 Appendix Chapter 5 ………………………………………………....……..…………………………..…….………146 Appendix Chapter 7…………………………………………………….130 References…………………………………………………….…….…………………..…….……………. Conclusions…………………………………….CHAPTER 8.124 Summary in Norwegian……………………………….. spreading of dangerous chemicals are amongst those well-documented elements of the crisis that the vast majority of the global scientific community agrees upon as having increasing negative impacts on the ecosystems humanity is depending upon. 3 Par. August 1992. 22: Indigenous people and their communities and other local communities have a vital role in environmental management and development because of their knowledge and traditional practices. Some important negative trends like the climate change due to too high emissions of climate gasses are far from being reversed. See explanatory note from the UN secretariat on indigenous peoples.CHAPTER 1 . mass-extinction of biodiversity.culture and interests and enable their effective participation in the achievement of sustainable development. The process of understanding how society can create sustainable relationships with the natural environment is not concluded. this interest shifted to a focus on indigenous knowledge of ecosystems3. Right from the start of the ecological crisis and the raising of ecological movements in the 1960s. and spirituality4. (Rio Declaration on Environment and Development 12. in Inari (Lapland).2013.pdf downloaded on 22. 2 The concept of Indigenous peoples has become more and more established in the political and also scientific agenda as a result of international awareness that found its expression via the System of the United Nations. Negative ecological trends have been turned around in for instance the problematic of the ozone hole emissions but not in other areas. acidification the oceans. Finland. There is no official definition of indigenous peoples. 1-3 July 2010. States should recognize and duly support their identity. 5 . https://www. people throughout the world are reevaluating human attitudes and values towards the physical natural environment.05. indigenous peoples2 like the Sámi that live in the Northern part of Fenno-Scandinavia were being put forward as examples to follow for their supposedly sustainable management strategies (Mathisen 2004).un. In recent years.) 4 See declaration of ‘The Delos 3 Workshop: Diversity of Sacred Lands in Europe’ that took place in the Sámi area. Environmental education is integrated to school curricula all over the world (Grim and Tucker 2011). values. only a working definition.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/SOWIP_introduction.INTRODUCTION ECOLOGICAL SUSTAINABILITY AND THEORY OF RELIGION: SÁMI CULTURE AS CASE STUDY In these times of aggravating ecological crises1. The so-called large world religions are making efforts to integrate ecological concerns and become actors in offering ways out of the ecological crisis. The 1 Global climate change. states Geertz. 55)6. The myth of the ‘noble savage’ profoundly inspired the European Enlightenment (Geertz 2004:44). have been marginalized and made invisible (Geertz 2004:37). 6 . we need a historical and theoretical framework for the discussion that this introduction hopes to provide. My detailed analysis of Sámi religious traditions concerning ecological sustainability5 hopes to make a useful contribution to that debate. and therefore morally superior to the civilized people (Landmark 2004). in particular when Christianized. For that. as close to nature. Indigenous peoples like the Sámi were considered 5 Ecological sustainability is defined in the Brundtland report ‘Our Common Future’ from 1987 like this: ”Sustainable development is developmentthat meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. on the other hand. 1992. Primitivism is a philosophical position. the famous ‘Blut und Boden’ ideology. In the middle of the nineteenth century. It consists of paradoxical ideas that one might have on indigenous peoples. In primitivism. Geertz (2004) made an analysis of primitivism where he states that indigenous cultures played a central and inclusive role in the development of theory in the social and cultural sciences and. nature becomes a norm for what is good and an ideal for the return to some ideal archaic primitive natural society (Geertz 2004:41. the ideology of social Darwinism was developed and with it the concept of more and less advanced societies (Lehtola 2004:44). they are idealized and romanticized. they are seen as backwards and inferior and. It sees the Sámi. This is characertized by the use of so-called ‘scientific’ laws of nature to justify an ideology of a ‘natural’ human state of racial purety as an ideal and racial discimination. This is even valid for science itself.” 6 The suspicion of anti-democratic aspects of idealization of nature until today by Green parties and the environmental movement is particularly strong because of the the manner German national socialism used social Darwinism in a developement of what is called ‘Blood and Soil’. ‘Le nouvel ordre écologique’. at the same time. On the one hand. Armin W. See Luc Ferry.world society is still looking for good examples to follow. Primitive nature The history of the relationship between European society and indigenous peoples is paradoxical and complex and has been characterized by the term ‘primitivism’. which has been a part of all cultures including the European. Mathisen 2004). It is therefore understandable that every possible romanticization of nature that emerges in present times is being scrutinized critically for its democratic and humanistic commitment7. 2004:243). combined or not with some superior racial identity. the scientific community developed strong reactions against this idealization of nature. The Sámi and other indigenous peoples have become double targets of criticism: as possible source of religious mythologizations of nature and. where the French philosopher draws parallels between the then emerging French Green party and fascist idealization of natural balances. Siv Ellen Kraft has analyzed nature-idealizing discourses about Sámi where they are represented. as perfect keepers of ecological balances (Kraft 2009:184. is still rooted deeply in the European memory. Some scholars of the science of religion science detected inherent and non-explicit signs for the fact that the ecological movement got religious traits according to the post-secularized 7 See Luc Ferry 1992. Together with decolonization processes all over the world. After the defeat of the fascist armies. which started the mass-extermination of ’inferior’ races before and during the Second World War. The fear of a new totalitarian regime based on the interpretation of some absolute and eternally valid ’laws of nature’. according to her.as inferior because they were presumed to be at a lower stage of development compared to others. However. the idealization of nature. the doctrine of primitivism became outdated in anthropology and other social sciences and the humanities. as being victims of a scientific myth of ’natural’ laws in for instance social Darwinism when taken over by aggressive regimes. the Sámi and other indigenous peoples continues to be present and appears in the form of contemporary neo-primitivism (Geertz 2004. Because of this view. a series of discriminatory policies were adopted in all Scandinavian states. 7 . simultaneously. Also the Sámi-inspired neo-shaman movement in Norway idealizes nature and the ancient Sámi religion (Fonneland 2010). It is also known that the social Darwinist doctrine inspired fascist regimes. These normative and discriminatory social Darwinist ideas that were considered as scientific and influenced state authorities. Already in the Paleolithic this might have 8 ”I det moderne Norge fremstår naturen som en kulturell verdibank og en projeksjon av det ideelle samfunn. as described in the polemical book of Shepard Krech III. Internationally we see a group of scientists that even go as far as to declare their positive attitude or even full support to ‘dark green religion’.. With the help of natural sciences analyzses were made whether specific indigenous cultures really had an ecologically sustainable relationship with their local environments. 4 and p.) Naturen blir en hellig kosmos. as a type of a sacred cosmos8 wrote Rønnow (2007:94). Mathisen (2004) claims that if the Sámi should become partners with the ecological movement that they have to discuss on the basis of facts. Diamond and Fikret Berkes are some known researchers in this field.. (. nature is still considered to be the source for cultural values. Geertz is asking for a criticism of all forms of anti humanism.” (Rønnow 2007:94. (.) Naturen representer den ‘evige lov’ og og og fullkomne orden som er upåvirket av timelighetens omskiftelighet og forgjengelighet. for the projection of an ideal society that guarantees a common authenticity. 220-222).concepts of religion.. a strong counter reaction started. 8 . something they see as the last possible resource to change human societies attitudes and behavior to the environment (Taylor 2010 Ch. Ecological saints or just people like you and me? As soon as at the end of the 1960s indigenous peoples were by some parts of the Western ecological movement depicted as ‘ecological saints’.9 Some authors like Shepard Krech III focused on the examples of indigenous nations that had mismanaged or overused local resources (Shepard Krech 1999). and a ‘radical revitalization of the Enlightenment project’ in order to move beyond such primitivist opinions (2004:62).. That development was analysed in Norway by the deceased Norwegian scholar of the study of religion Tarjei Rønnow (2007: 94-95). This might also lead to a better understanding of the relationship between indigenous cultures and sustainability.) 9 Shepard Krech III. ‘The Ecological Indian’ (1999). This has to be addressed by scholars working on the common ground between natural and human sciences. In modern Norway society. That tendency seems to continue. Australian aboriginals created the pre-European Australian landscape by burning large areas.substantially contributed to the extinction of for instance the Mammoth and other large size and easy caught animals.youtube.com/watch?v=Ibd6mXnQOVw and http://www. According to his observation.com/watch?v=NYrjMC9Eueo 9 . and refers to numerous similar studies in other places. Amazonic indigenous people have made highly fertile soils in the Amazon basin and Amazon highlands. he concluded on the basis of biological population calculations of the whale stocks and the caloric needs of Inuit that they did not have a sustainable way of harvesting whales. These measures include a number of taboos such as the interdiction to hunt at sacred periods and rules for non-disturbance and others (Berkes 1999:87). Slash and burn among the Kayapo people in Asia rainforest increases biological diversity (Berkes 1999:75). In recent centuries several American Indian nations did overhunt and exterminate some animal species (Shepard Krech III 1999: passim). video clips10).youtube. Some examples 10 Explanations and TED-talk by Apffel-Marglin http://www. considered that the Siberian Yukaghir hunting group he studied in his long term fieldwork killed every elk they came across and questions their concepts on the dynamics of the elk population that they used as justification for the hunting strategy (Willerslev 2007:30-34). Particularly well elaborated are the studies of the marine biologist Firket Berkes (1999)11 who studied the ‘cultural-spiritual complex’ as related to their sustainable management of ecosystems in Canada. American students can learn how to make these anthropogenic soils fertile by invoking the help of traditional communication with spirits (Apffel-Marglin 2011:199-202. In the first book of the geographer and anthropologist Igor Krupnik (1993). Inuit even took great pleasure in slaughtering great numbers of whales and were wasting large amounts of whale meat. They have used these for agriculture for thousands of years and the soils are essential for their ecological sustainable agriculture. Other researchers gave a more differentiated picture of ecological sustainable behavior and also brought positive cases that strengthen biodiversity and keeps sustainable balances over a long time period. Pacific islanders have beliefs and rituals that aim at protecting fragile sea animal populations like birds and turtles. in order to keep the areas inhabited by the species they relied on (Berkes 1999:86-87). Also Willerslev. a Norwegian anthropologist. and how that created conflicts in nature management with conservationists and state authorities who relied on the authority of scientists. has gathered many exemplary cases of how local indigenous beliefs and rituals contribute positively to biodiversity and nature conservation in sacred landscapes. today the largest professional global conservation network and a leading authority on the environment and sustainable development” from www. but they are still seen as being close to nature and in some contemporary cases they are seen as making valuable contributions to maintain ecological sustainability. The authors conclude that there is an intrinsic link between biological and cultural diversity in sacred landscapes (Verschuuren 2010:168) and that the spiritual dimension of peoples’ relationship with nature has to be integrated in nature conservation projects. like the ecological impact of Caribou hunt on the Caribou population by the Cree (Berkes 1999:95-100 versus Brightman quoted in Willerslev 2007:32-33). One can conclude that the romanticization of ‘The Ecological Indian’ has been relativized in the last decades of international environmental discussions. Berkes describes cases where indigenous peoples had made more thorough nature observations than biologists. 13 ”Founded in 1948 as the world’s first global environmental organization. Berkes’ conclusion is differentiated: some indigenous cultures manage to keep ecologically sustainable relations with their ecosystems in some respects. as well as on regular adaption to new circumstances. Traditional cultures are in no way stagnant but they are on the contrary learning systems based on keen observation of nature and constantly testing their own concepts on ecology.are subjects of controversial discussions between biologists. A recent book edited by a representative of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature12 (IUCN). Efforts to gain better understanding of individual local practices are an important strategy to gain better overall understanding of how ecological sustainable relations between humans and ecosystems can be conceptualized. Berkes describes the indigenous value system on how animals have to be treated respectfully in the hunting process (Berkes 1999:103). Indigenous peoples have become not more or less ecological than others.iucn.org 10 . while others do not. In some cases spiritual beliefs are part of a strategy for creating sustainable ecological relations (1999:86). indigenous peoples and anthropologists. even if in recent times some Christian elements have joined in (Johnsen 2005). During the exploration of the theme for this research. Its aim is to give an overview of relevant traditional Sámi myths. a broad and encompassing study rather than to focus on one specific belief. Therefore it is impossible to tell if the statements the 11 . The information we have about Sámi religious relationships with ecosystems was mostly the domaine of the Sámi Pre-Christian tradition. (Verschuuren 2010:168. general statements about sustainable values and attitudes were regularly being made. Therefore the most logical choice seemed to be to approach the research question by making a type of inventory. The idea for it came from my experience with discussions with Sámi and non-Sámi about environmental issues and Sámi culture. These sources will be completed with studies by scholars who have researched other primary sources and with results of my own interviews. I did not find general overviews over the ecological development of for instance inland fishing lakes or coastal bird islands over longer periods. In my opinion.) This thesis is an attempt to realize such a case study. but there was very little more concrete information about practical Sámi strategies to keep ecological balances and the role religious beliefs and practices played in that. This study hopes to be able to provide information that can contribute to more nuances in the debates about Sámi identity and sustainability. One important limitation of this study is that I could not verify the factual ecological sustainability of the relationships between the Sámi and their local ecosystems. I focused on verbal sources. There are several primary sources from the end of the last century. it turned out that there were few analytic sources that had addressed this issue at all. In order to achieve that aim.Environmental conservation thinking has shifted from a purely quantitative and materialistic approach to a more qualitative view which also takes into account cultural identities of non-western belief systems and spiritual values. beliefs and rituals and to inquire whether and how they are related to a possibly ecologically sustainable use of the natural environment. ritualistic element or locality. frist a selection of relevant materials had to be made. The available information starts with secondary sources like ancient missionary texts from the time of the religious change in the seventeenth and eighteenth century. as indigenous peoples see themselves as responsible for the lands they inhabit.informants made about what they describe as ecologically sustainable management of specific local places are biologically correct. What about ecosystems that they do not own or occupy? This type of declaration reflects nothing more than intentions. we can consider this article at least as some reference to a value system of sustainability and to a strong acknowledgment of the relationship to the physical reality. use.2 includes this phrase: Indigenous peoples have the right to own. The sustainability paragraph is closely followed by the claim on control of the lands. and the responsibility for future generations. game. This is expressed in the United Nations’ Declaration On The Rights Of Indigenous Peoples: Art 25: Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship with the traditionally owned or otherwise occupied and used lands. The methodological choices of the research are explained more in detail in chapter 2. From that it can be concluded that the system must have been effective.2007. territories.9. because it has been documented that the same lakes and islands were in continuous use over long periods of time by the same communities and families. I believe that their information is in many cases most likely to be accurate concerning the fish populations. The following article 26. there is no person on earth that would pretend the opposite to preserving the earth for future generations. bird islands. develop and control the lands. Indigenous people’s religion and the link to the land The link to the land is considered to be a key aspect for ecological sustainability. local forests and berry fields. waters and coastal seas and other resources and to uphold their responsibilities to future generations in this regard. Of course. As biologist myself. Therefore. territories and resources that they possess by reason of traditional ownership or other 12 .) Ecological sustainability is not explicitly mentioned or addressed in this article 25. (United Nations Declaration On The Rights Of Indigenous Peoples adopted on 7. It is somehow inherently supposed to be part of the ‘distinctive spiritual relationship’ with the ecosystems and that they owned or lived on. extraction of oil sand in Canada. as well as those which they have otherwise acquired. Platvoet has made a description of the main features of African tribal religions. psychological. G. The Dutch scholar of religion J. Beliefs and rituals are interpreted as aspects of a human culture that fulfill a number of roles in social. the second is the centrality of kinship. The claim of owning or controlling lands is very central in the declaration. like hydroelectric plants. There are many nations that are mobilized to protect their traditional economies and lifestyle. Indigenous people define themselves as connected. The international declarations do not necessarily have a direct and coherent consequence for practical action towards sustainability. The link to the land is mostly defined in spiritual terms and resulted in direct political implications such as claiming land rights and exclusive using rights to natural resources. it is necessary to describe a theoretical framework of the concepts and terms that are used. and so on. Many indigenous peoples or at least important parts of their populations wish to continue. and the third characteristic is the transmission via oral traditions (quoted by Cox 2007:61-63). International public opinion is regularly mobilized13 to support indigenous peoples in their protests against all sorts of large-scale ecologically devastating projects that threaten traditional indigenous lifestyles. while they wish at the same time to be part of the globalized modern world. oil exploitation in rainforests. not the sustainable management of it or of the planet as a whole. but they emphasize the importance of a sustainable value system that is bound to locality. 13 For instance by the international action groups Cultural Survival and Survival International. The first is locality and non-expansionism.traditional occupation or use. They often repeat that they wish to have the right to use them as they wish. nature related traditional lifestyles and economic activities like hunting and fishing. also in the modern context. Definition of terms related to religious expressions In order to make a description of the beliefs and rituals. 13 . that means the link with ancestors and also with animals seen as kin. as being part of the lands they inhabit. ) The important element here is that religion consists of relationships and communication that are also important in my research. and also appears to be used by informants of other researchers. my translation. Religion is being defined as a relationship to a universe of beliefs and concepts that is characterized by communication about and with hypothetical gods and powers. ’Hypothetical‘ is a very correctly chosen term. called ’superhuman agents’ (Lawson. For my research. The term of ’powers’ to designate superhuman agents is found in many sources on religion. and might be better replaced by a neutral and more universal term such as proposed by cognitive science of religion. I will rely upon some aspects of the following three definitions of religion as a basis. universal and experimentally measurable and testable cognitive mechanisms: We construe a religion as a symbolic-cultural system of ritual acts accompanied by an 14 “Religion er menneskers forhold til forestillingsunivers som kjennetegnes av kommunikasjon om og med hypotetiske guder og makter. The second definition of collective ‘superhuman agents’ of Lawson and McCauley is embedded in their work on the cognitive science of religion and attempts to link religious elements to objective. The basic definition is formulated by Gilhus and Mikaelsson. McCauley 1990). Various branches of modern sciences are trying to give better explanations of what religions belief and rituals consist of and how they function There is no unanimous definition of religion.14 (Gilhus and Mikaelsson 2001:29.and ecological terms. It implies that the answer to the question whether the humans believe in those gods and powers is not primarily relevant. The communication takes place with ’hypothetical’ gods and powers.”(Gilhus and Mikaelsson 2001:29. The word god is culturally biased in relation to the European religious traditions.) 14 . as various definitions have been made from different perspectives. pervasive. One of the terms proposed by the cognitive scientist P. taken as the central characteristic of religion. In the recent issue of the Norwegian magazine for religious studies. That is an advantage because it is not connected to the normative world of any existing religious tradition. or ‘supernatural agent’ have been launched and debated in the scientific debate. and therefore best suited to use in research in religious science. Counterintuïtive because superhuman agents act in ‘miraculous’ ways that go against what one expects as regular behavior: a ghost that walks though the wall for instance. The superhuman agents are the acting entities in rituals. It is not easy for the study of religion to find terms that are universally applicable to describe religious expressions as one can see in this review of definitions. which connect the term to the social functioning of religion. as well as the role of religion in structuring existence. being special in some sense. Tandberg concludes that that term is neutral and descriptive. an influential American cultural anthropologist: Religion is: (1) a system of symbols which acts to (2) establish powerful. (Lawson and McCauley 1990:5. The ‘super’ powers originate from the cultural heritage of the social group (Tandberg 2013:14). The word does not have significance or connotations in our cultural context. and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by (3) formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and (4) clothing these conceptions with such an aura of 15 . They are seen as having more than human power. Words like ‘god’. It refers to beings with larger powers than the human power. The two elements missing are the role of elements that are not superhuman agents but symbols. Håkon Tandberg summarizes the international debate on this (2013:13-15). These elements can we find in the classical definition of Clifford Geertz (19262006).extensive and largely shared conceptual scheme that includes culturally postulated superhuman agents.) Here is the observable element of religion -the ritual expression-. I join him in that conclusion. ‘symbol’. It is still somehow recognizable as having something to do with beliefs and rituals. Boyer is ‘counterintuïtive agents’. The term ‘superhuman’ was first proposed by Melford Spiro (1966). in creating motivations and meaning. but as consisting of a series of religious functions and expressions that are part of the overall social functioning. The concept of ’folk beliefs’ will not be used in this work. because in the case of the Sámi. Ritual structures reinterpret our world. First. the study of religion has made a large step forward. now extinct pre-Christian religion. Beckford). scholars can simply study Sámi religion in all its diverse aspects (Rydving 2004:148). This is different at present. it has an immediate association linked to the ancient. create and renew community. referring to Talal Asad and James A. (Geertz 1985. even if Bell sees the term of ritual as a cultural and historical construction by worldwide academia (Bell 1997:1. as our attitudes to nature and ecology are culturally determined. With these definitions of the last decades. They are also recognized as a ‘universal medium of symbolic expression’. Rituals are placed in the center of attention of the study of religion for various reasons. Håkan Rydving argues that the concept of folk religion has done its duties since the Enlightenment period when it was established and when some remains of pre-Christian religions were called superstition and folk beliefs (Rydving 2004:143).factuality that (5) the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic. original 1966: 4. they are objectively observable and a good object for investigation. Its aim is to give meaning to their existence and to mobilize them for ideals in societal movements like the environmental movement (Rønnow 2007:95. Religion is no longer seen as being the exclusive domain of some formalized group with a coherent doctrine and directed by religious virtuosos. Even if I study religious beliefs and rituals I have decided to avoid the use of the term ‘Sámi religion’ in this text. because it is seen as an expression of an hierarchy between an elite or authorized group and ‘the masses’ (Pyysiäinen 2004:160). 262). The concept of folk religion served to highlight those non-official beliefs that otherwise could easily have been neglected. transform individual identity 16 .) The characteristics and patterns of the relationship with the ecosystems are in my view included in the term cultural system. 104-105. Armin Geertz considers animism as a term often associated with totemism. in which non-human personhood allows a double perspective of identification creating boundaries with for instance an animal. 17 . Willerslev criticizes scholars like Durkheim for treating indigenous peoples as intellectually inferior by pretending that they themselves would not have understood the nature of their animist beliefs. 266. Ritual incorporates the dimension of physical experience of symbols and beliefs as a practical. Could the Western scholars only understand those beliefs by developing models of psychological projections? For the Siberian people of the Yukaghirs. 266). It describes the way in which objects are seen as animated and acquire the attribution of personhood. is written by Willerslev (2007). in an overall logic of relationality (Willerslev 2009). still too much linked to primitivism. many scholars have taken over the concept of animism for describing belief systems (like Brightman. by giving an apologetic and idealized version of how harmonious and beneficent the relations between the non-human persons in a system of animism have to be (Cox 2007: 65). (Bell 1997: 264. Rituals construct authority and power relations (1997:82). Irving Hallowell developed the concept of non-human personhood in his study of the Native American nation of the Ojibwe (1960/2002). there is only one reality. Despite of this request. experience-based action (Bell 1997:1. 82). A recent study. in which human and non-human persons have relationships. using the concept of animism in a non-pejorative sense and showing how violent the relations with non-human persons can be. and he advices no to use it (2007:340). spirits are able to ‘colonize’ each other mentally (2007:50) and hunters can seduce elks sexually by spiritual and physical means to make them coming close enough to kill them (2007:76. Harvey has been criticized for having a pro-animist theological agenda. A. 1992:ix). Grotti and Ulturgasheva 2012).110).and provide meaning through confirming human identity as being situated in the cosmos. 87. The concept of non-human personhood has led to an attempt of rehabilitation and revitalization of the concept of animism by in particular the English scholar Graham Harvey (2006). Some authors propose psychological explanations of the projection of personhood to for instance stones and animals. Willerslev establishes a reasoning linked to mimetic practices. He describes how a hunter can be tricked into death (2007:68. sickness. 18 .Willerslev has recorded that the Yukaghir were convinced of that spirits exist and. but also a body. In addition. so that some places become carriers of certain meanings while others are not (Rappaport 1999:209-215). and death are key themes in religious expressions. childbirth. which cannot be seen as totally separated from each other. but it is not necessary to go into more details here (Willerslev 2007:185). there is the question of how religious systems contribute to establishing a structured and meaningful relationship with the natural environment. Humans do not only have a mind. As a part of this tendency to think the human consciousness being also physical. In the opinion of MerleauPonty. In recent decades. a theoretical perspective on human consciousness is impossible without embodiment (McGuire 2008:113). the study of religion is reassessing the reality of that supposed disconnection of the human mind with the body. Physical experiences like hunger. in the first place the significance of the material existence of the human body has to be understood. The Cubans in exile in Florida still venerate the Catholic Madonna that is the patroness of Cuba (Tweed quoted in Hughes 2009:210). They see religious expression as necessarily locative. Willerslev gives more detailed descriptions of the ways Yukaghir perceive the spirits. There is no dualistic distinction between aspects that are ’purely’ spiritual and those that are ’merely’ material (McGuire 2008:56). pain. and in concordance with the topic of this thesis. In order to be able to establish a contact with the environment. McGuire emphasizes that the material (especially the bodily) aspects of popular religious practice are important parts of how the larger religious experience is produced (McGuire 2008:56). It provides meaning to places and binds people to a location (Tweed quoted in Hughes 2009:13). that they are constructed. a cult can continue even if the population does not inhabit the place it is linked to any more. For instance. Religion can divide space and create boundaries. McGuire argues that the Catholic and Protestant churches have after the Reformation attempted to purify religion from all references to the body seeing it as impure (McGuire 2004:55). at the same time. a number of theories about the importance of emplacement have been developed. the amount of land required. It will also be explained how the concept of ecological sustainability fits into Sámi world-view and how Sámi themselves think about the development of the after war period of their culture as to sustainability. Rappaport counted the pigs. One important remark that has to be made is that this study is not intended to be comparative. the regional and up to the universal level. might it be animals. not only the symbolic expression (Rappaport 1975:3). In his last book.related. brief surveys of cultural. After this introductory chapter. and the estimated crop yields in order to prove his hypothesis convincingly. rituals and also stories that function like myths will be systematically described and analyzed. researched in detail how local rituals create a ’delicate but essential environmental balance’ (Bell 1997:29). In the next four ‘mapping’ chapters. Here he is clearly going beyond his role as scientist and becomes theological. here follows an overview over the content of the chapters. As to the way the thesis is organized. Rappaport suggests that humanity starts using religions to create harmonious bonds between humans and their non-human environments (Rappaport 1999). they create values. the perspective of the researcher and the criteria for the selection of sources of information and informants and describe the properties of the sources. the local. an American anthropologist (1926-1997). and the term ‘traditional Sámi culture’ will be explained. The approach is spatial and goes from the individual entity to the species. the actual beliefs. plants. At the end I will draw conclusions. or stones. attitudes and beliefs that concern human environment. Bell 1997:29). I will explain the methodologies of the research. historical and ecological backgrounds of the Sámi will be given. because he gives a central role to religion for creating a balanced human society.the ritual itself was the regulating factor. He did field work among the Papua people of the Tsembaga Maring looking at how they kept a balance between people. the gardens and the pigs holding rituals when mass slaughtering. Rappaport has been designated as being a neo-functionalist (Segal 2009:69. Roy Rappaport. In the chapter after that.Religion as creating a relationship with the natural environment Religious expressions do not only create a relationship between people. As such. 19 . but also between people and their physical environment. A comparative approach was beyond the possibilities of this research. 20 .I will limit myself to inquiring into the Sámi views on religion. nature and animals without raising the question whether they are substantially different from the local FennoScandinavian people of for instance 50. 150 or 500 years ago. Many of the described superhuman agents are present in the neighboring cultures and have at the first glance very similar looking functions. It is not my intention to show that the Sámi are now or were once in the past more sustainable than other neighboring peoples. while others had not. I use information from T. some of which was totally unexpected. 2004). some of which had been described by missionaries. a special focus is on the Northern Sámi. while one of them. For every religious element I describe. The starting point of this study was my encounter with a number of traditional practices some of which have partly disappeared but are remembered by elderly persons.I. because of that. Magga. being the largest region and also for me the easiest accessible one. All my informants are Northern Sámi. However. Oskal in the study about values Western Finnmark reindeer herding (1995). 21 . and I will compare traditions when the sources allow for this. some are just practiced by a few persons. to oral traditions written down by Sámi in recent decades. while others are still in general use. the perspective of the researcher and the sources used will be discussed. Nils A. Itkonen about the Inari Sámi. the regional provenance is indicated as precisely as possible. 15 Like Marit Myroll (2010) in the analysis of a local Lule–Sámi village in Nordland/Norway.15 They connect contemporary beliefs and rituals to ancient ones. is both.CHAPTER 2 – SOURCES AND METHODOLOGY In this chapter. In the interviews I was trying to test the information I found in various texts and to find more relevant elements. I covered all of them because most beliefs and rituals are represented in several areas. Oskal have done in their description of Sámi value or belief systems. North and Lule Sámi. I decided to limit my selection to the most well-known historical primary sources. the methodology. Obviously it is impossible to read every source that exists about particular specific local elements of Sámi religion and. or Jorunn Jernsletten in the research in Norwegian Southern Sámi areas on the relationship to the landscape (2002. The combination of ancient sources with interviews corresponds to what a number of Sámi scholars as Marit Myrvoll or Nils A. Laila Spik. I that research process. While I recognize that there are differences between the different regions. because of my personal background. and to my own interviews. Oskal and Sara (2001) in their contribution to the ethics of animal welfare. I tried to find out more about their spreading and to trace them back in time. I encountered more and more information. and which tends to disregard the concerns of the people studied while often misunderstanding the indigenous beliefs (Tahuwai Smith 1999:74. It is not the aim of this study to reconstruct some kind of authentic ancient Sámi religion.. yet. as it is also possible that oral traditions might be very ancient.. concepts and language embedded in beliefs about spirituality represent.. 2.e. Turi tells that he cannot disclose all about traditional medicine. Kuokkanen 2000). It is one of the few parts of ourselves which the West cannot decipher. in the Dieđut.) Also in Sámi sources. the clearest contrasts and mark of difference between indigenous peoples and the West. we find frequent remarks that non-Sámi do not understand or should not be told things so that the Sámi will not be radicalized.10. 22 . belief or ritual that has been described in the last fifty or hundred years in the missionary accounts or other written sources.2006.Of course one can never be sure about the historic dimension of a value.1 Indigenous methodologies16 Indigenous peoples all over the world are in a process called decolonization (Tuhiwai 1999. it is sufficient and important to describe traditional local cultures that probably have existed at least over the last 200 years. This reflects a wish to overcome their suppressed social political and cultural positions and obtain more control over their own society and culture. The values. Still I believe that this type of long-term connections are important to make. Kuokkanen 2000). because it might not be believed and even considered to be ridiculous: 16 The Sámi University College in Kautokeino has published an English version of the report of a seminar ”Ethics in Sámi and Indigenous Research” that took place in Karasjok on 23-24. i. attitudes. This often creates a dichotomy with what they call ‘Western science’. in many cases. which follows its own agenda.Series 1/2008. (Tuhiwai Smith 1999:74. cannot understand and cannot control. and Kuokkanen. They do not believe in them. så skulle de forundre seg over denne makta. Sámi University College.a. Helander–Renvall 2009:46). Kautokeino. wrote that even after the 40 years he spend as priest with the Sámi.. p. and research by persons with an inside perspective should therefore be strongly developed (Tuhiwai 1999. 2008:9). the results should be made available to them in a way that strengthens the indigenous society. The personal investment of the researcher is central. men om de fikk se alt hva samer gjør. 2009. in all parts of the world. Several protocols for research on indigenous cultures have been made for outside researchers.17 (Turi 1910/2011:123. Porsanger 2004). one example from Central America in Natvig (2006:250). de gjør bare narr av samens dumhet. Indigenous methodologies include the following points: the research question should concern issues that are put forward by the indigenous peoples themselves.” (Turi 1910/2011:123. the Sámi keep any thing related to their ancient religious practice secret (1755/1981:13).) For many learned men it is not suitable to hear about all these advices. but if they would really get to know all what Sámi do. for qualitative or participatory action research. Even if not 17 “(. De tror ikke på dem. My study tries to adopt at least some principles of the indigenous methodologies.18 Socials scientists are developing creative new practices. 132-144. 23 . And contemporary researchers of religious studies might still encounter the same attitude. the Swedish priest (who worked in the Lycksele the Pite Sámi area)...) og for mange lærde herrer passer det ikke å høre om alle rådene. they would be surprised about all their power.(. and where it comes from..no.) Pehr Fjellström (died 1697). some scholars propose that he or she could become auto ethnographic and might go through a personal transformative process that generates postcolonial moments of knowledge transformation (Tomaselli quoted in Denzin 2008: 368. og hvor den kommer fra.) 18 See for instance: Negotiating Research Relationships: A Guide for Communities www. calling for critical research. and just ridicule the Sámi’s foolishness. for working with indigenous communities to make sure that the local community is committed to the research and sees the benefits from it (Denzin e.arbediehtu. My supervisor was Prof. Last but not least a scholar. As a biologist and life-long environmental activist I wish to contribute to finding solutions for the global ecological crisis. Michael Stausberg that helped me enormously. Both aspects will be combined. The three key informants. I have been the partner of a militant traditionally thinking Sámi and am a parent of our Sámi child.2 My perspective as researcher My research perspective is composed of several experiences and aims. to be an understanding. 2. awareness. it is possible to have some inside knowledge of Sámi society. This project is registered at the Norwegian Social Science Data Services. I wish to contribute to a more informed debate about Sámi relationship to ecological sustainability. The subject of my research has been developed in dialogue with various Sámi that have an environmental concern. They only intend to provide a differentiated way of showing how the traditional Sámi culture they grew up with is based in their own lifeexperience. and I received invaluable help with the language corrections of Allegra Brunborg. I am grateful that Marit Myrvoll. an experienced researcher and Sámi social antropologist. have clearly expressed that they wished on one hand that the outside world had a more realistic understanding of how some Sámi dealt with the local ecosystems as to keep them in balanced and usable. and debate about Sámi cultural values. Feeling part of Sámi society myself. has made herself available to discuss on the theme of the research with me on several occasions and give some comments to my outlines. and that on the other hand they did not wish to be romanticized as ‘ecological saints’ who have some type of ‘perfect’ way to deal with natural resources. neutral observer who is supportive of the Sámi culture and being a reflexive and critical outsider (Porsanger 2005:27-31). I took active part at the 24 . We inhabited a local village community in Eastern Finnmark. I wish to strengthen Sámi culture and create more knowledge.a Sámi myself. like the activists in environmental movments. who are not acquainted and do not live in the same local communities. while non-verbal sources consist of objects. in 2007. there is a great variety of insider views (Porsanger 2004:109). According to my view. 2008. like sacred drums. The discussion and exchange between research of all perspectives is of crucial importance for creating a fertile and creative scientific life. Verbal sources are texts or linguistic terminology and (place) names. being partly outsider and partly insider: an insider because I have knowledge about the culture out of personal experience and an outsider because I am also part of other cultures than the Sámi culture. and with Niiillas A. Sámi Traditional Knowledge About theUse of Nature. Primary sources are representing insider views. 2. because they can overlap and make any absolute distinction impossible (Porsanger 2005:27-28). Over the years I acquired cultural knowledge and developed a self-identification as a part of Sámi society. 25 .3 Types of sources Sources for gathering information are generally differentiated into verbal or non-verbal. They are direct and unchanged data. lead by the University of Rovaniemi.local Sámi society life and initiated and coordinated cultural projects on both the local and the international level. an absolute dichotomy between the inside and outside perspective is difficult to make. graves or sacred and archeological sites. see note in chapter 3. An outsider position might gain knowledge rapidly whereas an insider perspective is no guarantee for accountability. the making of a cultural trail and a brochure in the village of Sirma. In my view. and primary or secondary. while in a secondary source the direct information has been transformed 19 Here are three exemples that had tangeable results: the Deanu Salmon Seminar in 2003. research from all perspectives is equally authoritative and important as they have their advantages and disadvantages.19 I also learned the Northern Sámi language at a basic level. in cooperation with the local inhabitants’ association Sirma bygdelag. My perspective has become mixed. Somby. Porsanger includes interviews with contemporary Eastern Sámi as a valid primary source for Skolt Sámi ancient traditional religious traditions (2007:80. the use of contemporary primary oral courses was at first contested by scholars that considered the ancient religion to have disappeared and some potential remaining sign of ‘folk’ religion as lacking their original context and therefore irrelevant.83). The term is widely described in Mebius 2007.the relationship between religion and sustainability. they probably told him what they had heard from their great or great. that is to say the texts from the missionaries in the seventeenth and eighteenth century (i. 100 years 20 Noaide was the religious expert or virtuoso of the ancient Sámi religion. 26 . According to the general opinion. an oral tradition cannot probably be claimed to have existed with absolute certainly longer than from ca. 1750 onward. According to Jelena Porsanger. For instance if Turi had heard about a tradition from his grand parents. it became a common practice that scholars constructed historical continuities between beliefs and rituals between the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries (see scholars such as Laura Honko and Juha Pentikäinen and later also Hans Mebius 1972 quoted in Porsanger 2007:75-76). Written sources about Sámi religious practices can be tracked down in time until the earliest sources available about pre-Christian religion. Porsanger 2005:80). To make a rapid and may be superficial evaluation of oral tradition. Louise Bäckman remained careful and skeptical pointing to changes in oral traditions. and the terms for the noaide. factors that cause changes in narratives transmitted via oral traditions have been little researched and every source has to be evaluated for its individual quality.already once by an outsider interpretation or reformulation (Rydving 1993:27-42. and significant variations between for instance what a noaidi20 and ordinary people said (Porsanger 2007:76-77).great parents. I often had to look for marginal observations in longer texts. born ca. that are born around the 1850 ties. The religious elements described in this study are stated to be traditional and inherited from their ancestors by the first primary informants like Johan Turi. But thereafter.e. by Rydving (2010:73-92). secondary sources). As scholars had not explicitly focused on the subjects I was looking for. 2010:8. Rydving (1995:27-42. He also mentions which theological concerns influenced their missionary work and how that affected the content of their recordings. Itkonen and Pentikäinen were useful for their records of oral local information and their references to ancient texts. Rydving describes them as follows: 27 . The accounts of the missionaries have limitations that are highly relevant for this research. Bäckman. First of which sources exist on the Lule Sámi and pre-Christian religions at the times of the religious change in the seventieth and eighteenth centuries (1993:27-34). As to the places they describe. Jelena Porsanger. Mebius and others have made extensive quotations and analysis of ancient sources. Any claims of longer memory chains are to my opinion rather difficult to prove without supplementary evidence. Ancient sources Much has been written about the available sources of information about pre-Christian religions. a scholar in religious studies at the Sámi high school has made a source analysis for the Eastern Sámi traditional religion (2008:80. it is only possible to guess about which Sámi area the specific information came from. The same persons that tried to convert the people into another religion became paradoxically the main resources for conserving their memory.earlier. 2010:57ff) has made overviews and drew maps indicating from what precise Sámi areas the Danish-Norwegian priest like Thomas von Westen and the Swedish missionaries gathered information. passim). Håkan Rydving made overviews and categorizations of sources on ancient Sámi religion. In some cases. Some of the key Danish-Norwegian texts have been discussed and the contents have been made easily available in a synopsis (Rydving 1995). I can only read their original texts written in ancient versions of various Scandinavian languages with difficulty. however. We generally have to rely on detailed information from the texts of the early missionaries. Scholars like Holmberg. For my study. atmospheric. (.21(Mebius 2007:92. Also the issue of how to keep ecological balances with the local environments was not addressed two hundred fifty years ago. had another religion. Qvigstad and Ravila). Gemene mans föreställningar om andra osynliga väsen än de himmelska. jordiska och underjordiska gudagestalterna väckte uppenbarligen inte samme intresse.. Among them are the four sources besides the interviews I have referred most to in my analysis. Probably those types of values and concerns were either so wide spread that they were considered to be generally known or they were considered to be insignificant in times before the ecological crisis. but most of the authors came from other cultures.) 28 . atmosfäriska. And also the Swedish scholar specialized on Sámi religion Hans Mebius drew similar conclusions from the work of the ancient missionary texts: It was this mythological and ritual knowledge of the noaidi that above all interested Thomas von Westen and his colleagues. The beliefs of the common people about other invisible beings than the heavens. 21 Det var denna mytologiska och rituella kunskap hos nåjderna som framför allt intresserade Thomas von Westen och hans kollegor. spoke other languages and were intent on replacing the indigenous religion with another belief. the first Sámi began to produce writings themselves. Contemporary sources At the turn of the nineteenth to the twentieth century..There were Sámi among the authors of these accounts. And at the same time.) There is nothing to indicate that their questions were relevant to the essentials of Sámi religion (2010:58). (Mebius 2007:92.) It can therefore not be surprising that the ancient missionary recordings did not often mention most of the superhuman agents discussed in this research. The three first are primary (Turi. scholars like Qvigstad systematically collected local oral stories.figures did obviously not raise the same amount of interest. earthly and under earthly god. the other is a secondary source (Itkonen). in the now extinct Northern Inari Sámi language.uit. an injured young Sámi reindeer herder from the Inari area. and Sámi.Johan Turi (1854-1936) was a reindeer –herding Sámi who migrated between Karesuando area and the Norwegian-Swedish mountain areas. and written down bilingually in Northern Sámi and Norwegian. Qvigstad was principal of the teachers’ academy in Tromsø.22 Knut Just Qvigstad (1854-1957) has provided the most important source for Sámi traditional stories in the Norwegian Sámi area. recorded at the end of the ninetieth century and published in the 1920s in four large volumes. Norway. carried a double issue about J. When he met the Danish artist Emilie Dermant-Hatt. He makes many interesting observations about the relationships between Sámi and non-Sámi.no/aigecala/. His texts give prove of that many rituals and sacrifices were still in use at the time of the recordings in the first decade of the 1900s. 22 The magazine Sámi dieđalas áigečála 2/2011 and 1/2012. The collector certainly did not get all stories. 29 . as he knew it. a leader of education and cultural institutions. Turi with online abstracts in English: http://site. and describes how they often just did not understand it. Turi’s texts are of fundamental importance for knowledge about Sámi culture and Sámi self-understanding. Paavo Ilmari Ravila (1902-1974) was a Finnish linguist and a researcher that recorded the statements of Jouni Nuorgam. Turi wanted to write himself about the essential aspects of Sámi life. The stories were thoroughly recorded in the way as they were told. a politician and a folklore expert. Qvigstad’s project certainly also had its biases. but most probably the most reprensetative and ‘presentable’ ones to the public opinion of that time. He had been working as a guide for rich foreigners that were very interested in Sámi culture. His texts were recently re-edited in various language editions and are much read and discussed today. a teacher. linguist expert in Finnish. Therefore. as tot the content and the type of stories told. The name of the person who narrated them is mentioned underneath. Kvenish. as she made his notes and drawings ready for publication. published by the Sámi University College in Kautokeino. this plan could be realized. joined in as an informant. He recorded stories from his childhood area in several field trips. in total about one page. 7) They had to agree to be my informant. Laila Spik (Jokkmokk). ST= Solveig Tangeraas.T. 5) They had to be motivated for the research. 4) They had to be interested and able to talk to me about religious beliefs and rituals without that this would disturb them or that they would regret it afterwards. Itkonen (1865-1925) was a Finnish historian and linguist. as to be sure that they could give information that was representative and reliable. 30 . 2) They had to be respected as carriers of traditions in their own local community. I 23 SP= Sigvald Persen. The book of Itkonen also incorporates fieldwork of others. as many persons rather like to keep these things to themselves. Itkonen encountered many living traditions of species-related guardian spirit stories but he only wrote a few lines. 6) They had to possess some long term perspective as to discuss Sámi issues and the development of projects to support local Sámi culture. also from Sigvald Persen's local community. MB= Mardoeke Boekraad. I have known Laila for ten years and Sigvald for five years and had collaborated with them in the coordination of several projects. MM= Marit Myrvoll. He focuses on outer and ‘exotic’ expressions like bizarre spirits and rituals. Sigvald Persen (Stabbursnes) and another person from Tana who decided to remain anonymous. Various Sámi individuals also offered spontaneous information to be included in my research. Solveig Tangeraas. wanting to contribute to a spreading of knowledge about the beliefs and practice of the Sámi. In the course of the research. As to my relationship with them prior to the research. author of this study.I. LS= Laila Spik. about them. He was the son of a Finnish cleric who was placed in Inari and grew up there. Personal interviews23 For my interviews. The criteria for the selection of the informants were the following: 1) They had to be born before 1950 and experienced childhood and adolescence in the traditional subsistence society that existed in many areas until the middle of the 1960s. 3) They had to have some overview over Sámi culture. I chose to work with three key informants. and says little about inner values and beliefs. but has much affinity for ancient pre-Christian practices. but that it did not make the received information less interesting.Sámi from the coastal area and grew up in a household where they kept sheep and lived from fishing. but not an active churchgoer. I think that this conscious self-censorship happened to some degree. reindeer holder and makes a living as a cultural worker and gastronomic expert of Sámi traditional cuisine. Sigvald is an educated engineer and has worked many 24 A Christian charismatic movement founded by Lars Levi Læstadius (1800-1866) that had strong influence amongst many Sámi communities. He is a northern sea. Sigvald Persen lives in Stabbursnes in Porsanger in Western Finnmark in Norway. and it is not easily possible to admit that something is sensitive and that one wishes to hide it. Sigvald and Solveig wished to give information under their own names. she was born in ca. Her father was Lule Sámi and her mother northern Sámi. Laila Spik lives in Jokkmokk and Gällivare in Sweden. married with one child. Sigvald stated that it felt like a ‘theft’ if I did not mention that I had recorded statements from him. The disadvantage of that openness is that the given information corresponds to what is acceptable in the opinion of the informant to be known in the public realm. She masters both languages and has contact with both sides of her family. small-scale hunting. and handicraft. She is probably one of the most outspoken contemporary Sámi on issues concerning Sámi traditional religion and spirituality. Any sensitive information can be hidden. Spik appears regularly on television programs where she explains about Sámi culture and has co-published a biographical book under the name ‘Den samiske vandringsrösten. He was born in 1948. -Jag är kunskapen’ (Bornstein 2002). and transmitted them to his daughter Laila (Bornstein 2002: Ch. Regarding of anonymity. Solveig thought it was just fine that readers knew which information came from her. 31 . 1948. is divorced and has two children. Her father Jovva was very much aware of the loss of ancient traditions and wished to preserve as many of them as possible. Laila. His parents were Læstadians24 and he is a member of the State church.also have visited Laila regularly at her summer dwelling in Saltoluokta and she came to Bergen during the work on my present thesis. and an educated teacher. 20). She is a member of the Swedish State church. A Case Study of Sámi Healers in Porsanger’ (Miller 2007). when re-reading the texts again. married and has several children. I had prepared a set 25 Mearrasámi diehtoguovddáš. I met a local handicraft club and discussed with their members during one of these visits.mearrasapmi. 2013. we could very well communicate on the telephone. I met him when working on a project on traditional values. and I had a shared interview lasting for about four hours with Sigvald and Solveig during the last visit.years for the local municipality before he decided to co-found the Sea-Sámi competence centre25 that in Indre Billefjord. www. In all cases. as they feared that they would be judged negatively by them. She was born around 1940. We had about four longer telephone conversations of between half an hour and an hour about the research subjects during the whole research period and I have sent her some emails with prepared questions. My informant from Tana wished to be anonymous. How the interviews went Because I did not have to dedicate time to get acquainted with the informants. Solveig Tangeraas lives in Indre Billefjord. They wished to remain anonymous because the elderly members of the family did not want that their clearly preChristian traditions would be known by the local priest and their neighbors. 32 . She is a retired teacher and very active in the local Sámi cultural association. because of knowing her well. The older and younger members of that family discussed the issue of my research and considered it important that their family traditions were recorded and made available for scientific debate. Feb. The interviews that I have transcribed from the recordings give me. it was sufficient to pay a visit of a few days at the time: I visited Sigvald three times for periods of one to three days (Nov. Sjøsamisk kompetansesenter. He has written several articles about local knowledge for joint projects with Tromsø University and contributed with his live experience to a PhD research ‘Connecting and Correcting. better and more detailed records of what has been said than the notes taken after the other interviews. see note 19. I sometimes made recordings of the interviews and sometimes notes during the interviews. I visited Laila Spik one week in August 2012 for my research and.no. He is also known as a local traditional healer who does not takes payment for his services. 2012. April 2013). I did not want to ‘dig’ for more information when feeling that my respondents said what they wanted to express. The exchanges we had were interesting and might result in future cooperation.of questions and tried to be a good listener without intervening too much or trying to direct the answers (Fangen 2004:178). even though I remained curious for more explications. The informants told me things they had been thinking about and had decided consciously that they wanted them to be known. On the other hand. 33 . it was possible to record relatively quickly an amount of information. I was trying to be very careful not to ask too many follow-up questions. I noticed that the fact that I knew them already and had changed roles from being a friend to being a resarcher also had negative consequences. As I already knew about a number of practices. It made it difficult to address other issues than those we already had spoken about. if that felt inappropriate. the official office Statistics Norway publiashed a report with data about Sámi. 2000 Eastern Sámi in Russia on Kola Peninsula. A person is considered as Sámi when at least one ancestor of at least three or four generations back in time spoke the Sámi language. Around 90% of these Sámispeakers speak Northern Sámi.28 There are about 70.000 of them speak Sámi. what attitudes they have towards it. 17 000-20 000 Northern. www. Lule.eng.se/. In Sweden persons married to Sámi can join. Sámi are legally recognized as indigenous peoples in correspondence with the 26 In 2010. 34 .no/befolkning/statistikker/samisk. Pite and Ume Sámi in Sweden. I will discuss the way in which Sámi themselves describe their relationship to nature.public online exhibition on the Scandinavian Sámi from Sámi perspective. their ecological history and my understanding of ‘traditional Sámi culture’ will be addressed.info/aefiles/Valgregelutvalg%20rapport. September 2001. These criteria are formalized. ca 5 000-6 500 Eastern.CHAPTER 3 . This background information serves as the preparation for introducing Paulson’s categories of beliefs and rites in a spatial dimension.c a. and how the Sámi worldview includes religious beliefs in reference to the perspective of ecological sustainability. For official statistics on Sámi in Norway. 3.1 On the Sámi people and languages today The Sámi26 are a group of linguistically and culturally heterogeneous peoples. made by the Swedish Sámi parliament. and about two thousand speak Lule Sámi. their languages and brief elements of their religious history. 28 The rules are slightly different in each country and concern an objective language-based criterium. http://www. who live in four countries29. Sámi form a minority in all places they live at. see http://www.pdf 29 Ca. Karasjok and Utsjoki.000 Sámi. enrolling at those registers came into function in the 1980 and 90s.pdf 27 For an English speaking large. the second largest Sámi language. 40 000-45 000 Northern. as that one of the great-grand parents has to have spoken Sámi.SÁMI BACKGROUNDS In this chapter I will give some background information on the Sámi people.no/a/english/publikasjoner/pdf/nos_d443_en/nos_d443_en. which will serve as an organizing principle for the following chapters.ssb. Last but not least.sami-statistics. Southern Sámi in Norway. Northern and Inari Sámi in Finland. and it is estimated1 that about 34. They are composed of ca. See for details: Sametingets valgregelutvalg 30. 10 different languages groups.ssb. with the exception of two municipalities in Norway and one in Finland: Kautokeino.samer. Lule. After that. several of which are extinct. and ca.27. see http://www. http://www. Russian or Finnish one. Every nation can define its own membership criteria. Martínez Cobo’s “Study on the Problem of Discrimination against Indigenous Populations”. and that Sámi women living outside of the Sámi areas have a poorer health than those living inside the Sámi areas and that men have a higher suicide rate. 1000 years BC (Hansen and Olsen 2004:31-41). James Anaya. and have the same civil rights.un. only a working definition in the report in José R. and professional education as all other citizens.pdf 33 For an English large-public online exhibtion on the Scandinvian Sámi from Sámi perspective. 35 .pdf.standards of the United Nations30 in Norway. see http://www. http://www.org/Documents/Issues/IPeoples/SR/A-HRC-18-35Add2_en. Prof. in reference to their social situation.05.se. 3.ohchr. Finland and Russia. For a recent report made in the human rights situation of`Sámi by UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Sámi go to state schools.ssb. The Sámi language belongs to the Finno-Ugric language family and has developed as a separate language from a common proto-Finnish langue from about the second halve of second millennium BC (Hansen and Olsen 2004:134 quoting Pekka Sammallahti).2013.no/upload/BLD/sla/Skjeieutvalget/september_2012/kunnskapsstatus_liestillingsstatus_sa mer. See the explanatory note from the UN secretariat on indigenous peoples https://www.31 One cannot distinguish a Sámi house or person from a non-Sámi Norwegian.pdf downloded on 22. However.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/SOWIP_introduction. For official statistics on Sámi in Norway. 31 For a recent critical report made on the human rights situation of`Sámi by UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples. By no means have the Sámi been a culturally isolated people.pdf 32 Kunnskapsstatus likestilling blant Samer.eng. Prof. duties. They had a semi-nomadic lifestyle and were continuously in contact with the surrounding agricultural societies and with 30 There is no official definition of the term indigenous peoples. The self-designation of ‘Sámi’ has been related to a reconstructed original word form šämä interpreted as signifying ‘land’ (Hansen and Olsen 2004:47). suppression and diversity33 Sámi culture is recognizable in its archeological artifacts since ca. pay the same taxes.no/befolkning/statistikker/samisk. http://www.org/Documents/Issues/IPeoples/SR/A-HRC-18-35-Add2_en. a recent study32 in Norway shows that the most significant problem is that Sámi experience twice as much mobbing as Norwegians. made by the Swedish Sámi parliament.2 Change. James Anaya. Sámi people are economically and socially relatively well integrated into the modern states.samer.regjeringen. http://www. Swedish.ohchr. 3). In the nineteenth century. also called Lapp codicil. e.the eastern part of Russia (Hansen and Olsen 2005:32-33).. The reindeer grazing lands surface became more restricted (Hansen and Olsen 2004: ch. which the Sámi inhabited and used traditionally.5). After the large civil movement. None of the texts from the MiddleAges sees them as impoverished or inferior (Hansen and Olsen 2004:151). The colonialisation of the areas. Farmers from the south could without Sámi’s consent appropriate lands the Sámi had been using for reindeer grazing. others were only given restricted education in tent schools in Sweden. 3 and 4). ‘Fornorskning’ and in Sweden for the condescending ‘A Lapp must remain a Lapp’ policy (Lehtola 2004:44-48). in Norway. the assimilation policies came to an end. linked to the plans to build a huge hydroelectric dam close to Alta in Norway. In the 1960s. The taxation systems that were imposed on the Sámi in particular in the period from the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries put a heavy toll on the Sámi communities. a kind of Sámi cultural renaissance took place (Lehtola 2004:70. The Sámi now became more strongly integrated in international trade networks. When state borders were closed due to separate nation building. to an official assimilation policy called Norwegianisation.76). After that. It was forbidden to use Sámi language at school in Norway. which regulated migrating rights for reindeer herders across national borders (Hansen and Olsen 2004: 273-280). They provided fur and fish that they sold for instance to the trade people from the town of Bergen and the ‘birkarlere’ on the SwedishFinnish side (Hansen and Olsen 2004: chap. That had important consequences on the cultural level. a process of institutionalization of Sámi rights and cultures started. in 1751. The Sámi were still considered as a distinct and equal nation to the others in the international treaty of Strömstad. the states started imposing increasing amounts of regulations that affected the Sámi. The siida was the basic social unit of the ancient Sámi society. on trade. According to Lehtola a new flowering of the culture started.g. the Sámi were exposed to the discriminatory effects of social Darwinism. In the course of history various types of siida were developed (Hansen and Olsen 2004). Many Sámi children in Norway were forced to go to boarding schools far from their home communities where they became alienated from their culture and their own relatives (Lehtola 2004:62). A siida consists of a group of 36 . started in the thirteenth century (Hansen and Olsen 2004: Ch. this had grave consequences for the migration routes of the reindeer herders. It had normally the full authority and exclusive using rights over its local resources. and totally dismissed for instance in Finland with the establishment of local state municipalities in the course of the nineteenth century (Lehtola 2004:42). For instance there are about six different designs of drums and drawings on drums in the different Sámi regions. berry land. The siida became more and more weakened with the increasing influence of state authorities. MB). The union of the state and church was constantly strengthened. and piece of river was attributed to a person or family who had the exclusive using right over that. ‘There was never any uniform Sámi or Scandinavian religion. The ancient pre-Christian religion was based on oral. Religion is embedded in culture and transforms itself along with the historical development of societies. even if it was usual that one particular respected person was the siida-leader. We know that there were substantial differences between local religious expressions. Most siida’s stretched from the seacoast to the inlands. and small rests of it remain in practice in local places like the village I lived at. Around the year 1000 the Norwegian kings became Christian. but important regional and individual variations. Most people know in which lakes their family used to fish in the old days. The names of the superhuman agents varied. not written transmission. and which berry fields were theirs. Fewer and fewer people have the time to go fishing in inland lakes nowadays (oral information from locals. The siida did not have a hierarchical structure. That system was at many places in use until the wave of modernization after World War II. which became official in Norway in 1537 by a decree of king Christian III.individuals and families living together and covering an area in which the group did their seasonal migrations. In 37 . although the condition of the sources makes it tempting to generalize on weak grounds’ (Rydving 2010:25). Many authors have described the systems of how the locals divided the natural resources between them (Hansen and Olsen 2004: passim) and. in a study of the Norwegian authorities Elina Helander-Renvall describes the situation in the local areas (2001). The first churches were built in the Sámi area in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. and is therefore to reconstruct. Every lake. Several Sámi became committed Christians before and after the Reformation. 1995. Membership in the Norwegian state church remained obligatory until 1845. Sámi ceremonial drums were confiscated. sacred altars destroyed. In the middle of the eighteenth century. while others remained passive or neutral. missionary efforts were strengthened to Christianize the Sámi more intensively (Rydving 1993. quoting Gjessing and Zorgdrager). see 2004 for an overview).3 Traditional Sámi culture The term ‘traditional Sámi culture’ has been discussed by several Sámi academics (Helander 1996.1660. some liked the new faith and became active supporters. and compare Bergström 2001). Guttorm 2011. public ecstasy. After the witch-hunt period. the Læstadian movement resembles other charismatic movements of its time in Europe (Minde 1998. started the lay religious revivalist movement led by Sámi priest Lars-Levi Læstadius (1800-1866) that still has many adepts today (Minde 1998). wooden idols were burned. The sixteenth and seventeenth century was the period of witch trials. Different groups of Sámi had different types of responses to the imposed religious change. visions and other. There is a scholarly debate going on about the question whether Læstadianism had so much success because it included elements of the ancient religion like healing. 2010. In Sweden the figures are much lower (Hansen and Olsen 2004:324-327). Polyani defined traditional experiential 38 . became compulsory. In the Lule Sámi areas the Pre-Christian religion became underground in the period from the 1670s to the 1740s (Rydving 1993). About 27 Sámi were executed because of witchcraft in the period 1593-1682. in particular baptism and the Holy Communion. Proportionally fewer Sámi were executed than Norwegians. the Christian faith became obligatory for everyone and with that. A group of traditional activists continued in secret with ancient practices and condemned the new religion (Rydving 2004:106). rituals. 3. It is reported that Norwegians were afraid to immigrate to areas where Sámi lived because of their supposed magical skills (Hansen and Olsen 2004:345). in general. basic knowledge.a.g. Traditional knowledge is conceived as a custom that is repeated for at least three generations (Polanyi referred to in Guttorm 2011:66). knowledge. This type of traditional society structure. the mid 1960s (Kalstad 1996:30.The Finland based ‘Snowchange’ project links universities with local indigenous communities all over the Arctic and records observations of signs of climate change. Within two decades after World War II the introduction of motorized transport like the snow scooter. Sara quoted in Guttorm 2011:66). 37 NIKU recently concluded a project on recording local information on the changes in fjordeclogy at the Porsanger fjord called ‘Fávvlis’. and much more. and had a rich vocabulary related to it. cannot be transmitted by theoretical teaching of ‘diehtu’ (knowledge) (Guttorm 2011:68). called ‘máhttu’. Traditional ecological knowledge is a concept that is used in the natural sciences (see e. 39 . and the general installment of electricity in houses became a fact in even the most remote Sámi areas (Aas ea. there exists an immense challenge to find new roles for that type of knowledge in modern society. terms for reindeer.samiskhs. It is based on the fact that indigenous peoples and also Sámi were keen observers of nature. 37 At the Sámi University College and cultural centra it is a regular type of project to collect ancient Sámi words from elderlypeople for aspects of nature like terms for snow and ice. The skills. salmon or seals and parts of it.35 Traditional knowledge is linked originally to the traditional society where people relied on that type of knowledge to survive.see www. 2010:20). Much of it is not used any more or is already forgotten.37 This thesis aims at documenting some of the religious aspects of that.knowledge34 and his ideas were transferred to the Sámi context by Sámi academics Maja Dunfjeld and Gunvor Guttorm (2011). based on local communities that were to a large degree self-sufficient. The Sámi University College project ‘EALAT’ concerns traditional knowledge in reindeer herding. 34 There are several Sámi University College projects on traditional knowledge. ‘Birgen’ and ‘Árbediehtu’ . The context of this knowledge has completely changed.36 The recording of this type of knowledge has become object of numerous local projects. the building of asphalt year-around accessible roads to remote villages. Firket Berkes 1999) for describing knowledge on ecology or animal life of local tribal or indigenous peoples. 2010:20 for an geographical description. Aas e. values and religious rituals related to the ancient life style is called ‘traditional knowledge’ today. like ‘Ealát’. attitudes.no. remained predominant in many places in Northern Scandinavia until ca. such as observing a cloudberry field from year to year. 35 Traditional knowledge consists of a personal experience. may be even millennia. New York. The most recent bones of the Great Auk (Pinguinus impennis) found in Norway date from the Stone Age. seen from the contemporary perspective. There might have been local natural resources that were used in such a way that they did not get depleted on the long term. studies do not relate traditional knowledge to biological outsider expertise. can also be used for history prior to its definition. Such studies would be very interesting for further analysis of the 39 See Diamond Jared. it seems logical that the term ecological sustainability’. This does not rule out that some species came under pressure as a result of overhunting due to heavy taxation regimes. Probably every culture had more or less effective ideologies and strategies for keeping the resources from which they live intact. Some beavers have recently been reintroduced in Northern Norway. even if it is known that some civilisations collapsed because of ecological mismanagement. it was rather difficult to find information on this issue in relationship to the Sámi. over many centuries. just like the term ‘genes’ can be used to talk about genes in a time before DNA was described. Human need to use natural resources in a balanced way does not seem to be new. like the beaver that might have disappeared from Northern Norway during the multiple taxation times. 2005.3. quite the opposite is the case. It was an easy-to-chase and tasty auk-like bird that could not fly and lived at the sea coats in the Northern Atlantic.4 Birgejupmi: Are Sámi ecologically sustainable? The term ‘ecological sustainability’ is linked to the emergence of the environmental crisis and became part of the international agenda as a result of its use in the Brundtland report ‘Our common future’from 1987.39 also killed by predators or other unknown developments. sustainable patterns in parts of the ecosystems. How Societies Choose to Fail of Succeed’. Sámi place names for instance in the Tana area refer to them.38 Therefore. 39 40 . The basic assumption of this thesis is that the traditional locally based Sámi subsistence culture had. Information I got during the work in Sirma /Finnmark in 2006. The question is whether this term can be used for the time before that crisis. after having been absent for centuries. Viking Press. this bird species got totally extinguished in the whole world. To my disappointment. even if it is new. About 150 years ago. ‘Collapse. Scholars who write from a Sámi perspective and elaborate upon the Sámi world view argue that the most important characteristic of that view is that everything in the universe has equal rights. the ancient Sámi subsistence economies’ impact on the ecological balances was not critically analyzed in the public debates so far.ecological history of the Sámi areas but. killing and burial of game played a mayor role in everyday religion” (1994:357. Hultkranz sees the Sámi as part of a circumpolar hunting culture that has ‘animal ceremonialism’ as an important characteristic: “Catching. in his article ‘Religion and Environment among the Saami: An Ecological Study’ (1994) does not make specific references to sustainability: “Whenever practiced by hunters.. Åke Hultkrantz. Even rather critical voices agree that indigenous peoples and also Sámi have some kind of close relationship to their landscapes and nature: “Closeness to animals.)“40states Siv Ellen Kraft (Kraft 2004:244). as an ‘inseparable unification of people and nature’ (Porsanger 2006:39). is related and interconnected in a form of reciprocity. the central role of animals and the beliefs. Traditionally scholars have described Sámi religion as well adapted to the environment and close to nature. nature and the divine are possibly characteristic for indigenous religions in general. as long they have not been made.). 323). it is rather be difficult to assert that ‘the Sámi‘ had an overall 100 % or even 80% ecologically sustainable pre-modern culture. in which they used the resources almost entirely on their own. fishermen or pastoral nomads. The general assumption is that the Sámi did not damage ecosystems over the long periods of time. Also for Pentikäinen.) 40 41 . Kuokkanen 2000. To my knowledge. Helander Renvall 2010). even if not as sustainable or aimed at keeping balances. naturen og det guddommelige er muligens kjennetegnende for urfolksreligionene generelt. (. Jelena Porsanger mentions the concept of a close mutual relationship between Sámi and ‘everything in creation’. Saami religion remained close to nature in its expression and well adapted to environmental demands” (Hultkrantz 1994:367). In her “Nærhet til dyr.” (Kraft 2004:244. rituals and rules related to them was a distinctive feature of Sámi religion (Pentikäinen 1997:77-81.. and has to keep balance in order to function well (Jernsletten 2004:55-56. the aim of the Sámi people has not been to make the most efficient use of the natural resources as a source of income. as survival in the North depends on the renewal of the riches of nature. Superhuman agency is one of the elements that belongs to the whole. When one of the elements is missing. she adheres to a holistic thought model. The quote of Sigvald Persen illustrates this also very well: 42 . She apparently considers this term to be appropriate for addressing ancient cultural patterns. this close relationship has traditionally been reciprocal and can be considered as the very basis of the indigenous Sámi religion. (Porsanger 2012:39. In this quote. and that this way of life has existed in the different types of economic structures. (. translated as ‘maintenance of life’ by J. individuals and communities need to maintain balance in order to make their living and to ensure their well-being. This presupposes that people think about the world and themselves in a holistic and reciprocal way. but rather to use them rationally in a sustainable way. Birgejupmi implies a broad spectrum of elements. Gods and animals. (Porsanger 2012:37. 39). Porsanger consciously refers to the modern term sustainability. and is connected to the logic of sustainability. humans and all types of powers belong to a cooperative system.) Traditionally. 42. In Sámi language the traditional view on the relationship with the natural environment has been described by using the term birgejupmi. Traditionally.. from her Sámi perspective. Hendriksen (2011) ‘having enough to make a living’ for Helander (1999:20).view. the relationship with the ecosystems is incomplete and dysfunctional. Birgejupmi has various translations showing different aspects of its meaning: ‘survival capacity’ by John B. “maintenance of life” describes a holistic Sámi understanding of well-being and survival and interdependence of everything in the world. Birgejupmi. Porsanger (Porsanger 2012:38). like social aspects and a value system according to which none took more from nature than they needed to survive.. Birgejupmi presupposes a view of that everything in the world is interrelated.) This quote shows that. 2012.“ (SP Oct 2012) 42 ”Ikke alle samer holder seg til reglene. Man hadde et forhold som grunnlaget for det gamle og det ble tatt bort. Not all Sámi are keeping the rules.Just an experience”. Some feel that it is inferior to be like that. Spirituality intervenes in material conditions. Knowledge that was embedded in religious ritual elements that disappeared.) Sigvald explained that the ancient sustainable lifestyle was for him was based on practical necessities and that did not have an over-regional general conservation ideology.) 43 . (LS August 2012. 2013). and that is the embarassment that some Sámi feel according to her for their own traditional value system. ‘We have liberated us from nature’ they say. Not everyone wishes to live like that.41 (SP Oct. the Sámi lived in a sustainable way before the change of society model. Ikke alle vil leve slik. det var kunnskap fra eldre tid. Today’s people have mostly abandoned the knowledge. Laila Spik is of the same opinion as Sigvald. ‘People in the old days hunted every single seals in the fjord they could. Also for her. De vil være ‘fint’ og ikke være samer. It becomes articifical. They knew that new seals always came’ he stated (Oct. Så du har den så lenge du er avhengig av den. (LS Aug. The unwritten rules. bare et opplevelse. He himself lost the right to fish Salmon in the local river with nets for instance in 1978 (Miller 2007:199-205). People had a religion at the basis of the old ways and that was taken away. We live in a time of decadence. Åndelighet ingriper i materielle forhold. in that one could buy food from a shop.One was depend on nature that was the knowledge from the old times.)42 41 “Man var avhengig av naturen. 2012. The ancient lifestyle dissappeared because of two factors: the changes in society. She adds one factor to the two he mentioned. Dagens menneske har forlatt kunnskapene-‘de uskrevne reglene’. and the introduction of regulations that ended and forbid the traditional local ecological management pracices. Kunnskap som ble innbunnet i religiøse rituelle elementer som ble borte. Religion is tied to the use of resources. They wish to be ‘something better’. ‘vi har frigjort oss fra naturen’ sier man.you have that as long as you depend on it otherwise you cannot have it any more. Ellers kan du ikke ha den lengre. det blir kunstig åndelighet. Religion er ja knyttet til bruk av ressurser. Vi lever i en tid av forfall“. the difference between religion and cultural values and ideals. the relationship with the ecosystems is incomplete and dysfunctional. The tents and earth huts they lived in at those times were round. humans and all types of powers belong to a cooperative system. For her. Laila Spik described in an interview her vison of the’round life’ that she lived in the old days. it felt safe and much better than today.43 As to the traditional society.culturalsurvival. (ST May 2013).2013. 2010: Water Prospecting Threatens Sami Sacred Site. 44 .that life felt like a round circle in the former times. has gotten smaller than ever before. as insignificant and shameful. At the same time. Only remnants of this knowledge remain today. Jelena Porsanger adheres to a holistic thought model. Solveig Tangeraas. Gods and animals. Religious behavior becomes ’culturalized’ and often dissociated from centralized churches that have their own agenda’s. 1). linked with living in a respectful relationship with land.05. like between superhuman agents and ‘powers’. May 5. and at the same time indicating that she hopes that the times might change.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/finland/water-prospecting-threatenssami-sacred-site downloaded on 28. Live became unsafe when the family started living in square houses (SP August 2012). When one of the elements is missing. and was more harmonious. This concept of religion seen as inseparable from daily live and all other aspects of culture and society corresponds to criticisms made by for instance Talal Asad (see Ch. and many Sámi now see traditional Sámi spirituality. A great deal of Sámi spiritual knowledge has been lost or destroyed by colonization and forced Christianization over several generations. spontaneously suddenly used the same word. Here lies a cultural 43 Rauna Kuokkanen. that lives at 1000 km from Laila and is not acquainted to her. secularism is the rule. And that might be difficult to combine with this type of concept of religion. Superhuman agency is one of the elements that belongs to the whole.Laila Spik is indirectly blaming the Sámi for being ashamed of themselves. In modern Europe. Also Sámi academic Rauna Kuokkanen confirms that many Sámi are ashamed of their traditional values. at the end of our last interview to describe the traditional life. ‘round’. She talked about he ‘round circle’ . http://www. In short. make noise when outdoors.animals. Sámi árbevirolaš čehppodat luonddugeavaheamis. of the awareness that everyone is dependant on the other and has a duty to help each other. They aim at the optimal well being of all “I utgangspunktet er alle skapninger likeberettigete. It appears to be a coherent idealistic system of basic values towards humans and nature taught to children from the youngest age on.” (Magga. or even stones . plants. og har krav på sin andel av det som til enhver tid tilbys eller er tilgjengelig og nødvendig for deres eksistens. Oskal. destroy or even blow over a birds’ nest. Children were not allowed to break twigs from trees without reason. children were taught to treat animals and plants in the same careful manner as fellow human beings. The transgression of these rules can result in a sanction of a superhuman agency in the form of various degrees of back luck. Somby in 2008.difference between indigenous and non-indigenous worldviews that would deserve further research.”44 (Magga et al 2001:3.) Many Sámi refer to a set of traditional values on how to treat nature and each other respectfully. Sara 2001:3. I have encountered that already mentioned set of values45 everywhere. as well as of equality between the parties: “In principle creatures do have equal rights. These rules have an obvious significance in a context of sustainability. There existed also many rules related to hunting. 44 45 . not to scare the fish away. Magga stated that Sámi values towards nature are well documented (Magga 2011). Some of its concrete elements are that nothing . 2008. or turn around stones for fun because it could disturb insects. and can claim their share of that which is available at any point in time or what is accessible and necessary for their existence.was to be disturbed without important and serious reason. probably for making sure that animal populations would remain in balance. especially close to water. neither were they allowed to walk off the path in order not to tread on vegetation.) 45 Sámi Traditional Knowledge About The Use of Nature. It resulted in a low-budget documentary film with compilations of interviews of fourteen well known Sámi traditional knowledge holders from four countries. One should never touch a wild animal. Value-system behind birgejupmi The relations in this network of the ecosystem are based on ethics with key notions of respect and reciprocity. was a project coordinated by me and directed by Niiilas A. ) 46 Ivar Paulson was an Estonian poetand etjhnologist who worked in Sweden and had a broad knowledge of. 3. Die aus der Tierwelt selbst hervorgewachsenen allgemeinen Tiereigner oder Gottheiten der Tiere und der Jagd wie.) 48 1.“ (Paulson 1961:148. According to Hultkrantz (1966). (Information from the above mentioned project and Magga 2011. like Juksakka. I will come back to these rules in the following chapters. MB) corresponds entirely to the conception of the species-related animal protection spirit. which serves as the basis for my research. Allgemeine und lokale Naturwesen-geister und Gottheiter des Waldes. Finno-Ugric and Siberian cultures. among others. 2. bzw der Gewässer. Owners and gods that stem from the animal world itself.) 46 . 4 Die besondern Jagdgottheiten zB Juksakka. The species-related spirits of each animal type. that has developed from the animal world itself. It is inspired on the typology of wild animal spirits of the Estonian-Swedish scholar of the science of religion Ivar Paulson(19221966)46. Inuit. 5. and confirm the idea that everything around us is alive and supports us if one behaves well.” 48 (Paulson 1961:148. his work “opens up for ecological studies of religions”. and information LS. Artgeister der einzelnen Tiergattungen.living beings. Special hunting gods and godesses. 2. Paulson elaborated the differentiation in the Sámi and some other traditional cultures of the body-related soul and the free soul. Seele bzw Schutzseele des einzelnen Tieres. The typology he gives of wild animal. He elaborated the differentiation of the body-related soul and the free soul in the Sámi and some other traditional cultures. 6.” (My translation of Paulson 1961:147. SP and ST. Eine spezielle Wildgottheit ist der “Horn Herrscher. and not as nature being. 47 “It (category of species-related spirits. A special god in the range of “high gods”: the corven radien.) 3. like Leibolmai. “Horn Ruler.5 Structuring beliefs related to ecological sustainability For my analysis of the structure of the religious beliefs and behaviors.related spirits in his publication Wildgeister im Volksglauben der Lappen (1961) goes as follows: 1. 3. 6. The soul that protects each individual animal. I have chosen a spatial division that goes from the individual to the global. zB Leibolmai. als Eigner der wilden Tiere. 5. 47 4. General and local nature spirits like spirits and gods of the forest and the water that are considered as owner of the wild animals. The term is widely described in Mebius 2007. First I discuss level 1. 49 Noaide was the religious expert or virtuoso of the ancient Sámi religion. Paulson’s categorization of animal. the relations with the individual entities. or reindeer grazing lands and other places underground spirits watch over. There are a few interesting superhuman agencies and rituals that could not be treated in this study. and the pantheon of gods of the ancient Sámi religion are placed. I have included the hunting god Leibolmai in the overall pantheon. which he calls nature spirits. They are the underground people. like several species of birds called . and clearly makes a difference between the species. The sixth level becomes the global level. fjords. I draw on this typology in my thesis and have inspired the organization of the chapters on it.Paulson distinguishes individual and species. the sacred shrines called háldi or sieidi and the personifyed landscape. Level 5 is extended to all forms of superhuman agency concerning local landscapes. the nature as a sacred concept.3. that corresponds to Paulsons category 6. I will make an analysis of the functioning of the superhuman agency as to its significance for ecological sustainability. In my research. an an other are the various other sacred animal species. Spirits that are stemming directly from animals can be found in both categories 1 and 2. like lakes. One are the rituals related to the deposit of bones. like the ancestor animal. on which the gods. the water. At each level. In chapter 5 I address Paulsons type nr 2. or in the terms for he noaide.protection guardian spirits and the localowner type of spirit. the species-related protection spirit called máddo and sacred animal species with as example the bear. the species-related agencies.magicial-bird ‘noaideloddi49’.spirits from háldi. that also encompass superhuman agencies that are not based on animals. The general nature spirits figure in chapter 6. At the highest level figures also the superhuman agency of ’nature’ taken as a whole. Rydving (2010:73-92) 47 . in chapter 7.or forest spirits.related spirits is extended to all things that are considered to have a personhood in Sámi traditional religions like trees and stones. I have enlarged his categories to larger ones. They have a more ownership-related role instead of a protective role. Tillhagen 1969. Qvigstad 1927 I story nr 141. It leads people to be constantly attentive to potentially strange behavior and other irregular aspects of wild animals as they at any time could be transformed humans and therefore bring bad luck. frogs or fish. 143). even children.CHAPTER 4 . Qvigstad 1927 story nr 141. They are dangerous and should not be hunted or eaten (Itkonen 1946:120-121. Sometimes it is told that a hunter or fisherman can encounter human objects. Therianthropy enhances keen observation of nature.Sámi area with which one everyone. Kulonen 2005:13). and have the possibility to become human again. to overcome an evil enemy competition with an other noaidi or a reason can be not given. Persons can transform themselves into an animal out of free will. knife. The aim can be to help someone else. or make a roll over a tree stem (Kulonen 2005: 213. Shape-shifting or theriantropic skills are told to be often. Johan Turi wrote down a story of how subterraneans. There are some descriptions of rather simple rituals from the Skolt. Pentikäinen 1997:85-86.1 Animal shape-shifting Stories about humans that transfigure into animals are frequent in Sámi traditional story telling material (Kulonen 2005:212-13. The chosen animals are normally wolves or bears. the domain of religious experts. but not generally. 48 . Itkonen 1946:121. in this case called ‘ulddat’ transform a Russian murderous group or robbers against their will and without possibility to return to human shape to murderous wolves (Turi 2010:110). money or shoelace under the skin of a hunted animal. because these may belong to an intimate personal realms or private mystical experience that does not have ecological sustainability as a main theme. In my interviews I have not focused on recording contemporary stories about shape-shifting. like a belt. Those animals are then considered as former humans that became ‘bewitched’ animals.SUPERHUMAN AGENCY ON THE INDIVIDUAL LEVEL 4. and sometimes also mice or little birds. Pentikäinen 1997:88-91).143. were said to achieve a transformation into an animal and back again: circling tree times under or around a pine tree that was bent to a curve. Wild animals can have skills that can be felt as desirable to humans. and without wanting to trivialize a mystical personal experience of shape-shifting). 4. it was most appropriate to choose to use the type of belief system that has been described with the term of ‘non-human personhood’. as a way to get away from the confines of one’s physical body. and therefore Pentikäïnen does not like to use it (Pentikäinen 1997:323). to what people today take holiday for or watch a movie in the cinema? Therianthropy shows again how permeable and relative the boundary between humans and animals can be. The ancient missionary texts do not attest the existence of this type of belief system (Mebius 2007:25). Animism is by older Lapplogist scholars that were influenced by the evolutionistic views considered to be characteristic for Sámi religion. It has been mostly promoted by contemporary 49 . to howl and run with the wolves. The term ‘personhood’ avoids the discussion on the nature. Theriantropy implies identification and emotional attachment and in some cases idealization of wild animals. or soar like an eagle? A temporarily change of identity can also be seen as psychological way to deal with personal tensions. Could it be compared. see chapter 1. Jernsletten 2004:54-55. Therefore it can become a powerful motivating factor as to not to disturb individual animals and those parts of ecosystems they depend on. of worries and stresses of daily life.2 Non-human personhood For this study. Schanche 1995:43. Animal can serve as ideal role models and teachers. It is mentioned as to characterize Sámi religion by a number of Sámi scholars (Bäckman 1975:137. Helander 2010:45ff). (to be slightly provocative. Mulk 2000:269. The belief in therianthropy reduces or even removes the idea of that animals generally are ‘dangerous’ or ‘other’ and installs the concept of hybrid human/animal identities. absence or presence of a soul in Sámi culture. and to active support of the living conditions of wild animals so that they can thrive. It is often connected to animism (see earlier the theoretical chapter for a debate on terminologies). Who does not like to imagine being as strong as a bear. like conscious thinking.role.. ahte ii leat ila garas su vuložiiddásis – leat go olbmot dahje luonddogáhppálagat. Magga and others state that there are forms of spiritual communication between humans and animals. [According to the traditional word view has nature. som mennesket er totalt avhengig av. Therefore communication through thought and words has to exist in 50 . According to Kildal.. speaking. They have a superhuman personality with comparable qualities to humans.] (Turi 1910/2012:123. both a spiritual and a material aspect. As a result of the consecration. bade en åndelig og et materielt aspekt. mat leat olbmo hálddahusa vuolde. Således må det være tilstede en tankemessig og verbal kommunikasjon i kontakten med naturen og dens ulike vesener. And on the Last Day.) Ja maŋimus beaivvi lea beana vuosttaš alaguoddi.(…) Følge av konsekrationens ritual av trummer var ‘at trumman ansågs ha blivit levande’..scholars with Sámi perspective. the dog will be the first witness for the persecution. samtidig som mennesker gjennom praktiske handlinger påvirker naturen og selv blir påvirket av den. The communication with non-human persons can take three basic forms: (a) animals and trees can be felt as talking in regular human language. [And in the olden times all animals and trees and rocks and everything found on earth was able to talk. which came under the man’s control: those that had to work too hard or had been made too heavy burdens and who were beaten as well. Enlit Kildal kude nåjden kommunicera direkt med trumman. that means they have agency.(. 124.(.52 Some Sámi I spoke to during my visits to the Sámi areas that they and their family 50 Ceremonitrummorna uppfattades som levande.) 51 Ja boares áiggis leat hupman visot eallit ja muorat ja geađđgit ja visot mii gávdo eatnama alde. [The ceremonial drum was considered to be alive. Ja de maŋŋil iežá luonddogáhppálagat. called ‘diida’. And they will all be able to talk again when at the Last Judgment. unless a person is of too harsh a nature. emotions and deliberated actions. (b) in form of symbolic information or (c) giving messages through their behavior according to the system of animals omens. ja nu galget hupmat maŋimus duomu áiggi nai. like a sigh. as we can see from the examples with the sea birds in this chapter and the fish sieidi in chapter 6.] (Christoffersen. the poor animals that do not have mouths with which to say that they can’t pull any more! And then even people manage to hear their sorrowful voice. And it is so sorrowful a sound that it cuts right to the marrow of one’s bones.) Dan gal galgašii muitit juohkehaš. it had become alive. The two key informants consider the communication with non-human persons to be essential and indispensable for human survival in the local ecosystems. The concept of non-human personhood implies that every living being and also non-living objects like stones or drums50 and overarching units of the environment like landscapes or nature take an active subject. This has many consequences for the relationship with the ecosystem (Helander 2010:50). And after the dog all other animals of nature.. sometimes. Alas. on which humans are entirely dependent on. They also are seen as having equal value to them. Johan Turi writes that all animals could speak in the old days and that they will speak again to accuse humans of all wrongs they have done on Judgment Day51 (Turi 1910). the noaide could communicate directly with the drum.) 52 I følge den tradisjonelle forestillingsverden har naturen. 2010:123. The information from my informants can be interpreted in that direction. ] (Magga Oskal Sara 2001:5. (LS August 2012) 51 . like animals and plants. They do not understand that. Animals and plants help humans for instance to find medicine in the nature. Man forstår de og av og til må man tolke deres svarene. Hva gjør vi egentlig tilbake? Alt er besjelet. Sånt har vi overlevd i årtusende. but not sacred activity. everything. that guarded the fish stock. Hvordan finner vi medisin hvis vi ikke får fortalt det av naturånder? Kunnskap og åndelighet henger sammen og kan ikke adskilles. den passer på fiskebestand. Animals and humans cooperate in the perspective of creating the best mutual benefit and the contact with nature and its various entities. Planter.) Sigvald Persen stated that one cannot really take care of the sea bird population if one can not communicate intuitively with animals. My informants considered communication with for instance animals as autonomous and thinking subjects a natural part of their life and seen as a spiritual.) 53 Du har mentalt kontakt med dyrene. How can we find medicine if we do not get that knowledge from the nature spirits? Knowledge and spirituality are connected and cannot be separated. Vi får så mye av planter og dyr. 2012. How do we return this to them? Everything has a soul. fish have a fish god. fisk har en fiskegud. Plants. He explained this by telling a story about sea birds. alt. landscapes. blir folk helt forvirret. Hvis jeg sier at vi snakker med dyr og vekst. We have survived in that way in thousands of years. De forstår det ikke. simultaneously as humans via practical acts influence nature. and humans help sea-birds to make their nesting areas safe for predators. and nature influences them. thrives. And thank them. They heal us and give us good advice. and the animals and all nature supports humans in return (Helander 2010:50). Humans have to ensure that everything around. landskap. Og takker de. The relationship’s essence is described as reciprocity implying mutual support and duties based on contract. De helbreder oss og gir råd.had never stopped talking with animals. people get very confused. 53 (LS Aug.like agreements. while others confirmed that that is something only from the past. You have mental contact with animals. If I say that we speak with animals and plants. One understands them and sometimes one has to interpret their replies. We receive much from animals and plants. This poem from one of the most known contemporary Sámi writers shows the agency of a stone. that came to those islands on the fjord where sea bird colonies had their nests. as for example in the case as for the seabirds but lso for many other species. in the shape of a wagtail.stated Sigvald . Trees and Plants54 There are at least three sources from the turn of the nineteenth to the twentieth century from Northern. Since the interdiction on hunting predators there are too many eagles and foxes. is totally ineffective because this type of traditional ecological knowledge has not been taken into account. Kirstti Paltto novel ‘White Stone’2012: The White Stone won’t just find anybody. The seabirds. It was even normal . Kalstad 1997:24. Local Sámi were heavily dependent for food on the seabird eggs. The aim was that humans would come to shoot the fox and protect the bird’s nest and youngsters. Qvigstad and Demant-Hetta. Skolt and Lule Sámi areas mentioning individual tree spirits that require choppingand permisson rituals the disrespect of which can lead to sanctions: Itkonen. I. Some of the rituals they mentioned are found in use almost unchanged today (Johnsen 2005. Predators can create great havoc and decimate seabird populations by robbing eggs and the juvenile bird before they can fly. The Sámi used to kill all predators.that the sea birds would have spiritual contact with the humans to tell them that a dangerous predator like a fox for instance had swum to the island. in their turn purposely chose islands that were close to human settlements because they knew the humans would protect them.“ 52 . is that since then nature protection. The novel is worthwhile to read and explains a lot about Sámi religious world view. Only she sho wants to search and find. including eagles. are being plundered without respect. A fact all my key informants agree upon. and ate some types of sea bird meat as well. but lacked space for that. including the almost extinct ones. the White Stone.sustainable management of the natural resources. oral information).Am the truth. the nests of sea birds. I am the envoy of love and hope. My mothersTomorrow’s messenger. according to Sigvald. 54 Originally I planned to discuss in this paragraph also the superhuman agency of stones. That system came to a forced ending when the national state authorities imposed legislation that prohibited the shooting of predators. If one wishes to be precise one should also strike the places where the tree will be cut.) Each single tree that is felled must be used. In the same way hugs a Skolt Sámi. If he forgets that.The reindeer herding Sámi from Inari are of the opinion that every growing tree has a spirit (muorra vuoiŋa) that has to be woken up. when he goes to the forest to gather wood. before one cuts down the tree. If one does not do that. um Holz zu holen. “erschlägt ihn“ wenn er es unterlässt. this account reveals the moral that one never should take more than needed. Also when taking a tree stem for making a baby cradle. (Qvigstad 1920:171. zischt und kracht das Feuer im Herd. vor dem Fällen einmal mit dem Nacken der Axt gegen den Baum. woran den der Baum abgeschnitten wird.) 56 Man darf keine Bäume fällen und verfaulen lassen in Wald. the half stem has to be buried to be entirely certain that the tree spirit has left the wood of the cradle. Otherwise. the fire can start to spark. before he fells the tree three times with the shaft of the axe against the tree. otherwise the forest spirit could take possession of the child. indem man dreimal mit dem Nacken er Axt gegen den Baum schlägt. as no resource should be wasted. jeder wachsende Baum habe einen Geist (muorra vuoiŋa) den man vor dem Fällen erwäckt. Trees actively participate in Judgment Day according to an oral story recorded by Qvigstad. (…) Desgleichen schlägt der Koltalappe. by hitting three times with the steel of the ax against the stem.spirit does not remain in the tree. (Itkonen 1946:262. In addition to attribution of personhood.) 55 Die Rentierlappen von Inari meinen.) The muorra-vuoiŋa is mentioned once more in his text: one has to cut off the lowest branch of a tree before felling it. It brought great misfortune to bring that lowest twig with the tree –spirits into the house.56 (Qvigstad 1920:171. Will man genau sein. One ought not cut trees and let them rot in the forest because otherwise they will raise a complaint on Judgment Day against the human that did that. sonst erheben diese beim jüngsten Gericht Klage gegen den betreffenden Menschen. sonst gibt er beim verbrennen Feuergarben. he ‘knocks it out’.55 (Itkonen 1946:70-71.) 53 . so that the tree. (Itkonen 1946:262. or the woodcutter can suddenly die. the tree fellers can fall ill or even die. auch auf den Stellen. wenn er in den Wald geht. the fire in the stove will crack and whistle. und der Holzfäller erleidet einen plötzlichen Tod. every harvesting of trees or the removal of individual trees must be proceeded by a permission ritual. That advice should be followed. or the theft of innocent babies. This information was only received from one informant. The reply can be yes or no and can be felt in form of a physical attraction/ or repulsion to or from the tree or plant or even heard as a voice within. hurried to embrace and greet the trees” (quoted in Hultkrantz 1994:361). It is therefore not surprising that some of these rituals have survived in some places until today. oral information LS) but rather in harvesting from trees and plants. The reason behind a ‘no’ can be that the plants need to be there for some requirement of the local ecosystem. namely death penalty. 54 .(LS August 2012. It may be significant that it is a woman who has written down this girlhood tradition. An emotional attachment to trees appears.Tree spirits were obviously very important and had to be treated with caution. Here it seems that the girls behave towards trees as they would to their personal friends. In the oral traditions Tore Johnsen reports from his fieldwork one person told him that ‘one has to beat the tree so it becomes unconscious’ before felling it (Johnsen 2005:24). According to Emilie Demant Hatt in a publication from 1928: “the Lapp girls. The last phase is that one receives a reply. Women were traditionally not too involved in hunting and fishing (Mebius 2007:95. when returning from the heights to the forest districts in the autumn. I have encountered one ancient type of ritual begging for permission to harvest trees and plants. This is comparable to reindeer slaughtering where the reindeer first is made unconscious before it dies. May 2013). and condemnation on Judgment Day. Secondly one asks with or without words inward permission to harvest them. The sanctions of transgression of these rules included the most severe punishments off all. That consists of three phases: first one tunes intuitively into the tree or plants. In her family tradition. stated Laila. or because their plant population does not tolerate any extractions at that moment. A friendlier and less grim piece of information about contact between humans and trees is the following observation. Laila Spik. http://www. Sámi scholars refer to these as a basis for the Sámi ethical system (Magga Oskal Sara 2001:2. since animals cannot directly defend or speak.2013.) Contracts of reciprocity The relationship between humans and animals is characterized by a value system that considers reciprocity as the norm. One should not see that I take lots of wood there. Sigvald showed me the birch tree forest close to his house that looked entirely natural. so that the younger ones can grow better. 55 . for example. humans should contribute to make the species develop better. but then one dog promised to work for man if he fed him decently and killed him respectfully when he grew old. even though he and his family had gathered firewood there for several decades or longer. A number of orally transmitted mythological narratives attest to the conceptualization of humananimal relations and the form that this type of customary agreement and cooperation is based on. As to regulate the respectful keeping of reindeer there is a 57 The transfrontier project “Cultural Heritage in Northern Scandinavian Old Forests” where an academic institution.57 To illustrate this. Dogs once were wild animals.nrk. the sanctions are being applied via superhuman intervention.no/nyheter/distrikt/nordland/1. a local Sámi cultural center cooperate showed that ancient Sámi in that Lule-Sámi area had a way of harvesting fir tree bark that distinguished them from the surrounding Norwegian villages. The fir trees Sámi had been used for food in the 18hundreds were found alive over 300 years later.10842172 downloaded on 26.Sigvald Persen did not confirm the use of that type of explicit permission ritual when chopping trees. Sámi did not cut down whole trees. Västerbotten museum and Árran. but had a special technique for taking bark from living trees without killing them.04. It should look like a natural forest. (SP March 2013. If the rules are not respected. This reciprocity implies binding mutual obligations. traces of harvesting plants or trees in a forest. Stories about the animal species that have concluded a contract with humans for mutual benefit are recounted for instance about dogs (Magga Oskal Sara 2001:2). I mostly take old trees. Tree bark was in the past an important source for food. Laila Spik and Sigvald Persen both explained to me that it is an important ecological value that one should not be able to see any traces of humans intervention in nature. On the contrary.3). The ritual confirms the role of men as the dominating power over predators. to be held in October by reindeer herders to trace lost reindeer back and designates predators to reindeer as ‘enemy. and not eaten up by predators. Predators are on purpose being represented to be helpless. The ‘defender of the predators’ is a naked man dressed with only a belt with a knife in it.’58 The herders hope to recover lost animals alive. non-human.story of the two women Áhceseatni and Njáveseatni. namely J. Nuorgam as transcribed by Ravila. Is this apparently harmonious relationship of all beings doing all they can to share gifts. The ritual involves three men: one that pours blood on a stone. The Inari-Sámi word for ‘war’ is here used for the rituals against the cold. His task is to try to sneak toward the stone and the fireplace where a reindeer liver is placed on a stick. The spider is rewarded with eternal protection by all humans (Qvigstad I 1926:151). the drought. according to which the reindeer stays with the kind woman who takes gently care of it while it leaves the other woman who then dies of hunger (Qvigstad II 1928:327). the ‘defender of the predators‘ is finally without any real chance of winning. The ritual has to be repeated until the ‘defender of the predators’ does not manage to hit a piece of liver. 56 . man and animals are considered to be equal parts and the humans are held responsible for treating the animal respectfully. that defends the spirits of the forests and the robbing predators. and be faster than the reindeer herders. He also describes a ritual from the Inari reindeer herding Sámi. persons. does not convey the impression of an equal or a friendly attitude to the predators. and to manage to throw his knife on it. In these situations. 58 The words used are in Inari Sámi. one that sacrifices and one ‘defender of the predators’. Only then the reindeer will be found untouched (Ravila 1934:51-57). and the death of dogs (Ravila 1934:33-35). This ritual of the desperate looking efforts of a defenseless undressed man in the freezing cold trying to get to the fire and get food. and correspond to Northern Sámi ‘soahti’ and ‘vašálaš’. help each other and behave nicely and politely towards one another a romantic interpretation? There also is a source that is harsher and contradicts an over-idyllic picturing of the formal contractual relations with other. The human relationship with the spider is described in a story about the spider helping a human to survive by weaving a web to hide the Sámi from passing murderers. stones and drums are regarded as having feelings. trees. lead to a powerful motivation to protect and strengthen the overall sustainable functioning of local ecosystems. 57 . The belief in non-personhood creates patterns of identification and empathy with animals. A feeling of safety is created. contract-like agreements on mutual rights and obligations accompanied by a sanction system enforced by spirits are considered at least by my informants to be fundamental instruments in shaping ecologically sustainable relationships with animals and plants in local ecosystems.and other rituals.As a conclusion. Components are obliged to cooperate and support each other. the identification and the interdependent network of mutual relations between human and non-human persons. Humans. but ‘beings’ like us humans: they become like our children. and relatives with their own inherent dynamics and value. friends. ecological sustainability consists from the human point of view of two aspects: not bothering or disturbing the ecosystem in order not to reduce possibilities for future use and to improve the well-being of animals in particular those that one is dependent on. and making humans happy. permission. Combined with long. Conflict and mutual hunting are parts of the relationship. As a constituent of the belief in generalized non – human personhood a number of actions implying superhuman agency that have an ecological sustainability as an aim enter into force. animals and plants are bound together in a network of reciprocity.term and intergenerational strategy of survival and the total dependency on local resources. be helping and sensitive like humans. Animals. and not dangerous. Communication with animals. plants and other surrounding entities. They are not alien any more. and that this is according to them linked to an ecologically sustainability function. one being Laila Spik. I heard of two Sámi. Visse seremonier og strenge regler var knyttet til jakten.) 58 .. 60 Innen den tradisjonelle veidekulturen var alt vilt og alle levende dyr hellig. 2012. but the bear was the most sacred of all]” I følge Randulf in Southern Sámi area. Within the traditional herding culture all wild animals and all living animals were holy. Laila Spik commented this type of event as follows: One does not kill the sacred hare. Or a deceased relative of yours. These rules had as purpose that the populations would be safeguarded. quoted by Bäckman (1975:48). As to the individual sacred animals. it could be an important male necessary to provide important genes to local hare population. One of my respondents has experienced it himself.) It is interesting that Magga et al.) 59 “Man höll alla djur för heliga men björnen ansåg man som den allra heligasta” [One held all animals to be sacred. Disse regler hadde som hensikt dels at bestandene skulle bevares og dels at hvert enkelt dyr skulle respekteres (. here underline that all animals were considered to be sacred in the traditional herding culture.3 Individual sacred animals In addition to being considered equivalent to human persons. Certain ceremonies and strict rules were linked to the hunt. some ancient missionary sources confirm explicitly that the Sámi consider all animals to be sacred59. that a hunter can suddenly receive a religious awareness that the animal he is about to kill is sacred. It can be for instance that it looks the hunter straight into the eyes and that that provokes a certain religious state in the hunter.) Konkrete straffe mekanismer kunne ramme den som ikke tok hensyn til dyres vel og ve. (Magga Oskal Sara 2001:5.4.being of animals60 (Magga Oskal Sara 2001:5. ( …) concrete punishment measures could hit those that did not take into account the well. I received information through oral communication that those individual sacred animals should not be killed. Sometimes individual animals are especially sacred. (LS Aug. 59 .as most encounters with the sacred -. it gives. Finally. their mutual identification and interchangeability as they can reincarnate in each other: an ancestor can be reborn as an animal. and understood that animal reproduction functions according to the same logic. this shows the closeness of human and animals. meeting a sacred animal and respecting the interdiction to hunt reaffirms that the hunter has to respect those rules. Sámi were traditionally highly aware of the way genetic selection in humans and animals functions and knew that strong individuals were vital to maintain the most vital animal population possible. They also noticed that human offspring receives properties from its ancestors. They made for instance keen observations of their reindeer herds. and it gives that animal the status of a highly valuable being. Second. First of all. What could be the underlying sustainable logic of sacred individuals? It certainly is ruleaffirming in the sense that religious experiences can regulate the behaviour in the hunt.The remark of Laila on the genetic importance of certain individuals for a larger population of a species in a certain area is significant. and had to decide which male calves and bulls they were castrating (as to use to pull sledges) or slaughtering so as to keep the best males in the flock for future reproduction. an important meaning to the experience. A possibly sacred hare may possess a special ecological function that makes it too important for the maintenance of the local ecological balance to be killed. and gives him or her certainty that nature will comply and respect the rule that it has to provide enough food for rule-abiding humans. (LS May 2013). at Biørnen bør regnes til det menneskelige Kiøn. haver en sædeles høy Forstand. The bear rituals are frequently discussed in ancient missionary and scholarly comparative texts (Rydving 2010)..” (Jessen –Schardebøll quoted in Rydving 1995:172.1 The bear The bear was considered to be the most sacred animal. at Biørnen (. as there are several traditional stories about Sámi women marring friendly male bears and getting human looking children. Helander– Renvall 2010:52. Humans and bears had friendly relations that were very different from the relationship with other predatory animals.) 61 62 60 . but not in others (Mebius 2007:96-101). priest and teacher Pehr Fjellström in Lycksele published a description of a bear ritual in all its details that was republished with a comment by Louise Bäckman in 1981.) “Det er desuden disse Folkets Meening. derover holde de for..SPECIES-RELATED SUPERHUMAN AGENCY 5. the bear has the strength of ten men and the intelligence of twelve.” (Rheen quted in Mebius 2007:96. Fjellström 1755/1981:14-15.) huusbonde öfwer alla andra diur i skogen.. In 1755.. Elina Helander Renvall has discussed the role of the bear from a Sámi perspective (2010:50-52). The Bear was the most powerful animal and seen as an ancestor to humans.CHAPTER 5 .. The god Leibolmai. therefore they consider that the bear to be counted as part of the human kind. as one says in some places in Norway. was called ‘bear man’ in certain traditions. Already missionary Skanke reports that Sámi hold that no meat tastes as good as bear meat and that this animal was sacred and a relative to the humans: It is the opinion of these people. that the bear (. Its hunt and the disposal and the special way to bury the skeleton as a whole after the consumption of the bear was linked to special rituals.62 (Jessen –Schardebøll quoted in Rydving 1995:172.) “(. enn som man på sine Steder i Norge sier. He had a separate position in the ancient Sámi religion as the ‘Landlord over all other animals in the forest’61 (Rheen quoted in Mebius 2007:96).) Human marriages could be concluded on bearskins (Holmberg 1915/1987:41).).) has a high intelligence and. haver Ti Mænds Styrke og Tolv Mænds Vid. god of nature and the hunt was related to the bear.. (Kulonen 2005:33. I found only one reference of Siv Norlander-Unsgaard that points to a role in ecological sustainability: she describes the bears’ ‘central point of life-giving force for flora. The aim of the ritual at the bear hunt is still discussed.Yngve Ryd (1952.area. she uses to try to enter into communication with the bear. told a 90 year old Sámi to Yngve Ryd (Ryd 2010). is not explained much in detail. has recorded a story about that that Sámi families who could have long-term friendly relationships with specific bear families. 2012). Only the bear parents would watch them. and that eating his meat is a religious experience. Some state that its aim is to make the bear tell other bears that they were treated respectfully by humans and did not have to be afraid of them (Bäckman in Fjellström 1981:23). the known Sámi artist.63 She also confirmed that she had heard of Sámi children of some families that used to play with bear cubs in the old days. 61 . the Swedish writer who had dedicated himself to writing down oral traditions of a elderly Sámi from the Jokkmokk. The Swedish historian of religions Carl Martin Edsman (1911-2010) states that the bear that offers himself as prey to the hunter. had a relative who considered a bear as a member of his family. During the hunt of a bear that is she got a hunting permission for. 63 This is also mentioned by L. Humans could not attack those bears they were befriended of. in order to ‘convince the bear to accept to be hunted. Bäckman (1991:20).’ She also collects all bear bones and buries them in a ceremonial way (LS Aug.2012). What the role of ruler or manager of the landscape and all animals means. Sámi children and bear cubs used to play children’s games in absence of human adults. and that the bear ceremonies made people ‘wise and healthy’ (quoted in Helander 2010:51). fauna and homo sapiens’. but that is practically performed by a relative. Kuoljok Eidlitz (1999:74) mentions that Lars Pirak (1932-2008). She told me in an interview that the bear is especially sacred. Laila Spik confirmed this with her own ritual practice of convincing a bear to accept to be killed. (Mebius 2007:103). Bäckman concludes from the text of Fjellström that the attitude of the hunter was characterized by respect for a being of equal value that also had a soul and could think like humans (Bäckman in Fjellström 1981:47). 5.As to the ecological sustainability.1 and the reindeer in chapter 7. I only have one story about a ritual related to that species. April 2013). and may be salmon65. The soup was special as such as it had a special and appreciated taste. the bear has clearly personhood. after the breaking of the ice on the Tana river. It gives meaning and identity to people who eat bear meat. that might help humans because granting them wisdom and strength from the contact with the bear. that normally are removed when making salmon soup (Information by the local traditional salmon fisherman and Raidar Varsi.related protection spirits: the máddo64 The máddo [origin or root in Northern Sámi] or species+ eadni [mother of + species] can be considered as one of the central elements in the understanding of the way Sámi traditional religion dealt with ecological sustainability as regarding attitudes and behavior towards animals. Second. First. See also Hultkrantz 1994:359 that describes Tana river’s first salmon ritual. Fourth. 1920) and in the stories told to Qvigstad (published 1926-1928). it has some kind of sacred power as livegiving force to the landscape. They have a special status and are not mentioned to have máddo. That results in identification and empathy.2. The most sacred animal species were bear.2 Animal species.There they figure next to stories about the underground people and noaidi’s . the bear is a sacred animal. the role of the bear is important and multiple. As to the Salmon. That soup was shared in a feast with the local community. Fifth. as it is seen as their mythological ancestor that might in some cases have married human women. which results again in identification and empathy. and perform rituals. 65 62 . hunt the bear. humans share a hybrid identity with the bear. made of the first salmon caught normally in May. reindeer. and other superhuman beings and are apparently 64 See appendixes to this chapter with overview of máddo stories and newly recorded stories. It was usual in the Tana area to cook a special first. due to that it included the head and the tail of the salmon. The máddo tradition has been most described by sources with a Sámi perspective since the beginning of the twentieth century like Johan Turi (1910.salmon soup. I discussed the bear in chapter 5. the bear is not primarily considered as a dangerous predator but is treated on equal basis with humans and is their personal friend. Third. and is seen as an autonomous conscious being. according to one source that does not elaborate much on this aspect. considered to be as important to them. In the appendix is a schematic overview over all máddo stories I found. Genii species play a role in the maintenance of a system that regulates behavior in prohibiting overharvesting and that limiting disturbance of living conditions for animal populations. The genii species establishes a framework for values and attitudes of respect and of an inherent right to live well for every living species, also the most insignificant for human use. The species- related protection spirits were not actively worshipped and did not receive any offerings. When they intervened, their action was punitive. They have been described as a type of ‘bogey’ phenomenon that belonged to the world of child rearing. (Pentikäinen 1997:226). As this research will show, they are by many traditional thinking Sámi still today considered them as a part of the adult world. The máddo is a part of Sámi living tradition of today. References and stories about them can be found in sources from Northern, Lule, Inari and Skolt Sámi. The Southern Sámi tradition has not being researched. For this analysis an attempt was made to gather a representative selection of máddo-stories from different Sámi areas. As to the terminology used in this paper, I will use the term that the scholars who have written about this issue have used. That is guardian spirit of species (Paulson 1961) or genius speciei. This term spirit is not used for the species- related animal protection spirits in any of the sources about by Sámi themselves, even if they have a term for it: vuoinga. What is a máddo? “Juokke diŋas læ mád’do” [every thing has a máddo] says the first line of a story recorded in Kautokeino (Qvigstad 1928 II:474). Traditional stories from various Northern and Lule areas repeat that every species had their own leading, protection and/or ancestor spirit (Qvigstad 1927 I:416, Andersen 2005:72, interviews Sigvald Persen and Solveig Tangeraas Feb. 2012). Itkonen, the source about Inari Sámi, does explicitly mention that máddo’s were only known for three named types of fish, and not for three other named fish species. Kulonen, referring to 63 Itkonen and Pentikäinen, says that máddu is a fish protection spirit and cubbomáddu is the protective spirit for frogs (Kulonen 2005:213). The guardian spirit dwells in the same place as the individuals of the species they protect. They do not move away from them to any other places. It is very characteristic that they always have the same appearance as the concerned animal. At the same time they are substantially larger and stronger, even until whale-sized, than the individuals of the species protected. The frog-máddo is described to be man- or cat-sized. Sea animal máddo’s are huge monsters. Some fish máddo’s are known to have horns, like the pike máddo has been described (Itkonen 1946:105-6). The protection spirits require respect in the form of a strict set of rules for right attitudes and behavior. In the case of fish, overfishing is often mentioned as a form of unacceptable behavior66, as is any other form of mistreatment and poaching/grumbling about the fish catch (Kulonen 2005:213). It also includes impolite comments like say that the fish is ugly or too skinny (Itkonen 1946) making any unnecessary sounds, disturbing the habitat even just by turning stones, and causing all forms of unnecessary physical discomfort or pain to animals. If these rules are transgressed in a serious manner, the spirits would apply, often without any forewarning, severe punishments. The animal-species protection spirit was powerful and therefore deeply feared. Its punishments were extremely severe: absence or loss of catch, physical attack, illness, often death of the transgressor. There is only one example where the fish mother helps people. According to that story the foremother of all fish can appear as ball of fire in the dark time and move over the ocean, and the strength and the direction of the light ball gives information as to the amount of fish and the direction they come from for that year (Kalstad 197:25) (Andersen 2005). They were not object to any form of permisssion ritual or worship, like 66 Dersom man tok opp for mye uer kunne man bli utsatt for háhkkamáddos vrede. [If one took too much fish, one could become exposed to revenge of the háhkamáddo.] (Andersen 2005.) 64 sacrifice, and were not even greeted them when one would pass by a place that they were known to be living. Terminology The species-related protection spirit could have various names. The most frequently used name is máddo. Some sources call them for animal species name + eadni [mother], like – cubbo-eadni (Turi 1910 REF ) or [oldest of] (Qvigstad I-579 REF) . In Norwegian sources it can be called for instance stammor [foremother], åndelig overhode [spiritual master], beskyttelsesånd [protection spirit] (Andersen 2005). There seem to be at least four different Sámi words for the concept of the species-related guardian spirit. Máddo comes from the Northern Sámi word máddu that means ‘origin’ or ‘root’, like of trees for instance. In Northern Sámi, máddo is the general term for this type of spirit used in Northern- and Lule Sámi coastal areas for all types of land- and water animals (Kalstad 1997, Andersen 2005). Johan Turi, a Northern Sámi reindeer herder living on the inlands , at Karesuando and in the Swedish/Norwegian mountains, never mentions the term máddo. He uses the term eadni [mother] for the bird-mosquito- and frog guardian spirit he tells stories about. Qvigstad has recorded the use of cubbomáddo as far inland as Kautokeino (Qvigstad II 1928:474). Itkonen uses the term máddu in his research concerning the Inari Sámi only for fish species. Birds have a bird mother, and other categories of animals have an eatni or a halde (Itkonen 1946: 115). Máddo is used for the living tradition encountered at my interviews and visits in Porsanger, Karasjok and Tana for frogs, mice, squirrels, snow grouse and fish. The bird- mother is called loddsen akka with Skolt Sámi and loddis aedne for Inari Sámi, quoted by Itkonen (1946:80) and Paulson (1961:143). She protects local birds and migratory birds that travel to her in the autumn. 65 Fellman used the term halde for the beaver, bear, wolf and fish individual and also speciesrelated protection spirits (quoted in Bäckman 1969:132, Paulson 1961:142). A reindeer- woman luohtt-hozjik, or ‘mistress of the wilderness’ related to the Russian word for hozjain meaning ‘landlord’ or ‘master’ in the Inari area is mentioned by Itkonen as a reindeer guarding spirit (1946:78). She and a more specific pots-hozjin ‘reindeer –mistress’ is also mentioned for Kola Sámi (Paulson 1961:142). There are several reindeer- and wolf protection spirits known from the Kola Peninsula. The wolf protector is told to take revenge if one kills too many wolves (Paulson 1961:142). For mosquito’s, frogs, and birds the term eadni is used instead of the term máddo by for instance Turi (1910 and 1920). In one story of Qvigstad from Kautokeino the term ‘hui stuora cuobbo’ [very big frog] is used (Qvigstad II 1927:476). Kulonen ea (2005:213) has an entry on máddu called the ‘oldest of fish’. From the research materials, one could conclude using the oldest sources of Turi and Itkonen that máddo is most used for water animals like sea- and inland fish and other water animals like lobster, squid, and frogs. ‘Species name+eadni’ is used for insects and birds. Háldi is the term for mammals. Reindeer have a ‘master’. How to explain this variability? One possible explanation is that the more early and more vigorously Norwegianized areas of the coastal Northern and Lule Sámi, including the Kautokeino Sámi from the Qvigstad that have their summer grazing lands at the fjords coasts, have simply generalized the term máddo that might have been related not only to wateranimals but to all other animals, while the more ‘untouched’ Sámi populations in the inlands have kept some kind of ancient more differentiated terminology? In my opinion it is important to remain cautious before making too strict conclusions about a more ancient use of the term from the sparse materials we have. They all come from a period in which this knowledge was still very much taboo and hidden. Itkonen does not elaborate very much on the species-related protection spirits. He only has a few lines about each of 66 even if he was ware of that distinctions between guardian-type spirits and ownertype spirits can be difficult to make because functions can overlap: “because a species-related 67 . the ownership-or managing spirit like the sieidi.132). Máddo-type spirits are often seen as identical with the háldi. managing (Bäckman 1975:129-130). Several scholars tried to show overlap and correspondences between various types of spirits and tried to reduce them to a common basic identity in which they are variations of ancestor spirits. now it is declared to have more diverse origins. and in modern Sámi.or mother.type of species-related protection spirits are with the exception of Ivar Paulson a relatively minor theme and are not seem as a distinct category for many scholars with a non -Sámi perspective writing on Sámi religion in the twentieth century. or to a myriad of fluctuating unstable types of spirits that seem to be impossible to categorize clearly.related protection spirit. however. owning. if mentioned. He mentions only the mother for the birds and does not mention the term máddo or that the Sámi also has protective spirits for each animal species (Holmberg 1915/1987:76-78). like to represent animal species or limited areas of the landscape (Bäckman 1975:130. Scholars about species-related protection spirits The máddo. For the aim of this study.them. Ivar Paulson (1961) has systematically described species. Holmberg (1915/1987) does describe the various names for singled out female protection spirits that were found in nature.related guardian spirits of the ‘origin’ or ‘mother’-type for the Sámi cultural context. did not develop much in depth on what the máddo’s ecological functions were. The háldi term connects the genius speciei to a different type of spirit. a type of ownership. Paulson elaborated important distinctions. Háldi is related to the word for ruling. it is interesting to deepen the properties and functions of both categories and the highlight their differences. Many did either not mention the máddo-type at all or. mastering. The word háldi is also term linked to subterranean spirits and was in more ancient research before WWII connected to a belief in ancestors. spirits have grown together with species-related spirits to form complex representations (1961:141).type in their role as substantial and autonomous elements that she then relates to the bear. They can be a part of the sáivo-spirits and become a guardian of the noaide. the háldi or ‘master. Otherwise. mostly mountains. and be linked to the belief in sáivo.related protection spirits in the article about ‘The Master of the Animal’ from 1991. For instance fish-spirits could be of the local ownership.of‘ a species or type of animal rules over the hunting results and negotiates with humans – it needs to be negotiated with and sacrificed to. The word máddo is only referred to exist in Skolt. where certain ancestors life and also for he ancestors themselves (Paulson 1961:146). and the eighteenth century missionaries J.spirit can often be considered as protector and owner of all individuals of his animal species”67 (Paulson 1961:142).type of spirits. Paulson believed that nature.. Storjuncker and the noaidi.” (Bäckman 1975:134.” ( Paulson 1961 141) 68 “Det kan vara riktigt. “The háldi is of utmost importance as economical guarantee.och hjälpväsen rekryterades troligen ur djurarterna skyddsväsen. Louise Bäckman does not elaborate on the distinction between an ownership or managementtype of animal spirit and the máddo. For her. and does not quote any source of suggesting beliefs about that all animal species have their own genius speciei.da ein Artgeist zumeist auch für alle Einzeltiere seiner Tierart als Beschützer und Eigner gilt.. In his conclusion Paulson invites for more archival research to clarify these issues (1961:148). Here she elaborates on the ownership. that is the term for the sacred places. She quotes for instance Arbman. She has focused on animal. Kildal and Randulf that the protectors of the animals had an autonomous role in sáivo (1975:135).) 68 . Her point it that she sees them as autonomous. Paulson also underlines that the species-related spirits concern species that are hunted. sieidi’s. “It can be true that the protection spirit of the noaide is recruited from the protection spirits of animal species68 (1975:134)] (Bäckman 1975:132-133). ty noajdiens tjänste. and here he refers to the háldi we find at Fellman (Paulson 1961). and not as a form of further development of the worship of ancestors.Sámi culture in Bäckman’s text about the sáivo spirits (1975:133). the animal species spirits are ranged under the overarching denomination of háldi. and it was 67 “. They sometimes have the same name as the species-related guardian spirits. also those that are not suitable for any human use. and he considers the possibility that they could have 69 “Halderna hade stor betydelse som ekonomiske garanter. He does not mention the word máddo of mother of + a species in his book Bissie (2007) that gives an overview over the history of Sámi religion. Besides fear there can be there simultaneously also be sympathy for animals (H. the reindeermother Tshorve edne (horn mother).type of species related spirits: the mother of birds. Bäckman writes that clear distinctions can be difficult to make. various types of spirit beings melted together (1975:134.and animalrelated spirits. Mebius quotes ‘djurens rådare’ [the ruler of the animals] as mentioned by the missionary Skanke (Mebius 2007:89).138).-J R Paproth quoted in Mebius 2007:103).important to treat them in the right way. Neither does Hans Mebius elaborate on typologies and the concepts of nature.” (1994:360). They are seen in relation to what he sees as a fear for animals. Åke Hultkranz in his text from 1994 about ‘Religion and Environment Among the Saami’ mentions a few mother. His perspective on animal species-related spirits remains utilitarian: “A list of all these animal spirits indicates which animals have been important to the Saami. as with religious change. according to him a characteristic for the ambiguous relationship between hunter and its prey (Harva quoted by Mebius 2007:103). He does not use the word máddo nor does he mention that every species was considered to have a ‘mother’.“ (Bäckman 1975:135. He briefly discusses the ‘‘olika skrämselväsen om vilka det berättas i samisk folktro” [different fear/bogey/frightening spirits that the Sámi popular beliefs tell about] (Mebius 2007:142).) 69 . For Hultkrantz the spirits of the type ‘masters of animals’ are always related to the purpose of achieving good hunting results and therefore uniquely human survival (Hultkrantz 1994:360). He proposes the possibility that they were transformed into being bogey spirits only for children in the current of time. vilka det var viktigt att rätt umgås med. Pentikäinen describes the máddo in his category of protection spirits in a short paragraph as children’s bogey spirits and focuses on the frightening and imposing restrictions and punishments. either because of their value of food or because of their dangerous aspects.”69 (Bäckman 1975:135). ] (Pentikäinen 1997:221. None of these scholars discuss their role as a motivating force for a respectful treatment of animals and as regulator of ecologically sustainable use of resources. Scholars writing from a Sámi perspective. 2011) mentions the máddo explicitly as a separate category and designate it as a key motivating force for respectful behavior towards animals and environmental protection. which are linked to a different perspective on the term ‘nature’ and animal protection and nature conservation. flora and fauna. They confer the máddo a strong significance in the contemporary discussions about animal welfare and the protection of the environment. Andersen (2005) and Ole Henrik Magga (2001. Modern oral sources that tell about living traditions have been written down in more recent decades and have helped to differentiate roles and to deepen understanding of its various aspects. For them it shows that Sámi have strong traditional values for protecting animals. cubbo eadni. (2011:127). 70 Pentikäinen discusses in one paragraph (1997:224) that protection spirits have a normative and value. like Kalstad (1997).type with basically a female and non. one can say that the category of the species-related protection spirits of the máddo. He mentions that those spirits when properly treated can help people and provide therefore security.) 70 . and 70 “Die Saamen opferten diesen Gestalten nicht und zelebrierten auch keine aufwendigen Rituale zu ihren Ehren.utilitarian and autonomous specific role has as far as my research reaches only been taken up by scholars with a Sámi perspective.” [The Sámi did not make offerings to them and neither did they celebrate any complicated rituals for them. without explaining what values and norms are concerned.been imagined only for that purpose (1997:226). Pentikäinen made the observation that the Sámi did not sacrifice or made complicated ceremonies to the ‘nature spirits’. As a conclusion of the scholarly debate.enforcing role towards places. Older animal species protection spirit stories (1880-1920) Johan Turi has written down stories about the mother of frogs. so the huge animal probably did not exist neither (Saba. Many of them perished. the more mice come. When the remaining ones came back. Oskal. čuoika ädni. is that the more mice a person kills. did not obey their mosquito-mother and decided that Sámi land would not be dangerous if they would go all together. a large scarabee. Qvigstad has recorded stories about frogs. 71 “Det gikk en hel dag i mørketiden innen den svøm for en som stå på stranden. Earth. however. they drown for instance in milk pots. A frog máddo scares a child that tortured frogs in one story. killing them. ‘hysens opphav’ was. beetles and mice. there were no mosquitoes in Sámi land. It bites the leg off a child that has tortured a local frog population over a long period of time. She considers it too dangerous for them. It looked like a very large fish and ”it took a whole day in the dark time before it had swum past someone that stood at the beach”71 In the dark time there is no day. The mother of frogs that Johan Turi describes kills an adult woman because she had tortured frogs many years before when she was still a child (2011:127). They were told by the spider who was there first. the mother of the mosquitoes decided that she does not want more mosquitoes to go to Sámi land. Oskal. (Qvigstad II 1928:477). and originating from the Eastern part of the Northern Sámi coastal area mentions in a slightly humoristic way how large the original ancestor of the haddock. that it was a wonderful place. And so they did. and cripples it forever (Qvigstad IV1929:329-331).” (Saba. for example. sea animals. the punishment for behaving disrespectfully towards mice. Sara 2001:8). quoted by Magga. Sara 2001:8.the mother of mosquitoes (1920:217). first Sámi to become member of the national parliament and writer of the Sámi national anthem. First. quoted by Magga.) 71 . that as revenge it will suck blood from people and kill them by causing a disease with that biting (Qvigstad II 1928:476). As to the mouse máddo. figures in a story called ‘The mosquitoes in the old time’ that tells about how the mosquitoes came to Sámi land.type black beetle. The mother of the mosquitoes decided that a few mosquitoes should travel there to explore the Sámi lands. Isak Saba (1875-1921). is told when unnecessarily killed by a Sámi when it just walks over his belongings. The mother of the mosquito’s. The mosquito’s.boring dung beetles. And that they bite and hang themselves onto you by hundreds and kill you in the end. The ‘-madas’ ending in the name is of unknown etymology according to the Sámi language expert Prof. the one. one unknown species. and is most likely not related to the word máddo. If fish disappear from nets. In Itkonens text. ‘dápmot’ [trout] and ‘tsuovdzam’ [lake whitefish] Three less edible types of inland fish are mentioned not to have a máddo72. They immediately stopped fishing and returned straight home (Andersen 2005:73. it ‘eats’ them. The storyteller remembers that he went fishing with his father.spirit mentioned at Itkonen gets a sacrifice to allow the fishing. The máddo does not just take fish away from the net. while the fishmáddo in the same text does not (1946:104). That can happen if fisherman insults fish . The frog máddo can also just bite children in the feet if they put its eggs on land or hurt a frog (Itkonen 1946:105-106). ‘vuoskon’ [perch].by ‘eating too many fish’ or criticizes them for being too thin. There is a spirit called ‘skaimadas’ that is translated as ‘water spirit’ by Itkonen that gets an offering of bird meat (Itkonen 1946:105). like the ones that were used as food: ‘Hávga’ [pike]. grayling. The other máddo. With these it can make holes in nest of fishermen and make the fish escape.a pike for instance. The pike máddo has two horns that point backwards. máddo always regards fish. Ravila tells that children are threatened with the frog máddo tsubbomáddu that will come out of the water and devour them if they come too close to the lake (Ravila 1934:115). or has eaten them. without horns. This language has died out (Facebook conversation with me in April 2013. can also make holes in nets. Itkonen tells a story about a frog máddo that comes out of the water and bites children in the feet when they mistreat a frog or put frog eggs on land (Itkonen 1946:106). Many fish species have a guolle-máddu (fish máddo). The fire was interpreted as a sign that announced the coming of the máddo. when they saw fire under their boat. The kuli-hälde or fish. one says that the máddo has taken them.73 72 Burbot. There are no stories recorded of any sacrifice or rituals for asking permission to speciesrelated spirits. Qvigstad 1928:475-477). quoted with permission of the author).Qvigstad has published a story for North-Troms about squid fishers that had been harvesting a huge amount of animals. Pekka Sammallahtti.eyed reindeer herder Johan Nuorgam. 73 72 . The Northern Inari Sámi dialect that this word seems to come from was the language of the person that probably was the main informant of Itkonen. Sámi area there are máddo stories about three sea animals: lobster.74 From Porsanger. I have recorded three contemporary máddo stories from S.threatening máddo to arrive. are in the appendix. As to my own interviews. The Sámi researcher Oddmund Andersen from Árran center i Tysfjord has gathered a number of Lule-Sámi contemporary local oral stories about máddo and quotes several stories that were told on the radio over the last 15 years (Andersen 2005). One day the other fisherman found his boat reversed and the fisherman missing at the exact place they knew the squid máddo was living. it was surprising to notice that almost every Sámi speaker in the age 50-70 from the Northern Sámi inner areas in Finnmark to whom I mentioned the máddo. a Western North Sámi area. 73 . octopus. The same lady also knew a story about the lobster máddo.Persen and Solveig Tangeraas. They other fishermen concluded that the máddo might have done that to stop him from making too much noise on the sea. Someone had seen it in the shape of a huge lobster. From Tysfjord in Lule. Sigvald Persen from Stabbursnes tells the story about the local family that avoided a drinking well over many years because of a 74 Two of those stories. one by Asta Balto and one about Johan Jernsletten. knew a story from their childhood that they liked to tell me. like for instance the Norwegian coast until the Lule-Sámi area of Tysfjord and the Northern Sámi inlands. That can be a warning signal for a life. The sea seems suddenly shallow where it would not be. There are two stories about sea fishermen that decide to return immediately from the fishing when they notice that the fishing lines do not sink down as they should. A story by Inger Karlsen (Andersen 2005) tells of a squid fisherman that used to sing and shout when out fishing alone at the sea. Máddo stories from the Johan Albert Kalstad texts that he collected from many different sources without direct reference are not dated. and redfish.Contemporary máddo stories (1920-now) Animal species-related protection spirits are remembered and transmitted in oral tradition today at many places. frog máddo they believed to live there. They preferred to walk long distance to another water well so as not to meet that máddo. Sigvald Persen also relates that according to the oral traditions of his area all animals have a máddo. He underlines how extremely scared people were of the máddo were: “If you met a máddo, you had done something wrong. People could not take the slightest risk to meet a máddo.” (SP Feb.2013.) Solveig Tangeraas’ stories show that Solveig as a child exactly knew what a máddo was and was aware of the fact that every animal species had one. She knew that one had to be afraid of that and react immediately if there was a chance it could appear. She confirms the rule that animals should not be disturbed or moved, and that at transgression of that rule can imply a punishment. The máddo-belief prevents children and adults from disturbing animals even in very subtle ways, and avoid walking certain places in order to not to meet the máddo. Olaf, another local informant from a village a bit further north in the fjord, who did not know the Sámi language, did not remember having heard any máddo story. One elderly local fisherman in the Tana area I spoke to confirmed wirh a slight emotion in his voice, that he had had got to know about the máddo of fish when he was as a six year old taken out to learn fishing in inland lakes by his grandfather (man living in Valjohka, oral communication April 2013). Most máddo stories are about separate species. There area few stories about a generalized animal-type, like the guollemáddo for all fish (Andersen 2005:72) and the bird-mother for all birds (Paulson 1961:143). Ecological sustainability: role of the máddo guardian spirits The stories about the specific species protection spirits, like the máddo and ‘mother of-‘ story tradition have a clear role in maintaining a value- and behavioral system that aims at maintaining a sustainable relationship with the local populations of all animal species. Their influence on value and behavior can be differentiated into four aspects: 1) in the interpretation of the various terms for the genius species; 2) the analysis of the categories of animals that 74 stories have been recorded and their frequency; 3) the incentives for influencing concrete behavior; 4) the type of relationship between humans and animals that is reflected by this type of species-related guardian spirit system. Sustainability and the interpretation of the terminology The significance of the word máddo corresponds to the word eatni, since they both have the dimension of the origin or animals as their key aspect. In the world eadni one can interpret more focus on protection and caretaking, while the term máddo is purely focused on the origin. Concern for the origin can biologically be seen as focus on the reproduction rate of the stock. Can this be understood as an interpretation of the term máddo being many be an original term for water-related species-related protection spirits, as we did not find any designation of an ‘eatni’ for fish? (Kulonen 2005)? It may be true that water animals live mostly undisturbed until they might or might not be caught, while land animals have to confront many sorts of potential human disturbance during their entire lifetime. Can it be that for water animals the potential reproductive rate is mostly dependent on how many of them are taken out by humans, while food supplies and other essential elements of their living conditions are more or less out of the danger zone for human interference? While for land animals like frogs that whole-life disturbance factor by humans is more important, might the term ‘eatni’ be used in the sense that they need more ‘care’? The term halde referring to guarding or managing has again an even stronger focus on the aspect of the management of life. In Itkonen halde is used for various types of local and animal spirits. Can it be that the mammals that have halde have an even stronger potential of being disturbed by humans than birds and insects, and that protection during their whole lifetime takes an even stronger focus? This use of names needs more fieldwork, as to find out if the term eatni is still in use for instance in the Inari area. 75 Sustainability issue in the frequency and selection of stories about species The available guardian spirit stories can be distinguished in four types of animal species. The first category regards species that are used for the basic food supply and do not have fragile populations, like cod or haddock. Here we lack stories almost completely. Second, species that are harvested as food resource or otherwise are important for human life and do have fragile populations and that therefore might require careful harvesting and protection. They are frogs, squid, lobster, snow grouse, redfish and inland like fishes. There are many stories told about them. Third, those that are not hunted by humans and do not have any direct use but live close to humans and are fragile and easy targets to harm. It can be many species of birds, insects, mice or lemming. They are represented in numerous stories. A fourth category is predatory animals like wolf, bear, fox, and otter. There we only have sparse mention of a name and of their existence. As to the species that are fragile and are of human use, most widespread and generally most elaborated are the stories about frogs. As to frogs, the species is dependent on small and often shallow ponds where they have high visibility. A frog is easily caught and its eggs can easily be removed. It is easy to exterminate or substantially diminish a frog population in a pond. Frogs were important for traditional medical use, their slime was for instance used to heal burns (MM April 2013) and they kept drinking wells clean from insects, plants, and other dirt (ST May 2013). At the same time one can hardly imagine a more tempting species for children to play with. Using a pond or well where frogs live to fetch water on a daily basis cannot but disturb the frog population. Lobsters are known to be relatively few and overfishing can easily reduce stock over a longer time. They are strongly protected today and their fishing is heavily regulated. Squid have a special and unexplained life cycle in Norwegian seas. They appear and disappear in periods and can be almost absent for many years. When squid return, they can appear at local spots in great numbers at once. Redfish are also relatively rare fish. Inland lake fish stocks can easily 76 The stories about species that humans do not use seem to transmit a message of the inherent value of the animal. At the same time they stocks had to be actively maintained by fishing in order to remain usable and strong. The fox-máddo tricks humans so that they do not get the fox and the wolves punish those that hunt too many of them. It might be concluded that stories of the guardian spirits take care of the animals that need it most. Each of my informants confirmed the existence of this traditional management system and all had angry stories about lakes emptied by ignorant intruders. Their máddo is strong and large and compensates for their tiny size. frogs also and so forth. mice and beetles and inland fish get the máddo at their defense.eadni are relatively small and feeble: small squids. 77 . She might 75 Information from Store Norske Leksikon. Most animals that are protected by a máddo or species. like frogs. Predator fish were also kept actively at a low level. there was and at some places still is a traditional intensive human regulation system in place as the lakes could easily be emptied of the best edible fish. There exist stories of how humans should behave ethically to predators (Turi 2011). The right amount of outtake of fish was necessary so that the fish did not get too small and weak. Mice.75 For inland lake fish. In the list of fresh water fish-máddo’s from Itkonen I found that is the only detailed information about inland lake fish: the two most tasty lake fish species that are arctic char and trout are strangely enough missing. that are small and weak. The mosquito story seems to be related to human activity: it gives an excuse to humans to be allowed to kill them. beetles. online edition www. lobsters. ants and lemmings are animals that come close to humans and that some might easily just kill ‘for fun’ or because they might cause a small nuisance. The mosquitoes are in Sámi land against the will of their mother-spirit after she had clearly warned them about the deadly dangers. The lake then became unusable for supplying food for a decades or even forever.snl. frogs.be depleted when overfished. but they do not involve the intermediate of a species-related guardian. There are a few detailed stories about predator guardian spirits.no. it means that the máddo will do its work and animal populations will reproduce and thrive. it also leads to reflection on the cultural meaning of this type of superhuman agency.mother’ that is as caring for the animals as the human mother for the children. Third. or the ones with no direct value that are prone to be killed by humans for no reason. and a general protection of all types of animals. insignificant animal. The story is coherent with the concept that animals have their own personality by showing how mosquitoes take autonomous decisions on where to live and what risks to take. with its absolute authority of being able to severely punish transgression. If it does not appear. There is a double logic here of on one hand avoiding over-harvesting of food supplies and protecting clean drinking water. It can be concluded that the species-related guardian spirits take care of the animals that need it most from both a human and an ecological perspective: the smaller and weaker ones that are used as food supply but have fragile populations. you are treating animals well. it is preventive and educative. It is interesting that Turi relates such an apologetic story about a tiny. An identification and empathy with animals is therefore created. and creates awareness and discussion on 78 . First.who are very much aware of their dependence on their own mother. inherent value. This seems to function very well as an attractive image especially for children. it provides security about food supplies and the support of surrounding animals to humans. there is an element of attributing personhood to animals. one is doing safe fishing. The heavy penalties that the máddo can impose have as paradoxical effect that they simultaneously provide a profound sensation of safety.therefore not be able to protect them if they are killed. A well-reflected rule-enforcing role The Species-related guardian spirit system with its double aim of protecting harvesting potential for fragile species and protecting animals for their own. Second. A máddo does not attack without a reason. And last. has four key aspects as to impose a set of rules for influencing human behavior and attitudes towards ecological sustainability. by designating an ‘animal. 76 (Andersen 2005:74.and Lule Sámi areas and 76 Den (máddo.. and imposing behavior rules. Kalstad says that the idea was that everyone should show respect for the various types of animals. (.the underlying objective need to making sure that local animal populations is harvested in a sustainable manner and to safeguard their general well-being. and that self-limitation instead of greedyness was valorized. 5. MB) has as task to guard the species it was ’mother’ for. by for instance Durckheim. MB) hadde som oppgave å passe på den arten som den var «mor» for.) Sámi themselves seem to be very much aware of the role for ecological sustainable values and behavior of the máddo stories that stretches into the adult live.. Kalstad sier at ideen var at hver skulle vise respekt for de ulike dyreslag. as the origin of religion and has a profound impact on the way a person or a family perceives their relationship with the local natural environment (Harvey 2006:12 quoting Rose). ‘totemism’.(Andersen 2005:74. der måtehold fremfor grådighet ble vektlagt. Even if some scholars seem to revive its use (Harvey 2006 quotes Rose Århem and others) I prefer in this study not to use the term. Mikael Urheim has the same point of view. the máddo traditon can be considerd as a part of the upraising of children and their socialisation to the norms and values of society. because it might still be too much connected to the discriminatory evolutionistic phase in the development of religious studies. Some informants showed that the máddo was without any problem at the same time interpreted as symbolic and literal.) På en pedagogisk synspunkt kan máddo tradisjonen betraktes som et ledd i barneoppdragelse og sosialisering til samfunnets normer og verdier. It (the máddo. The motive of animal ancestry in particular. They were clearly aware of the máddo’s role its role in educating.) 79 .. Den samme synspunkt hevder også Mikael Urheim. with bears in Northern.) From a pedagogical perspective.. (.3 Animal ancestry Animal ancestry is considered. prevention. The superhuman reality could be explained and at the same time lived. and others. the Russian ethnologist Vladimir Charnoluski (1894-1969) visited Kola Peninsula in the late 1920ties and recorded ancient beliefs and ancient tales and over 30 stories about the Meandash. 78 A well known story from the Eastern Sámi goes as follows: three sisters marry a reindeer. Itkonen related this type of spirit to what he calls for ‘totemic’ tradition. He takes the appearance of a human and marries a Sámi human woman. As to the reindeer. is told about in ancient stories as well as in the more recent and even in one contemporary oral tradition. They can appear in dreams. cat. it can be found in the form of animal species tracks used as characteristics.04.ee/folklore/vol11/meandash. and they get human. dog. pike. “although for obvious reasons the local people were not over-eager to discuss it with strangers. According to that myth that is the origin of wild reindeer. hawk. Because the woman breaks a taboo that her husband had imposed on her by putting reindeer skins that were wetted by their children in the sunshine and not in a running stream.reindeer in Skolt and Eastern Sámi culture. Their identity is only to be revealed when a young person turns twenty years old. horse. or 77 Estonian Literary Museum. The reindeer is by far the best-suited husband of those three. 2000. the mythical reindeer ancestor.htm read on 05. 164).78 As to the more recent stories told by Sámi to researchers.man. 80 .looking children. wild and tame reindeer. wolf. The worship of totems is said to be common at the time when Charnoluski made his expedition to the Kola Peninsula.htm with book references. The reindeer learned to become game animals and sacrifice themselves to the humans. as tracks or in one special case as a living tradition. He has a human mother and reindeer father. because human were their relatives (Kulonen 2005:216). Jelena 1994. Itkonen mentions oral tradition of accompanying ‘family animal spirits’ that are inherited from father to son and from mother to daughter in two villages concerning a number of Skolt Sámi families. Their children are human beings. she and her children are turned to wild reindeer forever. and others (Itkonen 1946:163. Animal species mentioned are sheep.ee/folklore/vol11/meandash.folklore.2013). www. They can be involuntarily turned back into animals if they do not respect certain rules. In contemporary Sámi culture.folklore.”77 The Meandash in Eastern Sámi Kildin mythology is a reindeer that also is a man. The rule is that they cannot eat the meat of the respective animal. Systematic overview at the Estonian folklore site http://www. See also Pentikäinen 1997:81-82 for Meandash stories and publuction of Porsanger. The traditional stories about caring male bears having offspring with human woman have been recorded at many occasions and places in the Skolt and Northern Sámi cultural areas and are discussed in the part about the bear. a raven and a seal. The memory of that tradition stretches back to time immemorial. as key teachers and caretakers of their descendants. A sea Sámi family that I visited in the framework of my research in the Tana area. The boundaries between human and animal identity have become relative once more. How does one relate to an ancestor? With deeply felt identification. Knowledge and concern about living conditions of the animal species become key elements of the identity of each individual of that family. Besides the oral tradition they respect a specific sacred site with smaller – sizes stones on it near their surroundings. Ancestors are seen as examples to follow. “Totemic relations connect people (human and other.than human) to their ecosystems in nonrandom relations of mutual care. and consider it to be sacred to that animal. it is obvious that this generates a drastically different relationship to all animals in general and to the whole natural world. Northern Norway. empathy and respect. 166. Pentikäinen does not specify the place or reference for this information.” (Debbie Rose and Kaj Århem quoted in Harvey 2005:12. a Sea Sámi area in Eastern Finnmark. As to the implication for ecological sustainability of an ancestor relationship with an animal species. possesses an oral tradition that tells that they are as a family related to the arctic hare. For them it is of utmost importance that that sacred site is not disturbed in any way.) The identification will serve as a powerful motivation to preserve habitats and living conditions of that species and animals in general. 81 .nicknames for a certain family (Pentikäinen 1997:80-81). Ulda is the word used by Lule Sámi and Northern Sámi living at or close by the Swedish area (Kulonen 2005:136. Kadnihah is the only word with Sámi etymology and of unknown meaning (Kulonen 2005: 206. Gufithar play a key role in Sámi mythology. Háldi as designation for the underground people is used by many stories. kadnihah or ulda are the most widespread names in the different Sámi regions for what is seen by Sámi as a separate people of anthropomorphic superhuman beings.) Gufithar comes from the Norwegian word ‘go-vetter’. meaning good-spirit. 1920. Itkonen). Ravila. Gufithar are briefly mentioned in early missionary recordings (Skanke quoted in Mebius 2007:89). These beings are described by some as key regulators of the relationship between humans and the local environments. Gufithar live under the ground at fixed places without sunshine. for example those recorded by Qvigstad in Northern Sámi areas (Myrvoll 2000:52). Myrvoll 2010:195). “The underground spirit offered advice. helped. by Northern Sámi areas (Qvigstad. They are treated as guardians of the places they are living at and impose a specific value system as to the use of local pieces of soil. Háldi is related to the Finnish word ‘halti’ that means to rule or protect (Bäckman 1975:129130). protected and comforted. They are helpers and teachers. Johnsen 2005. but also a potentially disturbing. They have a positive and a negative side. even intermarry.CHAPTER 6 . the ‘yoik’. amongst others so-called magic. They can also be called háldi. I will use the word gufithar because it is probably the most used term in Northern Sámi. gave warnings.LOCAL SUPERHUMAN AGENCY 6. They have attracted quite some interest from 82 . 1 Underground spirits: Gufithar /Kadnihah/ Ulda Gufithar. with humans. and the traditional chanting. They are normally invisible but can appear and interact. destructive force (Kulonen 2005:87. Johan Turi 1910.” (Outakoski 160) They are seen as those that have taught them important skills. Harva 1915/1987:76. Nergård 2006) and Inari/Utsjoki/Tana (Pentikäinen: 232-234. Ulda is related to the Swedish word ‘hölja’ meaning ‘to cover’ (Kulonen 2005:136). Bäckman 1975:131) by LarsLevi Læstadius and reported used by Sámi by Wiklund and Grundström (Bäckman 1975:132). 80 Some of those scholars that I use in this analysis are Holmberg (1915/1987). Subterranean spirits are generally neither worshipped nor made offerings to (Bäckman 1975:131. Gufithar can become jealous of beautiful human children. never to return to his human family. It is possible for a Sámi man to capture a gufithar woman and marry her.82 The stories about them have many common features that can be summarized as follows. Bäckman (1975. They own much gold and silver. to uldda as reward for guarding reindeer. ‘vearro’. and swap their children with Sámi children. speak the Sámi language. They wear Sámi clothing. Pentikäinen (1997). and are of small size. A Sámi that gets lost can be captured by gufithar and might be forced to live with them forever. Mebius (2007). Newborn children get a silver ball in their cradle to prevent gufithar from bothering them.80 Underground people are classical figures in recordings of oral stories and are generally described as a living religious tradition that is openly related about to in the media. Mebius 2007:89-90).theologians79 and scholars. muenesjes. They help humans sometimes with herding reindeer or cattle. have been told to request reindeer as an offering in the nineteenth and early twentieth century (Holmberg (1915/ 1987:76. or give them premonitory warnings about catastrophes like bad weather or stone falls. Southern Sámi underground spirits.22) Utredning om alternativ medisin. richer and happier than humans. 82 All Qvigstad books have stories about them. Myrvoll 2010).81 The underground people are a current theme in Sámi culture. They live like humans and herd reindeer and keep cattle. A gufithar girl has to marry a Sámi if he sticks her 79 In this text I will discuss the texts of the theologicians Lars-Levi Læstadius. A gufithar has to give its herd to a Sámi when he manages to throw his knife over the gufithar’s herd. Johnsen 2005. Underground people can be overpowered with well-established rituals using objects of metal or with Christian symbols. Some authors mention offerings of food and beverage. as well as in all Scandinavian mythologies and folk tales. 83 .3. Turi (2011:195) mentions a type of taxation. Gufithar are more beautiful. 1991). Niila Outakoski (1991) and Tore Johnsen (2005). Myrvoll (2000 and 2012). There are many ways Sámi and gufithar interact. see also Turi 1910. 81 An official Norwegian governmental report mentins that sami today believe in them (NOU 1998:21 § 6. Når landskapet og naturen var ‘befolket’ med andre. Det bestød respekt og vissheten om at man sto i et gjensidighetsforhold. A wrongly placed house can be damaged or destroyed when a gufithar gets angry83. Parents can put a Bible under the bed of a child that sleeps poorly because of an underground spirit’s disturbance (Myrvoll 2000 writes about these customs related to children). the relationship with the natural surroundings became characterized by equality. also children. They are generally seen as types of guardians of a value system and can protect or punish transgressors (Myrvoll 2010:195. ble forholdet til de naturskapte omgivelsene preget av likeverdighet. like damaging dwellings. Humans had to treat nature like their neighbor and peer. They can apply punishments if rules are transgressed.)84 83 When living in the Sámi area 2001-2009. As a consequence of this. og man innordnet seg hverandre. There were respect and certainty that one was in a relationship of reciprocity –in other words. silent and not noisy.with a needle. Humans were at the same level and not superior to creation. Underground spirits watch over their own dwellings and cattle. They have greater power than humans when it comes to building houses. and one adapted to each other. they have been described by some Sámi scholars. a type of ecological sustainability. Gufithar are supposed to be everywhere and always close by. . in order to stay in good reciprocal relations with the underground spirits. They dislike lies. noise or any disturbance of the places where they live. especially Johnsen and Myrvoll. and do not tolerate humans bothering them. All people. as having a function in safeguarding local ecosystems: I believe that the belief in the huldra represents a view on nature management and environmental protection that we can learn much from today. have to be honest. Mennesket måtte behandle naturen som sin nabo og likeverdige. see quotation below). I heard several of such stories.med andre ord det som vi kaller i dag bærekraftig utvikling. (Myrvoll 1999:29. dishonesty. Man var på likefot og ikke over det skapte. When the landscape and the nature were ”populated” by others.“ (Myrvoll 1999:29) 84 84 . causing accidents or making cattle or people sick (Qvigstad passim). gufithar are often described as superhuman authorities of whom one has to ask permission by using allowancerituals before interfering with the soil. In recent sources. “Jeg tror at troen på huldra representerer et syn på naturforvaltning og miljøvern som vi kan lære mye av i dag. selv om de var underjordiske og slett ikke mennekser. even if they were underground spirits and not humans. ) The underground spirits are here treated as a separate type of superhuman agents with its own independent existence.) In the contemporary anthropological study of Marit Myrvoll.” ( Myrvoll 2010:198) 85 . and Inari. or given offerings to (SP. underground people of the gufithar/kadnihah/ulda type are in the beliefs of local people considered as a coherent and stable group of superhuman agents that are distinguished from other types of superhuman agents. this melting-effect is unconfirmed. fra kyst og innland. Saajve are recorded to be related to the sáivo-people that represent primarily ancestors and animal 85 “Enligt tilgängligt traditionsmaterial har samerna tydligen känt en väsenskategori helt överensstämmande med skandinavernas ‘underjordiska. Underground people were not linked to ancestors. anonymous person). de strekker seg over et langt tidsspenn og kommer fra sørsamisk område til kolasamene i nordøst. from the coast to the inlands.and Skolt area they are known as háldi. That is also the situation I encountered in my own experience during the interviews. the Sámi had known earlier a category of beings that corresponded entirely with the Scandinavian ”underground people.) 86 “Fortellingene om de underjordiske finnes i hele det samiske området. identity and agency. One wonders if the role of underground being as important guardians for sustainable ecological values could be deepened and supported by with concrete examples in further research. gadniha (pl) (Myrvoll 2010:191). Louise Bäckman wrote that the underground spirits were traditionally a distinct category (Bäckman 1975:130). Terminology and scholarly debates about categories of spirits Even if their designation varies in different Sámi areas. guhfitarat. ”According to traditional material.In these contemporary texts written in times of ecological crisis. Fortellingene har mange fellestrekk fordi erfaringene med de underjordiske er stort sett de samme fra område til område. In Southern Sámi they are called saajve (Mebius 2007). ulda or ganij (sg). ST. but there is a question mark to be put here and further research is needed.”85 (Bäckman 1975:130. but that religious change has melted categories together. In the Northern.”86 (Myrvoll 2010:198.’” (Bäckman 1975:130. the traditional role of underground beings as guardians over local ecosystems is seen in a new light. The stories have many common features. animal guides nor were they requested for help in hunting for instance. She states: “Stories about the underground spirits stretch over long time and came from the South-Sámi area to the Kola Sámi in the north east. In general there were many different spiritual beings in nature and around the house and it can be difficult to identify separate categories. For Læstadius the Finnish concept of “halddo” is the same as ganidha and is closely related to the sájva. their attachment to the soil and the earth. It was their earthly connection and influence on the Sámi’s daily life that was designated as being “enemies to the cross”.104. 86 . and because they do not have a place in the Christian world view. with Itkonen (1946:70.2. and live in a holy mountain. and can travel from there to humans to accompany them (Bäckman 1975:129). they might flow over in each other. in complete opposition to the ideal of a kingdom of Christ that was to be in heaven (Outakoski 1991:159.115) and Ravila (1934:48. Saajve do not resemble the other underground spirits (Jernsletten 2004). 66. He had dedicated seven of his 45 “Lappish sermons” to them in the period before 1853 (counted by Outakoski 1991:159). Bäckman wrote that underground spirits. Also Louise Bäckman gives other meanings to háldi (1975:133). require sacrifices.guiding spirits. collected properties of various types of spiritual agents that were more independent in earlier times.160). as the ancient religion disappeared. Sájva or sáivo are various types of important spirits that live in holy mountains. Theologians and the underground spirits as personifying earth Due to the beliefs and rituals associated to them. 1997:230). states Mebius (2007:92). founder of a well known religious movement called after his name. In the Lule/ Umeå region they are called kanji or kemij (Kulonen 2005:92). like háldi and sájvo (1975:129. Nilla Outakosti believed that underground spirits are a replacement of the sájvo (Pentikäinen. 138). underground spirits have attracted much attention from Christian priests. in which he demonizes the underground spirits. 54. The priests’ attitudes toward them substantially shifted over the last 150 years. The charismatic Sámi priest Lars Levi Læstadius (1800-1866). 71 and others). spend some years actively combating the rituals and beliefs in underground spirits. see discussion under 4. They came to be seen as an incarnation of evil and they represented people who did not believe in Christ. 78-80. Háldi designates ownership – or management of types of local spirits. he confirmed their reality. and hid those that were dirty so he would not see them. Outakoski sees the underground spirits as replacement for the ancient Sámi gods and other aspects of the ancient Sámi origins that were forbidden. by making them live underground forever. When the rumbling of the drums finally died down.. Outakoski is not judgmental towards the continuing belief of Sámi in them as they impose good values: The Christian symbols were placed underneath the Lappish gods. whom he calls his spiritual father (Outakoski 1991:163). On the opposite. because their acts are evil. 163. 87 87 . og de tåler heller ikke å se lyset. This story is not written in the Bible. for deres gjerninger er onde” (Læstadius 1988:455 quoted in Myrvoll 2010:206). easy to hide and endowed with the best Christian values and motives. He never served a parish in a Sámi area. He underlines that Læstadius never denied their existence.88 For unknown reasons Læstadius lost interest in the underground spirits shortly after the dramatic Kautokeino uprising in 1852 and did not mention them any more in his sermons (Outakoski 1991:159). she had not cleaned all her children.. has been in leading positions in the Sámi church Council from 2007 until “Hvordan skulle de kunne komme fra jorden til himmelen når de slett ikke tåler å høre om dette kors som er en rett kristens kjennetegn.) They will never be released from the earth. 88 The myth goes as follows: The underground people were children of Adam and Eve. as old as humans themselves.How could they come from earth to heaven if they cannot bear to hear about the cross which is a rightful sign of Christ? (. Therefore God punished them. (Myrvoll 2000). a small pocket-sized underground spirit. they do not tolerate the light. Nilla Outakoski (1909-2003) was a Finnish Sámi priest and a Sámi cultural activist.(…) De vil aldri slippe opp fra jorden. It presents them as a different type of humans. When God came to visit Eve. After his retirement he obtained a doctorate in theology with his book about underground spirits in the work of Lars-Levi Læstadius. and the Lapps continued to hold the Christian faith secondary to their own religions.) Tore Johnsen (born in 1969). replaced the troll-drum.) Læstadius recorded the orally transmitted myth of origins about the underground people which connects them to the Ancient Testament. Sámi priest of the Lutheran Norwegian state church from Tana/Finnmark. (Outakoski:162.87 (Læstadius 1988:455 quoted in Myrvoll 2010:206. He compares the underground spirits to Christian spirits like angels (Johnsen 2005:40) and does not condemn practices and stories associated with them. bare formulert i mytens språk. He has done a fieldwork of several months with a group of reindeer herders in the Tana/Gamvik area in Eastern Finnmark.” (Johnsen 2005:65. He has written about Sámi nature theology in recent years.89 (Johnsen 2005:65. and independent of the Christian religion.. and even as a type of subversive ‘underground’ Sámi identity-factor remaining from the pre-Christian belief system..) 88 . formulated in the language of the myth. er de nøkkelfigurer som setter grenser for og gir retning til menneskets fremferd i naturen.) Gud har gitt de underjordiske en spesiell oppgave knyttet til naturen. Man kan si at fortellingene om de underjordiske i stor grad er uttrykk for den samiske økologiske kunnskapen.. (Gjessing 1953 quoted in Zorgdrager 2000: 195-197). they are key figures that impose frontiers and give direction to the impact of humans on nature.. They represent nature in a special way and can take action on behalf of nature. They are also seen as key agents in a religious world-view to maintain ecological values. In force of their role as ‘guardians’ or ’rulers’ of special places. and to represent sustainable ecological values. They represent the interest of nature towards humans and become a type of administrators of the luonddu lágat.) Underground people are here described as a type of personification of nature. De representerer naturen på en spesiell måte og kan opptre på naturens vegne.now. (. One could say that the stories about the underground people are in a high degree the expression of Sámi ecological knowledge.) God has given the underground spirits a special task linked to nature. De representerer naturens interesser overfor menneskene og blir en slags forvaltere av luonddu lágat (naturens lover). They had shown how the beliefs and practices relating to underground spirits existed in parallel. (. This is a very innovative interpretation that strongly differs from the views of Læstadius and Outakoski and Marit Myrvoll. while it was at the 89 ”De underjordiske synes i tradisjonen å inneha en nøkkelfunksjon i relasjonen mellom mennesker og naturen. Læstadius is known as having respected and incorporated a number of the Sámi beliefs. for instance in ecstasy. The underground people seem to have traditionally a key function in the relationship between humans and nature. Læstadianism can also just be seen as a part of a wave of European revival movements that opposed itself to the godliness of the French Revolution. I kraft av sin rolle som “voktere” eller “rådere” over bestemte steder. Even that thesis has been questioned. visions and shamanic journeys. laws of nature. a disturbed sleep or bad dreams has to be seen as refusal (Myrvoll 2010.7398832 lastet ned 02. like passiv. namely that this belief has to get a place in the Christian Sámi nature theology he is developing. Johnsen reinterprets Læstadius’ mention of underground spirits as symbols for people that do not respect the Christian faith. See translation in the appendix. There are many examples of the permission-asking ritual before building. In my experience. The procedure is as follows: The person who wishes to build a house has to sleep a night at the place that is planned. The only time humans address them actively is when they interfere with the soil.active or plus houses. A good night’s sleep means a positive answer. That can be seen as a distortion of the literal way Læstadius might have considered these spirits. also Nergård 2006:155-158). It is not carbon neutral. Then they have to ask for permission.05. Contemporary beliefs and rituals regarding underground people and ecology The local people would know from local story telling traditions in which places underground spirits had been seen or were known to be living. It is not one of the ecologically exemplary building projects. the spirits were interpreted to have given their permission to build.same time an expression of its tendency to more autonomy of the individual and valorising or even glorifying the (poor) common people (Minde 1998:16). as the following example from the Sámi high school building in Kautokeino shows. in an attempt to create a fictive historical continuity with Læstadius and legitimize Johnsens’ own opinion.nrk.2013. After the night sleep in a tent on the building location. nor does the Sámi high school today has asked for to be a part of an ecological certification schema for 90 http://www. 89 . The building and the housing sector have special attention in environmental policies as to reduce their environmental impact The high schoolbuilding that was planned and that now has been it built has no special characteristics as to its environmental friendliness. But one can question what the relevance for ecological sustainability was in this permission ritual. the rector of the Sámi high school herself initiated a ritual to consult the underground spirits.no/kanal/nrk_sapmi/1.90 Before the placement for the building project of the Sámi high school was finally decided. Probably the traditional ritual could be much more elaborate. The reply of the underground spirits will normally be given in a dream. certain Sámi like to tell gufithar stories to their friends and neighbours. The underground spirits did obviously not request the rector to make it to such a project. on the outside of it. One day an underground spirit was seen walking along the fence. and how did it change after that state regulation overpowered the traditional regulating mechanisms? How did or do the spirits keep the lands safe from overuse? Or why 92 Like the “Miljøfyrtårn” sertifikat” that exists in Norway. and that they from then on were not coming to play with her any more (ST April 2013). responsible for keeping a general balance with the limits of the local ecosystems of the reindeer grazing lands (2006:128). She told the story about a family that had built a new house. 105. 90 . The general principles are clear and sound interesting.91 institutions. she knew people that did not dig a hole or choose a fixed place to throw away dirty water without having asked the underground spirits. Nowadays it is the state authorities that impose reindeer numbers and rights to use certain grazing lands. according to Nergård. Is the ancient system still relevant. but neither Nergård nor any other author does elaborate deeper. They came only to say that they found it too noisy in town. When she moved to a larger place. Contact with such superhuman agents are. personified in the appearance of various superhuman agents. Solveig also had personally spoken to a woman that had had two underground spirits as playmates during her youth. the oral traditions and also the direct contact with the ‘soul of the area’ or ‘the guardian of the place’. Some more stories about the role of underground people in connection with building dwellings and using grazing lands for reindeer herding can be found in the book of Jens-Ivar Nergård (2006) about the Sámi traditional reindeer herding. or gives concrete examples of how this type of decisions affect the sustainability of grazing lands. According to the author. Nergård has done field-work and conducted interviews with several reindeer herders at various places the Northern Sámi area. 120-122). amongst them underground spirits (Nergård 2006:98-99. Solveig Tangeraas explained that in her childhood in the 1950 ties. That was interpreted as a sign of that the underground spirit respected their appropriation of the place. traditional reindeer herders were not considered to be competent if they did not master the two aspects. the two underground spirits came to visit her. another place was close to a swamp. She got the thought that what Sámi saw as underground spirits were in fact insects that people’s imagination had transformed into gufithar. That gave her a deep-felt sense of belonging. Even if she realized that they were constructed by the human mind.no/Rapporter/Sider/Reindrift. June 2012 of the Office of the Auditor General of Norway: www. 92 Due to severe overgrazing and too high amounts of reindeer. and how animals can personified and idealized. and how they were used to scare her away from spots where she as a child was forbidden to play.aspx. Familiarity and interactions with the spirit life around her house as she grew up gave her a deep sense of identity rooted in the area. 92 One other anonymous informant explained to me that there were a couple of places where the underground spirits lived near the house she grew up. Sámi reindeer herding in almost the entire province of Finnmark is not ecologically sustainable.riksrevisjonen. She suddenly saw tiny underground people dressed in shining clothes walking around in the top soil. where a child might be at risk of drowning. According to her. how important it is considered by this informant to protect even the smallest animal life. such stories of underground people were made up by the adults. This is being concluded in the recent report dated 16. She concluded that the underground people were a creation of the human mind in order to fulfill an ecological sustainable function: namely to show respect for the needs of certain insects that live on and under the earth.did or do they not? Overgrazing by reindeer of large areas in Finnmark has been a highly debated subject on the public agenda for many years. that did not diminish her appreciation for the importance of the stories and her personal experiences. She told me also about a spiritual experience she had when half asleep lying on the ground near to her house in the summer. These stories from the informants show two aspects: how much the living belief in interactions with underground spirits contributes to attachment and empathy with the local ecosystems. including her own. 91 . She felt a close familiarity with her living place through her life-long relationships with realms of the invisible world. She could not image moving away from the place she grew up. One place was close to a cliff where stones could fall down. small insects. Their role in imposing ecologically sustainable forms of life in contemporary Sámi culture is very restricted. Some sources consider mastery of the stories to be a prerequisite for the establishment of sustainable relationships with local ecosystems. bacteria. Underground spirits do not like noise or any unnecessary disturbance. This is illustrated in the insect story of one of my informants and in the considerations of the Christian clergy that in the past reacted strongly to superhuman agency bound to soil. not towns. First: Underground spirits are a form of local non-human personhood that represents a part of nature in particular ecosystems of the soil. the information available does not allow any strong conclusion.Conclusions as to ecological sustainability Based on these findings. As to the past. They become instances for guiding and teaching. Soil is itself an ecosystem that consists largely of living beings. Second: In the permission seeking rituals associated with underground spirits they are been granted authority for deciding on the use of local ecosystems. protozoa. That ritual has a significant preventive effect on human attitudes and behavior. etc. They are in some ways representing an ideal: having superior powers and being very beautiful and happy. It could be supposed that more concrete forms as effective ecological agency could be found when researching more detailed stories and doing more field-work with for instance reindeer herders. Gufithar have their own family and society life independent of humans. Third: They have an autonomous existence and a superhuman guiding/helping/teaching role. I wish to draw five conclusions as to the role for maintaining ecological sustainability of underground people. Undisturbed local natural environments are seen as autonomous of humans and are idealized. Still they give permission for building even huge and ecologically unsustainable buildings. Seen as human persons. fungi. and do not seem to oppose overgrazing of reindeer pastures. many of microscopic size. 92 . an authority that is grounded in important sanction power. and undisturbed nature is the place they thrive best. these create identification and empathy that induce human motivation to protect them. but do not respond to modern ecological challenges. The negative influences they might have might scare children. Sieidi’s and háldi’s had to be addressed actively by ritual activity or other forms of religious attention. Háldi’s with a resource-management function93 are often free 93 See for the use of the same word for three other functions: as individual guardian spirit of animals 4. a part of a mountain. a tree. a safe house. They are present in all Sámi areas with similar functions.Fourth: Belief in underground spirits provides a feeling of safety and wholeness on the local scale. Sámi scholars underline that the belief in underground spirits is fundamental for a Sámi traditional identity (Outakoski 1991.2. Mebius 2007). identification with close friends or relatives who have experienced them. and a general sense of guidance and protection from the superhuman realm. Underground spirits make nature a positive and safe place to be. warning of unexpected disasters. Fifth: They are providers of meaning and identity. Sieidi's can have the physical appearance of stone. The belief in underground spirits creates strong local identification. 6. Having met an underground spirit is seen as having special significance in the life of humans that encounter them. When respecting the rules they impose. The experience includes that person or persons in a superior superhuman realm. Stone sieidi’s have the main focus in this chapter. They have a central role of being an the superhuman ‘official’ intermediate or manager for local human communities with the natural resources they ruled over. because they play a central role in Sámi religious life and there is most information about them. identification with the places people know stories from. that at the same time bound the hunters and fishers to obey to a set of traditional hunting and fishing rules. but can normally easily be averted by adults. They bind people to particular places where they have long-term relations with the local stories about the underground spirits. as 93 . Nergård 2006).2 Sieidi: Local superhuman agency and management of resources Sieidi’s and háldi are Northern Sámi names for superhuman managing authorities over the fauna and flora of a limited area. that thereby is giving a confirmation that the person’ live is acknowledged and has a value. a carved pole of wood or a spring (Kulonen 2005. one gets much in return: teaching. Every family once had once its own sieidi. Many sieidi’s were in the old days places for doing collective or individual rituals and were linked to the exclusive using rights to a given area (Bäckman 1991:21). Rheen and J. most of the time invisible spirits that belong to a natural area like the forest-háldi or the water-háldi (1946:70. Solbakk 2006:34). and it can get very stubborn”. and not too often of act of open and active worshipping or even sacrificing or are places where people have spiritual experiences (Solbakk 2006. But that that is not a sustainable way to keep reindeer.66.Fellman 1946:12. They can still today be used to give advice in all types of life.moving. A sieidi can help to get a large reindeer herd. Animals wounded by hunters that go to a sacred area around a sieidi should not be killed (Itkonen 1946:13).1. Nils Oskal has written about the use of sieidi’s in reindeer herding (1994:140-141). because the reindeer luck will only last for one generation. Sieidi’s are considered a central feature in ancient Sámi religion (Mebius 2007:145)94. There were local community sieidi’s. Most sieidi’s are today still respected. 94 Most historical books about Sámi religion have a chapter on sieidi: Holmberg 1915/1987.115) and Ravila (1934:48. and even quarrel with it. They are in descriptions of Sámi religion considered to be ‘shrines’.71). A sieidi might have various functions. 94 .104.78-80. but not sacrificed to any longer.issues or healing in ritualistic forms of communication. are some recorded experiences of reindeer herders from fieldwork in the Northern Sámi area as related by Nils A.54. In this analysis we will limit ourselves to their role in establishing and regulating relationships with the use of local natural ecosystems for harvesting resources. Even an individual can have his own sieidi (Itkonen 1946:12). and not hunt in the sacred area around the sieidi. Woman and dogs were not allowed to go near or even look at some sieidi’s (Holmberg 1915/1987:33). at least that has been told about from Utsjoki areas (Itkonen quotes Grape. One should be silent in the area around a sieidi. Norwegian archaeologist Ørnulv Vorren(1993) has made a detailed study of sieidi's in the Varanger area. Oskal.2. that means objects that are worshipped and/or communicate with superhuman beings that have special powers (Kulonen 205:389). Itkonen 1946. or as underground person 6. Pentikäinen 1997:132-139 Mebius 2007:144. species-related guardian spirit 5. “One can get on speaking terms with a sieidi. Jernsletten 2004 about southern Sámi area). Today sieidi's are often still object to some form of respect (Oskal 1995). Jernsletten (2004:46) and Mebius (2007:152-153.) Still today coins are to be found at some sieidi’s now and them (Sveen 2006).nrk.nrk. The term is not mentioned in Skanke and Jens Kildal but in many other old missionary and priestly accounts (Mebius 2007:145).2013). 95 . 96 See Arvid Sveen 2003.2013. A sieidi can be called for ibmil [god] or Storjunckare in Lule Lappmark (Rheen quoted in Bäckman 1991:21). They can be huge. also the Southern Sámi area as ‘sjielegierka’ and on the Swedish side as ‘sjielevaajja’ as described by J. The word sieidi is probably etymologically related to the word ‘siida’ meaning traditional local Sámi community (Kulonen 2005:389).The worshipping of a sieidi is considered to be a sin. but normal and even necessary practice to keep a good relationship with the invisible parts of the landscape.). and ‘Goosestone’ in Sorsele/Sweden (Manker 1965:92). but that his neighbours don’t reply when he asks the if they also do that. and a film clip of Åke using his drum: www. Manker 1965.95 Terminology of sieidi There are recorded other names for sieidi’s in various areas (Itkonen 1946:19).standing stones or parts of mountain formations that are have a somehow special shape and are usually positioned significantly in the landscape.no/video/historiker_aage_solbakk_pa_en_sjamangrav/66D7673F63A651B5/ (dowloaded 15. as it is considered to consist of worship to other gods than the Christian one. Sacrificial stones in all Sámi areas. and the known Sámi historian Åke Solbakk has stated on TV that he sacrifices to sieidi’s.05.8343810. (Oskal 1994:140. downloaded 15. on the Russian side at Kola Peninsula by. Vorren 1993. Solbakk 2006 for books with numerous photo’s of recognized sieidi’s. Appearance96 Sieidi's are most frequently natural free.no/kanal/nrk_sapmi/ardna/1. normal or rather small. Some sieidi's are called after animal species by local oral tradition for otter sieidi ‘Čæwresibmel’ (Vorren 1993:122) or just – fish-god ‘Guolle-ibmel’ (Vorren 1993:115).05. be very visibly on mountain and hilltops or at river 95 Link to a news item about Åke Solbakk and the sieidi that gives fishing luck: http://www. Behaving respectfully to a sieidi like greeting it and expressing wishes to it for good luck are not considered a sin. a fence of green twigs in the summer or antlers (Holmberg 1915/1987:31) A sieidi could also be part of a larger sacred area (Mebius 2007:139).or lake shores. under or next to them. can be flat or upright. 111). Holmberg quoting Olsen and Fellman. Stone sieidi’s regularly have anthropomorphic shapes like the profile of a human face (Pentikäinen 1997:133). The sieidi stone or tree stump was used to put offerings on. Fellman quoted in Itkonen 1946:12) or Akka in for instance Sompio and Muddusjarvi (Itkonen 1946:6. finally into a 97 “Es gab Sieidis. or just anywhere in the landscape (Vorren 1993:131). They can have the shape of a phallus or have holes like a vulva. It could be surrounded by smaller stones. ressemble to a bird for instance (Manker 1975). but only to the spirit of that particular place“97 (Itkonen 1946:12). Sieidi's are places “in which a god or spirit lives” says Itkonen that considers that the god was not the stone itself but that the power or spirits were associated to the stone (1946:12). where collective rituals would take place. The sieidi was often surrounded by a cultic area. prayed to and worshipped sieidi’s like gods” (quoted in Mebius 2007:146). They might have have holes and crevices to deposit sacrifices (Vorren 1993:29). loved. that were not consecrated to a known divinity. They also are sometimes described to become visible in the shape of a human or bird (Kulonen 2005:391. “There were sieidi’s. die keiner bekannten Gottheit. 7). Sámi “called. be round-shaped like a human head.) 96 . According to the ancient missionary Torneaus. close to or at the seashore and visible from the water on longdistance and seving as an orientation mark. Scholarly debate about the nature of the power of the sieidi In general sieidi's are supposed to have a certain invisible power called for ‘numinous’ or ‘mana’ (Kulonen 2005:390). They can also be zoomorphic. One known sieidi is called after a god called Ibba: the Ibbakirku in Tana/ Finnmark (Sveen 2006). Sieidi’s can but do not have to be associated with any particular named and personified god. 1915/1987:35) Itkonen quotes a story of the destruction of an ‘akka’ sieidi that turns first into a naked child. We have a testimony about a family sieidi’s that represented Dierpmes or Beaivi in the Utsjoki area (J. A number of sieidi’s are related to the Storjunckare (Manker 1965: 96.“ (Itkonen 1946:12. sondern nur dem Geist der betreffenden Stelle geweiht waren. and the spirits of the sieidi are various types of spirits linked to the clan or family (Kulonen 2005:391. Or one could sleep a night next to it find out if he got the message in a dream that it was suited as sieidi (1946:12). quoted in Bäckman 1991:20).water bird (1946:7).group. Its absolute managing authority belongs to the ancient system of the local community that has divided the accessed to hunting and fishing areas meticulously amongst families and communities. Its role is always related to the human need of fishing. a fisherman that starts to use a lake that no one has used before consecrates himself a stone and makes in into a sieidi. Bäckman 1991:22).” (Bäckman 1991:22. on how Sámi could decide to consecrate a new stone as sieidi (Holmberg 1915/1987:37). The terrritory was the hunting and fishing area of the siida. under the ægis of which the flora and fauna or the territory stood. Louise Bäckman with her focus on the separate identity of animal guardian spirits and summarizes the scholarly debate ands concludes as follows: The sieidi marked the center of an area that belonged to the genius loci. According to Itkonen. The relationship between man and the sieidi was ‘relatively egalitarian and reciprocal’ (Kulonen 2005:390). For Uno Harva Holmberg and Petterson that wrote in the middle of the 19th century. The sieidi can reflect and represents all aspects that are of interest in a given delimited landscape as to the hunting and fishing of humans.) That definition corresponds to the role of the sieidi as I have encountered it in my interviews and research in source for the last 100 years. they are linked to ancestor worship. Hultkranz wrote in 1962 that they represented the underground spirits (quoted in Bäckman 1991:20). There are several scientific theories on how to interpret the sieidi’s. and foreigners did not have the right of access to the hunt on that area (Bäckman 1991:22). Some Swedish Sámi believe that a sieidi is a bird that came form the sky that become of stone (Holmberg 1915/1987:36). or just an expression of an idea of the divine (Mebius in 1968. Holmberg quotes Rheen. The sieidi had the task to provide 97 . In that capacity as such he genius acted as the Master of the animal. ‘the lord of the fish’ (1946:19). and when the ancient religion was still legal. hallde in Northern Saami. it does not have any autonomous life of itself. The perspective of the animals are normally not being put any special empathic focus on in the stories about removal or disrespect of sieidi’s. Also Myrvoll (2011) and Oskal (1995) tell about people arguing with sieidi. and the human should offer and respect the sieidi. But that that is not a sustainable way to keep reindeer. because the reindeer luck will only last for one generation. are some recorded experiences of reindeer herders at personal fieldwork in the Northern Sámi area as related by Nils Oskal. tell several stories about protests against of the removal of sieidi’s in the Lule Sámi area by ethnographers around the turn of the last century. and it can get very stubborn”. Sanctions show the authority of the sieidi As to show how powerful a sieidi is supposed to be for animal’s populations. as it is considered to consist of worship to other gods than the Christian one. (Oskal 1994:140. The worshipping of a sieidi is considered to be a sin. A sieidi can help to get a large reindeer herd. and wolf attacks occurred. It is part of the traditional believe system that the sieidi has power and it punishes those that do not respect it. Some local Sámi refuse to touch or lift up the sieidi’s and one that carried it got sick and did not dare to touch it any 98 ”One can get on speaking terms with a sieidi. we can look what the sanctions are if they are removed or not respected. Apmut Kuoljok and John Kuoljok. reindeer death. loose their possibility to fish.” (Kulonen 2005:391). some were in the shape of human heads. but normal and even necessary practice to keep a good relationship with the invisible parts of the landscape. more effective sieidi. Assumed spiritual punishments in the form of sickness.success in hunting and fishing.) 98 . Removing a sieidi has dramatical negative consequences: the revenge always concerns humans. Humans could just turn them around or destroy them and consecrate new. But also the humans could punish the sieidi if it did not perform well by abandoning it or just arguing and getting angry with it. and even quarrel with it. Itkonen (1946:57-58) and Fellman (quoted in Pentikäinen 1997:139) have recorded stories about that. and most looked like dog heads (Kuoljok 2010:13). They are exclusively depicted in their role as resource for humans. Behaving respectfully to a sieidi like greeting it and expressing wishes to it for good luck are not considered a sin.98 ‘The people of the Teno river region are known sometimes to have beaten their fishing deities with birch switches to make them perform their duties better. The expedition of von Rosen in 1900 visited several sieidi’s. The stories recorded are similar in all Sámi areas and often concern fish. and that was agreed upon. Some said the sieidi was probably not placed at exactly the right place. They placed it back around the year 2005 at what was believed to have been its original place. Jorum Jernsletten refers to this happening in the southern Sámi area (2004:55). gets angry and the young man has to leave. The old man secretly sacrifices fish to the lake sieidi. 99 . using the argument that it was their mark. There is also story related by May-Lisbeth Myrhaug . The sieidi magically replaces itself to the old place. because the municipal assemble decided that it wanted to use it as memorial stone for fallen soldiers. when I studied in Kautokeino and asked local people about the fish in the lake and the stone. Local fishermen protested before and after the removal. The removal was followed by an emptying of the fjord of sea fish in the following years. A sieidi at the shore of an fish-rich inland lake in the Galanittu area near Kautokeino in Finnmark/ Norway was removed by Norwegians with the aim to exhibit it in Trondheim at the beginning of the 20th century. A frequently returning story is that the removal of a sieidi cause the harvestable animal population to disappear or at least to be harmed. Its removal was linked to the consecutive disappearance of fish in that lake. Sigvald Persen tells that local fisherman saw the removal of the sacred stone as being in a clear relation with the emptying of the fjord for fish. Persen caused by industrial trawler fishing by people outside of the fjord. That was according to S. where an old and a younger man go fishing on a lake. Persons from the Sámi community linked to the Sámi high school asked to get the sieidi back. and he catches fish in huge amounts (Myrhaug1997:21-22). a removed sieidi was placed in a ceremonial manner at the Sámi museum at Ájtte museum in Jokkmokk situated in the area where it was taken from. the old man sacrifices again. and that was the cause for that fish did not return (personal research in Kautokeino autumn 2008). The fish stocks though did not return as to the year 2008. without source reference. The local communities have no direct power to stop trawlers from over fishing the fjord.more as a consequence. There used to be a large white stone that was seamark for fisherman to find fishing ground and a sieidi on a mountain ridge at the edge of the Porsanger fjord in Finnmark/Norway. The old man notices the sieidi is gone. The young man removes the sieidi and dumps it secretly at the bottom of the lake. The result is that they do not catch any fish any more. In 2003. It was removed in the 1970s. Holmberg quoting Olsen and Tuderus: 40). Holmberg: 29. antlers and meat.”100 (Mebius 2007:145. and tobacco (Kulonen 2005:390).) Sacrifices can be for instance animal fat.) 100 . alcoholic drinks. One has to offer in the correct way.no. otherwise the sieidi gets offended and a punishment follow in the form of bad catch. (Mebius 2007 154 ff ) . Sacrificing and the following common meal with the sacrificed meats is a sign of double communion: a communion between the members of the local community that enjoys the right to use the sieidi. 1995 and www.v. An ecological aspect of sacrificing was that sacrifice of for instance blood was also seen as a guarantee for that the population of the sacrificed animal would not be weakened.99 It was frequent in Sámi sacrifical practice as described by ancient authors to cook a common meal of the sacrificed meats (Mebius 2007:134-137). 99 The ancient Sámi word for sacrifice is ‘vearru’ signifying ‘tax’. The more sacrificing the better (Itkonen 1946:13). att offerdjuret regenereres”. and that can be interpreted as an expression of a similar thought that belongs to the conservation of the bones of the hunted prey. hunting or reindeer herding will go well. according to the dictionnary of Kåven ea. Noways vearru means only taxation and the word ‘oaffar’ is used for religious sacrifice. Some missionaries have related cases of adults and children that were sacrificed (Itkonen quotes Tuderius. blood. “The Sámi sacrifical tree was smeared in with blood.risten. 40). According to Laila Spik. Qvigstad and Varonen as sources 1946:11. Sacrifice and sustainability: celebrating community. Fish oil and fish heads (Kulonen 2005:390) or parts of slaughtered animals and antlers of reindeer are mentioned as offerings to fish sieidi’s. Olsen. and with the superhuman power of the sieidi. (Dermant Hatt 1928 quoted in Jernsletten 2004:55). regenerating life. But also metal objects. 100 “Då de samiska offerträna smörjes med offerdjurets blod kan detta uppfattas som ett uttrykk för en liknande tanke som hör samman med bevarandet av såväl jaktbytets som offerrenens skelettdelar. (Mebius 2007:145.s. Sámi-Norwegian dictionary online. that sacrifical animal regenerates. and according to some sources animals were sacrificed alive by burning them alive under the ground or locking them up in a crevice in a rock for instance (Itkonen 1946:15. reciprocity and respect for behavioural rules The ritual that is mostly described in the ancient times that belongs to the religious function of a sieidi is sacrificing.Less dramatical than the removing is the punishment by the sieidi. d. ‘common meal’ or ‘sacrifice’(Mebius 2007:133). If the sacrifice is right the fishing. ST. the Sámi use to communicate with the fish through the sieidi: “Sámi spiritually communicated with the fish. for instance as to never fish more than you needed. in 2010:4. states Itkonen (1945:50).to make an animal suffer like that was against the Sámi value system and she could not imagine that these practices had been common (LS August 2012).) The reciprocity provides security. According to Elina Helander.102 From these sources one can 101 The Sámi informants ( SP. in 2010:4. Men så kom den nye religionen som inte accepterande de seder och bruk som våra för fader levt med.sieidi's . The sieidi was a very strict god. the authority of the resource agrees that humans are allowed to take out what they need.”(Apmit Ivar Kuoljok.” (SP February 2013. The sieidi it is actively involved in imposing a value system and rules for the use of the resources. But them came the new religion that did not accept the habits and costumes that our ancestors lived with. reindeer luck. LS) all told that in the old days. Sejten skulle inte länge vare den synbare förmedlarern av seder som häntade kraft och tillit av den omgivende naturen.) ”De makter-… som kunne påvirke tilvaron og boendet. one respected the value system that was attached to the traditional culture. Amongst others they did that via the many Deanu fish.) Sigvald Persen is also very well aware of this function of the sieidi: “Together with the respecting the sieidi. The sieidi should no longer be the transmittor of attitudes that provided power and trust from the surrounding nature.) that could influence the well-being and the dwellings.) 101 . local resources like the fish catch or hunted animals. As a return. 102 ”The powers (.” (Helander 2010:5.” (Apmit Ivar Kuoljok. A Swedish contemporary Sámi confirms that sieidi has the function to provide security and confidence in nature. with the aim of an ecologically sustainable use of it.. In that way they know how much they could take and know what to do and not to do to protect the fish they knew they were dependent on. Sámi sources tell very clearly about the functions of the sieidi as authority for imposing rules for sustainable harvesting. an expert of local use of the Tana River area.. renlykan och naturens gavmildhet samt påverka vädret infor det daglige arbeidet. respecting the live and well–being of animals the local community101 is depended upon for immediate survival. were shared amongst the members of the local community that had no chance to gather that type of food themselves for one reason or an other. The basis society values of not depleting in the resource. that exigated worshipping according to precise rules. the generosity of nature as well as the weather during the daily work. It also ensures that conditions are met for animals to reproduce and that therefore the access to the resources remain secured. where everybody has the right to thrive. Humans have a right to catch animals to be fed. The sieidi as guarantee of ecological sustainability Scholars have frequently interpreted the sieidi as purely economical ”As a matter of fact. the utilitarian value is just one aspect of a larger complex of ecological relationships between the sieidi as superhuman agent representing the local resources and a given human group like a family or a community that has exclusive using rights for the area the sieidi is responsible for. The ruling power over the animals respected their side of the reciprocity by providing good harvesting and using conditions. Third. safety and survival by common agreement on reciprocity and implying mutual duties and rights. like sacrifice.” (Manker quoted in Mebius 2007:159. the sieidi's have a collective role in enforcing community and collective sustainable management.understand that respecting a sieidi as expressed in various rituals.” (Bäckman 1991:21) Manker talks about sacrifice “with very explicit utilitarian motives” 104 (Manker quoted in Mebius 2007:159). First. and mutual needs have to be met. It is given the superhuman negotiating authority by humans themselves. ”An invidual can very well have understood sacrifice as an operation that exigates a divine quid pro pro.103” (Mebius 2007:157). Respecting a sieidi is a collective identity-confirming activity for the using group. hunting area or reindeer grazing land for instance for humans that wish to use the resources. for luck in hunting and fishing and for good luck in reindeer raising. The local. like a lake. communication or just greeting and paying respect.) 102 . is a signal that the humans obey to the traditional values of respect of the local ecosystems. The basic assumptions behind this reciprocity logic is that humans. animals and plants are part of a larger system. a sieite was worshipped for financial reasons. I have distinguished three ways the sieidi plays a role in maintaining local ecological sustainability. Second.area related sieidi becomes a managing authority over fauna and flora in a given specific surrounding.) 104 “Offerhandlinger med rätt krassa nyttomotiv.” (Mebius 2007:157. that are told in several areas to choose consecrate the sieidi themselves. and animals have the right to 103 “En enskild individ kan mycket väl ha uppfattat offret som en prestation som kräver en gudomlig motprestasjon. In my view. The terms used by sources though vary. As to the historical development and the limitation of the sieidi-system. is ‘eanadat’. In this text. 6. a river.3 Landscapes The term landscape is holographic: it can designate a large undefined area. the respect is being shown and it is assumed that the humans follow the rules for good behavior. and chose consciously to use a supernatural agent as a type of ‘help’ to enforce the rules. With the triple aim of imposing sustainable harvesting of animal resources even on the community level. as the focus mostly lies on specific types of landscape. having agency. but are considered to have status as a subject. as to provide fish and game. the term for landscape. In a way they are aware of what is necessary to keep an animal population stable. The supernatural agency is even seen as indispensable to the survival of the hunted-upon animal populations. as it is in fact that humans themselves that impose on themselves the superhuman authority by consecrating the sieidi's. and proved its part of his duties. mother. related to the words eana. a forest. In northern Sámi. When the offering is made. the sieidi was a powerful instrument for ecological sustainability of local ecosystems that is necessary for the long term survival of a local Sámi communities in the ancient times. in southern Sámi ‘eatnama’ meaning ‘my mother’ (Jernsletten 2004:54). 103 . I wish to discuss two aspects of landscapes: landscapes that are seen as sacred and the perception of landscapes that do not have to be sacred. but also an seemingly endless number of fragments that each form their own always composite unit of various sizes. an larger area of grazing lands. it is easy to understand that its role as instance that imposes ecological sustainability depends on an exclusive using right on the long term.earth. like a mountain. and not all humans will respect the reciprocity implying clear behavioral rules. and eadni. The aspect of the system of the sieidi that I found most interesting. as the removal of a sieidi causes disappearance of the animals. and providing safety as to the availability of nature resources. Otherwise the authority of the sieidi is not intact. a lake.live and thrive even if hunted upon. or a well. Sacred landscapes are not directly and explicitly related to hunting and fishing success and management of resources. they are seen as for instance a place where a spirits like the sájvo people live that fulfill a role of supporting humans in all aspects of the life (Bäckman 1975). and that they were sacrificing to.pdf?sequence=2. which the authorities planned to use as site for 105 Some overviews: Qvigstad 1926. with overview and maps of arkeological Sámi sacred sites in University of Tromsø.saivu.com/?Tinden:Det_hellige_fjellet se text downloaded 16. As to the explanation of why they are considered sacred. and that one should not go to the higher parts of the mountain. The sacred landscapes have become part of contemporary debates about ecological protection.2013 in annex. 104 . and the sacred lakes called sájvo’ 105.05. in Norwegian called Tromsdaltind. They had to greet the mountain when passing by. Recent master thesis in archeology of Jon Gunnar Blom. Ønrulv Vørren 1993.106 Some of the ancient missionaries already noted that every Sámi had a one or several holy mountains where his or her ancestors and healing spirits were living. Se also the online-exhibition of the Varanger Sámi museum at www. Skanke has noted lists of names and numbers of sacred saivo mountains some individual Sámi had ‘from Eastern Finnmark to Trondheim’ (Rydving 1995:187-189). loud talking of singing. or taking away objects is forbidden. for pictures and stories. their reindeer had to graze there three days every year. when Sámi wished sacred landscapes to remain untouched by planned commercial exploitation.no/bitstream/handle/10037/4309/thesis. called ‘basse-várri’. Reindeer herder Ola Omma (born in 1923) told about the sacred Sálašoaivi mountain near Tromsø that their tradition was that one had to behave properly in vicinity of the sacred mountain. Examples are the controversial public debates (Kraft 2004) about the pretended sacredness of the Sálašoaivimountain.uit.arvidsveen. http://munin. (Rydving 1995:71-72). Manker 1957.com in Norwegian and English. 106 http://www. Lappische Opfersteine und heilige Berge in Norwegen. The Sámi felt that they got healing and guidance from the mountain. The most known are the sacred mountains. Any disturbance in form of noise. Lapparnas heliga ställen. even if they are confirming and by their ongoing perception as sacred constantly re-creating the traditional value system. 2011 on ethnicity and scred sites. Samiske offerplasser i Varanger. ‘saivo’ or ‘áilegas’.Sacred landscapes In the Sámi tradition there are many sacred landscapes. the seasonal grazing areas lands: ‘orohaga’ (Oskal 1995:103). Washington.) 108 On Suttesája. ‘birras’ .org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/finland/water-prospecting-threatenssami-sacred-site downloaded 16. the Christian ones and the various types of spirits that live in an area (Johnsen 2005:28. or the action of the international action group Survival International in 2010. ‘surroundings’ and others (Johnsen 2005:28. That is an important part of the ethics of the 107 Shortly after the information from Omma became public. The plan raised a local cultural Sámi protest movement that got international repercussions. or máddo that are there (Oskal 1995:96). Oskal and Johnsen uses various terms like ‘reindeer grazing lands’ . Nils A. The municipality wished to allow its use for a company that wanted to bottle and sell the water on the commercial marked. in Sámi ‘guohtuneatnamiid’. Nergård 2006:105. Suttesája is the largest natural spring in Finland. Oskal calls the various landscapes in Norwegian for ‘reinbeiteland’.05.2013. and Helander (2010:45) have elaborated the subject. or the sacred spring Suttesája in Utsjoki municipality in Finland. Oskal 1995:103109). based on long time immersion in the world of the reindeer herders in Finnmark. see http://www.Olympic winter games in 2018107.108 Landscape as subject Sámi scholar Nils A. or as she says. describes on how reindeer herders are also obliged to be able to communicate at reindeer grazing areas because of the presence spirits of various types like háldi. because the budgeted costs Tromsø were estimated becoming too high. (Kraft 2004:238.or personhood status of landscape. Landscape is generally treated as a coherent subject in it self that the herder has to negotiate with in order to and get along with it. Later on. Tore Johnsen noticed that reindeer herders prays to both instance. edited by Sylvia Hood (2006). Tore Johnsen: reindeer grazing land is called ‘duovdda’(2005:40) 105 . ‘nature religion’. underground beings. and none dared to question that. 109 Nils A. and she adds that the Norwegian law does not protect Sámi traditional beliefs. Oskal in his doctor thesis about reindeer herding luck. ulda. sourroudings. 121-122). 39. se a chapter in the book entitled ‘Suttesája’ written by Rauna Kuokkanen in “Echoes From The Poisoned Well: Global Memories of Environmental Injustice”. To describe the landscape.culturalsurvival. Norway withdraw its application for the Tromsø as location for OL winter games 2018 in Tromsø. ‘summer/winter/autumn dwelling lands’. only Sámi cultural heritage that is proven over 100 years old (Kraft 2004:241). The Sámi parliament wrote a report that the mountain was holy that was largely based on the testimony of one person. the local Olympic planning commitee dropped the plans to use Sàlašoaivi and decided to search for an other potential location. 30. Oskal (1995:123) and Jorunn Jernsletten (2004). said farewell to the grazing lands as he journey through them for he last time. The aim is to achieve balance. That is expressed in the Southern Sámi symbol of the ‘mirror image’.reindeer-luck. muhto maid min ja mu birrasa duohken obanasiige. including humans. and respectfulness towards the whole surroundings. Jorunn Jernsletten states that the Sámi have seen the landscape as a acting subject (Jernsletten 2004:49) and mentioned the relations with a number of types of superhuman beings that live there and have historical and physical links to places. fairness.) 112 This symbol has been researched and described by Maja Dunfjeld (2001) in Tjaalehtjimmie: form og innhold i sørsamisk ornamentikk. but are only known for modern Sámi accounts.gos mu bággan earaid ja earat leat bággaeallan munnje. when he knew that his death is approaching.“ (Oskal 1995:123. The value of justice and well-being of reindeer is for him subdued (Oskal 1995:168). reindeer and the land into account.“ (Oskal 1995:168. but also the way Sámi interpret their relationship to for instance a forest as ‘mother and father’ with reciprocity and mutual dependency (2004:54. 106 . 112 Rituals The various types of rituals with the landscape as subject have not been mentioned by ancient missionaries. symbolizing that the inner state reflects the outer. ja ii ge nu go bággamis. Emilie Demant Hetta recorded the acts of an old reindeer herder that.110 The rationalized reindeer herding does not take the traditional values of honesty. 56). Mu soabadeapmi earaiguin sistisdoalla maid ahte earat leat soabadan muinna. We do not know if this was common ritual or not.) 111 “Gjensidige bånd og samrådingforpliktelse. they can be considered to be ancient. its demands the Sámi “to shake off their reciprocal links and obligation to agree111 with the reindeer grazing lands. and asked for that the lands might feed those that come after him in the same way as they fed him (Demant Hetta 1928 quoted in Jernsletten 2004). On behalf of the aim of a more effective exploitation of grazing lands. an ancient decoration motive. and cooked coffee that he poured on the soil as offering. But from this 110 “Soabadeapmi ii leat dušše mu duohken. That was mostly done by a priest. Ecological sustainability and landscape agency The subject. The Sámi were also aware of the four directions as is described already by Skanke (Rydving 1995:127). 27-29. Thanking thoughts and prayers to the grazing lands and for the ‘gifts of God’ Ibmila láhjit after eating when deposing bones were also a regular feature (Johnsen 2005:20. Oskal. and is called for sivnidit. 25. We do unfortunately not have any concrete example of what this 107 . A value system that has ecological sustainable use. The cross is amongst other meanings a symbol for the four cardinal directions. There is also the traditional Northern Sámi male ‘four-winds hat’. because it is for them exclusively related to addressing Christian forces. ‘vitkat’. according to Johnsen (2005:26-27). a much used hat for man with four pointed endings. For Oskal. 60. Rydving 1995:125).perspective and the perception of the relationship of dependency on landscapes create identification and empathy. They also used to make crosses over reindeer land to bless it (Johnsen 2005:29). the term sivnidit is different from Oskal. The use and meaning of the symbol of the cross used by Sámi is described by Holmberg for instance on the sacificial world pillar for the upper god. Johnsen and Nergård refer to the rituals of permission-asking lobiid jearrat (Oskal 1995:103). linked to the Sámi god Horagallis that corresponds in many aspect to the norse Thor (Holmberg 1915/1987:24. It is interpreted as a pre-Christian sign of a hammer. on wall of the hut at Christmas. For Tore Johnsen’s informants. One other ritual is the asking for peace. honesty and fairness are the key ethical attitudes in traditional reindeer herding. Communication via thoughts with grazing lands is mentioned (Johnsen 2005:25). 114. One important wish is that the grazing lands are not destroyed (Johnsen 2005:29). This reflects the intention of establishing balance on a superhuman level with the landscape. is clearly expressed. He explains that the sun is depicted as a square on drums because it sends its power to all four directions.62-63). The well-wishing and thanking formulation to the grazing lands is something else. and on the offering bark boats hung on trees for the Christmas people.quote is become clear that the value system aimed at long-term sustainable use by Sámi and the will not to deteriorate the productive power of the ecosystems that he had been living of. An other rituals are called asking for blessings and by that creating well luck. it looks like the permission rituals do not seem to prohibit the use of modern technology of the globalized society. Its concretization or any form of actualization is not being discussed beyond Oskal’s bitter conclusion that the modern economical system is incompatible with his interpretation of Sámi reindeer herding ethics. Meanwhile. 108 . Do the grazing land says no sometimes to the entering of a reindeer herd. and why? What kind of ecological reason could be found for that? The strong underlying value system might suppose such mechanisms.perspective and the associated rituals have meant in the past or mean today for concrete ways to achieve ecological sustainability. there is not one recorded story that has been told to for instance that a landscape forbids the use of a helicopters or motorized vehicles. Also here. The interest got even stronger when I heard a statement from a young Sámi yoik singer critical of the planned art of mining activities in Sámi reindeer area in Kvænangen in Northern Norway. The woman replied that she disagreed.1 Nature: Gullat luonddu jienaid I became aware of the fact that nature as a whole can become an actor in belief and ritual by reading the Tore Johnsen’s study ‘Sámi Luondduteologiija’ [Sámi Nature theology].2012). One elderly lady who was not from a Sámi cultural background and did not speak Sámi immediately took the floor after I had spoken. I witnessed a discussion between two Sámi on this theme. so we can take what we need. It turned out that most of them were Sámi native speakers. There were about ten ladies of various ages that knitted and sewed and Norwegian was the language used. I started wondering what she meant by that term and whether it was commonly used.GLOBAL AGENCY 7. 109 . because it sounded as if the humans are standing above nature. In the car when driving home. and that I was curious to hear reactions and comments. and were not a part of it. I asked Sigvald and an other woman who was with us what they thought about what she had said.CHAPTER 7 . the Sámi had to ask themselves how to search for a spiritual agreement with nature and she used the term ‘spiritual oneness with nature’ in Sámi vuoiŋŋgalaš oktavuođa lundui for in this issue.114 During my interviews. After a while one started to speak a little bit of Sámi.” The Sámi did not say a word. it is the standard way academics with a Sámi perspective articulate their view on nature. She spoke with a loud voice and said: ”God has given us fish and animals and all in nature. is often expressed as a way to oppose themselves to what is perceived as the ‘western’ separation between man and nature.113 The statement that the Sámi consider themselves as being a part of nature and not separate from it. 113 I did not ask her directly because I did not plan to use her as informant. did not know her very well and did not wish to improvise and just drop a question to her about an important spiritual issue. 114 See chapter 3 for discussion and references. It was on the occasion of a handicraft gathering in the Porsanger area (at fieldwork in Nov. According to her. I was given the opportunity to explain what my study was about. They believe this understanding has come about under influence of the ecological movement that they criticize for being negative to Sámi traditional lifestyle and economical activity (Magga 2011. For Elina Helander-Renvall (2010:45) the 115 Luondu is the nominative case. Swedish or English is recent. The same interpretation of these two words were also confirmed by Sigvald Persen and Solveig Tangeraas. Oskal for instance never uses the term luondu to describe surrounding territories. luondu was confirmed by other persons as being used as a general overarching word for nature seen as a whole on the global level. and irreproachability are natural. vuoiggalašvuohta ja gutnalašvuohta lea luonddolaš. Luondu originally just meant ‘characteristic’ or ‘basic trait’. dan ipmardusa mielde ahte dat boahtá luonddus. Sigvald Persen and Solveig Tangeraas seemed almost irritated by what they perceived as a recent change in meaning of the ancient word luondu as designating the environment in the modern sense of the word.influenced by humans according to Magga (2011). He uses the word to describe the ethics of the reindeer herders resulting in reindeer luck: ‘That does not mean that reasonability. “Dat ii mearkkaš ahte rehalašvuohta. namely that in nature humans are never separate and therefore there is no Sámi term corresponding to the concept of ‘untouched nature’. Luohti was further away and designated the area one sent domesticated animals to graze in the summer (Magga 2011). Norwegian. informants Persen and Tangeraas). The Sámi did not have any concept for nature as being separate or non.So what is nature for Sámi and what terms do they use? I have recorded contradictory information about the meaning of the Northern Sámi word luondu. referring to linguistic research of Sámi high school (as does Schanche 2002:162). honesty. luondui the illative case. This view was also confirmed by my interviews in Porsanger. taken over the Finnish. 116 110 . meaning that they are naturally present. (Oskal 1995:103). They also confirmed what the Sámi high school academics say. Nils A. muhto baicce ahte dat galgašii šaddat olbmo luonduin”.115 According to some Sámi academics connected to the environment of the Sámi high school the term luondu as the modern translation for ‘nature’ as the word is used in for instance Finnish. berries and wood. Meahcci was the area around the place one lived and that humans used to get resources like fish. but that they should become the human nature116 (Oskal 1995:103). Meahcci and luohtu express different places in the wilderness. luonddu is the accusativ/genitive case. Nevertheless. In modern Sámi Christian theology it seems that the word luondu has become the key term for a form of religiosity that can be related to the ancient religion. really not. The reindeer herders servings as informants for Tore Johnsen use the term luondu and ‘religion of nature’ (luondduosko) in discussions with him for referring to beliefs and practices that have to do with non-Christian superhuman agency in the nature. på Skaperen (…) … Du kan selvfølgelig tro mer på ham. men så husker man samtidig på Gud Fader og å be til ham også. the wilderness areas and everything that has been created there. (. Slik at du skal… og ikke forkaste det. In her upbringing.. it could be possible that the belief in nature could be not be put in too 117 ‘Hele naturen’ “Du er veldig glad i naturen og tenker på den. Det er også en del av det jeg har lært fra barndommen av. Luondduosko becomes a key term to describe elements of ancient Sámi traditions that can be linked to the ancient religion (Johnsen 2005:33). Laila Spik clearly confirmed the same. the creator (. You shall do both. slett ikke. the essence of.. Det står ikke i motsetning. It was also for her a central concept for a set of important beliefs and rituals (LS May 2013). nature. men man skulle i tillegg…. You really like nature very much and think about it. something they worship in parallel to Christian gods.) 118 111 . the word luondu had two meanings. normally animals or humans or the natural environment seen as a whole. naturen....) When keeping in mind that the informants are aware of talking to the leading priest of their local congregation.118 (Johnsen 2005:41. remember at the same time God the father and pray also to him.) and not reject it.something or someone.. Du skal begge.term is ambiguous. and ‘natural environment’ as one meaning was not excluded.. Southern –Sámi of Jernsletten’s stated that the whole nature117 is sacred to them (Jernsletten 2002:9). neither one or the other.. Man regner jo med at Gud Fader har skapt det også. Magga (2011) writes that ‘nature’ is sacred to Sámi.(…) Og naturen liker det selvfølgelig ikke dersom du tror mer på Gud. That is also a part of what I learned from childhood on.) And nature does of course not like that you believe more in God. but the other part is anyhow liked.” (Johnsen 2005:41. That is not a contradiction. but should also in addition . verken det ene eller det andre. It is seen by many of his informants as opposite to Christianity. Here he can only mean nature as a whole.) Of course you can believe more in him. In that way you should (. utmarka og alt som er skapt der. One considers that God Father has created that also. men den andre delen er likevel med. 57).much in opposition to the belief in the Christian god. 48. nature can punish you (Johnsen 2005:33). He then discusses how these beliefs can be framed within the Christian religion that he represents. and he underlines that the demonization of the ‘earth worship’119 has removed people from the landscape and an cosmological understanding of the world (2005:34). 65-67). luonddu lágat in order to survive. 49. 119 ‘Jorddyrkelse’ is the word he uses (Johnsen 2005:32).65). The book of Tore Johnsen ends with the affirmative statement ‘We have nature Christianity’ to describe Sámi religious identity (Johnsen 2005:73). Oktavuohta luondui. and have to obey to ‘natural laws’. Johnsen also underlines the importance of the logic of making an agreement with nature in a logic of concluding an agreement or pact. 62. 63). Johnsen underlines in his comments that the reindeer herders consider nature to be created by god. The voices of nature ask for respectful attitudes and behaviors. Johnsen concludes that the Sámi traditional way of thinking corresponds very well to with Christian motives from the Bible. luonddu jienaid guldalit. The involvement with these is seen as popular belief (Johnsen 2005:64. When its directions are transgressed. As I interviewed informants on their ideas about oktavuohta luondui. All living beings are ‘creatures of nature’. the luonddugapaldagat.oneness with nature I decided to investigate the concept oktavuohta luondui more in detail to find out about its possible links to beliefs and rituals. To be grateful for gifts of nature luonddu láhjit corresponds to thanking for god’s grace (Johnsen 2005:39. The spiritual beings like underground spirits and others are being summarized as ‘powers’ that dwell in nature and he compares them to Christian spirits like angels (Johnsen 2005:40. 112 . Johnsen quotes a series of terms that are related to luondu. 34-35). To achieve survival one has to ‘listen to the voices of nature’. I got varied replies. (Johnsen 2005:32. 62. and that the difference between god and nature is therefore not too important. Humans are seen as stewards of nature that have to have respect for all living beings (Johnsen 2005:53. Also Tore Johnsen concludes that nature is sacralized and put at the same level as god. Another traditional young reindeer herding Sámi I spoke to told me that she had heard it only as an adult and not as child. The name ‘ČSV’ became for many years a central symbol for Sámi identity and self-insurance. I wished to know if that term had been a main issue of the debate. Luondu was personified. these words did not correspond to their experiences from their upbringing. He said that most Sámi people today have forgotten that principle as a guiding principle of concrete action. He declared that he is able to feel when he is in harmony with nature and when not. When I asked further the first spontaneous explanation he gave was that noise disturbs nature. For Sigvald Persen and Solveig Tangeraas. while others had not heard about it (Johnsen 2005:35). Tore linked the term oktavuohta luondui also to the modern ecological challenges and today. Downloaded on 18. The reason for this was that he had recently been invited as speaker at gathering of young Sámi on Sámi values in Alta. he said. Tore stated that he grew up with that concept in the sea. the largest city in Finnmark. He said that he was one of the few Sámi who took it up at its recent meetings with young Sámi. that had a too small role for instance in the movement to strengthen Sámi values in which he has been in involved120.05. 120 The ČSV/Čájet Sámi Vuoiŋŋa movement. She knew it as a concept from poetry and art. Started in the 1972 by preacher Anders Guttormsen at a gathering in Sirma. and asked him only questions about this single concept. the concept was very much well alive and acted as a type of inner guiding principle. Finnmark and was a very influent informal movement. I interviewed him in Alta in April 2013. http://sapmi. Tore Johnsen mentions the concept of listening to voices of nature121 as a guiding principle for the behavior in nature for some of his informants. now a neighborhood of Alta. For him.2013 121 ‘luonddujiena guldalit’ 113 .Sámi village called Lahari. He is an active member of nature protection organisation and a Sámi political party. rather than oktavuohta luondui. He just senses he is in unity with nature and when not.do?type=tema . the traditional expression was that one had to be listening to the voices of nature was in Sámi the expression gullát luonddu jienaid.becoming a nation” trilingual online exhibition made by Tromsø University Museum.For Tore Bongo.uit. He is not in unity with nature when he is in an airplane or driving too much motorized vehicles were the examples he used.no/sapmi/ExhibitionContainer. It was comparable to the he allowance-asking ritual. form the “Sápmi. meaning– Show Sámi spirit. ‘It sits in here’ he stated and pointed to his heart area. this concept was part of the basic values of the Sámi traditional culture. known as a Sámi politican and ancient Alta activist from the 1980s and now a Sámi school teacher. For him. That had not been the case. and also in other words by her Lule-Sámi mother. according to Laila Spik (May 2013). The oktavuohta luondui was a type of inner guidance that resulted from contact on the level of the thought with a personified nature of other non-human persons. The way Tore Bongo and the young woman that I heard talking about it use the oktavuohta luondui-feeling are the only examples of a traditional ritual that integrates the question linked to the use of to modern technology.to cooperate to the mutual benefit of all beings. It might lead people to oppose new mining sites. It meant a type of pleasant feeling or an awareness about that one was acting in good agreement with the spirits of the surrounding. The aim was to have a respectful mutual relationship and an ecologically sustainable use of resources. she meant the life in the modernized Sámi society. as general non-human surroundings. 114 . and that is still serves as a guiding principle for concrete behavior. She also knew the other meaning of the word as a basic trait or characteristic of an individual. She translated it as ‘one with nature’. was also part of the use of the term.Laila Spik confirmed that the term was persistently used in the childhood by her originally northern – Sámi father. commitment to the wellbeing and the respect of a strict set of rules. I conclude that according to my limited research the term luondu was in some areas traditionally used for designating ecosystems. empathy. like animals and plants spirits. and brought Tore Bongo for instance to a reduced use of motorized vehicles and to the idea of disliking airplanes travels. The non-personhood attributed to entities nature leads to identification. The sources that confirmed the use of the natural environment as expressed in the world luondu as an overarching concept and connected it closely to a type of permission ritual that was taught to them in their childhood that occurred before the 1970s. but might have been used at different places by different families in different ways. but confirmed that the other use. To live on the basis of the principle of oktavuohta luondui was not compatible with the ‘new life’. To ask for permission ritually was a way to achieve oktavuohta luondui. that guided the behavior towards it. non-sustainable society.As to the ecological sustainability. as to the impossibility to live as much in according to the values and life-style of the old days and to keep on seeking for ecologically sustainable ways even if only on a small scale to life in the modern. Kerstin Eidlitz Kuoljok (1999) has written about the absence of a generalized Mother earth cult in Sámi religions. They were responsible for the formation of human and animals bodies and their health and physical well-being. The idea of a Mother earth cult was created by scholars in the middle of the twentieth century building upon badly conceived theories of Taylor. An overarching concept of a divinity like cult for one single Mother earth though is lacking in all cultures she researched. Ugsakka and Juksakka live lowest in the airs. She discusses the concept of Mother earth in various Siberian traditions and found many goddesses called ‘mothers’ in various religious traditions. The discussion does not end here. there are interesting recent developments to be noticed in Sámi society. Sarakka lived next to the fireplace. just above the earth. There is no information about Mother earth taken as a subject as having any superhuman agency of any kind in ancient Sámi religion. but that it was and is in use as a metaphorical image. her three daughters Sarakka. the place where the goddesses that carry the names of akka or áhkku [woman or grandmother] is the air. which is etymologically closely related to eatni meaning ‘mother’. She agrees with the conclusion of the Swedish scholar of religious studies O. 7. In ancient Sámi religion. according to the American researcher Gill in 1987 (Eidlitz Kuoljok 1999:194). Maddar-akka is a personificaiton of the middle part of the air or she is told to live there. as there is more to say about mothers and beliefs attached to them. 135).130). and Uksahka and Juksakka next to the entrance of a dwelling (Skanke quoted in Rydving 1995:123. 129. and made daily offerings to the fireplace (Anonymus at Leem and Skanke quoted in Rydving 1995:98.2 Mother Earth One of the Northern Sámi terms for land or landscape is eatnan. Sarakka is the central female goddess that all Sámi addressed themselves to for daily problems. For Louise Bäckman (1984) and also Myrhaug 115 . Pettersson (1967) who concluded that a worship of a Mother earth as a separate goddess has never existed. . eannázan’ [Earth. This relationship has ensured our continued existence in spite of oppression. has as a main theme the affirmation of the importance of the participants’ relationship with Mother earth and their sacred land and territories. Turi says in one text that the earth and the water are our mother and that God is our father (1920:117). My Mother] (2001). As to Sámi literature.05.) Our faith is that we are upheld by the Spirit of God and that all things are in the hands of our Creator. The balance and the survival of the indigenous peoples is seen as threatened by a number of ecological problems. philosophy of life. A global declaration entitled ‘The Karasjok Declaration’122 formulated by indigenous representatives from 20 countries from five continents that are members of Lutheran churches united in the World Council of Churches on 22 February 1998 held in Karasjok/Finnmark. like the growing of grass. This vision gives us strength and direction in our struggle for the survival of the earth. languages. http://www.(1997:89).Aslak Valkeapää’s (1943-2001) last poetry book has the title ‘Eanni. and the sacredness of our land and territories.2013. We reaffirmed that our identity. hydro-electric 122 For the full text in English. but not Mother earth. Maddar-akka is a variant of a universally worshipped ‘Great Mother’. like ‘mining. We are deeply conscious of our relationship with our Mother. wildlife conservation. exploitation and attempted assimilation by dominant socioeconomic-politico-cultural and religious entities.. logging.cfm?artid=5854 downloaded 08. (The Karasjok Declaration 1998) What is interesting about this declaration is that lands and territories are called sacred. (. Mother earth becomes an overarching term for the concern for the ecological threat. Nils.kirken. Metaphorical references to land and nature as a mother are frequent. There are also celestial female deities like Rana nieda that were held responsible for the production of matter. our Mother. cultures. that is seen as directly linked to their cultural survival. 116 . This is an analysis that is not supported by Kuoljok Eidlitz as mentioned earlier.no/english/news. the Earth. and our spirituality are linked to the balanced relationship with all of creation. they mainly concern the protection of indigenous people’s overall rights and to listen to. Bolivians call Mother Earth Pachamama and Nicaraguans refer to her as Tonantzin. which reflects the interdependence that exists among human beings. eco-tourism and other projects.’ As to the demands. Despite of the absence of the levels on the drum paintings.” http://www. militarization.123 This concept is to a high degree used as key metaphor for calling on more action to achieve ecological sustainability linked to the modern challenges of modern technology and globalization. the concept of Mother earth is an ancient and traditional Sámi concept but it is not sacralized by Sámi tradition and does not have a clearly defined supernatural personhood with rituals attached to it. it is not. Manker (1938) or a picture gallery at www. To conclude.no.3 Ancient Pantheon124 The ancient gods and goddesses of the ancient Sámi pantheon(s) were often divided into levels of existence that described their physical emplacement in the universe. 124 See apppendix for a schematic overview over the pantheon.2013. The belief system in most areas might have had five levels.old. Any demand for integration of belief concepts or change or symbolism and liturgies. 7. as also in the newly adapted United Nations' Mother earth day. or separate indigenous bodies or even indigenous congregations inside churches are not mentioned.un. respect and support indigenous peoples in all aspects of church life.125 For others like the southern Sámi drums that have the symbol of the sun the middle and no horizontal levels. 125 117 . others three. other living species and the planet.The UN explains: “Mother Earth is a common expression for the planet Earth in a number of countries and regions. from the underground to the aether and also at the ‘over-heavens’ 123 The day is on 22 April.05.dams. The word ‘sacred’ in connection with Mother earth is avoided. the southern Sámi are told by the ancient missionaries that they also had gods and goddesses at various cosmic locations. For instance.org/en/events/motherearthday/ downloaded on 18. To study the various regionial types of the about ancient 70 drums that were confiscated in the time of forced christianization see Christoffersson (2010). For some areas the levels are is reflected in the regionally determined horizontal level.patterns the drawing on the drums. The sun (Mebius 2007 quotes A. 118 . underground gods that live a bit below earth. the different layers of sky and air and lightning. and Rydving (1995:123) for the division of divinities into five levels. Or they were a kind of principles or ‘forces’ that ruled in nature like the ‘lord of the animals’. At the same time the humans had a responsibility in worshipping the main god to keep the cosmos intact. that worked in the same period and same area as the lifetime and trial against the noaide Anders Poulsen with his fivelevel drum that has been reproduced many times. heavenly gods in the sky. the god responsible for the creation of souls. highest up in the starry heavens. and deep down inside earth (Mebius 2007:63. Rydving 1995:76). According to a selection of significant fragments Rydving (1995) has compared in a synopsis. in the lower skies/ just above the earth. The gods and goddesses could be of two different natures. Some of the most known authors copied almost literally large parts of their writings from each other (Rydving 1995). and/or held office at various places in their lives. or the creation of a bodies of animals and humans.far away place in the cosmos.126 I have made an overview over the main gods and goddesses and the places there are and their functions in the appendix to this chapter. did not mention those five levels in his important record of Sámi religion. like Skanke. A pantheon with gods and goddesses in five levels has been described by most of the DanishNorwegian missionary writings from the early eighteenth century. the ecosystems and all living beings on earth. There are variations in the way their special placement is described. It is not always clear what area they cover. The gods and goddesses had the explicit power to protect and strengthen the functioning of the cosmos. They often travelled long distances to convert Sámi. the principle of conception. as the missionaries did not distinguish between the various Sámi cultural areas. They were either literal personifications of nature phenomena like the sun and the moon. and the other deities in order to ensure their favourable actions. Missionary Isaac Olsen. They could also be both. Westman 1997:77) could be at the same time an astral body with a non-human 126 See Rydving (2010:69) for areas the missionaries described. Sámi distinguish the following five levels. Families use to put a bowl with water in the house at Christmas night. Holmberg 1915/1987:51) and also that makes everything grow (J. Most gods and goddesses have some task that is related to the functioning of ecosystems: they dwell in parts of it. 2012). Only very sporadic contemporary living traditions have been recorded. and some fragments of information about gods and goddesses recorded still until the early twentieth century by for instance Itkonen. The god Rota was mentioned in Lule Sámi area according to Marit Myrvoll. I have encountered two living traditions related to ancient gods. that had the largest influence on the reindeer herds (Leem quoted in Mebius 2007:64. or they have a decisive power over it by ruling and balancing the cosmos and the earthly ecosystems. Some missionaries wrote about an under-god or equivalent to Radien. Ecological aspects of Radien and the Antler-god The Ruler Radien127 is living the highest starry heavens and is interesting enough not only the overall creator.personhood and in that capacity the ancestor for the Sámi. they can be identical with certain parts of the cosmos or the earthly ecosystems. LS Aug. As to Sarakka some traditional Lule. Laila Spik has also grown up with a reference to Rota as a deity to be attentive to (Bornstein 2002:108). 119 . but equally the main responsible god for the growth and the protection of reindeer. (Jernsletten 2004. to make sure Rota would not harm anyone in the house (MM Nov. As to the sources about the ancient pantheon. the Horngod Tjåervienraedie. Living traditions of gods and goddesses today In my interviews and visits. He is for Randulf responsible for god fishing results and reproduction of reindeer (Randulf quoted by Mebius 127 For an overview over references in key missionary writings about Radien see Rydving (1995:67-68). thanking her for providing food and safety on an everyday basis. Kildal quoted in Mebius 2007:65). for a summary Mebius (2007:64-69).and southern Sámi are still pouring drops of drink to the fire or the soil. and the principle of life-giving warmth. holding the cosmos in place and creates human souls. 2012). they are mainly accounts from priests and missionaries from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. Sidenius. Forbes.nieda The Green maiden. S. The pillar is supposed to guarantee the upholding of the skies. Kulonen 2005:281). Sacrifices are made to make sure the reindeer get grass and reach the mountains in good time at spring (Holmberg 1915/1987:49. and his weakening can make the heavens fall down. She is described as corresponding to the ‘spirit/mother of plants/verdure/grass’ in Ter and Kildin (Eastern) Sámi tradition (Holmberg 1915/1987:50. Ecological aspects of Ruona.2007:65). spring-maiden or reindeer–calve woman128 Ruona nieida was also part of the upper cosmic gods. J. For Skanke. Kulonen 2005:281). that was an important herb for healing and food for reindeer as well as people (Skanke quoted in Rydving 1995:170) (Mebius 2007:125). ‘Radiennieda’ or ‘Blenen’. Her responsibility was to make all trees and herbs grow green in springtime in order to provide food for reindeer and other animals. Angelica Archangelica. for a summary see Mebius 2007:124-127. Kildal describes his cosmic role as the god that supports the ‘World pillar’ that links the earth to the cosmos (Mebius 2007:147). Horns and male reindeer genitals are sacrificed to him (Mebius 2007:64) (Holmberg 1915 / 1987:51-54). otherwise the skies could fall down on them. Kildal) especially to catch 128 For an overview over references to Rana nieida at key missionary writings see Rydving 1995:70. His sacred symbol and offer site was often a reversed dead tree: a tree stump placed with the roots up in the earth (Mebius 2007:64). The horns and the pillar symbolises just like the stiff pointing world-pillars male fertility. ‘Blenen’ is a name for the aromatic plant. she is called either ‘Rana nieida’. The humans have to sacrifice actively in order to make sure the cosmic order was maintained.or Rana. compare also Holmberg 1915/1987:49-50) 120 . He becomes sometimes equivalent to the divinity Veralden olmai or Storjunckeren. Leibolmai Leibolmai is designated as ‘God for grasslands’ (Anonymus at Leem. quoted in Rydving 1995:92) and for good luck in hunting (Leem. For Skanke Horagallis and Rana-nieida take care of reindeer. For Von Westen was Rana nieida the most important of all goddesses (Mebius 2007:124).71. The symbol that was used at many sun sacrifices was a ring of twigs or a messing. Holmberg 1915/1987:54. (Anonymus at Leem. the alder tree bark that is used to produce red colouring for leather skins for instance.130 Some other gods that are relevant for ecology Other gods of importance are Beive.The sun was also seen as an ancestor to the Sámi. Kildal quoted in Rydving 1995:96-7. Lundius and others.bears129. Skanke calls Leibolmai ‘skov-guder’. and is called a mother for all animals. They prayed and praised him with songs in mornings and evenings (quoted in Rydving 1995:92). They saying that Sámi drink the blood and eat the body of Sarahkka. As to underline Leibolmai’s importance. Kildal.56) . ‘Sjatze-olmai’. [Others have eaten the body of Veralde and drank Sárákká’s blood. According to Anonymus at Leem this was the deity that Sámi pray to most. because these two shape a complete human. Lundius.) 121 . as opposed to the water-gods. and for some. For some he is the ‘bear. den andre Sjælen“. the other the soul. the sun god. as hunting and rituals to achieve hunting luck were normally their domain. S. 130 “Andre have ædt Veraldne Rads Legem og drukket Sar Achas blod.] (S. Anders Fjellner in Northern Sámi area in Sweden in the middle of the nineteenth century (Kulonen 129 For an overview over references to Leibolmai in key missionary writings see Rydving (1995:69). the one the body. The name Leibolmai is for some related to laibi [bread] – S. for a summary Mebius (2007:94-96). in plural (Skanke quoted in Rydving 1995:172. Forbus. S. the body of Leibolmai. The alder tree was considered to be sacred (Bäckman quoting Paproth 1991:19). I suppose that he meant Sámi man. the missionaries in a way compare him and Sarahkka to Jesus. forest gods. Kildal quoted by Rydving 1995:96).man’ or ‘alder tree. Beive provides warmth necessary to makes grass grow and reindeer calves alive. Mebius 2007:94-96). that call themselves ‘descendents of the sons of the sun’ in a ancient epic song written down by a priest. Kildal quoted by Rydving calls him for ‘Brödmanden’ – Bread man (1995:92).ring (Rheen quoted in Mebius 2007:75-79 quoting Rheen. Sidenius.man’ that protects wild animals and especially bears and that can make human catch them (Randulf quoted in Holmberg 1915/1987:74).for others related to with the ‘lieibi’. efterdi disse to skabe et fuldkomment Menneske. den ene Legemet. Holmberg 1915/1987:65-66). Humans are becoming a part of a dynamic cosmic network of mutual relationships. This view leads to an identification with the cosmos and the earth. Lapperna har givet honom offer at sno og is skulle uphöra og icke wara dem til skadas. There is a «climate» god. Gisen or Gissen-olmai/Jisjienålmaj: “Gissen olmai is also a god for wind and weather. He had to provide safe daily food supplies. like Horagallis when he produces thunder that uproots trees or disperses reindeer. The sun and also the moon are both told to have children that intermarry with Sámi. 122 . is not too surprisingly designated as the central and most worshipped god. Sidenius. and the idea of having a common origin with animals. The sun is also seen as the mother to all animals. Leibolmai. idenius. The focus of gods and goddesses lies often on the animals and vegetal resources that are used for nourishment and survival. other than the need to keep the heavens in the skies ad to keep the whole world save by that ritual. like the freezing of snow to ice. 131(Anonymus at Leem. The divinities were guardians for the respect of the traditional nature-related value system. 87 119. Sámi have therefore a mythic cosmic origin. and Bieggolmai that is the god for wind and the waters.”131 (Anonymus at Leem. Forbus quoted in Rydving 1995:85. Holmberg 1915/1987:65-66).87 119.2005:32). Gods can also have destructive powers. Forbus quoted in Rydving 1995:85. do not damage reindeer and that the cold season ceases in good time. Worshipping deities was considered necessary to regulate the relationship between human and 131 “Gissen olmai er og en gud för vind og väder. snow and ice. regulated the climate and weather and had many other concrete tasks. To him the Sámi also have to sacrifice in order to make sure the weather condition. Ecological sustainability and the ancient pantheon The whole universe including the earth was personified and was composed of and inhabited by non-human persons that posses their own personalities and agency. made the vegetation grown. Herein lies a confusion of identities between humans and the cosmos. In the studied texts there was not too much mention of the concern for general well being of living beings that do not have a utilitarian value. The god of the wild animals. snö og ijs. They created life. The Lapps have given him offerings so that snow and ice should end and would not damage them”. Worshipping and sacrifice in collective rituals expressed their collective commitment of many different Sámi communities and larger cultural groups. and so forth.the natural environment as to guarantee the stable natural conditions. Humans had the responsibility to maintain the worlds’ order. the weather was not damaging life. the wild animals and reindeer could reproduce. 123 . as humans had an important responsibility to keep the ecosystems functioning well. This can be seen as an ideal of maintaining ecological sustainability. and with that please the gods in order to make sure the grass kept growing. They had to behave well by respecting the rules of behaviour. CONCLUSIONS From this study it has become clear that there were indeed a series of powerful mechanisms that worked towards ecological sustainability in the traditional Sámi religious culture. a replica. it is that something. A human can become an animal. 4.132 or create a landscape by singing about it. 2000 124 . May 1999. It does not begin and it does not end. multi-dimensional living image.7. even if Sámi today do not live more ecological sustainable lives than the average citizen in the states they live in. Religious mechanisms for ecological sustainability The first religious mechanism is the interchangeability of identity between humans and non– humans. Ursula:”Sami Culture and the Yoik” FolkWorld No. I will summarize the type of mechanisms that I researched. Both mention the hare as an (potential) ancestor. Nov. not just a flat photograph or simple visual memory. it can tell a life story in song” Länsman. animal ancestry is a living concept. before relating them to general aspects religion in order to give a better understanding of their role in the cultural system. and in the marriage with the underground spirits (Ch. like or instance in shape shifting (Ch.CHAPTER 8 . This mechanism does not only have a historical and mythological dimension such as in ancient stories about women marrying bears or reindeer: the information from two of the informants has shown that.6.5. animal ancestry (Ch. the Yoik. “The Secretive Text: Yoik Lyrics as Literatur and Tradition”. A yoik does not need to have words — its narrative is in its power. I will make some concluding remarks and suggest what the traditional Sámi belief system can tell us concerning the ecological crisis of today. categorized according to the type of belief. Nordlit No 5. ritual or narrative they represent.3). 132 “A yoik is not merely a description.1) and even with divinities like the sun also having a status as ancestor (Ch. it attempts to capture its subject in its entirety: it's like a holographic. still today. Harald Gaski on the change of perspective in the yoik text: Harald. 9. We find this concept interchangeable identity also in the way some Sámi understand the role of the traditional chant. It is not about something. Finally. in which the singer can become a landscape.1).1). or can marry one and get children. The physical form is very relative and fluid. where various species. Contact with animals that also could be you or your relative becomes a positive factor of the identity. and the communion with him is a ritualised activity playing an invaluable role in the maintenance of ecological sustainability (Ch. landscape. Probably the most powerful ritual instruments for ecological sustainability encountered in this research are the permission rituals.1).level and a well-developed sense for the functioning of ecosystems. The universe is entirely alive. 4. a feeling of friendship. The mechanism of attributing non.In reference to its effects on ecological sustainability. Attributing non-human personhood is a way to conceptualise the relationship with the outside world. and in the end the whole of ‘nature’ become non-human persons. each needing their niche. This shows that there is an awareness of the biological needs of species. They can be performed with any non-human person like trees (Ch. there are no mechanical objects. 4. sympathy. species up to entire local ecosystems like a lake or a hunting ground.6. which implies similar effects on emotional-behavioural attitudes as mentioned under the previous points.1).5. underground spirits (Ch. these attitudes can stimulate the will to take responsibility to care for the non-human persons and become a full part of a persons identity. The ecosystem is not ‘alien’ or ‘other’. The human universe becomes an entirely different place that can actually remind one of a fairy tale that has become true. try to survive as well as they can. in this case animals or the personification of the soil. no coincidences. empathy. They can result in the willingness to protect the habitat and to make sure that they thrive.2). everything is subjective and every event has an intention. The concept of the non-human personhood on the level of entire animal species is particularly effective to enhance ecological sustainability. observation. identification. The non-human person becomes a superhuman agent. This interchangeability breaks down the boundary between human and the ‘other’. or even with ‘nature’ as a whole 125 . bears (Ch.2). according to my ecological interpretation of the underground spirits. the interchangeability of identity leads to a set of attitudes and emotions that are favourable for envisioning sustainable behaviour: first of all interest.human personhood is a principle applied on every level: Individual animals. for instance. 6. The required sacrifice for the outtake of resources can be seen as a form of contractual engagement with superhuman agency ensuring that both sides will respect the traditional set of rules that impose ecologically suitable behaviour and reciprocity.2). Sacrifices to sieidi or gods seem to have constructed ways to interact with the ecosystem in the pre-Christian religious context. the human will take the consequence and abstain from the planned action. social cohesion. The informants did not consider traditional beliefs to be scary or frightening. Keeping the frogs. keeps the children healthy. or at least not disturbing or removing it. The authority of the various superhuman agents is based on their power of the imposition of sanctions. The provision of safety through the religious mechanisms was obviously much stronger than the fear for eventual sanctions. The sacred has in religion the role of an ultimate authority. The sacred was found in one 126 .7. A Christianised version of sanctions is expressed by a reference such as “the animals and trees will witness those who abuse them on Judgment Day (Ch.2). This ritual imposes clear limitations on the use of natural resources. like a fishing lake. It also provides safety through healing or proving good conditions for survival in many different ways. to make sure the resources do not become depleted or disturbed (Ch. of something perfect. providing meaning in the form of. They had a strong nostalgia for them and remembered times that they felt safe and happy. The health of people and in particular of children depended on good drinking water. which they call 'the round life’. In the traditional society the survival of a community depended on the good condition of its local resources. The sanction mostly takes the form of some type of symbolic consequence that the commitment of erroneous behaviour would have had in the long term. It is not a frequent ritual any more today but remains in an underlying way present underneath other forms. Teasing frogs can make children sick (Ch. they gave them a sensation of predictability and safety.1).2). The sieidis are supposed to watch over the sustainable management of a location with a specific resource. There are different forms of ritualistic communication. on the contrary. 4. And in the case that the answer is ‘no’. like to paying respect to or greeting a holy mountain or a sieidi. 5. which are supposed to keep the well clean.(Ch. when the sanction had not stopped the behaviour immediately. extremely concrete and clearly observable. with the occasional friendly trickster causing short-term minor problems.1). or neglect (Ch. linked to a concept of ownership of exclusive using rights. fighting. Superhuman agents like the sieidi or haldi. which ensure the sustainable use of the natural resources for a whole community and the family in an the intergenerational perspective. is fundamental. like in the ritual where a person ‘feels’ with his body whether the answer is yes or no. It corresponds to the criticism of Talal Asad and others of the European way ‘religion’ has been redefined. 4.7.1) and landscapes (Ch. The presence of mythological narratives allows for the conclusion of mutual agreements with clear commitments.3). the aspect of delimitation of the spatial dimension. The informants showed clearly an awareness of the functionality of their beliefs and of their own construction of at least a part of them.1) but not in the sacredness of nature (Ch.1) or the gods of the ancient pantheon (Ch.3). that is obviously the ideal situation. The sieidi is chosen and consecrated by humans and. Fishing is done in a specific place. sacred shrines (Ch.5. 6. sickness or imposed death. 4.3). The body also becomes an instrument for rituals. Relation to the overall theoretical concepts of religion Emplacement is a central factor for understanding Sámi religious beliefs. 7. they also can destroy it and choose a new one (Ch. the ‘birgejupmi’. some species (Ch. In real life there can be killing and abuse.2). food provision. In every ritual. The dependency on the ecosystem was immediate. but also mythological narratives have become mediators for a set of rules. and these actions often concern the body as hunger.individual animal (Ch. 6. The aim of life is to maintain it. if it does not work. all animals in general (4.2). The nature of the relationship with non-human persons is not exclusively friendly and polite. 5. the human body is a key factor in the religious practices. The living body is at the center of attention. As to embodiment. Even if the people I interviewed could doubt the physical 127 . permission is asked from a specific tree. The separation between the visible and the invisible is clearly related to the Sámi traditional worldview. The religion regulates access to places. existence of a máddo or an underground spirit that they clearly considered a creation of the human imagination. limited to self-governed areas in one cultural circle. to say it simply. I was reluctant to use the concept of animism for describing these religious traditions. traditional Sámi are bound to their area through many different types of local superhuman agents. Nature had its own value. the mysticism of ‘nature’ as in European Romanticism is alien to them. he concept of fluid identities questions the concept of: one-personone soul. and it does not make much sense to single out something like ‘nature’ as a focal point. In my opinion. For Sámi the world consists of a web of non-human persons and humans. Ongoing adaptation of Sámi traditional culture in modern globalized society is an interesting process to observe. the principles of sustainability were only in very few cases applied to the national or global economy. They expected the others to do the same. just like anything else. In this way. Therefore. the communications with non-human persons was not questioned in the same way. What probably surprises the outsiders. Only a few ancient rituals were shown to include modern technology and wider areas. is that nature is taken fully into the web of equal relations and becomes the object of empathic relations. like seasonal feasts. there are still unanswered theoretical questions in the nature of the fluid identity and in what this means for the concept of the soul. implying gatherings on larger regional levels. with which people had a strong personal identification and relation. Can a modern ecological moral be learned from this? Must dependency on 128 . but it is not idealized. In a way. and whether it included the creation of larger solidarities. The system was based on a small-scale economy where each community took its own full responsibility of its monument over a long period of time. Unsurprisingly. They seem to have been from the start. Even the dead live either under the ground or in the local sacred mountains. Everybody minded his or her own business. That is an element that is still alien to the dominant contemporary society and it can provoke strong reactions. One does not know how the ancient pantheon functioned. Religion as expression via the actions of the superhuman agent becomes a culturally determined system of representation concerning the collective needs of an ecological sustainable management of the ecosystem. many of them outside of institutionalized churches. it contributes to the continuous reconstruction of it. opinions have to diverge. Religions have a stable place in the global culture. it is necessary to have a very concrete awareness of the factual dependency on the ecosystems and knowledge about how to keep them intact and productive. Identification and engagement in empathic communication with parts of personified ecosystems. Religion is at the same time an expression of a cultural system. so that that the outtake can be directly related to the consumption. might have very positive motivational effects that might lead to mutually beneficial relationships and a sustainable future for the coming generations. the border between religion. Religion does not have unanimous support in the European society.ecosystems be local. 129 . like it was thought and hoped for by parts of the European society since the period of Enlightenment. It should be possible to use non-religious overall strategies to manage resources in an ecological sustainable manner. or even the total blurring of identities with it. speaking about the role of religion. as long as there is a border between religion and culture. The use of religious methods has to remain the choice of the individuals in the secular societies we live in. and transgressions have to be sanctioned. it is not only always as having a positive or relevant role. User groups should be clearly delimited. in order that human global society can become ecologically sustainable? Can human ethics handle the transition from the local to the global level? What can be learned from the traditional Sámi about how to achieve an ecological sustainable management of natural resources? In general. because new religious expressions are arising at many places. Better integration of traditional ecological knowledge in the decision-making processes will hopefully lead to more effective management of biodiversity. The system has to be strictly maintained. A better legal protection of landscape sites that are considered sacred by Sámi and an integration of the respect for religious traditions in nature protection would be desirable. In reference to the role of religion in ecological sustainability. And third there is the factor of motivation that makes the respect of the rules of ecological sustainability a management of special experiences giving meaning to live. values and ideals is thin in the European post-secularized society. Second. Religion is not expected to disappear. I det moderne samfunnet har religion en annen rolle enn i det tradisjonelle samiske. Religiøse uttrykk som jeg har beskrevet og analysert inkluderer kommunikasjon blant annet i form av tillatelse-ritualer med ikke-menneskelige personer. Når samfunnet forandret seg. ble knyttet til bruk av moderne teknologi. 130 . Som kilder bruker jeg historisk sekundærlitteratur og primærkilder som intervjuer. til artsnivået. Studien er ikke sammenlignende. Mitt ønske er å bidra til en mer informert og nyansert debatt om samisk identitet og økologisk bærekraftighet. Trosforestillinger som er undersøkt er inndelt i fire romslige nivåer: fra det individuelle.SUMMARY IN NORWEGIAN Kartlegging av økologisk bærekraftighet i samiske tradisjonelle trosforestillinger og ritualer Denne studien har som målsetting å lage en oversiktsanalyse av samiske religiøse trosforestillinger ritualer og fortellinger som kan settes i sammenheng med en økologisk bærekraftig forvalting av økosystemer i det tradisjonelle samiske samfunnet. dyr og økosystemer hvor gjensidige forholdsregler blir videreført. Nesten ingen av de gamle ritualer. religiøse sanksjoner. til det lokale og til slutt det globale. De tradisjonelle trosforestillingene hadde som mål å opprettholde de naturlige balanse lokalsamfunnene var avhengige av. forsvant også den største delen av religiøsiteten som var direkte knyttet til konkrete handlingene. respekt og offer til hellige sted. og mange av de beskrevne religiøse uttrykk kan beskrives også i nabokulturene. og en sakralisering av naturen og identifisering med dyr og en generalisert intersubjektivitet hvor identitet mellom mennesker og omgivelsen smelter sammen. Samer i dag lever like økologisk bærekraftig som den gjennomsnittlige befolkningen. Arealet omfatter det hele samiske området med vekt på det nord-samiske. mytiske avtaler mellom mennesker. men de var bunnet til eksklusive bruksrettigheter og en økonomi basert på selvberging av små lokale samfunn med de lokale økosystemene som eneste ressursgrunnlag. ): Current Progress in the Methodology of the Science of Religions. Sacred site.. Animals. 131 . Sacred Ecology. Almquist & Wiksell Stockholm. Warsaw. 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Qvigstad Squid 3X II: 1928:477 skut’tarmad’doII. NX= number of stories known. X= a story or mention of the name is recorded. 1928:726 (2 historier) Turi Animal species Itkonen Kalstad Andersen Div MB fieldwork 5X 2005:72. 1928:477 X AB Mádd o X 1997:25 riebjimáddo Fox Wolf X Fellman Beaver X Fellman Otter X I. ST) 142 . 1927:549 X 2005:71 Čæw’ra-mad’do Bear X Fellman General Oskal 1995:96 máddu.II. All animals have a máddo 2X I.Animal species Qvigstad Turi Itkon en Kalstad Andersen Div MB field work X ST mádd o Squirrel X 1997:25 luomekmáddo Lemen Mouse X II.192 8:474 X X 2005:72 X (SP. 1927:416. Animal species Qvigstad Itkonen Andersen X1997:2 gårkkomáddo X 2005:71 gårgåmáddo X 1997:25 X 2005:71 tsuobbomáddo D MB i fieldw v ork čuoika ädni X II 1928:474 ruow’de garanas mad’do Ant Frog Kalstad X 1920:217 Mos quito Dung beetle Turi 9X I. 1927:416-417 ; I 1927:549II, 2X 2011:127192 0:217 1928:475 Cubbom addo cubboeatni 2X 1946:10 6 tšubbomaddu II,1928:477 Stuora cubbo II,1928:725 (tre historier: eadni/maddo) IV,1929:329331 mad’do (2 historier) Sand Lizard X II, 1928:725 dæžže-lággis mad’do X SB Snow Grouse Mother of X eatni the birds 143 Other collected máddo stories About Nils Jernsletten after the snow grouse hunt At the introduction to a lecture by prof. Jens- Ivar Nergård in the public library in Tromsø on 17.04.2013, Professor Synnøve des Bouvrie from Tromsø University told the audience a máddo story that the professor of Sámi language Nils Jernsletten (1934 -2012) had told her some time before 1984. Nils Jernsletten was from Tana in Eastern Finnmark. He had come back from snow grouse hunting in the weekend. They sat in the university cantina when he told her that one should not over-hunt because then a large snow grouse ‘stor rypa’ as was the Norwegian term he used, could come and punish him. He was told this story as a child and he could still feel the fear of the ‘stor rypa’ as a physical pressure on his shoulders and chest. (Story published with permission from the author). Asta Balto afraid of mouse máddo This story was told in April 2013 by Asta Balto (born in ca. 1950, she grew up in Karasjok), an expert of Sámi education, teaching at the Sámi high school in Kautokeino. Asta explained that as a child, a flock of children had been playing with mice. They had put them in a metal pan and the mice had begun to have bloody claws and were very stressed by trying to climb out. It is usual that Sámi children play for long intervals unattended by adults. Afterwards, when their mother heard about this, she scared them very much by stating that the children should never plague mice again so that the mouse máddo might not come and punish them. Asta as very afraid of that máddo then, but was told the story to me with a twinkle in her eyes. (Story published with permission from the author.) Solveig Tangeraas’ máddo stories Told in May 2013 in Indre Billefjord, Porsanger,West-Finmark. Solveig Tangeraas, active in the local Sámi association, born ca. in 1940, grown up and living in Billefjord/ Porsanger and one of the key informants of my research, told me two máddo stories. One from her childhood and one from her adult life. In her childhood, she was together with another girl on their daily walk to the school bus when two unknown small animals with large tails suddenly jumped 144 on the road and stood still there. The girls did not dare to walk further on the road in order not to chase the unknown animals. The girl’s thought that that was not a good idea, as they were convinced that any disturbance could provoke a reaction of the máddo of that animal. They returned home. Solveig's mother had to take the boat to bring them to school, as they were too late for the school bus. Later she realized the unknown animal had been a squirrel. They were unusual in the area at that time. (Story recorded by M. B. Feb 2013). The second máddo story concerned the frogs in the drinking water well of their house. When they had to remove and rebuild the well, her husband who was not from an Sámi area and did not have the same traditional upbringing as her, insisted that they should take out the frogs living the well. They brought them carefully to another place. When the well was redone, they had dirty water for many weeks. The new cover of the well turned out to be leaking. Solveig believed that that was the revenge of the frog máddo for having removed the frogs. Frogs were very frequent in those times, and were necessary in a drinking well to keep the water of the well tidy, that means free for insects, plants and all other types of dirt. 145 ‘Mai Britt Utsi var rektor ved Sámisk høgskole da byggeprosjektet startet og hun mener at ting ble gjort riktig.no/kanal/nrk_sapmi/1. – Før man setter i gang med en byggeprosess er det ifølge gammel sámisk tradisjon vanlig å spørre om lov av de underjordiske.’ http://www. She tells that when the state building company came and wished to start the building of the Diehtosiida. That was interpreted as a positive sign. Before one starts the building process. to please the underground spirits. og det gjorde vi. Amongst others. sier Utsi.2013 146 . says Utsi. stated Utsi. Der overnattet hun sammen med de ansatte i Statsbygg. and found a black spider in one of the squares. She spent the night together with some employees of the State building company. she put up a lavvo on the building site.APPENDIX TO CHAPTER 5 ASKING PERMISSION OF THE UNDERGROUND PEOPLE WHEN BUILDING THE SÁMI HIGH SCHOOL Translation of Norwegian Broadcasting Company (NRK) article: May Brit Utsi was rector at the Sámi high school when the building project started and she is of the opinion that everything was done the right way. Hun forteller at da Statsbygg kom til Kautokeino og skulle starte byggingen av Diehtosiida.nrk. and the building could go ahead. satt hun opp en lavvo på bygge-tomta. it is ancient Sámi tradition to ask the underground people for allowance. When they woke up in the morning they had had a good night’s sleep without disturbance. And that we did. Blant annet satt vi ut beinrestene etter at vi hadde spist kjøttet.05. Vi kokte kjøtt og hadde diverse seremonier som er vanlig i forhold til sámisk skikk og overtro. sier Utsi. Vi laget også tre firkanter av vedstokkker utenfor lavvoen og så leste vi opp formularer som er vanlig i forhold til sámisk overtro. dette for å blidgjøre de underjordiske. ‘We cooked meat and had several ceremonies that are usual in relationship to Sámi custom and superstition. we put the bone rests outside on the ground after having eaten the meat. We made three wooden squares of wood sticks outside the lavvo and read some formulas that are usual in Sámi popular belief’.7398832 lastet ned 02. Jessen-Schardebøll. In the rest of the text. the contemporary standard spelling of Northern Sámi used. 147 .APPENDIX CHAPTER 7 Schema about gods and goddesses in some key missionary accounts Accounts from Skanke. Anonymus at Leem. and some remarks of Itkonen (1946) are added. Sigvard Kildal. The names of the divinities are written in the way they figure in the sources quoted. Sidenius Forbus. analysed by Rydving (1995). 148 . (Rydving 1995:128. Spinning wheel. cross. sends it to maderakka.) 1995:125. and gives new grass to the reindeer.radien. the tree was smeared takes care of reindeer is another with blood. Rules over all other gods. the grass green in the spring.128. Radien atsie: main offer tree and the starry heavens highest god in the starry symbol is a wærro-mourra. Shapes human soul. Takes souls back if they are obedient to the gods and are therefore released from jabaime. heavens. also soul and spirit (Skanke quoted in Rydving 1995:128). Radienkjedde gets power to shape and maintain ‘all things’. rituals and symbols divinity Gods and goddesses high in Radien.Placement Name and properties of Offerings. the ‘horn god’ that blood tree. or Radienkjedde is his son sarva: male reindeer (Rydving (Rydving 1995:78-79. Makes springtime. Zhioaarve.).) Ruona-nieid (Rydving 1995:81). Offerings are elk. (Rydving 1995:80. 12. his symbol was a name or aspect of Radien. 125.) Wife of Radien:Sergve-edni. (Skanke synops 2:7).126. Offerings at lives not far from Radien. God and goddesses in the Maderatja gets the souls from heavens Radien achhie/Radienkjedde and white goat is sacrificed at sends them to the maderatja. to maderakka who (Rydving 1995:81-2. 132). and in the evening in a female reindeer ‘aldu’ according to a Skolt Sámi myth. Bieive/Sun or beive nieida/ daughter. Beive: white male animals. Fellman (quoted in Itkonen 1946:8). 128. at midday on a male reindeer. and every sunrise morning the Skolt Sámi bowed to the sun. Beive nieida warms up the earth and makes everything grow. a midsummer and porridge eaten. 149 . Also puts them to the womb. rays to earth.) At the reappearance of the sun after the dark time a was celebrated. The sun was riding in the morning on a bear.). and at sunset the said ‘God is not visible any more’ according to J. who sends them down on the sun a ring of grass hung up. (Rydving 1995:81-82. flax-plant of the sun is the mythological (Rydving 1995:159) ancestor of the Sámi. quoted in Itkonen (1946:8. The son spinning wheel. for female health and reproduction of humans and animals (Skanke 1995:128-9) and Maderatja stands over the sun on drums. (Rydving 1995:127. of black colour.) airy regions that gives fertility and movement to all living things. ‘the highest or the drums.) 150 . som de hâr kaldet Maderakka.Maderatja and Maderakka live Maderatja is symbolised as a in the middle parts of the air. scare. (Skanke synops 2:46) Put souls in the womb and shapes the body.) quoted by Rydving 1995:158159. not hurt.’ (Rydving 1995:128.) Horagallis: thunder god. (Skanke synops p. circle. can Un-castrated male animals. triangle or sixangle on Mader-adja. Maderakku. 133-135. No women can (Hans Skanke 1995 quoted in be present at offerings. or disperse reindeer.) Skanke and Anonymus at Leem have different perspectives on them as whom defines sex (Maderakka or Juksakka) and forms the body (Maderakka or Sarakka). (Skanke Rydving:133. og skulle være Maderatjas kone» (quoted by Rydving 1995:133). the Middle part of the airy regions «Saa syvnes deres gamle Noider ligesaa at have holdt Luften for et Guddoms vesen. mostly without drum. Lives at according to Skanke synops the fireplace. water or god.olmai / Wind and weather god. Sunday.) fremfor alle de andre’ Rydving 1995:135) takes care of girls. Kiöse olmai. 136. reindeer calves. (Rydving 151 . offerings made by Maderakka’s three daughters women only. it’s Sarakka that gives a body to babies in the womb. responsible for reproduction of Cock and hens. Biegolmai / Wind god for wind. the four áhkku’s: porridge. female dogs. Ailegas / gods of the three holy days Friday. brandy alcohol brandy. Saturday.Gisen. Mannu/Moon. that takes care of the upbringing of boys. and fishing god. and Juksakka (changes girls to boys in the womb). (Rydving 2:46) ‘Ti æres og dyrkes Hun 1995:130. water and the oceans. Uksakka (door goddess. For anonymous at Leem. Gods and goddesses in the lower Leib-olmai/ Forest and hunting Sarakka: honour with every skies/on earth piece of food or drink. birth goddess protects new-borns). animals and humans. Children are Sarakka (is the lowest airs baptized in her name. Rydving 1993:114-117. (Rydving 1995:129. under the earth (Rydving 1993:112-113. God of sickness.) twigs and tops.1995:94. mother of death. 116. (Rydving Dead horses.) Maderakka. Uksakka and Sarakka give bodies and fertility to both humans and animals. pine tree earth 1993:114-117. Kildal quoted in Rydving 1995 p.) Fellman says mader akku is under the earth (quoted in Itkonen 1946:10). saiwo-animals. sledges. Gods and goddesses a short way Jabme-akku. Offering to stay alive.) Gods and goddesses deep in the Rota.) 152 . Saivo olmai. special sacrifice places where no other gods get sacrifice (S.