(Making Sense of History) Luisa Passerini, Liliana Ellena, And Alexander C.T. Geppert (Editors)-New Dangerous Liaisons_ Discourses on Europe and Love in the Twentieth Century (Making Sense of History)

K New Dangerous Liaisons L MAKING SENSE OF HISTORY Studies in Historical Cultures General Editors: Jörn Rüsen, Alon Confino, and Allan Megill Volume 1 Western Historical Thinking: An Intercultural Debate Edited by Jörn Rüsen Volume 2 Identities: Time, Difference, and Boundaries Edited by Heidrun Friese Volume 3 Narration, Identity, and Historical Consciousness Edited by Jürgen Straub Volume 4 Thinking Utopia: Steps into Other Worlds Edited by Jörn Rüsen, Michael Fehr, and Thomas W. Rieger Volume 5 History: Narration, Interpretation, Orientation Jörn Rüsen Volume 6 The Dynamics of German Industry: Germany’s Path toward the New Economy and the American Challenge Werner Abelshauser Volume 7 Meaning and Representation in History Edited by Jörn Rüsen Volume 8 Remapping Knowledge: Intercultural Studies for a Global Age Mihai Spariosu Volume 9 Cultures of Technology and the Quest for Innovation Edited by Helga Nowotny Volume 10 Time and History: The Variety of Cultures Edited by Jörn Rüsen Volume 11 Narrating the Nation: Representations in History, Media and the Arts Edited by Stefan Berger, Linas Eriksonas and Andrew Mycock Volume 12 Historical Memory in Africa: Dealing with the Past, Reaching for the Future in an Intercultural Context Edited by Mamadou Diawara, Bernard Lategan, and Jörn Rüsen Volume 13 New Dangerous Liaisons: Discourses on Europe and Love in the Twentieth Century Edited by Luisa Passerini, Liliana Ellena, and Alexander C.T. Geppert NEW DANGEROUS LIAISONS Discourses on Europe and Love in the Twentieth Century Edited by Luisa Passerini, Liliana Ellena, and Alexander C.T. Geppert Berghahn Books New York • Oxford First published in 2010 by Berghahn Books www.berghahnbooks.com © 2010 Luisa Passerini, Liliana Ellena, and Alexander C.T. Geppert All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission of the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data New dangerous liaisons : discourses on Europe and love in the twentieth century / edited by Luisa Passerini, Liliana Ellena, and Alexander C.T. Geppert. — 1st ed. p. cm. — (Making sense of history ; v. 13) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-84545-736-5 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Love—Europe—History—20th century. 2. Europe—Civilization—20th century. 3. National characteristics, European. I. Passerini, Luisa. II. Ellena, Liliana. III. Geppert, Alexander C. T., 1970GT2630.N49 2010 306.7094’0904—dc22 2010013225 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Printed in the United States on acid-free paper. ISBN 1-978-84545-736-5 hardback Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Luisa Passerini Part I. Historicising Love: Points de Repère/Points of Reference Chapter 1. Love and Religion: Comparative Comments Jack Goody Chapter 2. The Rule of Love: The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective William M. Reddy Chapter 3. Love of State – Affection for Authority: Politics of Mass Participation in Twentieth Century European Contexts Alf Lüdtke Chapter 4. Overseas Europeans: Whiteness and the Impossible Colonial Romance in Interwar Italy Liliana Ellena Chapter 5. ‘Window to Europe’: The Social and Cinematic Phantasms of the Post-Soviet Subject Almira Ousmanova Part II. Public and Private Loves Chapter 6. Love in the Time of Revolution: The Polish Poets of Café Ziemian;ska Marci Shore ix 1 21 33 58 75 95 117 The ‘Volkskörper’ in Fear: Gender. Marriage and Divorce: American and European Reactions to the Abdication of Edward VIII Alexis Schwarzenbach Chapter 8. Love. European Borders and Cultural Differences in Love Relations Chapter 11. Olga Freidenberg. Secular Couplings: An Intergenerational Affair with Islam Ruth Mas Contributors Select Bibliography Index 137 158 178 197 215 233 251 269 289 294 301 . Race and Sexuality in the Weimar Republic Sandra Mass Chapter 13. Anica Savic. Love. ‘Dear Adolf !’: Locating Love in Nazi Germany Alexander C. Geppert Chapter 9.T. Political Readings of Don Juan and Romantic Love in Spain from the 1920s to the 1940s Jo Labanyi Part III. Between Europe and the Atlantic: The Melancholy Paths of Lusotropicalism Margarida Calafate Ribeiro Chapter 12. Edith Stein: Love in the Time of War Svetlana Slapšak Chapter 14. 1926–1936 Alison Sinclair Chapter 10. Rebac. Again: Crisis and the Search for Consolation in the Revista de Occidente.vi Contents Chapter 7. Figures Figure 7. 1938–1945 139 163 . August 1936 Figure 8.1 King Edward VIII and Wallis Simpson. Sibenik.1 Love Letters to Adolf Hitler. . T. Alexander C. in particular. Nicola Mai. Almira Ousmanova and Alison Seaton Sinclair developed their own individual projects. represented by Gesine Worm and Brigitte Blockhaus. Dana Heller. Ruth Mas. Germany. for their encouraging and useful remarks on various occasions. Christoph Miething. thanks to the Research Prize of the Land of Nordrhein-Westfalen awarded to Luisa Passerini. Jutta Scherrer. Within the general framework of the project. Papers presented by Jack Goody. directed by Luisa Passerini. Sally Alexander. Christian Klesse. Guests of the project were invited for periods of time up to a month. Lutz Niethammer and Hartmut Kaelble. Identities. Claudia Schmölders. William Reddy. Alf Lüdtke. Sabine Broeck. Maurizio Vaudagna and Sarah Wright. Laura Mulvey. We would like to express our gratitude to the whole staff of the KWI for their assistance and. whose efficiency and kindness we had many occasions to appreciate. We are also very grateful to the consultants of the project. Geppert. core members of the research group Liliana Ellena. Alexis Schwarzenbach. Danièle Hervieu-Leger. Giulia Barrera. Dipesh Chakrabarty. Marci Shore. Josep Lluìs Mateo Dieste. We would like first and foremost to thank all of the members of the Kulturwissenschaftliches Institut. workshops and conferences were organised. Margarida Calafate Ribeiro. Svetlana Slapšak and Sandra Mass form the basis of essays collected in this volume. Caroline Brunner. particularly Jörn Rüsen for his unstinting [!!] support and Norbert Jegelka for his continual help. with the participation of junior and senior scholars from various countries. as well as to those colleagues who participated in our workshops and conferences and commented on our work: among them. . Luisa Accati. Politics’ that was undertaken at the Kulturwissenschaftliches Institut (KWI) in Essen. Jo Labanyi. Etienne François. numerous seminars. Elke Reinhardt-Becker. the staff of the Library.Acknowledgments The present collection of essays is the final product of the international research project ‘Europe: Emotions. x Acknowledgments An invaluable opportunity this research provided was the privilege of hosting junior and senior colleagues from across Europe for both short and long stays. published together with ours in the future. The Editors . Work by serveral of these scholars is represented in this collection. Yvonne Rieker. Costantin Iordachi. Susanne Terwey and Ilona Tomova. thanking them warmly for sharing our research and letting us share theirs: Caroline Arni. Marcella Filippa. Wladimir Fischer. or will be. while some writings by others have already been. We would like to list here the names of those whose work does not appear in this collection. this claim has been disputed in the second half of the twentieth century by those philosophers and anthropologists who argue that these types of love can be found in all cultures and in all epochs. Essen. The claim that this type of love was exclusively European informed the dominant discourses on Europeanness and on love starting in the last decades of the eighteenth century and then fully developing in the second half of the nineteenth. and therefore doomed to a disastrous end. Some of its assumptions. Among its characteristics were the insurmountable distances between the lovers and most often a destiny of dissatisfaction and unhappiness. Love in inter-racial relationships was considered particularly impossible. found in political and literary essays but also in fictional and artistic works. the claim was put forward that the sense of belonging to Europe was characterised by a type of love considered unique to the relationships between the genders in this continent and to the type of civilisation developed in Europe in the modern era. Since the Enlightenment. on the one hand. was intended to study the complex connection that has existed during the last two and a half centuries between the sense of belonging to Europe. were that heterosexual relationships involving a high degree of sentiment and an appreciation of the woman were not possible in relationships between Europeans and non-Europeans. However. held at the Kulturwissenschaftliches Institut. . even in the case of reciprocated love. was treated as if it evolved – seamlessly – into the feeling exalted by romanticism. and the concepts of courtly and romantic love. Nevertheless. on the other. originating from the courtly love sung by the Provençal troubadours. The sentiment. since those could include only sexuality. Identities. Politics’.Introduction LUISA PASSERINI New ‘Dangerous’ Links The project ‘Europe: Emotions. questions about the very Notes for this section begin on page 18. the complicity between the two libertines-lovers breaks and they betray each other. male) that deceives his many beloved. In this epistolary novel. a young woman just out of the convent. a woman) that decides to give up a love that is fully reciprocated.1 At the end. at the beginning of the age during which the connection between the discourses on Europe and love was constructed. if their liaisons become known. One dangerous liaison. and the woman renouncing a reciprocated passion. for instance. Don Juan. but while doing so also to produce hypotheses about the historical role of these emotions in the European sense of belonging and to consider these ‘other’ histories as a basis for a nonEurocentric understanding of new possible forms of European belonging. is enough to generate a chain of many tragic misfortunes. all of the three figures are dangerous for orderly society and challenge power relationships in it: a fusion love leading to death. The novel by Pierre-Ambroise-François Choderlos de Laclos. who however is in love with the young Danceny. there are dangers for the libertines as well. the second by the Japanese novel on Prince Genji by Lady . the Marquise de Merteuil and the Viscount of Valmont. but not necessarily. engage in an intrigue aimed at obtaining revenge for the infidelity (toward the Marquise) of a count who should now marry a relative of hers. was written between 1779 and 1781 and published in 1782. Originally. and later on in the US). for reasons that vary between the ‘repos’ chosen by Mme de Clèves and Julie’s idea of loyalty. But. The intent of our research has been to criticise all forms of exclusive Eurocentrism in this field. Les liaisons dangereuses is useful to illustrate the main figurations of the amorous subject (in the Barthian sense of figures) within the tradition of the European love discourse: the courtly couple (Tristan and Isolde). from which comes the metaphor used for the title of this book. writes Cécile’s mother. No doubt. The novel may also be used to study the parallels between the conquest of lovers and the conquest of colonies. a lover (usually. two libertines who are also lovers. a lover (usually.2 Luisa Passerini prominent place that love has been given in the European self-representations from the Enlightenment onward remain. a variety of similar figures exists in Asian literature: the first is represented. stemming from private and personal spheres. This love. as the erotic excess is attributed to the man and the withdrawal from passion is attributed to the woman. but not necessarily. For instance. such as the protagonists of La princesse de Clèves by Mme de La Fayette (1678) and Julie in the Nouvelle Héloise by Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1761). Cécile de Volanges. by the Persian tale of Leyla and Majnun by Nezami. all three figures were formulated in Eurocentric terms and can have other formulations. was given a public function and used as a distinctive characteristic of one civilisation (European) over others (originally African and Asian. as the Marquise had already written to Danceny. It is historically significant that the ways of subtracting oneself from the tyranny of love by Don Juan and by Clèves-Julie are opposite in gender attribution. and then gradually became one of the pillars of European superiority in the symbolic domain. 3 and of the symbiotic relationship with Africa as incarnated by homoerotic and homosexual links between Spanish and Moroccan men. There are other and more in-depth reasons. But the subjects of transgression. The Liaisons can be seen as a summary of the three figurations. Tristan.4 While these examples mostly concern intra-European relationships.2 of the ‘cultural love affair’ consisting in the literary fascination with Russia that was experienced in Spain during the three first decades of the same century. the parody of a chivalry novel. with a pessimistic ending. equally constitutive of Europeanness. modernity and feminism in the German speaking areas of Europe during the first part of the twentieth century. Thus the conflict between the two orders results. Less ambitiously. starting with the libertine who falls in love with the devout lady. transgress the new order that they establish as well. for borrowing the title by Laclos.6 However. the Liaisons represents a source of inspiration in a further and deeper sense. A first one is that it indicates relationships that are dangerous for the oppressive aspects of the existing social and cultural order. the three figurations are connected between themselves. alternating Don Juan (Valmont and the minor character Prevan. Such are the analyses of ‘simultaneous’ or double love in the debates on love. the libertines. who in the first part of the story looks somewhat like a ‘sister’ of Rousseau’s Julie. in the victory of conventional and hypocritical morality. links trying to innovate and discard the Eurocentric order in the symbolic field and to produce a critique of a cultural Fortress Europe that in various forms reappears today in the debate about the ‘Christian European roots’ and the cultural role of migrants on the continent. besides this general one. Its narration establishes an order that transgresses the existing social order. and above all its feminine version. as Michel Butor has noticed. Therefore. Such are the question of miscegenation between Africans and Europeans. or interpreted as a rebellion to. Some of our already published collective work offers examples of new dangerous liaisons or of old liaisons understood in a new sense. with Mme Tourvel. there is no chance that Liaisons is. precisely like Don Quixote. The . by the character Gopal in the novel A Matter of Time by Shashi Deshpande). and the language of courtly love is largely used. The first two are parallel and symmetrical (Don Juan is often reduced to the opposite of. we have been working with the aim of creating new links in the field of cultural history and cultural studies.5 and the relationship between Europe and Islam in the field of love. dangerous liaisons have been explored in our research also for what concerns external relationships. libertinage imitates and mocks chivalrous love and its warlike language. the Marquise de Merteuil) and Tristan (Danceny). Future research should indeed compare such similar figurations in different cultural traditions. for instance.Introduction 3 Murasaki and the third by the many gods and goddesses in Hindou mythology that at a certain stage of their lives withdraw in order to save a love (a theme brought up to date. In the European tradition. in this novel. while ClèvesJulie is a reaction to both). which divide too harshly the internal from the external of the continent. The essays that follow the first two are meant to construct an itinerary representing the crucial conceptual elements in the link between Europe and love. public/private and cultural borders. Some of our previous work as well as the present collection can be seen as examples of such inter. the first and pivotal dangerous liaison is the connection between Europe and love. and those of literature. including the virtuoso conclusion by which the novel destroys its own construction and puts an end to itself. philosophy and area studies. Historicising Love: Points de repère/Points of Reference The structure of this collection has been thought of as a way of breaking traditional classifications. We have indeed benefited from contributions from intellectual and cultural history. which leads to establish new connections between the disciplinary traditions of political philosophy. psychology and cultural studies. respectively by Jack Goody and William Reddy. such as those that separate colonial history from the history of European identity. Each step will therefore present a different type of ‘danger’ and novelty. it is the reader that is put in danger by reading about dangerous ways of loving and that is left with no clear option: rationalist and materialistic theories about love such as those held by the protagonist Merteuil lead her to self-destruction. because these are considered as cultural and political priorities in the present post-colonial situation. his attitude is a starting . film studies.or intra-disciplinary contaminations. The present construction tries to show the links between these two dimensions of the construction of Europeanness.4 Luisa Passerini final order can only be that of the narration. In such a textual perspective. on the one hand. on the other. the reasons of love lead Tourvel also to renunciation and sacrifice and finally to death. but on the other hand. Therefore. anthropology. its articulation privileges two theoretical knots. The position taken by Jack Goody has the merit of criticising the Eurocentrism implicit in many studies on love. One does not need to share all of the views expressed by the authors – and in fact I do not – in order to recognise that their writings converge to create/support a construction in which they act as pieces of a mosaic. The first two essays of this collection. This is a second level of suggestion for our research: to put in danger/in question both the subject of the socio-historical disciplines and some rules of these disciplines. as examples or enlargements of the one between Europe and love. We will indeed find more specific dangerous liaisons as we go on. establish a tension – a risky liaison – between two different positions that I want to put in a dialectical relationship. In this sense. Moreover. The whole collection will find its context in the space created by such tension. because they do not respect the reasons of the heart. he relativises the claim by Europeans to have ‘invented’ the courtly and romantic forms of love (Goody takes the stand. the critique of Eurocentrism went so far as to take away precious elements that can allow those who want to consider themselves as Europeans not only to feel that they share a certain cultural repertoire. Goody shows the weakness of the thesis according to which the free choice of partner has become idealised globally over the past century. being often identified with love and with modernisation. more relevantly. equality and freedom are fundamental features of the ethical teaching of Islam (with a particular attention to Turkey). including the very term. By considering a wide range of cultures in all times. capable of experiencing certain types of love in its own way without denying a similar experience to others. Goody insists that love. Indeed. This obliges anybody who takes these points seriously to give up the claim to a general European exclusivity of such values and. such as the LoDagaa of northern Ghana. This is in its turn contextualised by Goody in a global setting. In this way. there is nothing to suggest that such a type of love is absent from the so-called simpler cultures or from ancient Egypt or from Hindu society. In his view. Important points of Goody’s warning are the recognition of the specificity of European Christianity and its debts toward Judaism and Islam. The attention to African societies. Within his critical framework. Africa and other parts of the world. which gives way to innumerable variations on the same themes. Goody’s essay stops short of the danger of losing those forms of love. where differences between European culture and the cultures of other continents cannot be taken for granted. in as far as it warns us against any temptation to repeat the ‘theft of history’ that Europeans have done by appropriating romantic love as exclusive to their own culture. Thus. in the century-old debate on the origins of Provençal poetry. that the notion of courtly love was derived from the Islamic culture of Spain). allows Goody to perform a double operation: implicitly criticising the universalism claimed by Europe and yet appealing to a shared repertory of humanity. recognising the specificity of European forms of love cannot be done without recognising their derivations from other continents. a partially similar position taken by some scholars such as Francis Newman denied any specificity of the European courtly love. to look for the historical particularities in which love has been lived and configured in the European context. and is ready to give up such claim. . thus displaying the novelty that there can be a European specificity without being exclusive and hierarchical. Throwing away anything labelled as European would be equivalent to avoiding the patient work necessary to understand the long process of osmosis and syncretism that constructed ‘Europe’ out of exchanges with Asia.Introduction 5 point for our research. as historiography has often done. His firmly empirical approach proceeding by accumulation of details allows us to see the common and the different in transcultural relations. but also to recognise the relevance of the historical interchange with others. In the 1960s. as is a concern for the individual. and the philosophies of Kant and Cousin. showing the different meanings of ‘passion’ in Murasaki Shibiku’s Tale of Genji (eleventh century). he acknowledges ‘(some) common features’ of romantic love. in breaking with sexuality at the same time as embracing it. romantic love is regarded as . a useful platform for our collection. He observes that ‘romantic love’. in the last decades of the eighteenth century. Reddy takes a very different stand from Goody’s. Reddy notices that since the Middle Ages. but also introduce the limitation of regulatory thinking. However. he argues. but that the prevalence given to this type of feeling is a relatively recent phenomenon. can we safely – i.e. he provides an impressive excursus for it. the thesis of the universality and naturality of love is based on a terminological confusion. Dante and Petrarch. William Reddy intervenes at this point with an attentive consideration of the specificity of the Western tradition of romantic love in comparative perspective. Reddy sets this story in comparison with elements from Japan and India. on the ways of understanding love. Reddy argues that love’s peculiar accommodation with regulation turns to a unique Western distinction between love and lust. through the iconography of the unicorn. such as South Asia and northeast Brazil. I would say that only by taking into account the general claim by Goody. which in this tradition started as courtly love. continues to stand in contrast to lust. love had become more and more an emotion connected with marriage. which dates back to the Middle Ages. from the troubadours. to a widely extended audience. iconography and literature.6 Luisa Passerini because it does not dissolve them into a presumed universalism. Thus. after which the new media of film and radio marketed stories about romantic love which often led to marriage. of the possibility that a basic emotion of love can appear in many cultures. His conclusion is that the rule of love in many Western countries today is a peculiar and rather recent configuration of some traditional Western ingredients. although the fact that it was the foundation of marriage to the exclusion of other considerations came to be widely accepted only with the Enlightenment. However. a distinction that no other cultural tradition applies to the understanding of emotional connections between sexual partners. but it insists on their historicity. that produces romantic love. On the basis of this historical overview. In some areas of the world. involves reciprocal feeling and exclusivity. and in the Gitagovinda (twelfth century). and precisely on the ‘reflexivity of the written word’. to present lesbian’s and gay’s movements for full marriage rights. as he claims that the romantic love complex is historically unusual. Romantic love.. For him. and to include spiritual expectations that can be realised only through a sexual partnership. but he insists on the centrality of reciprocity and exclusivity in Western ideas about love partnerships. The cultural process thus envisaged developed in the nineteenth century and was interrupted by the First World War. bringing examples from poetry. Appropriately. without falling into Eurocentrism – not only accept Reddy’s approach and vindicate romantic love to the modernised West. modernity is not such a secular age as it claims to be. Thus. The originality of Lüdtke’s approach is to consider this interconnectedness. a point that will reappear later on in the collection. The chosen case is that of an Italian journalist and writer. Thus. and thus to overcome the dichotomy between public and private. and interprets love as a secularised form of religion or spirituality. and at any one time there will be a variety of feelings for individual actors and groups. but in the West it is considered as an old and natural thing. Another piece of the historical and theoretical puzzle that is emerging is added by Alf Lüdtke. This approach dispels illusions on the natural good feelings of the masses and discovers usually invisible liaisons between individual and collective emotions. In many of his novels and short stories. His analysis allows us to see that the specificity of the forms of love experienced in Europe is not at all based on an anthropological or even cultural difference generating a particular way of loving. His argument is confined to the twentieth century. Lüdtke pays attention to some central features of this period. such as the relationships between the masses’ affections – in the very processes of massification – and the power of the state. He refers to Reddy in pointing out that the singling out of specific feelings misses their specificities and thus the meanings of feelings. because they never appear in isolation. but it largely depends on the European contexts of power (statehood) and work. Germany. The construction of the dyad Europe-love that is slowly emerging refers not just to the internal history of Europe. a theme crucial for understanding the authoritarian and totalitarian regimes that characterised the century. he converges with Goody’s criticism of a narrow and Eurocentric concept of modernity. which is often presented as female and threatening for the ‘male’ and decadent Western civilisation. with the articulation of the links between public and private loves in the European tradition. such as letters by soldiers. the encounter between a ‘European’ man and an African woman is depicted as an allegorical representation of the colonial opposition between European violence and Africa equated with nature. Liliana Ellena provides a case study vividly illustrating the fact that the discourse on love at the heart of European modernity cannot be charted just within Europe.Introduction 7 an innovation of modernity. Lüdtke applies his hypotheses to a specific geohistorical area. and to specific sources. love for ‘father-state’. and attachment for one’s task in work. it operates as a transition to the rest of the volume. or ‘modulations’ as he calls the interconnected ones that reinforced each other in the twentieth century: sentimental love between spouses. because it was the product of continuous exchanges with the rest of the world and particularly with the colonies. The . dedicated to this century. Reddy concludes with a plea to historicise our own time: if love is our inheritance. while the two first essays are set in a longue durée perspective. which are very relevant for exploring the means of the acceptance of power. Arnaldo Cipolla. even extremely oppressive power. He too insists on the historicity of cultural codes of love. who wrote between 1907 and 1938. which narrates a story of instant transfer from St. to conclude this first section. Petersburg to Paris through a magic window. and. They show the peculiarity of Italian Fascist colonialism. sometimes portrayed as too close to each other for attitudes and skin colour. the transfer results into a dangerous liaison. Almira Ousmanova deals with a cinematic representation of the experience of post-Soviet subjects marked by the collapse of the socialist economic and political system.e. the analysis of the film Window to Europe (a Russian expression to indicate relationships with the West). Both Europe and love emerge. Again. an embodiment of ideal femininity. where the white subject is at the same time shown in its weakness – in competition between nationalities and constantly in danger of losing himself – and affirmed as powerful and virile. In her approach. ‘the personification of a dream shared by both Soviet men and women’. not only for Africans. The lability of the self-definition as European and capable of romantic love therefore appears fully in the colonial situation. East and West. but only by contrast. while Europe is a place where utopia and romantic love continue to live. Difficulties in communication between the lovers metaphorise difficulties of cultural relationships between countries: is Russia still in some ways a part of Europe. the love story between a French woman and a Russian man. and at the same time is represented as one of the elements in contrast with which Europe defines itself. opposition and superiority stated on the basis of weapons. love in a metaphorical sense (for Paris. on the other. this theme will be picked up in the subsequent sections of the collection. This time it is Europe that appears in the shape of a charming woman. a plea on the part of Russia for fuller recognition from ‘Europe’? In both cases. are not the two subjects definable only on the basis of their reciprocal and conflictual relationship through the ages? And why cannot a double . as so much of its cultural heritage witnesses? Or does it foster a separate identification.. in which pride and rancour testify a more complex relationship. an overcharged colonial space that stands for ‘Central Africa’. And finally. between the creation of an empty self and the creation of a projected other. as abstract forms. but also as a contamination between visual studies and the history of the reciprocal political representations of various parts of Europe. but also the shared heritage of whiteness and Europeanness in the colonial situation. as normative meanings. i. Its inconsistency can be overcome by no inner strength. linking the narrative conventions of the love story with the symbolic meanings of the filmic text. but also for Italians.8 Luisa Passerini novels are set in Belgian and French Congo. we find the deep division within Europe itself. on the one hand. for culture) is interrelated and interwoven with the more literal meanings of love. This essay can be seen not only as a study of a dangerous liaison between Russia and a Western Europe as represented by Paris. directed by Yurij Mamin in 1993. Here too we have a case study. for Europe. considered as the anti-Europe par excellence. This essay establishes another dangerous liaison: between the self-definition of Europe and its violent impositions on others. Introduction 9 sense of belonging. 2) a central aspect of these forms is the varying distinction between public and private. Whatever the outcome of the debate on the Eastern boundary of Europe. I see it as a reason for keeping the gap between the European Union and Europe wide open. This has already emerged in the first section. a particularly significant time for the study of our topic. we can summarise that the points of reference of the collection are the following: 1) the dyad Europe/love must be considered in the double perspective of deconstructing Eurocentrism and. 4) cultural borders affect deeply the cultural sense of European belonging within love relationships. Marci Shore analyses in rich detail the life of the generation of Polish futurist poets born at the fin-de-siècle. such as showing that deep emotional aspects are involved in the contested link. at the same time. and it becomes the focus of the second one. We are left wondering about what can a Europe without its Eastern part be. to Russia and to Europe as a whole. It is in the period between the wars and particularly in its second decade when huge changes appear in the relationships between the public and private love. in the democratic framework of Great Britain and under the dictatorial regime of Nazism in Germany. It does so by taking into consideration the interwar period. Against the background of a climate of revolutionary hopes. and. although no final answer is provided. 3) the construction of Europeanness cannot be separated from the consideration of the colonial past. recognising the historical specificity of European forms of love. which will have a repercussion on the second half of the century. The three first essays of section two allow us to compare such changes in very different situations: in the revolutionary situation in Poland. Public and Private Loves The issue of public/private could not be absent from this collection: the question ‘Europe and love’ can be seen as a specification of the more general question of the intertwining between the two. be established as it happens in other countries? What emerges clearly is that the memory of the communist past no less than that of older relationships shapes present cultural attitudes much more that it has appeared in the media during the last decade. The second section explores what could be defined as a historical typology of the relationships between Europe understood as public and love considered as private.8 At the end of the first section. a cultural and political space that seems to have been accepted by many on the basis of the assumption that the Eastern part cannot enter the European Union. and this should be taken into account when posing the question of Europeanness regarding Russia. the first to come of age in independent Poland. The choice of this case study – using a filmic text7 – for studying such questions proves advantageous in many ways. They were . Their tragic ending was to be ‘destroyed by Marxism’. Alexis Schwarzenbach chooses an ideal case to study attitudes toward love in Europe and the United States. it was the fulfilment of their European cosmopolitanism. Some extraordinary figures of women and men emerge against this background. Poland and the Revolution. more importantly. above all.ska in Warsaw. While the local press in Britain showed anti-US prejudices and some rancour to the king for not having ‘found some sweet British girl’. even under Stalinist totalitarianism. and social and political stability. not as a model. from St Augustin to Machiavelli to Proust. it was romantic love. in December 1936. as an avant-garde capable of overcoming the destiny of degeneration and the death of European civilisation. on the other. their multiple relationships with other European countries through the work of artists such as Marinetti. a prevailing silence in Britain is compared with the ‘sympathetic understanding’ in the United States and with an attitude of ‘restraint’ in the rest of Europe. The case became famous. the very numerous letters to the . In this picture. a space for private language and intimacy. ‘Europe’ was a point of reference in such efforts. For them. the consummation of subjectivity through its abandonment and the transcendence and the fulfilment of both their Polishness and their Europeanness. with great passion brought to the scene of sexual love as well as of to the scene of the political party. They succeeded in keeping alive. and nourished in European literature from many epochs and countries. living their experiences to the extreme. between romantic love considered as a progressive or a disruptive social force. their experiences leave a vivid testimony of such utopia. while some survived in exile with bitter feelings. German and French. but quite to the contrary as an heritage beyond which they wanted to go. Mayakovsky. stirring a world-wide press campaign and mobilising public opinion. The story was generally presented as a romantic love in which the feelings of the protagonists should have prevailed despite all obstacles. and their romances. For the poets of Café Ziemian. as their loves were love itself. However. what most interests us is the opposition established in the great majority of the free press in Europe’s democracies. living the revolution in their daily life was self-actualisation through self-annihilation. from Switzerland to the Scandinavian countries. They united public and private in an inextricable knot. by the choices they made to embrace Marxism: some were killed and some committed suicide. the Revolution was only secondarily dialectical materialism. a US divorcee.10 Luisa Passerini cosmopolitan (many were ‘non-Jewish Jews’). poetry. on the one hand. Shore portrays their life and fantasies in the cafés and cabarets of Warsaw starting from the early 1920s through the 1930s to the 1960s. being versed in Russian. While their hopes to collapse public and private loves in a single engagement failed under the pressures of a public sphere dominated by Stalinism. This explains why left-wing and liberal newspapers had a more favourable view of the story than the conservative media. and. and polyglot. focussing on the reactions to the abdication of Edward VIII in order to marry Wallis Simpson. and as with all love letters. they use affectionate little words. which show a remarkable crosssection of public opinion from all classes. the private sphere was forcibly drawn into and under the public. from the German ambassador in London. von Ribbentrop. Schwarzenbach rightly observes that three years after the event. transforming the name of the beloved into childish forms thanks to diminutives and sweet . out of a huge number ranging in the many thousands. so that Edward represented a ‘fairy prince’ in the true sense of the word. in which he saw the European attitude toward love as beginning to risk the imitation of the one that he believed was prevalent in the United States. Geppert takes into consideration such 64 letters. and the other on the contrary considering that such a behaviour was fulfilling the pursuit of personal happiness. Schwarzenbach concludes that two love stories were at stake in the public debate: that between Edward and Wallis Simpson on the one hand. while he saw similarities between the type of love presiding to conjugal marriage and the type of union present in federal democracies. it is significant for our purposes that both Edward VIII and Mrs. and on the other. that between the people and the king. in 1939. In this light. while we know of the Nazi and Fascist use of women’s capacity to give birth as well as to be part of the labour force in peace and war tasks. from birth to death. the former being held by the late-Victorian generation (Edward’s father) and the latter by the generation coeval with Edward himself. The link between the monarchies and their subjects included a deep sense of mutual love and a legendary aura. they certainly fall into place in the interpretative frame proposed by Rougemont. Although Schwarzenbach has not found evidence for these political sides of the abdication. However. Rougemont’s hypothesis about the link between Europe and love is also pertinent to the other essay in the present collection using private letters to the powerful – Alexander Geppert’s analysis of love letters to Hitler. Simpson were known to have good relationships with the Nazis. They are written in the jargon of love. where the high-rate of divorce was coupled with a Hollywood-styled romance as the only basis for getting married. We should add that Rougemont also coupled the type of romantic love leading to a fusion between the lovers with the attitude of adoration by followers toward Hitler. We already knew that in the dictatorial regimes between the wars. one stipulating that good masculine behaviour should have put duty above love.Introduction 11 king made such prejudices much more explicit. we cannot help being struck by the phenomenon of collapsing together of intimate and public that these letters display. The letters are interesting also because they display two concepts of masculinity. which finds its context in the general history of European monarchies. The two concepts belonged to different generations. Denis de Rougemont published his book L’amour et l’Occident. Thousands of such letters were indeed written during the abdication crisis. to Hitler himself. so that all moments of the lifecycle of the masses were ‘nationalised’. . in an attitude of adoration and ecstatic fusion. his mother. The other line of research is a comparative reflection on the links between the dictators and their peoples. to the point of considering the distinction impossible. The next case in the section on public and private concerns Spain and it is composed of two studies. who used to receive thousands of private letters. the attitude of the Italian regime was much more paternalistic than the German one. The example offered by Geppert is that of Italy and Mussolini. but it was probably not accessible to the large masses from faraway parts of the country. this established a contamination of languages. but they also insist on the patriotism of the writers and assume as a starting point the position of power of the object of love. thus entertaining direct relationships with the writers. while actually it is already a reply to the overwhelming penetration of Hitler’s words through propaganda and mass media. the unique one. be it called fatherland or supreme head. Hitler. his image was presented as always accompanied by concrete female figures. the letters seem to display a much lesser degree of eroticisation. i. Hitler was always a single figure. since his figure is portrayed more as a fatherly (and sometimes even motherly) one than like that of a lover. reflecting the colonisation of everyday (and every night.e. one centered on the inter-European (Sinclair) and the other on the extra-European perspective (Labanyi). Spain is a particularly interesting and significant example – very relevant for our research – because of its complex nature as a European country: a Southern and Mediterranean country like Italy and Greece. Rougemont had precisely noticed. by the way. Geppert notices a difference already in the type of letters sent: in the case of Mussolini. Two lines of interpretation are proposed. One is that the communication revealed by the letters is only apparently one-way. While both the Fascist and the Nazi dictators established a special office for dealing with the letters. was at a certain point in time responsible for the secretariat that took care of the letters). Germany. What we are called to witness is the inextricability of public and private emotions. that complement each other and converge to construct a double case study. Moreover. We know now that a gossipy legend was constructed on Mussolini’s virility and extra-marital affairs. but also between the individual and the collective. if we think of the influence of the Third Reich on dreams) life. who could nourish the wildest fantasies and promise to fulfil them at both the public and the private levels. whose constant female companion was allegorical. besides the image of the imagined matron representing Italy. wife and daughter (who. He was portrayed as a lonely man. but also the initiator of an early and wide colonial empire. in his acute analysis of a mass gathering to listen to Hitler’s speech. a country claiming its full and paradigmatic Europeanness and yet at the same time . that the kind of total participation of the people in the crowd was that of a new cult. On the contrary. in a sort of total regression to a single elementary language and to a desire of fusion not only between two human beings.12 Luisa Passerini adjectives. In any case. Those years cover two different periods in Spanish politics: the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera and the Second Republic. however. The major contribution of the journal in the period 1923–1936 was to bring Spain into a relationship with ideas of civilisation. a metaphor for an alliance with the European Catholic right that would allow Europe to confront the hegemony of the United States. and the psychologist Carl Gustav Jung. do not differ sharply for what concerns the topic under discussion. In a pendant essay. Don Juan. The articles hosted by the Revista de Occidente in this period include authors such as the German sociologist Georg Simmel. which was founded in 1923 and was directed by José Ortega y Gasset. and considering him as an embodiment of both the cultural miscegenation of West and East and the mixing of races in Spanish America. Madariaga also treated Don Juan as the incarnation . with particular reference to the category of gender. Sinclair traces a line of argument that unites the Europeanness of Spain and an essentialist view of gender differences. She interprets this view as an ‘imaginary of consolation’ for the anxiety and social unrest predominant in Spain at the time. The articles of the Revista de Occidente are seen as a sign of the desire to participate in European modernity. on the contrary considering itself as a periphery.Introduction 13 often uncertain of being recognised as European. many different parts of Europe. becomes central. specifically those of European civilisation. Alison Sinclair. Jo Labanyi examines the myth of Don Juan between the 1920s and the 1930s as treated by three Spanish intellectuals of different political attitudes: Ramiro de Maeztu. under a title borrowed from Doris Lessing. while we have already seen it appearing in other essays. Giménez Caballero set Don Juan in dialogue with Petrarch’s Laura. whose positions were equivalent to those of Action Française. while the Spanish legacy should allow Spanish America to do the same. is aptly chosen as an indicator of positions toward the Europeanness of Spain. or a banlieusarde in the terms used by Salvador de Madariaga. the scientists Gregorio Marañón and Gustavo Pittaluga. Through the analysis of the themes touched by these authors. gender relations. and are understood as a masculine model accompanied by a nostalgia for its opposite. which embodied it. which here. which. both champions of eugenics. Its case study allows us to see other variations on the theme of Europe and love. A defensive discourse about modernity was thus developed precisely in connection with the increased contacts with Europe. thus proposing him as the charismatic leader of a Spanish-Italian fascist alliance. which range from Don Juan to the emancipation of women. studies one aspect of the Revista de Occidente. understanding him as the outcome of modern humanism and rejecting him in favour of Don Quixote’s chivalric notion of altruistic service. Maeztu saw Don Juan as the embodiment of hedonistic individualism. who was central in promoting Spain’s cultural relations with Europe. in its numerous variants. defined as one of the European myths par excellence because its theme connects. the liberal humanist Salvador de Madariaga and the Fascist Ernesto Giménez Caballero. they were at work even in democratic countries. and rejected him as a sexual predator. but also the most intimate one – situated in the bedroom and in the boudoir. or to the issue centre/ periphery within two crucial European nation states. In this perspective. European Borders and Cultural Differences in Love Relations The topic of the third section of this book translates the general theme of the book into the conflicts articulated in terms of territory and political borders.14 Luisa Passerini of European individualism and imperial conquest. or of totalitarian oppression. It has shown that it was particularly in this field that the processes of publicisation of the private and of the penetration of the public into the private were happening. invoked by the Marquis de Sade as the site of the final step of the revolution – was at stake in the moving of boundaries affecting the public and the private in reciprocal interpenetration. as the unacceptable face of European imperialism. but also in the symbolic level for what concerned cultural understanding of masculine and feminine. The case of Spain shows that a crucial aspect in the processes concerning public and private loves in the interwar period was the change in gender relations. and suggests directions of research for comparative studies. while in democratic situations the collapse between public and private was more restrained. which they considered as specifically European. these essays share a positionality that. in spite of the important variations introduced by national and political features. starting from . while romantic love represented the fusion of races in Spain and Spanish America. The use of our central dangerous liaison has made visible various elements: not only the private sphere. in the course of being deeply modified by the emancipation of women and the crisis of masculinity. For all three. In this section. and the emotional implications of the collapse were less restrictive of individual spaces and were more manageable by common people in their daily lives. This interpenetration constituted an overall similarity. such as a revolution. Spanish culture and history offered models for rethinking Europe. the political situation accentuated the impact of economic forces that were already going in that direction. All three writers used the trope of love. Although these processes took up extreme characteristics in situations either of violent social and cultural unrest. which are considered traditionally as peripheries of Europe (Portugal and the Balkans). the nexus of Europe and love has proved useful in exploring the relationship between public and private love and its transformations in the interwar period. to position Spain in relation to Europe as well as to the Americas. In fact. The redefinition of gender roles and imagery invested in not only concrete men and women. Essays in this section refer either to borders. Similar processes took on a psycho-pathological nature in totalitarian regimes. such as Germany and France. so that the two were never flattened together. and a European future. in love with a rebellious officer of the Portuguese colonial army. with its roots in the South Atlantic. which evokes a new version of Barbara. Then the author goes on to use as a case study Jornada de África by Manuel Alegre. became the target of a campaign . and its dressing itself once more as a fortress in the cultural field. Calafate Ribeiro’s essay implies the need of a re-elaboration that this suspended and drifting double sense of belonging will require. i. in which Europe is suspended between accepting the new multiple forms of subjectivity that inhabit it. thanks to the processes of post-coloniality. and the African colonies. race. Methodologically. sought to defend the fiction that Portugal was a centre. to which this peripheral condition led Portugal and its empire. the movement for the liberation of Angola from the colonial rule. which German Freikorps defended against the Red Army and the Baltic nationalists. transforms itself into a novel point of view reconsidering the historical dynamics between supposed centres and peripheries. thus showing the topic of the second section in a new light. is significantly an Angolan member of the MPLA. During the period of the 1950s to the 1970s.Introduction 15 an allegedly marginal situation. the essays share the effort to combine various categories of cultural difference. but colonised by love’. a novel on the colonial wars. be they gender. the beloved black slave celebrated by Camões. the image of Barbara – a metaphor of a conquered Africa and of Portuguese love for the continent – still represents the ambivalences of Portugal between the memory of the empire. Mass shows how sexuality was used not only as a metaphor of the wounds inflicted on the nation. Sandra Mass focuses on three case studies concerning the border territories of the Weimar Republic: the Rhineland of the campaign against ‘Black Horror’.. the stationing of African colonial soldiers in the territory under French occupation. but these wars also initiated the journey back to the metropolis and to Europe. The excursus starts with The Lusiads by Camões. the woman. The section is opened by Margarida Calafate Ribeiro’s longue durée view of Portugal’s colonialism: its alleged role of mediator between worlds finds an adequate exemplification in romantic love that is understood as capable of creating mediations at a universal level.e. the Eastern border. in a process in which the destiny of love and gender relations appears particularly undecided. This state of indecision finds an echo in the present situation. ‘free. Calafate Ribeiro points out that the mediation operated by Portugal is based on the combination of a peripheral geographic position. The colonial wars. ethnicity and/or location. In this frame. The first case. since it is the head of the first European empire. for whom love is the ultimate purpose of the human quest. but also more directly to illustrate the analogy between the nation seen as a body and the individual body. this same peripheral position allowed Portugal to be the last European empire. Such historical dynamics evidences different tropes of love and sexuality and includes the emergence of various forms of longing for a different Europe. love relationships between German women and French African soldiers. 16 Luisa Passerini that pointed out the unity of Europe and the white race endangered by France. Slapšak also sees a shared context for all three women in the historical model of intellectual closure (monasteries. For all three women studied by Slapšak. gender and race appear closely interwoven. sharing a common European heritage and presumably sharing a superior civilisation. she refers to the European historical versions of such worldwide phenomena. they have been treated as outsiders in academia on the basis of gender instigated censorship. the violence of colonisation was transformed into the ‘ardent love’ for the second Heimat. on which they would exercise bloody and sadistic revenge. love is neither a symbol of hope nor a form of escapism. all three women were active during the Second World War. For instance. Rebac’s approach to what she calls ‘pre-platonic erotology’. What allows Slapšak to take this approach is a position that she defines as ‘feminist practice’ and that connects the author of the essay and the women she studies. Here again. as we already saw in the essay by Ellena. In the second case. the maternal earth characterised as both virginal and violent. far from saying that these are unique European features. the individual and the collective are collapsed in defining the European subject as the male colonial hero. salons) and in multilingualism. And again. In the third. mentioning Aristophanes’ Lysistrata in the context of the opposition to the Iraq war in 2003. Slapšak maintains that in the case of the first two. affecting upon and originating from public life. Africa is presented as nature. against any romanticising of love in its Western bourgeois sense. German soldiers were seen as threatened by Communist women. and love shows its connections with sexuality. The author considers love as one of the fields of public discourse and activity that can oppose war and be interpreted as reducing the immeasurable dimension of war compared to any other human activity. universities. and analyses the philosophy of love in three women’s works: Anica Savic. it is a proposal for a public civic attitude. Gender is central also in Svetlana Slapšak’s essay. Rebac (born in 1894 in Novi Sad). although in very different historical situations. the relationship being German and being white included the belief of belonging to the community of the ‘white race’. while in fact there is much European about them and their work. This essay is a good indicator of how the central and Eastern areas of Europe – considered peripheral for a long time – can become crucial in order to create new connec- . but also with pain and death. as a desire to go beyond it and explore and enlarge the sources of the philosophical discourse on love. which theorises on love as one of the civic activities pertaining to collective identity and citizenship. The dark sides of both Europe and love emerge once more in a sinister way. Slapšak takes her inspiration from antiquity. Olga Freidenberg (born in 1890 from a Russian Jewish family) and Edith Stein (born in 1891 into a Breslau Jewish family). it is a distancing herself from the Platonic tradition that evidences her Europeanness ex negativo. in Anica Savic. Africa. In the picture drawn by Mass. rather. connecting the internal history of Germany with the history of its borders. The essay by Ruth Mas concludes this section and the whole book by focussing on a burning issue for today’s Europe: the place of Islam in Europeanness. What appears at the same time. producing a plural vision of the relationships between Islam and liberalism. It reverses the usual relationship. constructing a point of convergence equivalent to a hazardous and illuminating liaison. Mas criticises both the colonialist notion of métissage and that of mixed marriage as a solution of racism and of women’s subordination. which sees love as a private emotion displaced within the political domain. that will allow new ways of being European and Muslim women at the same time to occur. Thus. such as the one exemplified in this essay. already .Introduction 17 tions. The case study considers gender and generational differences. countering fixed and naturalised borders between communities and cultures. Mas concludes that Benslama has allowed for an understanding of Islamic subjectivity that disrupts the hegemony of the French nation state and deconstructs the oppositions of Islam/West and of all monolithic conceptions of Islam. and sees Benslama’s discussion of métissage as problematising the ‘liberating’ potential of mixed unions and showing the feminine subject as situated in a complex web of power relations to which she is subjected. The section highlights how the tension between love and sexuality underpinning romantic love has informed forms of political imagined community. which entails both a de-naturalisation of love and a refusal of its ‘imaginary of consolation’. The three women never met and possibly never even heard of each other. as done by the psychoanalyst Fethi Benslama. but it leaves deliberately suspended the crucial question of repositioning the feminine Muslim subject. can contribute to opening the way to configurations of subjectivity and emotionality. by showing how colonial legacies embodied by notions of inter-cultural love and sexuality work on individual subjectivity by doubling experiences of trauma and exile. both collective and individual. The dangerous links between love and the political domain gives particular relevance to the feminist critique of romantic love suggested by Slapšak. Mas addresses the issue through the analysis of a case study of the mixed marriage of a Franco-Maghrebian woman. This perspective adds further elements to the intertwining between the private and public spheres by questioning the gender hierarchy grounded in the European (male) love subject. it is a gaze from the present. which is rooted in the same geopolitical areas those women belonged to that puts them together. are the limits to the possibilities for the Franco-Maghrebi Muslim feminine subjects to find resources for imagining an ethic that respects dissent. however. deconstructing the traditional way of conceiving métissage opens new ways. The case studies discussed by Calafate Ribeiro and Mas highlight the embracing movement of love between self and other and the violent reduction of difference to abstract oneness. while the German case studied by Mass implies that women’s bodies and sexuality are the material ground on which the borders of the nation are naturalised and controlled. We can only hope that painstaking analytical efforts. 6. appears as a battlefield involving power inequalities that cannot be solved. 2 (Summer 2004). Special Issue: Europe and Love – L’Europe et l’amour. ibid. By being aware of the dangers that the liaison between Europe and love can imply in an essentialist and Eurocentric perspective. 207–224. The final section of the collection presents – because of its closeness to some crucial problems of the present. eds Luisa Passerini. which will be the subject of Europe and Love in Cinema. Sexuality and Love in the Eurafrican Debate’. ‘Simultaneous Love. 5. European Review of History 11. we can discern the value of the actions and thoughts of individuals and groups that had the emotional capacity to contrast their own communities and to envisage new hazardous liaisons between personal and collective emotions. eds Luisa Passerini. Alison Sinclair. sharing the dark sides of European history. after an abortion. Valmont succeeds in the double seduction. the research project devoted much attention to the role of films as sources. It is at the centre of other projects that I have directed in the past few years (such as the one presented in the book Women Migrants from East to West. The plan of the libertines is that Valmont.. 2. The historical study of the nexus between Europe and love can help us in recovering the utopian hope of a united and not exclusive Europe and of a love conjugating passion and respect. already involved in the seduction of the virtuous and devout Mme Tourvel. Liliana Ellena. .. The ending is tragic: Mme Tourvel dies in despair in a convent and Cécile. Jo Labanyi. 4. Virility. Ioanna Laliotou and Enrica Capussotti [Oxford: Berghahn. ibid. An Argument on Love. by rooting love and the labour of love within practices of public responsibility. Susan Martin-Marquez.18 Luisa Passerini pointed out by Alison Sinclair. such as those linked with racial and cultural differences in Europe today – some pessimistic undertones. who had been in his turn seduced by the Marquise. Mobility and Belonging in Contemporary Europe. Dawn Lyon. Karen Diehl (Bristol: Intellect. will not be thematised in this collection. but interrupts this relationship because of the influence of Madame de Merteuil. Ruth Mas. Europeanness seems still to be configured – culturally speaking – as a defensive fortress in many instances. enters a convent as well. disfigured by smallpox. 225–240. falls himself in love with the devout lady. 185–205. ibid. The Marquise. ‘Performing Masculinity in the Moroccan Theatre. 3. no. ‘Political Imagination. 2007]). as well as the problem of the historical division of Europe into East and West.. Notes 1.. Modernity and the Feminist Subject at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century’. but also Europeanness appear divided between the senses of belonging to various areas such as East/ West and North/South and between the identifications with different communities. ibid. The Attraction of Exotic (Br)Others’. 8. forthcoming). Gender. 7. 241–272. Sexuality and Spanish Military Culture from the African War to the Civil War’. Caroline Arni. is abandoned by everybody and the Viscount dies in a duel with Danceny. Although this is the only example of filmic studies appearing in the present collection. This question. ‘Spain’s Love Affair with Russia. Not only Europe. ‘Love as Difference. Love. 273–301. The Politics of Love in the Thought of Malek Chebel’. should seduce Cécile before her marriage. Part I HISTORICISING LOVE POINTS DE REPÈRE/POINTS OF REFERENCE . . as well as to one much simpler society. Nobody can judge the singularity of the institutions of one culture or one ‘stage’ without looking at others. and the problem of the use of the same or different terms. the LoDagaa of northern Ghana. concentrating upon the question of the rapprochement between earthly and divine love. At the best. would allow. as. I refer here to the claim by scholars who see the possibility of such experience as being uniquely associated with the process of modernisation1 or with the history of Europe. as I have earlier suggested. especially so called pre-industrial ones.CHAPTER 1 Love and Religion Comparative Comments JACK GOODY The topic of love is not the domain of one discipline alone. the notion of the troubadours.2 I want to address the notion of secular love and religion in a comparative way. they held and expressed parallel views. where I carried out fieldwork. even for the past. This suggestion Notes for this section begin on page 31. particularly romantic love. and especially Turkey. . The reason for giving so much attention to the situation in earlier Turkey is that. historians and psychologists as well as by anthropologists. because it deals with other cultures. in my view. That is most important in dealing with love.3 part at least of the idea of courtly love. but of a more general debate. Islam. scholars and citizens alike have been guilty of a ‘theft of history’ in appropriating love. was derived from the Islamic culture of Spain – the frontier of which was much more permeable than many cultural historians of Europe. I will briefly look at the articulation of these questions in European Christianity. namely. devoted to the singularity of their own culture. First. Europeans. The anthropological perspective is essential. for their own and denying the same experience to others. by sociologists. and then I will turn to one culture roughly equivalent to that of Europe at least before the Renaissance. The Song of Songs. but a variety of forms. As a result. on the other. The love of God (given and received). The first three chapters of Hosea show a similar identification. very far from that. romantic love) and of individualisation (individual choice as preferred to family choice). love is often seen as an intrinsic part of a complex of religious ideas and practices. are diametrically opposed.22 Jack Goody derives not only from some of the better-informed historians of Andalusia. which is often seen by Europeans as an example of the static despotism of Asia. was only included in the canon because Rabbi Aqivah (first century CE) decided to read it allegorically. a series of secular love poems. whereas they are enjoined to enter into the mutual love of God as well as into eternal amity (fraternity) to all mankind and indeed to all of God’s creation. which implies a common element. the priests are forbidden married love (as well as. by Asin Palacios. the love of women – all are drawn together by the use of this one word. Hence. unmarried intercourse). which see them as marking off Western Christianity from other creeds. even for the laity. they renounce the world.5 There. the two activities.4 but also from a fascinating account of Islamic influences on the work of Dante. of fellow men or of fellow women.7 It seems doubtful if many other societies include those two forms in one overall category in quite the same way as European Christianity. of course. with that of freedom (freedom of choice of partner. Or should we say in some branches of European Christianity? Because in many contexts. . especially regarding sexual love. Nor was it an ideal confined to them.6 The notion of secular love is tied up in European thought not only with that of fraternity and love of one’s fellow man. he says that her ‘desire’ (shawq) shall be for Adam. To be ‘perfect’ among the Cathars of the twelfth century – and all have to aim for this – carnal love has to be renounced as one of the things of this world that is completely antithetical to the spiritual. which later Protestants would say show confusion. to God. But the opposition becomes particularly acute in the dualistic versions of the Christian faith (as of others) where a sharp line is drawn between this world and the next. but also more closely. When God curses Eve. In Christianity. the rabbis could interpret the apparently erotic Song of Songs as the love of God for Israel. to the religious life. These ideas are dear to Western ideologies. though we know that many find that difficult. the flesh and the devil. It is for this reason that I have turned to Turkey. an interpretation that Christians later transfer into the love of Christ for his people. That path leads to renunciation. even if given the same name. there does seem to be a difference in Hebrew between love (‘ohebh) and desire (shawq). In the Roman Catholic church. The Hebrew bible uses the same word for the love of God. However. he notes that Islam influenced the court in Sicily and the songs of the troubadours in the north. and good and spiritual. the love of man. between evil and earthly on the one hand. but there is nothing in the text itself to suggest an allegorical reading. It was. in fact. not that she shall ‘love’ (‘ohebh) him. spirit and soul. that a man should marry his mother’s brother’s daughter. Love of a kind is almost always emergent in the latter cases simply . such as abstention before prayer. is associated with other priesthoods. that is far from the case in India. It seems clear to me that the union of man and woman. The two main forms of spiritual and earthly love are distinguished by the Greeks as eros (that is. the invisible God made visible. There is a difference between ‘love’ as a means of choosing a partner. ‘after that he came himself to me. of earthly love. A division is often drawn by family historians between arranged marriages and love marriages. who wrote of her union with Christ. into the material and the spiritual. for reasons that sit comfortably with the differentiation of the universe. in courtship and dalliance (which is the narrower sense in which Europeans often use the term11). Tolstoy’s new religion of love led to the abandoning of his family and renouncing earthly ties. Here the shift was not so much between earthly and divine love.8 In the words of the thirteenth-century mystic. and love as an attribute of a sexual relationship following marriage. although most place some restrictions on sex in relation to religious activities. for example.10 Let me now turn to the question of freedom of choice and its relation to love and religion. Arranged marriages are those organised by the senior generations of the family or specified in the kinship calculus. the two aspects of love. especially in monastic religions such as Buddhism. As we know from Caroline Bynum’s studies of medieval women mystics. involves attraction and indeed something that one could reasonably call love. In Hindu India. as we see in the temples of Khajuraho and in many others. not to speak of Jewish and Islamic contexts where all figurative representation would be taboo. including the earthly love of his wife and thirteen children. The idea of consensus was especially favoured by the Church. or woman and woman. but not always. However. That differentiation may take on an extreme Manichean dimension or may simply offer an extension of the quasi-universal dichotomy into body and mind. however mildly. erotic. sexual) and agape (fraternal or social). in opposition to the practice of some families.’9 This concern with the flesh is linked to the idea that Christ had a human as well as a divine nature. congruent or conjugal love. as between carnal and fraternal love (though inspired by Christian teaching). the rapprochement between love and religion is much closer than in the religions of the Near East. become very much intertwined. Renunciation of the flesh. and all my members felt his in full felicity.Love and Religion: Comparative Comments 23 Towards the end of his life. Hadewijch. Love marriages involve free choice for the prospective partners and the notion is deeply embedded in Western culture – though not altogether absent from others. or man and man. the spiritual and the sensual. Whereas the representation of human love would be forbidden in any Christian church. even if not ‘romantic love’. not all religions demand renunciation in the same way. took me entirely in his arms and pressed me to him. sometimes. 17 Zafrani writes that ‘the compositions remain ambiguous. largely through the dominance of the global media and their appeal to youth. may always arise. One variety is known as Platonic love. In any case. However.13 Or they may alienate their son or daughter. he sees the Platonic love that developed in the course of education in male institutions as having been transformed from physical desire. of the privileged relation between Israel and her God. or one’s parents or one’s siblings. can. There is also asexual love. The identification of love for a woman and love for one’s country or for one’s God was common in the Old Testament. the free choice of a partner in modern society has become idealised globally over the past century and is often identified with love and with modernisation. the love poetry also has the dimension of cosmic love. but not when we refer to one made by the parents. or to positive emotions of attraction and attachment. whether they are liturgical or profane. it seems curious that we use it when the choice of partner is made by the couple. albeit forbidden. it is a more fleeting emotion than many have thought. develop into one of mutual attraction and devotion that deserves to be called love. and usually does. it is generally recognised that a union that is at first arranged. where a girl is brought up from a young age with her future spouse. it seems confusing to identify love with the freedom of choice and to deny the presence of love in other regimes. even though the western model has already become dominant ideologically. to divorce. for one’s children. Or they may not see the grandchildren they desire. discusses the Turks. especially in relation to religion. as being thoroughly commendable and a step toward that perfect love of God. meaning the end of intimacy. so that one cannot say if it relates to mystical love or to the relation with someone . the marriage may prove to be less fertile. Hosea. If they do not. as well as in the Song of Songs. as Wolf and Huang have shown in the case of ‘incoming daughter-in-law marriages’ in China. but also to change. which seem altogether necessary if all will be living in the same house or even in the vicinity. take into account family concerns. In the poetry of Ibn Gabiral (1021–1057).24 Jack Goody because the continued intimacy of the sexual relationship gives rise to cathexis. If so. Rycaut. who are assumed to be active in their own interests rather than in those of their children (which could amount to their ‘love’ of their children). although the sexual implications.15 However. since freedom means not only to engage.12 If we think of the wider meanings of the word ‘love’. at least ‘congruent’14 or ‘companionate’ love. a break-up may soon follow. But the parents will usually be thinking of their child and his or her preferences. much influenced by Islamic models. then in those many parts of the world in which divorce is permitted. And yet the Jewish identification continued.16 The notion of love has a long history. When the Renaissance writer. which was given such a uniquely spiritual interpretation in later Judaism and Christianity. of course. Parents do. Emotions develop in the course of the union. called by a different name in many societies. especially in that sensuous biblical book. often sung by slave-girls and accompanied by wine. for example. Maimonides. equality and freedom are fundamental features of the ethical teaching of Islam. I give particular attention to Yalman’s work. Islam has the same roots as Judaism and Christianity and has many of the same values. Arab poetry was often profane. Therefore. This is often equated with the absence of family ties. because it contradicts widespread stereotypes on Islam. indeed. they maintain ties over distance (interrupted by visits and frequent communication by letters. Thus are the tarikats regarded to this day in many . as evolving from the twelfthcentury troubadours or as characteristic of their conjugal family. both in secular and religious contexts. but soon after they do so. However.18 It should be noted that while Jewish poetry in the Maghreb was always basically religious. This inconsistency is totally apparent. If we are thinking of the level of religious ideology. doctrine. denounces the use of poetry and especially of song. a disciple or a friend’. But that is not what actors’ experience. Jew nor Muslim… love is my religion’. ‘I am neither Christian. Christian culture.24 Yalman writes of these sects: The interest in love as a social doctrine can be said to arise with the mystic tarikats very early in Islam. a spouse. or. but also the subject was of wide interest in the Muslim world.19 Indeed.20 It was this Arab tradition that was so important in ‘modernising’ medieval Europe.21 One of the most disturbing myths of the West is that the values of our ‘Judaeo-Christian’ civilisation are to be distinguished from the East in general and from Islam in particular. at the same time. not only were developments in Languedoc in the twelfth century possibly influenced by Islamic writers such as Ibn Hazm working in Spain. the great Jewish philosopher. even subversive. and subsequently with their own children. the individualism involved in the freedom of choice. Children may depart relatively early from their natal household in a spatial sense. which is contradicted by the very important role played by family firms. it has been suggested that a fission of this kind may strengthen closer attachments. as is a concern for the individual. emphasis on love was particularly marked. The recognition of the role of love in Islamic cultures is important first of all because many Europeans see love and charity as inextricably linked to Western. even as a feature of our modernisation. even erotic. One Sufi master wrote. telephone and email) with their parents and with their siblings. in the notion that our economy is about individual entrepreneurs.23 It is nothing of the sort. then it has recently been pointed out by Yalman22 that love. In Sufism.Love and Religion: Comparative Comments 25 closer. in the case of love. they establish strong bonds with others. Indeed. a lover. There is much talk of the heart: love in this sense is a dangerous. in the manner of Robinson Crusoe or other mythical heroes of Europe. The other notion I want to discuss in relation to love is individualism. That view does not appear to be consistent with the widespread idea of the isolated individual in Europe making his way against the world. Persian. But for Mevlana. but Adam requires an Eve. and homoerotic love is celebrated by a great poet in the Arabic language. in the name of God. The love of men for God. be brought down. the ‘sun’ of Tabriz). in whose name one of the most famous of the brotherhoods (tarikat). The circumstances of their meeting are obscure but according to one account. The close intertwining of secular and divine love runs very deep in the life of the mystic poet Mevlana Celaleddin Rumi.25 The metaphor of love. Mevlana was stunned by Shems and his alien way of life. closed groups that often run the important institutions of society. the ritually appropriate remark in initiating sex relations with one’s wife was: ‘I seek refuge in God from the accursed Satan. that they dissolve the barriers separating them and unite with one another in a sense of community and identity and become one with each other and with God. The degree to which the Middle East. and insist that hierarchical structures. when he met a man called Shems-i Tabrizi (Shemüddin. The two stayed in conversation for ‘forty days’. at least. or the ritual chanting (dhikr) of the various dervish orders. it is reported that the effect of the communal ritual is the submerging of the individual in an “ocean of love” in his group. They were briefly reunited but the mob again rioted and again Shems departed. since one of the hadiths declares that every time a man has sexual intercourse. Yalman notes. Shems apparently grabbed the bridle and stopped Mevlana’s horse in the middle of the street. and for each other. Such irrepressible and all-consuming love is expressed in highly emotive rituals – the passion plays of the Shi’a. of course. the world had changed: ‘now his life has meaning. he went through a period of total ecstasy and fell instantly in love with him. the beneficent. A revolution took place in his life in Konya.26 Jack Goody places. It would insist that men be equal to each other. Among Arabs. Once again. was susceptible to such ideas can be understood from the fact that Divine love (tasawuj) is the largest and most persistent subject in the poetry and music of the Ottoman. He composes vast quantities of deeply moving poetry on the allegory of love’. has a Dionysian quality difficult for authorities to control. Shems then departed. there is ambiguity between the two. and. but Mevlana’s absence troubled the outside world. was founded after his death in 1273. or the sema (whirling ritual) of the Mevlevis. he undertakes a work of charity. the love of men for God and for each other. Love as a consuming passion would set aside formalities and undermine social barriers. also has political implications.27 The ambivalence attaches to male sexuality. the machine-like quality that wellrun societies sometimes come to exhibit. ‘is turned into the master symbol of Divine love between man and God and between man and Man’. Islam seems to be one religion that does not put a strong regulatory hand on human sexuality. It would erode the privileges of those small. in all cases. predicated upon Divine love. so that there is something here of sex (and love) that we have seen . the Mevlevi.26 Shems. an act that gave rise to a most extraordinary outpouring of lyric poetry on the subjects of love and separation. It denies. the merciful’. and indeed Mughal Empires. built up with such care and dependent upon people keeping their places and doing their duties. even married love. embodied in the words of Christ and of his disciple Paul. flesh and the Devil’. but also sees that act as ‘polluting’. not only in certain ways encourages its renunciation.28 He provides them with the material to make mats and they lie down to sleep. A passage in a version that I published as The Third Bagre: A Myth Revisited can only be interpreted I believe. That ambivalence exists very widely in human societies. They do so and have intercourse with one another. presumably to see if they move. At that point. are part of Christian beliefs. that it is the Judaeo-Christian tradition (as it is often called. I have extended this discussion to the realm of sex. Indian religion as well. almost approaching the Manichean.Love and Religion: Comparative Comments 27 elsewhere. neither in most cases can they be separated. as bringing dirt and impurity. that is reinforced in the wider belief. That is made clear from the various taboos that surround sex in many oral cultures. to ‘the world. although unions approved by God seem to be opposed to Satan’s version. though some have argued from the story of Adam and Eve. love of fellow man. the original man and woman begin by building their house with the help of God. since Islam also harks back to the story of Adam and Eve. in others encouraged (as in Islam). recited at the settlement of Gomble. One example comes from the recitations embodied in the rites of the Bagre society among the LoDagaa of northern Ghana. at least in embryo. The insistence on renunciation for all clergy is to be found in others of the great world religions. a feeling that God forced upon the first humans whose breach of the taboo meant they were excluded from Paradise. But the aftermath is somewhat unexpected: . Intercourse could be carrying out the service of God. though much more explicit about the sexual act in temple sculpture. Qualms about earthly love do not begin with written religions. While love and sex cannot be identified. omitting Islam from the company) that confers feelings of guilt on the sexual act. ‘making love’ with the other sex is an aspect of love. as well as from the merit that Catholicism awards to the cloister. a renunciation that invokes also the celibacy of both males and females. by attributing similar beliefs. In the Black Bagre (the second of the two parts). The duality between good and evil remains. but approved sex falls on the opposite side compared with the Cathars. even self-love. exclude sexuality. at least immaterial. However. and there is an obvious aspect of ambivalence about unauthorised sex. so widely proclaimed on Romanesque churches. that the opposition between the spiritual and the material brought the physical aspects of love close to evil. Doubts or qualifications about love. to this oral culture on whose religion the Near East can have had no real influence. upon the participants. the total situation is more complicated. However. Although some forms of love as ‘platonic love’. in some of which sex is forbidden between close kin (as in Christianity). in the majority of cases. Such ambivalence is not confined to the written or so-called ethical religions. love of God. God traces a circle of ashes around them. for earthly love was usually considered to belong with the latter. for which God is seen as ultimately responsible. Even in this simple. there is in my view little or nothing to suggest that such an emotion is absent from simpler cultures. Two days later the woman became pregnant. And then God became angry and went up and they blamed each other. that’s how it is. And they also said the man spoiled the woman. The anthropologist Yalman sees equality as a ‘fundamental aspect’ of the ‘culture of Islam’. as have others. you find it also in Islamic cultures. with a purely local religion. It is true. I have suggested. But coming closer to home. again often between distant partners. it is ‘translated’ into practice in the notion of open access to opportunities for people and the absence of a group (a priesthood) with privileged access to divine truths. went and asked the woman. don’t ask me. That parallelism is also apparent in the relationship between love and equality. The woman replied. in particular in love letters. as I have argued elsewhere.30 ‘an almost mirror-image comparison of two . inferiority and superiority are as much a part of daily Islamic experience as any other’. even in letters between brothers and sisters. But that does not mean there is no inequality among Islamic peoples: ‘In practice. and hierarchy and renunciation in India. it was he with all his wonders.28 Jack Goody And God. on the other. Looking at love in a more general context. The contrast is between his description of Islam and that of Dumont’s on hierarchy and renunciation in Hinduism. Go and ask the man. who became ashamed and he bent his head. Certainly. You know that. on the one hand. hoe agriculture society. came down suddenly. who were of course possible sexual partners.29 Yalman draws a general contrast between a highly idealised formula between equality and love in Islam. an element of shame is attributed to the sexual act. He asked the man. that emotions may receive a greater elaboration in written cultures. The same is to be found in early Chinese love poems. that we find such expression in Ancient Egypt. in which personal relationships have often been seen by the West as providing a complete contrast. This very distance may be a significant component of what we call ‘romantic love’. the woman spoiled the man. in which by definition the correspondents are distant from one another. ascetic self-denial. an Indian religion that had little following in that country and therefore fewer political implications. always ploughed. the secular hierarchy is to some extent supported by the religious ideology. That opposition was typified in Pune by the nineteenthcentury activities of Mahatma Phule. leader of the harijan under Mahatma Gandhi. queuing up to obtain the whey leftover from the yoghurt-making activities of the ‘peasant’ Patels. in which those who have fallen from twice-born status might be brought to better condition. on the other hand.31 According to Dumont. sometimes irrigated. was the religious dimension of hierarchy. going on to claim that in the Hindu case it is only a minor theme of a great civilisation. as in Islam. hierarchy could be breached. He sees this as a ‘point of profound contact in Hindu and Muslim devotionalism’.Love and Religion: Comparative Comments 29 religious world-views that have intermingled with bitter intimacy for more than a thousand years on the Indian sub-continent’.33 In other words. the class divide is modified by charity. Islam does something to loosen and even oppose the secular stratification. but not entirely since it is the written priesthood who conduct the religious rites. allowing for some liberation and permitting ‘the specially gifted individuals to escape from the strict crucible of caste’. renunciation. those forms of stratification may be qualified by the religious ideologies. who founded a primary girl’s school. and by the work of Dr. sometimes the revolt of the poor. he quotes a comment on the presence of bakhti in India. but eventually led his group away from Hinduism and into Buddhism.34 I suggest that we need to modify the stark contrast that Yalman draws between these aspects of love in the religious ideologies by taking into account the similar ties. the long tradition of Indian atheistic thought. formerly the untouchables. which are heavily stratified. especially regarding love. however. there is charity from the better-off. who drafted the Indian constitution to include positive discrimination. However. of the gopis for Krishna. as in Islam. which for the most part is based on unequal access to land. From the African standpoint. are aspects of religion. That is why Ambedkhar successfully led the former untouchables to Buddhism. both the Islamic society of Turkey and the Hindu society of India are representative of the late Bronze Age cultures of Eurasia. More significant. Bakhti and Krishna-worship displaying egalitarian characteristics. Equally he refers to the great Hindu tradition of love. and who are considered to stand on top of the hierarchy. Buddhism and Jainism had both grown out of Hinduism and involved rejecting the caste system. I saw the harijan. . by acts of giving. and he might well have referred to the fine body of Sanskrit love poetry. And there has always been the outright opposition of others. Nevertheless.32 But then Yalman on the one hand recognises that equality has not always been achieved by Islamic states and. that accompany them. which included Dalit (‘untouchable’) opposition to the caste system in which they found themselves at the bottom of the pile. as when in a Congress-dominated village in Gujarat. but no effective redistribution. The secular rulers follow. Ambedkhar. In India. 36 Like love and equality. between unequals. could rise to the highest offices in the land. But stratification is often seen as contrary to what are virtually pan-human notions of equality among humans (e. but if they are considered in a wider ideological frame. a lateral relationship. among brothers and sisters). He compares the freedom. which is between equals. You could make a slave a Muslim but you could not make a Muslim a slave.. among siblings. Hence the promise of Islam. behaviour and piety. As Yalman explains. once converted to the belief of Islam – i. Both involve love. having “surrendered” (teslim) to the will of God – must be given an equal chance to rise in society. and are based on the idea of distributive justice. just as the practice and to some extent the ideology of hierarchy existed in Islam. encountered no customs nor police. the notion of freedom was present in Hindu society. or rather that a person’s worth depends upon the morality of his/her intentions. needed no passport. for instance. as with the Albanian dervishes. one fraternal or sororal love as well as ‘sexual’ love. a new convert.. ‘from the lowest origins he might aspire without presumption to the rank of pasha’.35 There are many other practical significances of this concept. no tithes. bar that of Sultan. all people. The Englishman. and its complement. How and why? Because both societies.30 Jack Goody Yalman also elaborates the concept of freedom in Turkish Islam.e. These claims may dominate the lifestyles of a person or of a com- . the religious ideologies do display contrasts. which run as a counter-current in stratified societies. the notion of freedom is connected to that of equality. and both are built into social relationships from the family outward. From the standpoint of the family. Sir Adolphus Slade.37 One set involves inequality. were heavily stratified from a socio-economic point of view as well as having both political stratification and religious-educational stratification in relation to the written word and to the holy scriptures more generally. These contrary tendencies are mirrors of each other within each society. The imposition of hierarchy by the father or parent is countered by claims to equality on behalf of the brothers or siblings.g. The ‘high ideals of Islam’. we find both trends present in the two societies. ‘the capacity of realising his wildest wishes’. who served as an officer under the Ottoman Navy in the 1820s. to Black Muslims in America and oppressed peoples elsewhere’. even if not always prominent in Brahmin religion. wrote: ‘Hitherto the Osmanley has enjoyed by custom some of the dearest privileges of free men. he notes ‘do turn around the principle that there are no privileged persons in Islam. which is hierarchical. it is based on relations between siblings (‘all men are brothers’) or between partners rather than between parents (prototypically fathers) and children. the other equality. being dependent upon advanced agriculture and its commercial and artisanal concomitants. for which Christian nations have so long struggled. Equally. but even in the worldly kingdoms. This may lead to the gates of heaven.’ He paid a very limited land tax. to the achievements of the French revolution. The other involves parental love. 29–43. or they may constitute a point of reference that does not prevent one continuing to act in a rapacious or consumerist manner. the hatred that may follow the end of conjugal intimacy. Nabil Matar. See. Modernity and Self-Identity. Turks. 1997). 1996). 1845–1945 (Stanford: Stanford University Press. or. and to Andrew Macintosh and to the writings of Nur Yalman. 122. World Revolution and Family Patterns (New York: Free Press. for example. Representations and Contradictions (Oxford: Blackwell. Wolf and Chien-shan Huang. Holy Feast and Holy Fast. There is the strife between brothers. 9. 1996). but also romantic love. We are well acquainted with these ideological-behavioural-centred conflicts in our own daily lives. 7. here 38. Islam and the Divine Comedy (London: Murray. especially in poetry. The East in the West (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. The Legacy of Muslim Spain (Leiden: Brill. Halil Inalcik Æ with Donald Quartaert. attraction in that of repulsion. Modernity and Self-Identity. These attributes are found in different forms in other societies. Miguel Asin Palacios. Moors and Englishmen in the Age of Discovery (New York: Columbia University Press. E. 1300–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Love in the Western World (New York: Princeton University Press. in Vision in Context. Arthur P. There are conflicts as well within these close relationships of ‘love’. 1999). 1994). wherever it is found. 6. 8. 1987). the volume edited by Salma Khadra Jayyusi. 12. An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire. Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on Sight. 11. 3. Féodalité (Paris: Gallimard. William Josiah Goode. as when we decry the pollution that cars contribute to the environment and jump into our Nissan to go down to the supermarket (which we decry as having taken over the small. 1963). Giddens. Marriage and Adoption in China. ‘Sight and Vision in Medieval Christian Thought’. and not just in advanced literate ones. eds Teresa Brennan and Martin Jay (London: Routledge. Denis de Rougemont. 2. Self and Society in the Late Modern Age (Cambridge: Polity Press. Love has to be considered in the context of hate..Love and Religion: Comparative Comments 31 munity. Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley: University of California Press. Notes 1. 1980). that produces not only love. 4. I am grateful to Jessica Bloom for this comment. 13. Anthony Giddens.g. personalised shops). 1926). 1956. Georges Duby. 210f. although there the ideologies are more developed. 1991). 5. 1992). Jack Goody. . Mother Columba Hart edition quoted in Janet Martin Soskice. 14. Caroline Walker Bynum. which are often forgotten in the glow of romance. Jack Goody. 1996). It is the greater reflexivity of the written word. 10. The examples discussed here suggest that while love and the associated ‘virtues’ of equality and freedom are often seen by Westerners as basically European – part of that continent’s cultural heritage enabling it to move forward to modernisation in front of the rest of the world – this idea is built on unsteady foundations. Homo Hierarchicus. ‘Further Observations’.. 271. Warner (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. Peter Laslett. 28. ‘Further Observations’. 277. The phrase may serve as a metaphor. donc on ne peut dire s’il s’agit d’amour mystique. Goody. 30. ‘Further Observations’. 275. 29. 272. Ibid. Haïm Zafrani. A Myth Revisited (Durham: Carolina Academic Press. Ibid. England Before the Industrial Age (London: Methuen. 34. Ibid. 26. The East in the West. Jack Goody and S. Nur O. in Cultural Horizons.K. Jayne L. ed. Modernity and Self-Identity. The Third Bagre. Singer (Honolulu: East-West Center Press. Juifs d’Andalousie et du Maghreb. le disciple ou l’ami. ‘Compositions restent ambiguës. Ibid. Zafrani.32 Jack Goody 15. 1971). Yalman. 23. Yalman. Yalman. 134. 270. 37. . ou de la relation avec un être plus proche. Myths. 109. but it is analytically confusing. 31. Goode. World Revolution and Family Patterns. 32.. 141. Hopkins. (Kum) Gandah. Quoted in ibid. 25. 2003). 1966). 20. 21. 159. 278.. Louis Dumont. 27. See Juliet Mitchell. ‘The social teaching of the Bhagavata Purana’. 192f. 16. Ibid. since religious concepts refer to the other world. 33. 35. 271. ‘Further Observations on Love (or Equality)’. 1980). The World We Have Lost.The Caste System and its Implications (Chicago: Chicago University Press.. 1996). in Krishna. 2003). Rites and Attitudes.W. 271. Yalman. Juifs d’Andalousie et du Maghreb (Paris: Maisonneuve Larose. 24. ‘Further Observations’. Giddens. 36. quoted in Yalman. 18. Ibid. qu’elles soient liturgiques ou profanes. ‘Further Observations’. This attitude has sometimes been described as an ‘earthly religion’. ed. Siblings (Cambridge: Polity Press.. 2001). Milton B.D. Thomas J. 136.’ 19. 22.. Yalman. 17. But many other traditions could have been brought forward. on the one hand. in literary and historical research. As Anthony Giddens has put it. Even when love is a central issue of their work. for example. . ‘sexualities’ and ‘desire’ has gained unquestioned academic legitimacy. in a peculiar historical accommodation first worked out in the Middle Ages. on the other. in theoretical formulations concerning culture.CHAPTER 2 The Rule of Love The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective WILLIAM M. discourse. the Muslim. the element of sublime love tends to predominate over that of sexual ardour. authors in these fields prefer to highlight their concern with sexuality or desire. ‘[i]n (Western) romantic love attachments. REDDY Sociologists have paid close attention to the remarkable post-war ‘triumph’ of love in the Western industrialised countries. Polynesian or Indonesian traditions. In critical theory. The evidence is overwhelming.1 But love has received relatively little explicit attention in other fields – and this at a time when scholarly work on ‘genders’. between romantic love. This essay argues that love’s peculiar accommodation with regulation turns on a unique Western distinction between love and ‘lust’.2 This selective focus on genders. The ultimate origins of this preference must be sought much further back. and the sexual regulation imposed by family and religion. Two alternative ways of conceptualising and practising love – from the Hindu and Japanese traditions – will be discussed below. but usually only tangentially. No other cultural tradition applies such a distinction to the understanding of emotional connections between sexual partners. agency and performance. sexualities and desire is not just the product of recent fashion in the academy. love has come up. as points of contrast. Notes for this section begin on page 52. The number of unmarried co-resident couples is also increasing. Marriage rates have recovered from a low in the mid 1990s and in many countries the rates are stable or on the rise. We rejoice when ho- . and many of these unmarried couples are ‘starting families’ together. as the divorce rate climbs inexorably above 50 per cent in many countries. may be overburdened with significance. ‘Samesex couples face all of the same challenges and joys that heterosexual couples do – but we’re left navigating through them without the protections marriage provides’. it counts more today. in terms of the role in the construction of the self which it is supposed to play. remarks Hervieu-Léger: ‘Incontestably. Better understanding of the emergence and history of this structure is therefore urgently required. of the human condition. Reddy The importance of this point can hardly be overstressed. Director of Education and Public Affairs at Lambda Legal Defense Fund. the role of romantic love in a number of industrialised Western countries has been steadily expanding.34 William M. than it has ever counted in history. in an 15 October 2003 news release announcing a new counselling forum. love has ‘triumphed’ as never before. and the force that sanctifies lust and integrates it into the social order. at once. ‘Queer Eye for the Straight Couple’. as the German sociologists Beck and Beck-Gernsheim have put it. But this highly significant role cannot be separated from love’s structural position as. and the line between obscene and acceptable fades.’3 Sociologists and psychologists frequently note that Western romantic love.’5 As pornography becomes more widely available.8 The constant exploration of marriage in popular culture and public concern over the agony of divorce – these and other aspects of the present landscape attest to the continuing centrality of love partnerships. personalised rituals. The Triumph of Love Since the Second World War. said Michael Adams. according sociologist Danièle Hervieu-Léger. as currently practised. through romantic love. interest in lasting love partnerships nonetheless remains curiously robust. becoming a kind of ‘earthly religion’. The romantic love complex is in this respect as historically unusual as traits Max Weber found combined in the protestant ethic. ‘is the highest aspiration of the French’. Many of us see the problems it creates as the problems of freedom. The rule of love has such an unchallenged sway over many minds that we can hardly grasp its omnipresence.4 ‘Family success’.6 Lesbians and gays justify the current international movement for full marriage rights on the grounds that same-sex couples love in the same manner as heterosexual ones.7 Celebrations of marriage – often after years of cohabitation – take the form of elaborate. and inadequate to the role it has been assigned in modern societies. Love breaks with sexuality while embracing it. lust’s opposite. recycling many traditional features and featuring extremely up-to-date vows. Love in English is a very vague term.’ He immediately went to negotiate with the parents.11 Whatever this man’s emotion was. The idea that romantic love is natural and universal – a widely held belief. Such a leap obscures the highly specific role that romantic love is playing in some presentday societies. romantic love is also the only available English term to refer to the specific emotion Westerners feel when they pursue or sustain sexual partnerships. One ethnographer of Nigeria. with his third wife the moment he saw her. Camilla Parker Bowles. This prevalent concept (or. for example. ‘He is the heir to the throne and he loves her. ‘I told her I wanted to marry her. who was arguing for the universality of romantic love. should I say ‘practise’. bisexual and transsexual couples. defended by some psychologists and anthropologists – seems to be based in part on a confusion about terms.The Rule of Love:The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective 35 mosexual. and soon married her. The two meanings of ‘romantic love’ must not be blurred together in a way that allows this kind of mistake to go unnoticed. or ‘emotion’ – it is all of these9 ) of romantic love serves in many industrialised Western countries as the sole legitimate grounds for founding families and the principal form of a bond giving structure to the private sphere. the natural thing is that they should get married’. to equate it with ‘romantic love’ as practised in certain Western industrialised countries is to ignore the centrality of reciprocal feeling and of exclusivity in Western ideas about love partnerships. he said. until very recently.10 Yet. Almost always. this ‘natural thing’ was in fact forbidden by the Church of England’s rules regarding remarriage of divorced persons. The term romantic is added to allow one to refer to that emotion that accompanies attempts to initiate an enduring sexual partnership and/or the emotion that accompanies and motivates such an enduring partnership. She said she had nothing to say about that. A former Archbishop of Canterbury recently recommended that the Prince of Wales marry his long-term partner. and directed me to her parents. However. reported that a man became fascinated. said Lord Carey. Love’s ‘natural’ reign is actually a highly peculiar. one or more features of Western romantic love will turn up in non-western cultural arenas. without public insult or discrimination – over the hopes of love. Although he already had two wives. even obsessed. local. The Medieval Accommodation of Love and Sexual Regulation The failure of the scholarly community to understand romantic love’s odd Western structure seems to reflect a peculiar Western accommodation between love . or when couples of differing ethnic and racial backgrounds are freed to come together and struggle as we do – in private. and – in its current configuration – relatively recent phenomenon. But identification of (some) common features does not warrant the conclusion that romantic love is universal. that is. For the ancient Romans. Reis glorïos. It developed. and swooning over them was unnecessary and unseemly. Courageous. verais lums e clartatz’. They did what they were told. God was widely assumed to approve and to aid lovers. ‘Reis glorïos’ is an ‘aube’ or ‘dawn’ song.13 But. a garden – where two lovers have met in secret. This spiritualised sensuality can be seen in mature form in a song by Giraut de Borneil. a man’s undue concern with sexual partners – male or female – detracted from his capacity to engage in those political and military duties that distinguished him as a citizen. pois la noitz fon venguda. in effect. love was a pastime of idle moments and any man who became preoccupied with it obviously lacked virtue. … Glorious king. the European warrior elite adopted the new courtly love ideal with amazing rapidity and thoroughness. rank than themselves.12 Proper sexual partners were of lower rank.16 When women chose to return the sentiment of devotion. quick-tempered knights provided the clinching proof of their virtue by loving gracious women of higher. 1. courtly love was a transcendent experience. si a vos platz. trouvère and Minnesänger lyrics all across Europe. along with the new form of romantic love that has come to be called ‘courtly love’. Courtly love was startlingly different from earlier sexual practices in a number of ways. He must protect them from discovery by a jealous husband. In this popular genre. This accommodation was beginning to take shape by about the year 1200 CE.36 William M. verais lums e clartatz Deus poderos. my Lord.15 Eminent medievalists such as Maurice Keen and Peter Dinzelbacher are of the opinion that such relationships were quite common. The singer has been set as guard to watch over the place – a bedroom. to warn him that dawn has come. This new kind of love entailed not just adoration for. from early in the twelfth century. the singer’s cries are like an austere hymn. Giraut de Borneil. And soon it will be dawn. Al meu companh siatz fizels aiuda Qu’eu non lo vi. and was fully developed by the fourteenth century. the singer calls out to his companion. … . and extreme concern for her reputation. lovers and regulators agreed to ignore each other. For both men and women. Et ades sera l’alba. ‘Reis glorïos. Prayers invoking God’s aid were a frequent feature of troubadour. This adulterous love transformed one’s sense of self and offered fulfilment. I beg of you To be a faithful aid to my companion Whom I have not seen since night has fallen.14 Courtly love was perfectly compatible with political duty and military prowess – it was even likely to enhance one’s military effectiveness. senher. truth and light most true Powerful God. was known as the master troubadour for his technical virtuosity in an art whose forms were becoming increasingly fixed. they insisted on their lover’s homage. but also obedience to. especially in cases where the love was reciprocated through an adulterous relationship. Reddy practices and regulatory thinking. active between 1190 and 1240. submission and discretion. the higher ranked woman. not lower. Long ago. In Giraut de Borneil’s version. The aube genre celebrates risk. courtly love was heresy. only one effort was made to write up a kind of explicit manual of love: Andreas Capellanus’s famous De Amore. The assistance of a loyal friend (the singer) is offered with a deep sense of duty and admiration. And soon it will be dawn.17 In this song. vigilance: qualities belonging to the warrior. far from . Andreas reports. These are followed by an additional discussion of the sinfulness of love. en chantan vos apel: Non dormetz plus.’18 Because of its peculiar structure. as part of the code of chivalry. written around 1180. But it seems safe to say that it contained ideas about love that were widely accepted at the time. and underscoring love’s new status as an integral part of the warrior’s noble calling. However. Iberia to England. scholars have hotly debated the true meaning of the work.19 This treatise. As this condemnation made perfectly clear. who Searching for light beneath the branches flies. due to its persistent popularity in the thirteenth century. I hear the lark sing. singing I call to you: Sleep no more. Et ades sera l’alba Fair companion. bravery. daughter of Eleanor of Aquitaine. eventually attracted the condemnation of the church in 1277.20 Love’s continued centrality in the medieval period therefore depended on the avoidance of explicit normative recommendations. the sun rises and the danger of discovery increases. where noble ladies meet to pass judgment on questions of love. and others only after dinner or at tournaments (which were also condemned but tacitly tolerated). In such a court of love. whatever Andreas Capellanus’ own position may have been. written probably by a protégé of Marie de Champagne. Love was praised only in the realms of (what we would now call) literature and art.The Rule of Love:The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective 37 3. The mournful repetition of ‘And soon it will be dawn’ at the end of each stanza gives rise to a growing sense of anxiety as the song continues. on coats of arms and in heraldic mottos and tournament rituals. By the end of the thirteenth century. consists of a series of dialogues examining love’s nature and the best way to win a lover. How was this extraordinary set of practices so widely adopted without falling afoul of the regulatory apparatus of the medieval church? Courtly love was first expressed in songs and soon elaborated. Et ai paor quel gilos vos assatge. mirrors and combs. The work also contains the only known description of a ‘court of love’. It became a dominant theme of vernacular literature from Sicily to Denmark. in long narrative poems. Bel companho. qu’en aug chantar l’auzel Que vai queren lo iorn per lo boscatge. it was being celebrated in illustrations and tapestries. This work. And I fear lest the jealous one take you by surprise. when formulated as an explicit doctrine. its acolytes performed certain of their rites in strict secrecy. Marie de Champagne gave the following succinct verdict: ‘We declare and confirm that love cannot exist between two married people. illicit love is a holy quest. on household furnishings such as jewellery boxes. God’s help is requested with no sense of incongruity. 25 Petrarch. By various forms of disguise. non sa come Amor sana et come he does not know how love can heal and ancide kill (Petrarch. because it can lead on to appreciation of divine companionship. despite the transcendent tone of all of his descriptions of this emotion. Burning with desire for her. as it often appeared – a weakness because he could not see beyond Laura to the God whose beauty she only echoed. he is taught that what he desires is only a distant reflection of spiritual intimacy. and.’ Petrarch did not hesitate to compare Laura with the divine: Per divina bellezza indarno mira Who seeks for divine beauty seeks in vain chi gli occhi de costei giamai non if he has not yet looked upon those eyes vide. so consistently deployed as it was in the . in the Purgatorio (1314). and dipped me where I must needs swallow of the water. concupiscence. clasped my head. In Canto XXXI. Benjamin Boysen states. even flourish. perhaps. courtly love was able to survive. This strategy of ‘open concealment’ was typical of the whole uneasy accommodation between Christian teaching and the ever-more elaborate ethos of the warrior elite. as she lectures him about his tendency to forget her for less virtuous women. for example. condemned by theologians as the worst pitfall of the soul. on Good Friday she died. who reigns over life and death. Likewise Petrarch claimed he fell in love with his Laura on Good Friday. transformed his beloved Beatrice into a messenger of divine forgiveness.’23 Dante is then required to gaze into her eyes. it is true. When she sees his remorse. just barely.9–12)26 Sinful. constantly warned his readers that he regarded his love of Laura to be a weakness. Rerum vulgarium fragmenta. how tenderly she makes them move.24 Thus. ‘The fair lady opened her arms. then drew me forth. This connection between sexual love and divine passion was regarded by some as blasphemous. Both courtly love and Christian asceticism required self-denial. courtly lovers pretended to see no contradiction between Christian virtue and adulterous devotion to a beloved. not an alternate form of devotion. years later. whence once Love’s arrows came to pierce him. Reddy churches and universities. is quietly rehabilitated by Dante as the best kind of sin. ‘The identification of Laura with Christ serves (aside from the purely amorous and hyperbolic rhetoric) to nominate her status as an omnipotent Other. her stunning beauty shows through semi-transparent veils. In their writings and rituals. Just as Christian theology pitted the love of God against the body and its passions. and often heroic self-denial. but Petrarch’s love was no bodily appetite. within the bounds of the sinful.38 William M. Dante. Perhaps hyperbolic rhetoric. and seen come soavemente ella gli gira. 159. He thus kept love. Beatrice cries out. ‘Hold me! Hold me!’22 She crosses the river Lethe and draws him into the waters of forgetfulness up to his neck. no mere concupiscence.21 so courtly lovers often depicted their own devotion to the beloved as the fruit of (and as inspiration for) strict self-discipline. then. Courtly love resembled Christian love in a number of respects. submitting to the Virgin birth and to the crucifixion.32 . sings a different lyric. up to three different lyrics may be sung simultaneously.28 The iconography of the unicorn reflects a similar unspoken accommodation of spiritualised emotional attachment and Christian transcendence. adds up to something more than mere hyperbole. which display images of courting couples on the outside of the cover. He forgets all sorrow when his love for her envelopes him. he has willingly obeyed her. In intricate harmonies. Each voice. On one page of the Montpellier Codex. for the most part. joy. setting aside his pride. the unicorn could be read as a symbol of Christ. legend had it. are sung in harmony at higher pitches. could only be captured by a virgin. sometimes openly anti-Christian.30 The unicorn symbol gained in popularity in the thirteenth century. he places his front hooves in her lap. difficult at best. There is nothing that compares with it. and images of the Blessed Virgin on the inside. a parallel between love and the sacred in much the same way as the curious construction of the motet. beauty. the illustrations of the Montpellier Codex or the quasi-sacred beauty of Beatrice or Laura. he prays to God that he may be able to continue the sweet labour of his love. or to the loving chivalrous knight. Hunters can then successfully strike or kill him. and continued to be popular up until the end of the Middle Ages. the illustrators graphically displayed the juxtaposition of sacred and amorous themes by presenting two saints at the top of the page. in these pieces. its melody is hummed in the background. and a flirtatious game of ‘frog’ at the bottom. duty. Enthralled by her beauty. This animal. whose devotion to a beloved can trump his intrepid prowess. Secular love lyrics. without openly stating it. I use my love well in giving it to him!’ Here we have morality.29 Thus.The Rule of Love:The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective 39 Middle Ages. goodness and beauty. either in Ovid’s praises of cupid or in Augustine’s denunciations of concupiscence. obedience. Understanding the words is. for he has surely deserved it. Most of these motets take a familiar sacred hymn as their point of departure. handsome and proper. ‘Et Sperabit’. In motet 311 of the Montpellier Codex. he is joyful. the upper voice of motet 311 expresses a woman’s conviction that she ought to love her beloved.31 By the early fourteenth century. This juxtaposition suggests. Another striking instance of open concealment can be found in the collection of thirteenth-century motets that has come down to us in the so-called Montpellier Codex. Love themes curiously juxtaposed with sacred ones dominate in these early examples of polyphony. the lower voice sings a man’s praises for his beloved’s grace.27 A number of jewellery boxes have also survived from the late thirteenth century through to the fourteenth century. God’s assistance – all of these religious notions expressed as part of a dyadic sexual tie and set to music in harmony with a well known sacred melody. ‘God. the unicorn is found frequently in marginal illustrations of illuminated manuscripts and as a decorative motif for small boxes and clasps. for example. reproduced in the catalogue of a recent exhibition of medieval art. also stained with tears. and ‘[i]t is clear … that (the maiden) was to be understood to be comforted and upheld by the prowess of her champion. Behind the woman an elaborately embroidered field tent has been pitched. in a similar fashion. The shields were white. on display at the Musée national du Moyen Age in Paris.35 But it includes two tapestries that apparently derive from another series. where they found a pavilion with an image of Our Lady above it. bearing shields and banners. ‘The Lady of the Unicorn’ has. a small pipe organ for hearing. as a penalty. One of the famous tourneying brotherhoods of Germany of that period was called the Brotherhood of the Unicorn (others were named for the falcon and for the fish). In each.’34 That such an elaborate ritual of combat could have been staged at all. his face reflected in a mirror she holds before him. The story behind this elaborate representation was not made clear. In each tapestry. Reddy In the fifteenth century. a lion and a unicorn are present. one held by the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York (at the Cloisters exhibit). The damsel holds a heavy necklace in her hands. The challenger touched the white shield with his lance if he wished to fight with the axe. The unicorn images most famous in the present day are undoubtedly those of two late fifteenth-century tapestry series. the other called ‘The Lady of the Unicorn’. the unicorn became even more prominent in chivalric symbolism. However. Her assistant holds a jewellery box in which the necklace is stored.40 William M. plagued scholars with its allusiveness and its ambiguity. violet and black. in which the unicorn was treated as a symbol of courtly love. the ‘Unicorn in Captivity’. the unicorn suggested purity or chastity. In the piece that represents vision. usually standing on either side of the woman. There is general agreement that the first five tapestries in the series represent the five senses. The first of these seems intended as an allegory of Christ’s passion. the unicorn gazes in rapt admiration at the lady. One of these. she is either putting it on or taking it off. a golden chain until they found a lady with the key to unlock it. is in itself remarkable. as Adolfo Cavallo has suggested. as Maurice Keen notes. The sixth tapestry in the series is quite different. he invited opponents to come to Chalon-sur-Saône. without arousing clerical suspicions of heresy or devil worship. In front of the pavilion was a maiden with a dress stained with tears and a unicorn with three shields suspended from its neck. showing a unicorn with multiple wounds trapped within a circular fence. and she stands as if ready . black if with the lance. a richly dressed woman holds or touches something emblematic of a sense: a flower for smell. has become one of the most widely reproduced images of medieval art.33 When the knight Jacques de Lalaing issued his famous ‘Fountain of Tears’ challenge in 1450. usually called ‘The Unicorn Tapestries’. Challengers brought to the ground by the axe agreed to wear. The mere fact that this courtly love image was for so long confounded with a series presenting an allegory of the Passion shows how deep the ambiguities of the unicorn symbol went. violet if with the sword. music and art. by the fifteenth century.-P. . giving in to concupiscence was a sin. I wish to serve you No matter where I am. who. enjoyment of sexual pleasure was sinful. spoke of Saint Valentine’s day as the feast day of love among birds. Writers. of what came to be known in English as lust. mon seul desir. and the thirteenth-century motet. and that the identity of the saint was later confused with another Saint Valentine. Boudet concludes. my only desire. this worldly aesthetic ‘covers its tracks. with golden teardrops (or candle flames) and with an embroidered device over the entrance: A mon seul desir (To my only desire).The Rule of Love:The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective 41 to enter it. To the theologians.39 Like the unicorn. educational institutions. More than any other.41 Clothing concupiscence in the language of courtly love was a transparent self-deception that required no special comment from theology. and at least some in France were imitating the practice. theologians such as Peter Lombard and Thomas Aquinas spoke only of concupiscentia. Ma maitresse. Henry Ansgar Kelly argues that the cult found its origins in the poetry of Chaucer. Boudet has noted that this motto echoes a line of a courtly love song by Charles d’Orléans (1394–1465): De leal cueur. J. Concupiscentia: Love’s Dark Partner Just as courtly love was kept out of the limelight of doctrinal attention. whose feast day was 14 February. conspired to pretend that courtly love did not exist. law courts and patriarchal authorities.36 Thus the theme of the tapestries seems to be a renunciation of the senses in favour of love. but the tent the lady prepares to enter is empty – is it love of God or of a man? By the adroit use of allegory. En quelque place que je soye. content de joye. from the twelfth century onward. The tent is decorated with fleurs de lis. content with joy My mistress. Of loyal heart. that is. In the same years that the new love doctrine was being developed in literature.40 Concupiscence was a mere physical appetite like hunger. completely transforming … the edifying schema of … senses that inspired it’. no matter what the motive or pretext. so the valentine greeting carried on a typical medieval strategy of silently associating courtly love with religious devotion. the exchange of notes between lovers had become a well-known practice in England. yielding to concupiscence was a vice like avarice. so church and state. Church leaders warned that. in the Parliament of Fowls. the jewellery boxes that juxtaposed madonnas and lovers. even within marriage.37 Another intriguing example of the surreptitious celebration of spiritualised love is the spread of the cult of Saint Valentine in England from the late fourteenth century onward. Plus qu’oncqes vous vueil server. better known in England.38 Whatever the exact origin. Kelly speculates that the Saint Valentine in question was the one whose feast was celebrated on May 1 in Genoa. he ties up his mount and leaves the hawk and the dogs outside.’44 However.43 When the vavaseur goes to town on legal business. Husband and wife owed each other fidelitas (fidelity). but one that reinforced the theological view of things. robe and other clothes at the foot of the bed. But his wife assures him. the dogs. temporantia et honestas (temperance and honesty). His wife then invites him to join her in bed. Expressions of courtly love and theological condemnations of concupiscence were soon joined by another genre of reflection on love. When he prepares to join her there. the wife of a rich vavaseur (a lower-ranking noble) who lived a few miles away. adiutorium (mutual help) and educatio filiorum (education of children).42 William M. the husband becomes suspicious and enraged. Seeing the horse. and the lover takes this chance to get out from under the bed and away. a humorous critique of courtly love that purported to expose its hypocritical character (in a manner of which theologians would have thoroughly approved). As early as 1200. of the bawdy. giving him twice as many kisses and caresses as usual. the lady disrobes and gets naked into bed. he is delighted with these rich gifts. In an anonymous early thirteenth-century fabliau called The Knight of the Vermilion Robe (Le chevalier à la robe vermeille). Arriving at her dwelling. as long as they did not make doctrinal statements along these lines. Fabliaux authors offered. When the husband . for example. mounts his best horse. He puts on his fine vermilion robe and his golden spurs. for example. ‘these are gifts from my brother. Reddy singers and lovers might extol love’s power to transform life and to sanctify it. a popular genre (like the courtly love literature). A widely used collection of sermons drawn up in the late thirteenth century. offers numerous reflections on the proper comportment of husband and wife. ‘There he is. which presented a new formulation of the ribald. I do not want to make allusion to other joy. she insists he also must undress ‘so that the pleasure will be greater’ (por avoir plus plesant delit). we learn the story of a knight ‘above reproach’ who won the favour of a lady. Finally he falls asleep. his wife seizes the occasion to send for her lover. the vermillion robe. Hearing him. and induces him to make love. They also owed each other dilectio – a Latin term better translated as ‘familial affection’ than as ‘love’. the socalled fabliaux. slipping under the sheets: she takes him in her arms. and the lover must hide under the bed.42 But the sermons made no mention whatsoever of love. love is neither praised nor condemned. sets on his shoulder the hawk he has raised himself and brings his two well-trained hunting dogs. a kind of popular narrative became widespread. I think that those who understand me know what I mean. that was in perfect tune with the theology of concupiscence. theologians could dismiss their delusions without comment. did you not see him leaving as you came up?’ The husband relents. for example. the husband comes home unexpectedly. Both of them gleefully made that pleasure that lovers make when they play together. The knight prepares to visit her in his full feudal splendour. He leaves his spurs. taking all of his things with him. other pleasure. but fundamentally agreed with theologians that lust was the real motivator of lovers. anyway?’ she asks. however much they dressed up their relation in the signs of chivalrous devotion. his wife teases him for having an odd dream. love was usually absent. This way of describing love-making can be compared with Chrétien de Troyes’s Chevalier de la Charette. By . typically. the lady is so anxious for pleasure that she is in bed with her clothes off before the knight has even reached her door. to popular satire. ‘A man of your stature and wealth must order new.50 It was simply that. in two ways. as reported by Andreas Capellanus. But debunking love in this way – in the fashion typical of the fabliaux.The Rule of Love:The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective 43 awakens and demands to know what has happened to his rich gifts. not self-serving or libidinous. love has undergone a profound transformation. ‘firent liemant tel deduit’ (gleefully make such pleasure). In Le chevalier à la robe vermeille. they were the same. ‘Who would want a used robe. To courtly lovers. it has become the emotion of marriage.49 The hope that real married couples would find love (at least after the ceremony) was often expressed through wedding gifts. that is.’ Such stories were humorous. that love was necessarily adulterous. because most marriages were arranged by parents. As John Baldwin has pointed out. despite Marie de Champagne’s famous dictum.48 Their love was heroic. There they ‘gleefully made that pleasure that lovers make when they play together’. her first remark is to urge him to join her quickly.47 To theologians. It is best known to modern readers in the sophisticated rewritings provided by Boccaccio and Chaucer.46 Courtly love had a dark partner. Even in the Middle Ages. some romances ended with happily married couples. Fabliaux writers were lenient in their approach to lust. This kind of story had a rich future before it. The audience is invited to laugh at the self-deception of the protagonists and also to laugh at their resourcefulness in eluding detection. The Stages of Love’s Conquest Since the middle ages. love within marriage was not excluded in principle. love served only as a cover for lust. lust.45 The author of the fabliaux underscores his point by the redundant use of synonyms for sensual satisfaction: ‘plus plesant delit’ (more pleasant delight). where Lancelot literally worships at Guinevere’s bed before joining her there. sometimes imperceptible. whatever kind of robe or horse he thinks he needs. The transformation was slow. by revealing it as lust in hypocritical clothing – only served to establish explicitly a distinction between love and lust that was implicit in the mutual silence that courtly lovers and theologians maintained with respect to each other. But love’s conquest of marriage did not occur overnight. born simultaneously with it. their devotion to the beloved and their self-abnegation recalled the ascetic’s selfless devotion to God. involving a number of distinct stages. the distinction was painfully clear. secular authorities were encouraged to discipline sexual behaviour as never before. and increased with time. and the reformers’ moral fervour impelled them to press for real enforcement. the warnings against the debilitating effects of original sin were reiterated with new zeal. therefore. among the ruling elite. if not most. The Reformation brought a dramatic shift in norms (as well as in practice for some). for many. if circumstance allowed it. jail or forced labour. unevenly. But for the acolytes of courtly love.44 William M. if not disciplined. Reddy the medieval love ideal. coupled with mutual respect and trust. The upward valuation of marriage and marital sex shortened the list of sexual misdeeds to those more suitable to external regulation.55 Ironically. Elopement was often treated as the equivalent of rape. these severe penalties were so rarely inflicted in practice that large pockets of de facto tolerance remained. Simultaneously. extramarital relationships were now fitfully. provided a framework within which ‘physical attraction and emotional love’ could play a limited beneficial role. public humiliation. As a result. if it occurred outside of marriage. According to Steven Ozment. but they continued to amalgamate love and lust as manifestations of a human appetite that. in both Protestant and Catholic lands. would of course elect to marry each other. as well as of a concomitant increase in the number of extramarital liaisons among those influenced by the standards of Italian Renaissance court life.54 Thus. Luther’s rejection of ‘works’ entailed a severe downgrading of self-denial in all of its forms. courtly love was replaced in many . the reformers taught that mutual affection and companionship between spouses.51 Ozment lumps love and lust together in this phrase because that is how his sources construed the matter. Adultery might result in the death penalty.53 The reformers dramatically reversed the Church’s prior teaching on sexual pleasure. Isabel Hull summarises Reformation changes as follows: (T)he reformers revalued marriage as the moral crucible tempering human (sexual) nature into godliness and civic responsibility. a loving couple. The dissolution of monasteries and a rehabilitation of the marital estate went hand in hand. as Paul had urged. there is evidence of a loss of faith in courtly love’s salvific powers. Heroic devotion to a beloved was no different from paying prostitutes.52 Luther taught that men and women were not capable of resisting sexual temptation. easily became sinful. premarital sex could lead to steep fines. although marriage was given new stature as a vocation. Out of this atmosphere and on Reformation institutions the absolutist states built the foundations of secular regulation. but often savagely repressed. especially in the form of chastity. love continued to play little or no role in the choice of marriage partners and. devotion to the beloved legitimated adultery when necessary. Calvin taught that the capacity for sexual joy was ‘a sign of God’s goodness and infinite sweetness’. In Catholic regions in the seventeenth century. they had better find sexual release in marriage. Such discipline in the state’s hands usually entailed an increase in the power of the parents over marital choice as well.56 In short. simultaneously. sexual desire became ‘love’. Some eighteenth-century writers recycled the old term passion (in German Leidenschaft) as a label for this natural drive when it became disruptively strong. either by nature or by self-discipline. Norms . If natural law governed the heavens and the earth.57 Fiction. plays and magazines that trumpeted the advantages of true love in marriage over parental choice and over extramarital adventures. Just as gravity held the planets in orbit as if by design.61 Samuel Richardson’s bestselling novel Pamela (1740) became a kind of paradigm of love’s power to moralise the wicked. Like entrepreneurship or political participation. few moralists were prepared to defend the old practice of arranged marriages. A happy marriage follows. romantic love required individual rights and individual autonomy to flourish. It is the lowly (read: natural. just as in medieval romance. but in this case it leads to legitimate marriage. a young serving girl resists her rakish master’s advances with such persistence and virtue that she finally converts him.58 In any case. The early nineteenth century saw religious revivals and a resurgence of pessimism about human nature and the power of reason.The Rule of Love:The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective 45 court circles by what came to be called ‘gallantry’ – a less intense. ought to provide the foundation of marriage – to the exclusion of parental estimations of suitability. the right to love was an integral part of rights talk. By the end of the eighteenth century. The idea that love. even though many parents continued to select mates for their children through the nineteenth century and into the twentieth. The idea of gallantry included a presumption that flowery protestations of love were hypocritical or self-serving. not a higher ranked lady. The love they share. modern ‘romantic love’ was born of an attempt to rethink traditional ideas (derived from medieval courtly love) in the light of a new secular vision of human nature. We find many of the ingredients of courtly love in this story. but strangely repositioned. Thus. less enduring bond. unspoiled) serving girl. as opposed to lust. Up until the outbreak of the French Revolution. or a benevolent ‘passion’ in the view of others60) that was a fundamental spur to altruism and virtuous behaviour. bridges the enormous social gap. as Newton had shown.62 But revulsion at the Revolution’s excesses led to a much-reduced idea of the proper scope of rights. the ‘rake’. medical teaching and the new scientific conception of natural law all conspired in this re-conception of love. In this lengthy. lachrymose story. so sexual desire moved individuals to come together. not adultery. The dramatic transformation of norms (with practices lagging significantly behind) began in the late seventeenth century with the success of novels. then it must also govern human behaviour. form families and perpetuate the species. If carried to an extreme. in the end. or ‘Don Juan’ was a danger to himself and to others.59 If moderated. desire became disruptive. who inspires her lover (after his conversion) to become a better man. a ‘sentiment’ (as opposed to ‘passion’ in some writers’ terminology. respectability or upright character – came to be widely accepted only with the Enlightenment. The new media of film and radio marketed stories about romantic love (often leading to marriage) to a vastly expanded audience. which at first greatly accelerated both the trend toward greater equality for women. the waitress he has fallen in love with (played by Helen Hunt): ‘You make me want to be a better man. No one would have predicted in 1970 – about the time of the rise of new-wave feminism and the gay and lesbian rights movement – that. as well as to dissolve such a partnership without fearing loss of status. (in his 1740 bestseller. ‘open marriages’ and communal living. much debated trend toward acceptance of premarital sexual activity. . Melvin Udall (played by Jack Nicholson) offers the following statement as his most compelling complement to Carol Connelly. and a wedding industry developed to endow this choice with all of the magic of which capitalist ingenuity was capable. Modern lovers usually struggle with themselves. and a good salary enabled men (for the most part. But the ideals of the eighteenth century were not forgotten. autobiographies and private correspondence in the nineteenth century. so many men and women would continue to regard marriage as central to success in life.46 William M. and by displaying generosity toward those in need.’ Nicholson’s character proves his devotion by struggling to overcome his obsessive-compulsive disorder. salaried employment had taken on a new centrality in determining social status. thirty-five years later. Amidst the instability and new possibilities.65 By the beginning of the post-war period. This change – the rise of the new ‘white collar’ middle class – did more than any legal reform to loosen the strings of parental authority over marital choice. but was interrupted by the First World War. In the vast area where it was applied. We find the ideal of love in marriage widely embraced in memoirs. however. Lancelot jousted with Meleagant to liberate Guinevere.63 A gradual movement toward acceptance of this ideal seemed to be underway. the Napoleonic Code reinstated parental authority over children up to the age of twenty-five. Education and individual character determined income more than ever before. or that gays and lesbians would be clamouring for the right to marry.66 The period of political dissent in the 1960s and 1970s brought brave experiments in ‘free love’. Thus marriage became a central ‘consumer’ choice. Love remains heroic. Reddy were widely reformulated without reliance on a ‘natural’ and moralising sentiment of love. plays and operas. but later women as well) to choose a life partner without reliance on the advice or consent of others. But the heroism that lovers exhibit today is often depicted in relation to their own psychological limitations. Kant was a leader in this movement. as was Victor Cousin in France. and another. In the movie As Good as It Gets (1997). Pamela) is both Pamela’s captor and her eventual devoted liberator. love retained a vitality that is hard to explain in purely ideological terms. Richardson’s Mr. But these did not endure. B.64 Fascist movements spawned in the War’s aftermath preached a return to traditional restraint. they lived on in novels. But they may not be the whole story. Peter Stearns has traced their continuing influence. have been. Milan Kundera. in 1976. This thesis undercut love. Eric Romer or Frédéric Beigbeder. this range of love stories (the optimistic ones and the pessimistic ones) offers a map on which individuals can locate themselves. In combination. This pessimism has its own fictional embodiments in the works of. Doubtless the structural reasons for this triumph. He persuaded many that repressed drives could be sublimated into socially useful and altruistic channels. for example. culturally deep. the umbrella term for both love and lust. No one attempting to evaluate this phenomenon should allow themselves to be inadvertently influenced by the long. rendering it a mere cover for lust. Phillip Roth. F.68 However useful as a critical tool for examining the history of sexual regulation. Scott Fitzgerald. much expert opinion has remained sceptical.The Rule of Love:The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective 47 Such fictions offer a powerful counterpoint to a certain pessimism about human nature that has prevailed since the early nineteenth century. so in the twentieth. defining polarity with lust – would remain in the shadow among those who followed Foucault’s lead. in actuality. although in a very different way. ‘desire’ became the watchword. Freud casts a long shadow across this present-day terrain of love outcomes. the extraordinary impact of Foucault on present-day scholarship about gender and sexuality has been more of a hindrance than a help in this respect. have been important. he took as his starting point a reversal of Freud’s ‘repressive hypothesis’. insisting that sexuality and sexual desire were not natural. His doctrine of infantile sexuality shocked contemporaries.69 The opposition itself was . concepts that. in Western history. and even polar opposites of each other. current of pessimism about sexuality stretching from medieval theologians and fabliaux writers down to Freud. The Theorisation of Love and Lust as ‘Desire’ When. During the subsequent decades of all-important new theoretical reflection on genders and sexualities. Fitzgerald and Roth. to love. Michel Foucault began to examine the history of sexuality. formulate hopes and determine how well they are doing. this starting point helped ensure that the spiritualised eroticism of Western romantic love – and its silent. Thomas Mann. Playboy and Cosmopolitan have disseminated them. much discussed among sociologists. however. highly differentiated. if not hostile. but constructions of regulation itself. Not love. Margaret Mead’s Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) was a landmark in the development of such views.67 As in the nineteenth century. As the next section discusses. Its post-war triumph is all the more remarkable. much as the fabliaux writers had done. Popular magazines such as Esquire. but healthy sexual activity and psychological compatibility with partners were the keys to a satisfactory life. he comes to her apartment building like a knight in shining armour.48 William M. holding up his umbrella like a lance. its meanings. lives on. The film questions the shame associated with prostitution. and each other. as if saving a damsel from a castle tower. The post-Romantic “power/knowledge” regime that Foucault analyzes. but we have not yet even raised the question of the love-lust distinction to the level of critical reflection. as they themselves call it. ‘we both screw people for money’. Vivian Ward. follows the Freudian understanding that one physiological drive – sexuality. its validity. libido. identity. be too impoverishing in qualitative terms. I drew on this modern consensus in explaining the term “male homosocial desire” … “in a way analogous to the psychoanalytic use of ‘libido’” … Reducing affect to drive in this way permits a diagrammatic sharpness of thought that may. Edward Lewis. In the end. forswears her life as a prostitute after experiencing love for a client. Points of Comparison To explore the peculiar spiritualised eroticism that is Western romantic love. In the film Pretty Woman (1990). We have rejected the age-old regulatory strictures against sexual expression. In my own first book on sexuality. played by Julia Roberts. Cable television channels and mass-market magazines fill up with nudity and near nudity. He arrives to rescue her. played by Richard Gere. At the close of the film. changes his mind about the prostitute that he originally hired to be his escort in a sardonic gesture of protest against the hypocritical world of business in which he worked. while the old love-lust dualism. He escorts her from her window down the fire escape. let us briefly compare it with two other examples of spiritualised eroticism: first. ‘You and I are such similar creatures’. and provides the ‘fairy tale’. for example. Gere’s character. in the outpouring of theory and research that has followed. in which explicit sexual behaviour enjoys an unprecedented tolerance. desire – is the ultimate source. to join a shipbuilding business with real products and to pursue a love relationship with Ward. the one that structures and propagates the repressive hypothesis. and emotion. and has hardly been noticed. its power. with his head through the sunroof of a white limousine. remarks Edward. by which the characters save themselves. standing. . first expressed in twelfth-century romances and fabliaux. and hence in Foucault’s word is seen to embody the “truth.” of human motivation. But this critique of shame is not paired with any commentary on the peculiar Western configuration of spiritualised love – that configuration is taken as a given. however. likewise. We know little of its origins. from the self-defeating domain of lust. Reddy occluded from view. for example. he decides to quit his career as a corporate raider. As Eve Sedgwick has recently remarked.70 One side-effect of this blindness to the distinctive character of romantic love is the current odd scene. but the gyrating or carefully posed bodies seldom express affection for each other. the point is made explicitly in a conversation between the two lovers. arrogant.73 The authorial voice. but as intention itself. the author suggests. What he does is therefore of relatively little political weight. servants and lovers. The Buddhist heaven of the Heian period was nothing if not refined. a Sanskrit text written in Bengal around the year 1180. taking as a point of departure Jayadeva’s Gitagovinda. and their temples were constructed on the same principles. and according to the same Sanskrit texts. not as concupiscence or drive. that of the Hindu tradition. But his political standing is hampered by his mother’s lack of influence. when French prostitutes of the same period saw four to eight. (No exception is made for inspired love versus appetitive sex. second. and. Sheldon Garon. He is. no Don Juan. for example. in fact. drinking. The Tale of Genji is the tale of a young man’s long series of amorous adventures. highly spiritual in nature. set in the exquisitely refined context of the imperial court. that all desire in this world is doomed to frustration. ‘Compared to ordinary prostitutes in many other societies’. But the desire Genji seeks release from is conceived in the Buddhist sense.74 This approach to sexuality continues to inflect Japanese practices long after Genji was composed. an echo of heavenly release. But this tension is not conceptualised as pitting appetite against mutual fidelity.72 Genji does not yet realise in practice what he has been taught all of his life. The prevailing notion of refinement in imperial circles was. It is true that there is tension between his partners’ desire for exclusivity and his own wandering eye. wealthy and habituated to privilege. ‘licensed prostitutes in Japan apparently spent more time eating. In his numerous amorous adventures. Genji may be forgiven for his insistent belief that a new adventure might bring him closer to a release from ‘desire’. by their own refined exchanges of affection. as the palaces of Kyoto. yes. its gods and goddesses were conceived as improved versions of Heian emperors and courtiers. the Japanese Parliament protected the ‘beautiful tradi- .) His connections with women are uplifting – they do provide some relief from frustration – but only just insofar as the pair offer each other a kind of consolation. He searches for the same thing in every relationship.75 In the 1930s. lust against love. taking as a point of departure Murasaki Shikibu’s Tale of Genji of about 1020 CE. he is handsome. likewise. Garon remarks.2 clients per day. or faithful love versus casual love. In neither of these settings does one find a dualism that parallels the West’s peculiar love-lust distinction. He longs for a kind of highly refined compassionate indulgence from the women who attract him. Genji does not pursue lustful satisfaction at the expense of personal feeling. the wellspring of all of this-worldly action. This tension arises as a side effect of Genji’s youthful lack of wisdom. in a word. and flirting with clients’. and he longs to provide the same to them. the same sentiments that inspire so many of his companions. reports that Japanese prostitutes in the early twentieth century saw an average of 1.The Rule of Love:The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective 49 that of Heian Japan.71 Genji is the son of the emperor by a low-ranking concubine. Inexperienced and. sounds the note of indulgence and compassion toward Genji. to what in Sanskrit are called bhava. it was feared. Krishna longs just as deeply for her. Radha suffers longing and resentment when Krishna is unfaithful to her.78 This distinction parallels the Greek distinction between passion and reason. Rasa is not about particular persons but divine suprapersonal verities. drama or ritual. In the Gitagovinda. a simple cowherd. Reddy tion’ of legalised prostitution. a means of apprehending a higher reality. The twelfth-century Sanskrit Gitagovinda draws on a number of traditions to depict an intense and exclusive dyadic love between Krishna and the cowherd girl Radha. called rasa.50 William M. praise and flirting. between Jayadeva’s text and the troubadour love songs of Europe of the same era. sometimes riddled with tension. they are united in a secret tryst by the secluded bank of a river. called bhava. There are striking parallels. Finally. even as Tokyo police cracked down on the new nightclubs of the Ginza district where. in line with the tradition. as Lee Siegel has pointed out. literally nectar or extract. the Gitagovinda depicts a mythical or transcendent world. no authoritative text had singled out one gopi as Krishna’s favourite or explored the emotions of their relationship in depth. In the end. however – and the idea of Krishna’s love suffering is a strikingly new element in the story. But. Both Sanskrit aesthetic theory and bhakti theology insist on the difference between everyday particular emotions. The myth of the god Krishna’s erotic play with gopi or cowherds – who dropped their normal duties and abandoned husbands and families to pursue him across the fields – had long been a popular feature of north Indian devotionalism. It is therefore a mistake to call it ‘passion’. In Japanese hostess clubs today. therefore. Krishna and Radha’s love is extramarital. that is pursued in these luxurious clubs. but it resists reduction to any simple love-lust dichotomy. they are doing something no worldly couple can do.76 Sexual intercourse is not necessary to the type of release. The passion that unites Krishna and Radha is a form of rasa. Rasa is no delusion. that is. just as reason is the tool by which Westerners suppose that they abstract generalised types and conditions from specific circumstances. businessmen are offered a release from stress through refined sexual joking. or consolation. but it is also secret. generalised moods created by poetry. is nonetheless of divine stature herself. romantic love might flourish. was a love between two specific persons – however exem- . the differences are as important as the similarities. The relationship between marriage and sexually explicit socialising in the lives of present-day corporate employees is complex. and the refined. Rasa generalises in the same way that reason does.77 However. as Anne Allison has shown. not the world where courtly love affairs were understood to occur – which was in the first instance the everyday world of the court. by contrast. therefore.79 When Krishna and Radha are united in love. it is a heightened form of cognition. Radha. The love celebrated by troubadours and romance writers in Europe. affects or obsessions of specific persons locked into this-worldly action settings. before Jayadeva’s Gitagovinda. insofar as the Western concept of passion has to do with the appetites. 82 But ‘prostitute’ and ‘lover’ are both the wrong words for them.80 The ritual dancers of earlier periods. a new. were not allowed to marry or have children. in self-help literature and popular fiction. One must idealise the partner.85 But in those places where its rule is currently unchallenged. such as South Asia or Northeast Brazil. Conclusion Careful examination of these and other non-western contexts shows that the rule of love in many present-day Western countries is a peculiar and rather recent reconfiguration of some traditional Western ingredients. self-indulgent and self-centred kind of emotion. Because these liaisons remained temporary. or how. They were allowed temporary liaisons with priests and aristocrats of their own temple complexes. This is no place to examine the knotty question whether. and it stands in opposition to all extra-religious sexual partnerships. from prostitution to marriage. to do so would have involved them too much in the particulars of this world. that goes against the grain of . In many venues today. But the Hindu spiritualised love known as srngara rasa is an important ingredient of the whole tradition. about the extraordinary difficulty of conforming to the rule of love in its modern form. But they were not required to be chaste. they did not become personal. and often a naughty. It is no longer entirely invisible to regulatory institutions. a natural thing. Yet certain ironies of the present scene are worthy of remark. such as those studied by Frédérique Marglin at the temple of Jagannatha. Western romantic love is particularly unusual insofar as love continues to stand in contrast to lust.83 A great deal has been said by psychologists and sociologists. or an import from the industrialised West. the rule of love ought to be opposed or modified.The Rule of Love:The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective 51 plary. but in a special limited way that is safe from disillusionment. and therefore could partake of that universalised erotic mood or rasa that was the dancers’ business to understand and promote. as Marglin has noted. it is the theological doctrine behind many of the classical dance rituals. romantic love is regarded as an innovation of modernity.81 British invaders of the early nineteenth century were quick to categorise such ritual dancers as ‘temple prostitutes’. it was implicitly encouraged. but in a way that allows a stable place for the partner at one’s side. and the pursuit of love is seen as a kind of quixotic venture. Imitation by other real persons was not ruled out. love is regarded as an old thing. It continues to include spiritual expectations that can be realised only in and through a sexual partnership. high-ranking or legendary they might be. insofar as consent is now a defining feature of legal sexual relations and insofar as psychological and religious norms now designate love as the core emotion of a proper marriage and of the fulfilling life of a couple. Hindu sexual feeling was neither love nor lust.84 One must pursue one’s own career in life and care for one’s own needs and manage one’s own growth. the love relationship exists for its own sake. This sense of agelessness finds expression in the elaborate ceremonies in which marriages and other sexual partnerships are publicly acknowledged. and is supposed to be inherently fulfilling. 191.87 In both. ‘Unmarried America’. Michelle Conlin. disciplined rehearsal of normative emotions. Chaos der Liebe. union with the beloved. There are numerous parallels. Hervieu-Léger.52 William M. In both. Bernadette Bawin-Legros. ultimately selfless. See. historians may regard the present with the same wonder that we regard the age of Teresa of Avila or John Donne – as a period in which human possibilities were unnecessarily constricted by a peculiar set of expectations. 1994). Beck and Beck-Gernsheim. Love in the Ancient Novel and Related Genres (Princeton: Princeton University Press.J. and HervieuLéger. stimulate a reconsideration of modernity’s claim to be a secular age. Serge Chaumier. la fin d’un monde (Paris: Bayard. Catholicisme. of boredom. a counselling forum supported for a time in the USA by Lambda Legal Defense Fund. than just an ironic tag. Ulrich Beck and Elizabeth Beck-Gernsheim. La déliaison amoureuse. Danièle Hervieu-Léger. From Duty to Desire. the relationship itself has ups and downs. Jane Fishburne Collier. they have gotten it right. Notes 1. moments of elation and of despair. Le nouvel ordre sentimental (Paris: Payot. at the very least. .html.lambdalegal. but also to the prestige of venerability. Adams continued. This recognition should. Giddens. leading upwards toward closer.86 Love is our inheritance. Catholicisme.org/cgi-bin/iowa/qa. Some day in the future. 2003). 1990). 4. at http://www. Reddy modern instrumental rationality. Hervieu-Léger. 20 October 2003. David Konstan. of contentment. Catholicisme. De la fusion romantique au désir d’indépendance (Paris: Armand Colin. ‘We’ve brought together some fantastic lesbian and gay couples’. Business Week. 191. Remaking Families in a Spanish Village (Princeton: Princeton University Press. The Culture of Sensibility. for example. 1992). to some degree. 2003). but without the same support systems. Catholicisme. Das ganz normale Chaos der Liebe (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp. Sexual Symmetry. on the other. Transformation of Intimacy. the relationship is expected to grow with time. 6. Sexuality. 3. In both. 2. 7. for example. The Transformation of Intimacy. Love. or aids in establishing a relationship (with lover or with God). 191. Anthony Giddens. I think. and Eroticism in Modern Societies (Stanford: Stanford University Press. In both. Beck and Beck-Gernsheim’s phrase ‘earthly religion’ is more. 1997). ‘who are kind enough to lend their relationship experience to their heterosexual peers. 1992). and those reported by participants in present-day love partnerships. 5. Agelessness is linked to naturalness. Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. allowing the devotee to follow a career of love. Barker-Benfield. 40. G. often with the help of guidebooks. 1999).’ See ‘Queer Eye for the Straight Couple’. These couples have made it through all of the same problems married couples face. on the one hand. between the experiences reported by early modern Christian mystics and devotional experts. 21. A Universal Experience?. ‘Ovid and the Female Voice in the “De Amore” and the “Letters” of Abelard and Heloise’. 15. Pleck.und Mentalitätsgeschichte der Liebe in Mittelalter’. 1987). See also the useful anthology Roman Sexualities. see her ‘Marie de Champagne and Eleanor of Aquitaine. ‘Andreas Capellanus and the Problem of Irony’. Monson. 189f. 10. ‘“Courtly Love”. Bezzola. from the liner notes of Troubadour and Trouvère Songs. part II. Roman Sexualities. Music of the Middle Ages. L’amour à Rome (Paris: Les Belles Lettres. 1986). Five Voices from Northern France around 1200 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. This disapproval of emotional intensity toward sexual partners continued despite the challenge that was raised against it by the elegiac poets of the end of the Republic and the first years of the Empire. 9. Sexual Symmetry. Language of Sex. Le don des larmes au Moyen Age (Paris: Albin Michel. 1979). Pierre Grimal. 20. 1997).The Rule of Love:The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective 53 8. 1995). in Minne ist ein swaerez Spil. its exact teaching has been subject to much controversy. Journal of the History of Ideas 40 (1979): 621–632. 75–110. in Romantic Passion. The Navigation of Feeling. 1984). Men. Peter Brown. Cele C. June Hall Martin McCash argues that such a court of love may well have been held. especially. The Allure of the Lavish Wedding (Berkeley: University of California Press. ‘Mariages en France. Baldwin. ed. Paul Veyne. Some useful titles include: Reto R. Speculum 63 (1988): 539–572. Each provides examples that have come to light. Decker. ‘Gottfried’s Tristan and the Minnesang. 2 June 2004 (emphasis added). The Body and Society. Littérature et société occitane au Moyen Âge (Liège: Marche Romane. 2003). This manual displays as much familiarity with Ovid as with the troubadours. Modern Philology 95 (1997): 1–26. Voyage au coeur d’un renouveau’. 13. 2000). Cinderella Dreams. These poets were as opposed to traditional military virtues as they were to the traditional disinterest in emotional attachments to sexual partners. David M. Konstan. 1971). eds Judith P. 19–21. 128–140. vol. Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western Romantic Love (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. in this respect. Henri-Irénée Marrou. 82. 1 (Lyrichord Early Music Series CD LEMS 8001. 2: La société féodale et la transformation de la literature de cour (Paris: Champion. precisely because the author attempted to cover himself by anticipating theological objections. 1991). Peter Dinzelbacher. ‘Is There a History of Sexuality?’ History and Theory 28 (1989): 257–274. Hervieu-Léger. Céline Lison. 17.und Mentalitätsgeschichte der Liebe’. 65. The Relationship between the Illicit Couple and Courtly Society’. Halperin. Alain Libera lists the doctrines extracted from the work that were regarded as heretical. Don A. June 2002: 2–19. A Relationship Reexamined’. Language of Sex. Piroska Nagy. John C. Chivalry. ‘The Troubadour’s Lady Reconsidered Again’. R. and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York: Columbia University Press. On the social shaping of emotions. 1988). Howard Bloch. The German Quarterly 55 (1982): 64–79. 14. Otnes and Elizabeth H. Les troubadours (Paris: Seuil. they differed sharply from the troubadours of the twelfth century. ‘Sozial. see William M. 2001). Ulrich Müller (Göppingen: Kümmerle. Baldwin. Catholicisme. La société romaine (Paris: Seuil. Les origins et la formation de la littérature courtoise en occident. see also Brown. here 134. Maurice Keen.Women. Neue Untersuchungen zum Minnesang und zur Geschichte der Liebe im Mittelalter. Don A. Speculum 70 (1995): 255–274. 18. 1994). ‘Gottfried’s Tristan and the Minnesang’. Decker. ‘Love. William Jankowiak (New York: Columbia University Press. 1991). 16. Reddy. Hallett and Marilyn B. 19. Dinzelbacher. 1994). National Geographic France. See. 12. vol. see Keen. Lust and Found in Nigeria’. see his Penser le Moyen Age (Paris: Seuil. A Problem of Terminology’. Michael Calabrese. Rita Lejeune. Skinner (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Moore. Chivalry (New Haven: Yale University Press. A Framework for the History of Emotions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. John Baldwin. Body and Society. Monson. 1991). 1960). 11. The Language of Sex. ed. Quote from a report by the BBC World Service. Leonard Plotnicov. Frances L. . ‘Sozial. Translation by Kenneth Koch. Speculum 54 (1979): 698–711. the essays collected in Hallett and Skinner. For further discussion of unicorn iconography. Caviness. see Adolfo Salvatore Cavallo. 1998). 32.org/cgi-bin/ zgate2.54 William M. Canto XXXI. 1998). for a reproduction of one. 37. in ‘Dante. 27. on the unicorn. one is chosen to be the frog. on this whole episode. 203. Ibid. Guide des collections. Kevin Brownlee emphasises the striking contrast between Dido in the Aeneid and Dante’s beloved Beatrice.rlg. and Cherry. (2) armed knights wounding a unicorn whose hooves are in the lap of a virgin. La Dame à la licorne (Toulouse: Le Pérégrinateur.Thermes de Cluny (Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux. Pays Bas. 1979). at beginning of Psalm 38. 29. while the other players make confusing noises and gestures.uk/britishlibrary/index. The Unicorn Tapestries at the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. see 51. 24.orig. 35. for one. Speculum 68 (1993): 333–362. 23. Paris. by foreclosing ambiguity. In this game involving a group of men and women. see Alain ErlandeBrandenburg. Several examples are discussed in John Cherry. no date) – a brochure prepared for the Musée National du Moyen Âge. 26. lines 100–103. 25. (3) an image of Humility (virgin standing on a unicorn) in Frère Laurent. Modern Language Notes 100 (1985): 1–41. British Library examples include (1) a marginal illustration in the Percy Psalter (ca 1280). fin du XIVe siècle. 381). La bella donna ne le braccia aprissi. Boysen indicates that Ugo Foscolo. Archaeologia 107 (1982): 131–140. ‘Patron or Matron’. Beatrice. For discussion of several examples. An English version of this source is available: Physiologus (Austin: University of Texas Press. containing scenes of the fountain of youth. Pierre-Yves Le Pogam. early fourteenth century) at the Cleveland Museum of Art. 27. in Religion et société urbaine . See also the front panel of a casket (French. 53: Coffret. a second century CE translation into Latin of a Greek original. and the Council of Trent explicitly condemned the use of the unicorn to symbolise Christ. site: http://ibs001. see 170. end of thirteenth century. The Reformation put an end to its popularity. Cavallo. Paris. 30. and the Two Departures from Dido’.jsp. Modern Language Notes 108 (1993): 1–14. Cavallo. Jean-Patrice Boudet. 36. On Petrarch’s Ambivalent Conception of Love in Rerum Vulgarium Fragmenta’. Ibid. line 93.. ‘Jean Gerson et la Dame à la licorne’. Cited in Jean-Patrice Boudet. Canto XXI. and Dany Sandron. Ibid. lovers and the god of love (cupid) – as seen on the Amico Library database. condemned this parallelism. Indi mi tolse… (Purgatorio. search term ‘unicorn’. Unicorn Tapestries.colo. ‘Crucified in the Mirror of Love.net. 28. for another example. The Divine Comedy (New York: The Modern Library. at http://eureka. Musée national du Moyen Age.firstnet. La Somme le Roy.. Benjamin Boysen. 171. fig. the Physiologus. ‘Patron or Matron? A Capetian Bride and a Vade Mecum for Her Marriage Bed’. 1285–1328 (Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux. See the most widely used source of this unicorn lore. Keen. ca 1280). reproduction on 339. 201–204. the capture of the unicorn. 262–264. English translation from Dante Alighieri. Protestant sects became suspicious of elaborate iconography. Chivalry. 380. See also Madelein H. abbracciommi la testa e mi sommerse ove convenne ch’io l’acqua inghiottissi. 186–187. Good examples may also be viewed on line at the British Library Images Online. 1932). see also Richard Abrams. ‘Illicit Pleasures. 31. Reddy 22. unicorn dying from wounds with horn in the lap of a virgin. There are also a number of examples at the Musée national du Moyen Age. she must cover her eyes and then guess the identity of the person who touches her. Dante among the Sensualists (Purgatorio XXVI)’. ‘Talbot Casket’. see Caviness. 33. 1993). See France. L’art au temps des rois maudits. Unicorn Tapestries. Orbis Literarum 58 (2003): 163–188. ‘The Talbot Casket and Related Late Medieval Leather Caskets’. Purgatorio. from Dicta Chrysostomi (northern France. 34. Réunion des musées nationaux. Philippe le Bel et ses fils. Doivent bien savoir que ce monte. ‘The Discourse on Marriage in the Middle Ages’. Interestingly. Isabel V.. Sexuality. see also Jack B. Williams. emphasis added). Harry F. without any suggestion of incongruity. State. 44. Henry Ansgar Kelly. Family Life in Reformation Europe (Cambridge. 38. the two lovers. . 6 vols. Speculum 73 (1998): 771–786. D’autre joie. 40. 54. 322. Speculum 56 (1983): 534– 565. and Civil Society in Germany. quite the contrary. 41. Et la reïne li estant Ses braz ancontre. ‘The French Valentine’. 43. In Marie de France’s late twelfth-century lai. Anatole de Montaiglon. the salut d’amour. Recueil général et complet des fabliaux des XIIIe et XIVe siècles. ‘Talbot Casket’. 45. 37). 2002). Ele le prist entre ses braz. Baldwin. eds Patrick Boucheron and Jacques Chiffoleau (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne. 59–61. When Fathers Ruled.. Car an nul cors saint ne croit tant. see his Sexual Symmetry. Sexuality State. Quoted ibid. Caviness. enter the cloister. 47. Chaucer and the Cult of Saint Valentine (Leiden: Brill. 17. Language of Sex. Les origines du mal. ed. si l’anbrace. De l’enlèvement des femmes comme stratégie matrimoniale au XVIIe siècle (Paris: Albin Michel. L’âge de la conversation (Paris: Gallimard. ‘Eliduc’. for example. is examined in Rüdiger Schnell. Ravie et enlevée. 48. Estroit pres de son piz le lace … (Chrétien de Troyes. Si l’aoire et se li ancline. 51. lines 4652–4656. 1983). Mès andui firent liemant Tel deduit com font li amant En ce qu’il se jouent ensamble. in Language of Sex. and Spring in February’. 1986). amour profane (Paris: Gallimard. d’autre solaz Ne vous quier fere menssion. ‘Patron or Matron’. See Lucien Febvre’s discussion of Marguerite de Navarre in Amour sacré. 55. Chaucer. Modern Language Notes 67 (1952): 292–295 – who notes that Valentine greetings were simply one form of a more prevalent courtly genre. Baldwin. Valentine. Une histoire du péché originel (Paris: Fayard. 1999). 40. 1996). Origines. 63–78.. after many years together.The Rule of Love:The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective 55 au Moyen Âge. Minois. David Konstan argues that the ancients had no concept equivalent to lust. Language of Sex. 42. Quar cil qui ont entencion. by the Dominican friar Peregrinus. Cherry. Georges Minois. also Benedetta Craveri. Steven Ozment. 49. Maintenant est el lit entrez. Hull. Por ce ne vueil fere lonc conte. Et puis vint au lit la reïne. Le chevalier de la charrette. 2000). 53–106. quote at 561. Danielle Haas-Dubosc. 1944). (Paris: Librairie des bibliophiles. 39. 2002). ‘St. MA: Harvard University Press. (Ibid. In this sense. 1700–1815 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 46. 551–563. 20. Baldwin’s remark that romance and fabliau are ‘in symbiosis’ is both right and crucial. 53. Oruch. 89f. ed. 56. it is a logical end to lives of devotion. 52. 137–161. 1992). and Civil Society. This compilation. Charles Méla (Paris: Librairie Générale Française. 1872–1890). 116–127. 50. III: 35–45. Hull. David M. Childs. Performativity (Durham: Duke University Press. Sacred and Profane Dimensions of Love in Indian Traditions as Exemplified in the Gîtagovinda of Jayadeva (Delhi: Oxford University Press. ‘Value of Vulnerability’. Luisa Passerini. 75. Sexuality. 1999). 62. Love in Europe. 1976). energy resulting in productivity and creativity (partly an analogy to reproduction. 67. Wallace. 61. 1997). vol. 154. Mary Louise Roberts. Aufstieg und Niedergang eines Ideals (Heidelberg: C.’ The sexual drive. Europe in Love. Margaret H. 72. Women and the Origins of the Novel in France (New York: Columbia University Press. 2002). Judith Butler. State. Reconstructing Gender in Postwar France. Michel Foucault. Hull continues. Sexuality. 239–240. Anne Allison. 1988). 64. and Ancients Against Moderns. Navigation of Feeling. 54. La volonté de savoir (Paris: Gallimard. 1980). 65. 1917–1927 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Turner. Civilization Without Sexes. 2003). 211–256. Der Begriff ‘sensibilité’ im 18. 60. 17–18. productive citizen. ‘Tarrying with the Negative. American Historical Review 98 (1993): 710–732. Madame de Staël. 2 vols. Art Bulletin 77 (1995): 647–672. Affect. Spectators van hartstocht. Winter. Francesca M. 1987). Culture of Sensibility. Mimi Hall Yiengpruksawan. 1900–1945’. ‘The sexual drive was celebrated as the motor of society and the mark of the independent. Gender. John R. Sekse en emotionele cultuur in de achttiende eeuw (Hilversum: Verloren. Dorothée Sturkenboom. partly an extension of the drive for pleasure. Jahrhundert. and Civil Society. quote at 716. 140. marriage. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick. Otnes and Pleck. Imagination and Politics Between the Wars (New York: New York University Press. 73. Sexuality. Lumières et liberté (Paris: Klincksieck. Hull. 1991). Love in America. ‘Revisiting Bodies and Pleasures’. 1. Sheldon Garon.56 William M. Reddy 57. for greater detail. 80f. 76. Sexual Coercion and the Nature of Love in the Japanese Court Literature’. English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press. According to Hull. Traer. Nightwork. 38–44. 73. 1976). emancipated one from the tutelage of childhood). 239. 237. Hull. Constructing a Twentieth-Century Emotional Style (New York: New York University Press.’ Sexuality. 1994). 1994). Simone Balayé. Gender and Self-Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 238. and Civil Society. and Corporate Masculinity in a Tokyo Hostess Club (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 77. Culture and Society 16 (1999): 11–20. (New York: Knopf. 1978). ‘The Value of Vulnerability. 71. see. State. adult. ‘The World’s Oldest Debate? Prostitution and the State in Imperial Japan. quoting from Kosofsky Sedgwick. Frank Baasner. 1998). Childs. Sex and Civility in England 1660–1740 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. for which sexual pleasure stood as the first and most basic example). was credited as source of: ‘original sociability (the result of sexual attraction). Marriage and the Family in Eighteenth-Century France (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Reddy. Cinderella Dreams. Pedagogy. Monumenta Nipponica 52 (1997): 181–199. Self-preservation and the sexual drive (Trieb) were the two most basic urges motivating human activity. Tender Geographies. Journal of Asian Studies 58 (1999): 1059–1079. . James F. 63. 2. 68. Fashioning Adultery. Histoire de la sexualité. 1979). Cancian. 50. American Cool. 74. 232f. 68. On the early nineteenth century. 58. 69. 1985). Between Men. and independence and freedom (an at once biological and social analogy: sexual capacity occurred only with biological maturity and legitimate sexual relations. that is. Touching Feeling. See Joan DeJean. Murasaki Shikibu. Lee Siegel. 59. 1994). Stearns. The Tale of Genji. Theory. 70. 66. Culture Wars and the Making of a Fin de Siècle (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Peter N. ‘The Phoenix Hall at Uji and the Symmetries of Replication’. and Civil Society. Pleasure. Barker-Benfield. Aesthetic Vision in Murasaki and Mishima’. State. 81. 87. DC. 85. 42–59. 1990). Laura M. Transformative Emotion in Ritual Dance’. The Heart is Unknown Country. in Divine Passions. ‘Refining the Body. Godly Affection. ‘Reading Romance Novels in Postcolonial India’. Ahearn. 86. Arjun Appadurai. Anglo-Indian Legal Conceptions of Temple Dancing Girls. Cinderella Dreams. Lutz and Lila Abu-Lughod (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1961). The Problem of Emotional Authenticity in Early Stuart Devotional Writing’.’ Marglin. we see the stark contrast with the European tradition – in the idea of a physiological. Chaos der Liebe. ‘“A Corporation of Superior Prostitutes”. Catholicisme. 1990). 84. ‘Rasa as both an aesthetic and a devotional term (as well as a physiological term) provides the link between the profane and sacred dimensions and between the literary and religious traditions. 7–10 November 2002. ed. Rati is the basic emotion which in literature crystallizes into the aesthetic experience of love the srngara-rasa. emotional. It is the feeling of love that Radha experiences in relation to Krishna. Kate Narveson. Siegel provides a detailed discussion of this distinction in Sacred and Profane Dimensions. they also provide many citations of US and European literature. See also Bawin-Legros. see also Edward C. to the transcendent joy of the universal experience. eds Catherine A. 83. . ‘Topographies of the Self. the ultimate sovereign. a sexual response that can link sacred and profane. ‘The devadasis (ritual dancers) embodying the female aspect of divine sovereignty are considered in most contexts to be living embodiments of the goddess Lakshmi. Praise and Emotion in Hindu India’. see Nagy. it is the tears of the repentant ascetic. Love Letters. Affective Hermeneutics’. Linda-Anne Rebhun. George D. and Social Change in Nepal (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.’ Sacred and Profane Dimensions. but which through art and/or devotion is a means of transcendence – the profane is transformed into he sacred by the poetic and/or devotional act. Jyoti Puri. Modern Asian Studies 32 (1998): 559–633. The Literatures of India. Here. papers delivered to a conference entitled. Radha’s or Krishna’s experience. Owen Lynch (Berkeley: University of California Press. Hervieu-Léger. 2001). Kunal M. Le don des larmes. that is. As such. ‘The Role of the Emotions in Sixteenth-Century Spanish Spirituality. Frédérique Apffel Marglin. If there is any equivalent in the medieval Christian context. ‘Emotions in Early Modern Europe and Colonial North America’. In these relations. Literacy.The Rule of Love:The History of Western Romantic Love in Comparative Perspective 57 78. Washington. the devadasis can have sexual relations with all the men who share in the sovereignty of their divine husband. ‘Sudden Passion. Dimock et al. Otnes and Pleck. This point is emphasised by Beck and Beck-Gernsheim. The Social Construction of Emotions in India. 1784–1858 (Oxford: Oxford University Press. German Historical Institute. the consort of Lord Jagannatha. give meaning and significance to the rati which as an individual. Contrasting rati (everyday sexual love) and srngara rasa (spiritual eroticism). 1800–1914’. Invitations to Love. 1974). (Siegel. in Language and the Politics of Emotion. The rasika’s own experience of love. 79. the devadasis transfer to men the auspiciousness of Lakshmi. 85. Sacred and Profane Dimensions. 1999). Le nouvel ordre sentimental. The aesthetic theory of universalization and the bhakti-rasa theology sanctify. 82. enables him to perceive the rasa in the literary or devotional work and thereby to move from the immanent delight of his own experience. 92–112. 216. 185–212.. 42. 80. and Elena Carrera. sexual experience perpetuates entanglement in the empirical world. ‘Refining the Body’. 212–236. 58). Love in the Changing Economy of Northeast Brazil (Stanford: Stanford University Press. Gender and Society 11 (1997): 434–452. the rasika’s potential for that feeling enables him to empathize with Radha (or Krishna) and through that empathy to experience rasa as a literary connoisseur or as a Vaisnava devotee or as both. Parker. An Introduction (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bearce. British Attitudes Towards India. According to Siegel. Siegel remarks. the world of pain and pleasure. or rati. what would a notion of the political look like that conceives of mass groups who act as agents – to produce.2 According to this view. the institutionalisation of the state turned on the exercise of power and its disciplinary practices. . at least. at least. Among others. This held whether it was the ruling classes or the seemingly anonymous necessities of rationalisation or even ‘the market’ that exerted power: both were understood to be responding to the ultimate threat Notes for this section begin on page 71. not just rule. Disenchantment with anything but the ‘cool’ pursuit of one’s interest would be its inevitable result.3 Accordingly. the ‘many’ had no option but to comply.CHAPTER 3 Love of State – Affection for Authority Politics of Mass Participation in Twentieth Century European Contexts ALF LÜDTKE What feelings drive people to long for or. and not withstanding fundamental differences between them. both Karl Marx and Max Weber have emphasised the overpowering dynamics of such ordering processes. to welcome domination and those who dominate?1 How might we re-configure notions of mass politics so as to make them more sensitive for the expression of the political practices of the many? In other words. justified by claims of ‘rationalisation’. Both conceived of processes as being driven or. acts of domination including such awesome manifestations as Nazism and the Second World War? Domination: Practice without Feelings? Analyses of modernity take a strong focus on those designs and efforts that ‘order’ things and people alike. did not focus his analysis of either of these. The very wording indicates a possible alternative: that one might not bow and ‘make oneself suitable’ to the demands of the dominant. In this way. Although he did not emphasise it. Cassirer. On the contrary. This was because only their ‘compliance’ (Fügsamkeit) would allow for and. however. Thus. At any rate. It was from here that he turned to ‘myth’ and a logic that undercut the dichotomy of rationality versus emotionality. they nonetheless ‘granted them their expression’. according to which participation would have been driven by disenchantment and rationalisation. While the Fascists ‘denied people their rights’. At the end of his essay on the work of art in the Middle Ages. this was striking evidence of the lack of substance of any claim made by German Fascism that it would allow participation in the state. claims made by states or their agents for material and moral contributions from their citizens relied on their positive feelings toward the state in the first place. the experience (and hence expectation) of being forcibly subdued led the ‘dominated’ to accept their lot.5 Thus. people tend to follow reasons and their feelings of unwillingness to comply. In so doing. the term fügsam or ‘suitable’ is set against its alternative: that ‘the many’ do not bow and make themselves ‘suitable’ to the demands of the dominant.4 It was the positive feelings of the many that ‘made’ the state. According to Cassirer. It was only in the context of the 1930s that Ernst Cassirer highlighted the way in which the feelings of people were fundamental for politics in general and for the emergence of the modern state in particular. We should take into account the fact that by the time he put this view forward. For him. At virtually the same time. so that the ‘emotional’ was cancelled out. hence. Walter Benjamin addressed the principal characteristics of German Fascism. He thus operated inevitably in a field of forces as much shaped by New Deal democracy as by Fascism and Stalinism. Benjamin set the ‘expression’ of feelings against the assertion of rights or interests. But how could it be otherwise? The writings of Cassirer. guarantee domination. Cassirer had fled Nazi Germany and emigrated to the USA. did not view the dominated as being totally passive.Love of State – Affection for Authority: Politics of Mass Participation 59 or application of brute force against violators. however. . another refugee from Nazism turned to the field of the emotions and their role in the recent disasters of politics. Weber’s point is based on the assumption that in the first instance. these feelings that were so urgently demanded by the state were stimulated or sustained in rituals. Benjamin’s contemporary. allude to a possible alternative and floats the idea that notions of political participation may have been fundamentally curtailed by a prevailing notion of modernity. Max Weber. he cut across distinctions between democracy and dictatorship that were both well established and morally charged. he did hint at the importance of the active contributions made by the ‘dominated’ themselves. he was interested in understanding the dynamics of mass support for a modern state that provided individuals with the means of connecting with the common weal. 6 This social and political aspect has to be kept in mind when the attractions and dynamics of feelings and emotions are discussed. however. and even more so. during the eighteenth century under the title of ‘police’. Specific contexts and more general situations that allowed for the open if not the public display of these feelings might as a result be experienced as simultaneously revolutionary and liberating. Attachment to one’s task – and the pursuit of this task in and through work. not the least in terms of the expression and articulation of emotions they found within themselves and others. It was this particular aspect that fuelled political statements and activities in the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.7 3. 2. but which in the context of the twentieth century can be seen to be mutually reinforcing. This notion or rather this projection or imagination of ‘love’ operated across the generations so that long-term and short-term formulations of love came into contact with one another. This process gained momentum. 1. it is possible that ‘the many’ may have found that Nazism provided an opening up of the specific context in which they lived. . Cultural Codes of ‘Love’ ‘Love’ refers to cultural codes that have been produced and reproduced within concrete historical settings and times. Among these feelings I consider the love of state and the love of authority to be prominent. In the context of this essay. not withstanding possible risk or loss. the code of love equated this feeling with an intense personal attachment to another person and concern for his or her well being. ‘Sentimental love’ meant having feelings and it alluded to relations between equals. I shall consider three variant concepts of love that emerged independently. albeit unevenly. My aim is to track as closely as possible how actual feelings and their ‘energising’ dimensions are produced. in bourgeois households. In the following chapter. In the first half of the twentieth century. It reached an intense form in France and subsequently in other European states and territories. I will focus on feelings and relations that exist between those who are not equal (or those who are rendered unequal by others).60 Alf Lüdtke Contrary to the account offered by Benjamin. I will trace the longue durée of symbolic forms and relate them to short-term situational practices. Sentimental love between spouses as it originated in the eighteenth century in France in the households of aristocratic families. The ‘Father state’ in its dual form of violent intervention and pedagogical regulation. distinctions according to life cycle. as intensified during the Thirty Years War. the divine body remained untouched and intact. whether as projection or metaphor. at least. not least. survival in times of war or epidemics. and its execution not only impinged on people’s everyday lives. including the threat to terminate the latter’s worldly existence by execution. In the context of the religious wars and of confessional strife in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. thus drawing on the ideas of creator and guarantor for survival and – more than this. which was widely held in late medieval and early modern contexts. duke or king) in the person of the prince. Its usage in the arena of religion was well established. for a ‘good life’.11 The prince and his agents (police agents or school teachers or – as was the case in many continental states in Europe – pastors) presented a ‘fatherly’ profile in yet another and even more everyday way: the Hausvater (Father of the house) referred to his household as the ganzes Haus (the entire house) and was eager to ‘correct’ those who had been given into his care and custody. The image of ‘father’. but also connected with them in an intricate manner. Of course. but also on capital punishment. This ‘Almighty’ provided grace as ‘He’ handed down punishment and demanded contrition for worldly sins and impropriety against ‘His Unity’ of love and might. Princely authority claimed participation in this divine right. . Protestant reformation did not abandon this way of thinking.Love of State – Affection for Authority: Politics of Mass Participation 61 The ‘Father State’ The notion and practices of state developed in German territories in two directions – and both were intricately interconnected in eighteenth-century settings. people obviously became more ready to accept measures for containing deviants. By way of reciprocation subjects demanded provisions for their well being or.9 Accordingly. between social groups and. Thus. At least in Central Europe. while the physical body would perish. the intensity of these demands or hopes varied tremendously over time. one representing divine grace while the other embodied worldly might – both united by and in the flesh of the lord of the land. God as ‘father’ had been invoked time and again. Correction meant enforced improvement. resonated in several arenas. justified by this general claim and purpose. In the wake of grave turmoil. the office of lord of the church (now protestant) was combined with the office of the lord of the realm (as count. In other words. the king simultaneously did exist in two entities.8 Moreover. the main task of the state and its agents was to police people. this dual focus determined the emotional demands and longings of most subjects. The first one emphasised provisions of ‘security’ while the other focussed on the improvement and well being of the very same subject. age (or generation) and gender.10 This threat was bolstered by an ongoing practice to rely primarily on corporeal. Images and guidelines for practice portrayed the prince metaphorically as a ‘father’. The claim resonated with the notion of the King’s two bodies. in times of war. One of their longings was bound up with the keeping or restoration of ‘order’. reports or ‘denunciations’ became abundant. The First and Second World Wars are thus central to the discussion. It is worth scrutinizing the emergence of this particular figuration of statehood more closely in order not revert to those unilinear notions of statemaking that informed the rather unreflecting modernisation theories of the 1960s and 1970s.62 Alf Lüdtke This was expressed through violence and a wide range of symbolic and material sanctions or gratifications. asking them to be more careful or to abstain from making such reports altogether. It is important therefore to trace the sentiments that were in play and that arguably impelled young men and their female partners to join war efforts and to put their lives on the line. the rank and file members of these institutions) demonstrated their support for and good feelings toward the authorities by reporting on what they estimated to be possibly or actually harmful action to the ‘good cause’. I will confine my attention to the twentieth century. the ‘children’ obeyed the ‘father state’ not only metaphorically. whether in the neighbourhood or further away. they informed on neighbours. What people called for was a greater equality in sharing the burden of war. Local branch representatives complained over and over again about receiving reports that were too many and too trivial. irrespective of factors of social class.15 In the 1930s. For the agents of the police it was too often the case that purely ‘private’ motives blurred what they were looking for in terms of ‘political’ contestation or an alert to possible danger.14 It is the intensity of their action that is noteworthy here. gender and age difference. My focus is on the impact of states of emergency on people and on their forms of (self-)mobilisation. the state. colleagues or friends and passed on their ‘knowledge’ either to their superiors on the spot or to the agents of a special institution. they found that to a large extent (accounts vary between 30 and 60 per cent) that quarrels between neighbours or within households of families dominated. if not devotion to. In other words. In the reports submitted to them. But under dictatorial regimes such as Bolshevism or the different Fascisms of Italy and Germany. however. Individuals as well as civil associations or institutions of state and community (including. the vast majority of the population in such states did not ‘shy away’ from their obligations and even ‘pitched in’ with energy and commitment. In many instances. they even sought ways of making the public less eager.16 Nonetheless. it was the case that people did more than merely accept or loyally fulfil their obligations.12 Of course. this combined with various forms of acceptance of. It was a system of stick and carrot. On the contrary. the practice of composing and submitting these reports indicates that those who did so experienced feelings or longings for the state. particularly to the Gestapo. of course. As a result. This was . but also in their everyday practices while retaining a certain stubbornness or self-will (or Eigensinn).13 For the purposes of this essay. Both acceptance and devotion were put to the test. military gear dominated this field of the imaginary completely: submarines torpedoing war. One could view in a similar way the sacrifice of wedding rings as gifts to the nation that was organised on a large scale in Fascist Italy in 1935/36. or the Dicke Bertha.Love of State – Affection for Authority: Politics of Mass Participation 63 obtained whether it was the case of someone who seemed to be evading military service ‘at the front’ (which we can see in cases from Vienna and archives of letters to the police during the First World War. authored primarily by wives of draftees or by female neighbours). it is interesting to see how the Eintopfsonntag18 is recalled in oral histories with signs of embarrassment but also with fondness.and merchant-ships alike.17 In addition to this. thus contesting the British claim for superiority on the high seas. The claim was that those who withheld resources or cheated in activities where their neighbours or others claimed that they themselves were ‘pitching in’ should be punished. Denunciations are a prime arena of activities indicating forms of trust in or attachment to authority and its agents. we have the example of lowlevel participation in the activities of the several hundred thousand Blockwarte (neighbourhood watch). but also to show one’s affection to either the Kaiser or (in many ways a rather different proposition) to the Führer. who had risen to that position from humble beginnings. My reading of this is that the mixture of embarrassment and disbelief in these recollections speaks of something that was stronger than an enforced or grudging acceptance of these ceremonial events. In like manner. the range and popularity of periodic conspicuous demonstrations of Volksgemeinschaft deserve more serious attention than scholars have paid them so far. During the First World War. or similar cases during the Second World War. We need then to consider other practices as well. It is more difficult to get a sense of how far these practices were inspired not only by the longing to participate in the common cause. who kept their eyes open and reported on what they saw and considered meaningful for those ‘higher up’. For instance.19 The Work and Emotions of being German The claims to feel love for authority resonated – on yet another plane – with an imaginary of German work that consisted in visions of its unmatched excellence. What we can see here is the surfacing of a specific ‘moral economy of the masses’. who controlled a world-famous industrial and armament . Prior to 1914. there was also the case of battleships built to demonstrate the superiority of ‘German craftsmanship’. occasionally also ‘peeping in’ or intruding into their neighbour’s privacy. the arrival of electric lighting for German cities stimulated emotions of pride as did the Zeppelin craze. for example. of images of Germanbuilt steamships as they won the Blue Ribbon crossing the Atlantic. this took the form. artillery bombarding Paris from an immense distance. which was a high calibre howitzer capable of breaking through almost any armour (the nickname was a reference to the Krupp family. In the case of the Nazi rule. The point of resemblance was in the intense direction of skill toward taking care of a task – in this case the task of caring for one’s relationships – that resembled work elsewhere.21 It was clear that. not to mention the ‘cabbage winter’ of 1916/17. feeling or smell that was particularly cherished by the addressee.20 Yet such emotions of bitterness or rage did not totally dominate. classes and even generations had increasingly referred to ‘German quality work’. These activities also had some level of resemblance to the handling of a machine gun in the trenches or participation in a storm troop assault. such food for sentiments did not actually feed the townsmen (and women). who increasingly suffered hunger due to the shortage (since early 1915) of basic foodstuffs (when. This practice bore a resemblance to the way that people engaged in other arenas in their everyday lives. for that matter. or the care and effort taken to operate (machine) tools in a factory or. however. and at this time such claims went against the better knowledge of most experts. while film clips that were shown throughout the country may have similarly fuelled feelings of pride. from the late nineteenth century. Whatever these feelings. to harvest potatoes. what mattered was engagement with and devotion to one’s task that provided the impetus for practices of work in any of these arenas. hogs had to be slaughtered on a large scale). Why should they then protest if a wider public finally began to view the skill of workers and their attachment to their job or . parents or fiancées still attested to feelings of stolidly keeping one’s ground.22 Its advocates aimed at promulgating the idea that there was a competitive edge to German industrial products. or in exchanges between relatives or among loved ones. what counted was the fact that letters were written and sent. People might grumble or curse the Kaiser or ‘those above’. but at the same time. in order to provide a taste. The focus was not on spectacular events. such as chatting in the hallway. people from different milieus. while figuring prominently in semi-public settings. In other words. Letters to and from wives. for instance. and what mattered were gestures and symbolic signs and actions. they were expressed in a contained manner. Regardless of the different settings involved. In public settings they remained subdued. working people were ready to accept such claims because they were able to interpret the propaganda as containing the recognition of the sweat. These guns and ships demonstrated to friends and foes alike that ‘German quality work’ was perfectly suited for both tools of peacetime and the most destructive of weapons. toil and labour they invested every day in work. Nonetheless. At the same time. hand-knitted stockings or a cake. and some even expressed pride. Photographs and stories praising these accomplishments circulated in newspapers or illustrated reviews.64 Alf Lüdtke complex in Germany). Letters from the home front amply show bitterness and occasionally rage among ‘the many’ who had to cope with privation. they expressed confidence in the belief that it was possible to cope with hard times on one’s own. usually accompanied (and thus augmented) by a package of homemade cookies. the option seemed to be to direct all energy and devotion toward ‘doing a good job’ and thus to develop and manufacture products that would outclass those of the country’s competitors. by shifting its energies to this new battleground. who in this case were Welsche (French). and especially their African troops. wide-ranging shifts in the labour policies adopted by management directly affected certain segments of the labour force. Mass production in the electrical manufacturing industry. Aspirations to regain lost territory (in both literal and figurative terms) came into evidence. masses of German workers (including socialist and communist revolutionaries of 1918) and their families rallied to defend the ‘fatherland’ against what they saw as encroaching barbarians. at least in some segments of industry (rather less so in agriculture. however. but more especially pictures. the field of work. Although Germany had lost the war. If after the war it seemed as if there was nothing left. and following a different rhythm in each industry) came to feed notions of work that revolved around the ‘honour’ of the worker and the quality of what he produced. however. right across the divides of class and politics. during the French occupation of the Ruhr in 1923. Notions of the ‘honour of work’ and of the specific ‘quality’ that producers claimed for their products and their work called up feelings within the worker. the German nation would be able to secure a second chance.23 The feeling involved in this gained momentum because the national cause would now supersede party affiliation and political groupings. Accordingly. The result was that union officials and observers as well as those directly concerned protested against this downgrading of skills. semi-qualified jobs were increasingly offered.Love of State – Affection for Authority: Politics of Mass Participation 65 ‘honour’ in a new light? And why should they not press for this idea and the foundational images associated with it to be extended to encompass the whole range of work practices and work experiences.26 . journalists pointed to a possible alternative: work would now be the only field where it would be possible to fight the enemy and re-establish the ‘honour’ of the individual and the nation. At the same time. At this point. lowered demand for skilled work and workers. a major arena in which feelings of uncertainty about individual futures and the future of the German nation was no longer available: the realm of the military and of warfare. represented an imaginary that emphasised muscular males who displayed bodily strength and dexterous determination at the point of production. But already in 1919. or ‘frog-eaters’. especially from the ‘enemy nations’. reaching beyond the factory floor or the coal-mine to refer also to ‘female’ tasks such as nursing the sick or washing and repairing clothes? ‘German Quality Work’:The Engagement With Work After the end of the First World War. the written word. for example. with the result that the unskilled worker had new opportunities. The emphasis on work appealed to many Germans. as well as of the processes by which the product was brought into being. for example.25 These changes.24 In the years that followed. even more so. however. he had nonetheless. But one of the unspoken assumptions of this model of rational man was the power of the cultural claims and emotional bonds that were symbolised in and by ‘German quality work’. also to the feelings of increased bitterness triggered by the denial of respect that was demonstrated by their Russian mates and superiors alike for the way that they carried out their job. Nonetheless.66 Alf Lüdtke In the 1920s. a fundamental criterion for grasping properly the interest of the individual and. Those in charge of a factory that was building locomotives. by contrast. Political action had to be ‘reasonable’ and. . and many of whom saw job opportunities open up while the economy at home slumped. it was the economics of cash that would powerfully predetermine notions of the political among the members of workers’ organisations (both socialist and Christian). had turned down his proposal to construct a cart for transporting heavy objects. This is particularly the case of several thousand skilled workers who migrated from Germany to the Soviet Union in the late 1920s and early 1930s. wrote on 30 March 1933 to the editors of the Zentral-Zeitung. even more. needed to be cleansed of that messy irrationality provided by feelings. The cart that he proposed placed the object’s weight on the axle and the wheels of this cart. existing carts put all of the weight on the arms of the man who manoeuvred it. the letters that a number of them sent to the Moscow German language daily newspaper Deutsche ZentralZeitung revealed how they felt rejected by their hosts and perceived their hosts’ disgust at the migrants. of improper treatment by superiors and fellow workers alike. but. proposed improvements. thus. The range of such notions – and the direct connection that people made between their practice at work and their sense of ‘Germanness’ – surfaced even more strongly when the context did not provide that respect to which ‘quality workers’ felt accustomed. at least. One of these German workers in the USSR. Yet an appreciable number of these migrants were. primarily driven by their commitment to socialism and communism. He told an appalling story of continuous harassment or.27 The accounts penned by the latter testify not only to their individual dislike of the new environment in general. politicians across the board took the view that emotions could only be regarded as aberrant and fatal. Russian co-workers and especially those who called themselves technicians or engineers had ignored if not actually belittled his proposal. of course. Thus. as he reported it. of the collective interest was the issue of income or wage. Fritz Loew. Representatives of the political left in particular considered that the politics they strove for was solely informed by people’s ‘interests’ and their rational calculations about action. An account from the margins shows how the self-definitions of people as German quality workers took precedence even over their affiliation to groups of fellow communists. As Loew put it. According to this view. Suffering from hunger. for example. 28 They employed the methods for fighting piece-rates. that they had been developing and using for decades. The range of symbolic and material gratifications the Nazi authorities offered allowed for hidden or even public expression of feelings of satisfaction (if not happiness) among ‘common people’ in Germany.e. a considerable number of them returned to Germany.Love of State – Affection for Authority: Politics of Mass Participation 67 How could a ‘simple worker’ claim to have better ideas than themselves? Loew added: Our proposals are not inventions that come out of thin air. In the end. just the attraction of enjoying new powers that lulled into acquiescence those who were liable to cry out and revolt. thirty years of age (and making his living as a language teacher).31 The observer observes the people around him: ‘They are standing upright and shout rhythmically and in a chorus.) do not come to us to ask for explanations or advice. thus.’29 It was not.. such as the one a French intellectual reported from 1935/36 in his diary. at least occasionally. and he seems still to tremble from ‘being overwhelmed’ and ‘physically overpowered’. on this face smiling while many are in tears watching him.000 arms rose in one single movement. Denis de Rougemont. as a human being’ could be satisfied. they are firmly grounded in practical experience gained in Germany.’ Recounting his own feelings. including techniques of industrial sabotage. on the contrary. Slowly the man advances saluting the masses in slow movements like a bishop while the shouts of the people roar like thunder.000 people. the proletariat. the proletarian masses. 40. A. 40. Bitterness mixed with anger spread among many of these Germans. And yet statements of contemporary observers from the illegal Social Democratic parties present a different account of workers’ practices outside of the shop floor: ‘The masses (i.L. their eyes being fixated on this lighted dot in the distance. Such practices could resonate with other encounters. most of them doing so after the Nazis had seized power.L. attended a Nazi rally on 11 March 1936 in a local assembly hall: A floodlight focuses on a small man in brown clothes who appears at the entrance (of the meeting hall) ecstatically smiling. de Rougemont emphasises his ‘awe’.30 The longing to be now ‘respected as a working man and. The event he is witnessing appears to him as a ‘sacred ceremony’ exercising force . A. that is.) remain quiet and accept everything. The others (the Russians. Fascism: ‘The Masses can Express Themselves’ Timothy Mason has shown how workers stubbornly persisted in their pursuit of securing higher wages during the armament boom of the late 1930s. They would consider that to do so would be dishonourable (‘man hält dies unter seiner Würde’). however. 68 Alf Lüdtke that he (so he notes) feels stronger than the collective body of tight bodies surrounding him. And as for these bodies, looking around he finds himself among ordinary people: ‘workers, labour service men, young girls and women from working class background’. Other recollections and reports on the 1930s allude to similar feelings – at least indirectly. In accounts produced after the event, such feelings and their articulations tended to be silenced, or figured as being politically embarrassing and morally disgraceful. The women interviewed by Margarete Doerr still mention feelings of ‘shame’ about behaviour ‘then’ while recalling such past situations, although some of them do recall experiencing irritation at the time.32 In the 1930s, however, their response was different and they went on to cooperate with or to support those in power: as they recollected it, they felt they could not stand the anxiety of being disconnected from what they felt was an ‘embracing whole’. Engaging in the Work of Destruction: Satisfaction and Pleasure? Melita Maschmann, born in Berlin in 1918 and brought up in a middlebourgeois family, worked from 1938 as an employee with the ‘association of girls’ (BDM, the obligatory organisation for young women). In the late 1950s, she recalled how she had fallen enthusiastically for the Nazi cause. She had thought, she said, of ‘the Germans’ as being involved in a military struggle, and herself as an active participant driven by a mix of self-sacrifice and self-indulgence. Speaking of this in the late 1950s, she diagnosed ‘devotion’ (Hingabe) as being a highly charged ‘sweet feeling’ that drove her to ever higher levels of commitment and work until the very end of Nazi rule. It was this feeling that made her cleanse her mind immediately of perceptions of the brutality perpetrated against the Jews that she observed on 10 November 1938 in the streets of Berlin.33 She recalled similar feelings from her activities as leader of a work camp in occupied Poland in 1942 and 1943. She explicitly notes the mixture of ‘cold distance’ and unwavering contempt that she felt for the members of the occupied territory whenever she had to deal with them directly, for instance, when handing out punishments for overstepping the rules of the camp and the occupation. Letters from soldiers have become an important source of exploring how Nazism, and its waging of war, was accepted by most Germans. Of particular interest are those letters written by draftees or volunteer soldiers who had worked in manufacturing industries before joining the military. Many of these former employees wrote to their previous companies thanking them for occasional parcels, especially at holidays like Christmas. Moreover, some of these soldiers even wrote regularly to the company or to some former colleague at Love of State – Affection for Authority: Politics of Mass Participation 69 the company, obviously treating the person of the company as a kind of a parent or foster relative.34 To explore this I draw on letters of workers and soldiers from Leipzig and Chemnitz, respectively. The soldiers stated explicitly that there were striking similarities between industrial workers and military service or military work. In other words, they felt in a specific way more ‘at home’ with many of their comrades who had been recruited from other backgrounds. In a letter from June 1943, a sergeant speaks of the flight he had made some days before, when they passed over Warsaw en route. He wrote: ‘We flew several rounds over Warsaw, and recognised with enormous satisfaction the total destruction of the Jewish living quarters. Here our troops have done a truly great job.’35 Clearly the role of the military entails being prepared to kill, and when it comes to battle, the danger of being killed is as imminent as is the possibility that one might kill or wound others. The emotions involved in these situations were rarely addressed directly in the letters that soldiers sent home.36 Indeed, some of them displayed a specific sort of humour when it came to the ever-present dangers of soldiering. In September 1944, for instance, a soldier stationed at the homefront not far from his hometown, the city of Chemnitz, was shot at by an allied airplane. The bullet missed him by just a few meters. In a letter some days later, he dryly commented that it was not necessary to be very far away in order to be killed in war (his reference being to the distance between home and those comrades who were serving a long way away, such as soldiers in Russia or even Italy). In the same letter, the author gave details about a hunt for ‘Russians’ who were obviously escaped Ostarbeiter, and then expressed joy at seeing how these escapees trembled upon being caught.37 Other previous employees of the same company sent letters. A young woman, who had been conscripted (dienstverpflichtet), worked as a secretary since the spring of 1943 to an officer of the ordinance corps in the Generalgouvernement, the part of Poland that had not been incorporated into the Reich but designated as a colony and which was, in fact, the site of the Holocaust. Her superior, who in his civilian job had been in the same Chemnitz-based company that she had worked in, was killed by a bandit or a partisan in February of 1944. She writes of her horror and sorrow and concludes: ‘His death causes a lot of extra work although we got a new person to take over his job but this one has to get used to things … Nevertheless I enjoy my task (Einsatz) a great deal, and I am almost ready to say that I do not want to come home now. Indeed, all is fine.’38 Concluding Remarks The emergence of modernity may have transformed emotionality but it did not erase it. What is required therefore are explorations of the specific ways 70 Alf Lüdtke in which feelings were experienced and symbolised, but also how they might have been silenced or suppressed. ‘Emotionology’, the term coined by the Stearnses, denotes an approach that has pioneered such investigation in history.39 The two authors focus on ‘emotional standards’ as favoured by social groups in their respective settings or conjunctures. Resulting studies reconstructed classifications of feelings from a wide variety of textual documents. However, this emphasis on the social construction of emotions left out the very dynamics of feelings operating ‘beyond’ any text. William Reddy has pointed out that articulations of emotions may be different from other genres of voicing one’s state of mind or calling for action. Accordingly, such articulations work as ‘emotives’. That is to say: terms denoting specific feelings not only register but actively and instantaneously evoke or shape these very feelings.40 In addition, it becomes obvious that singling out a certain feeling (like ‘jealousy’, as Peter Stearns did in one of his studies) misses the specifics of feelings: They never appear in isolation. Contextualization needs to include the fact that at any one time individuals experience a variety of feelings whether people do operate as singles or participate in group action. Yet, the issue is not merely the presence and impact of feelings; at the same time their transformation needs scrutiny. At least certain terms have undergone dramatic changes as to both their meaning and their emotional charge. The German term Weib (woman) is a case in point: from the sixteenth to the early nineteenth centuries Weib did refer to a woman in good standing; the term also transmitted a strong emotional charge. Nowadays, however, pejorative connotations have wiped out that previous meaning; they also have lost much of their emotional charge. Similarly, we might ask which feelings and emotions were not only indicated but, perhaps, triggered by terms such as Abreibung (thrashing) or Bombenstimmung (joyful mood) that were held to be indicative for pro-Nazi views among friends and foes alike.41 Or what about German soldiers at the Eastern front during World War II who mentioned der Russe or, more colloquially, der Russki (the Russian) over and over again in their letters to families or friends at home? What were the feelings that grounded and contextualized such a term? And how did the emotional charge alter as the war unfolded for both those who used the term and those on its receiving end? Furthermore, is it possible to track two distinct but related threads of resonances connected to Russe or Russki? One would run along a spectrum that went from contempt to fear of the enemy (yet even include respect or admiration); the second would show peaks and troughs of the emotional charge as feelings became more intense, less intense, and, then, more intense again. Neither the presence of feelings nor the shifting intensity of their emotional charge are ‘given’ properties of the words (or signs) the people of the past employed in their (inter-)actions. Thus historians’ efforts to reconstruct Love of State – Affection for Authority: Politics of Mass Participation 71 past feelings are not only hampered by both distance and difference between ‘us’ and ‘them’. Even more, the limits of present day awareness may blind and deafen researchers to the very feelings people experienced in the past. Notes 1. I prefer the term ‘feelings’ because it emphasises the sensual dimension, while ‘emotions’ seem to stress the cultural codes that transform feelings into meaning. At any rate, I do not consider the two terms mutually exclusive, but rather that they allude to different facets of the same issue, ‘thing’, and practice. Still, the term emotion seems to focus specifically on registers of perceiving but also theorising; thus, emotions address feelings in theoretical refraction. 2. Karl Marx referred to practices of work in different ways. This included terms that alluded to ‘living labour’ and concomitantly to the ‘fire of labour’. See Karl Marx, Das Kapital, vol. 1 (Berlin: Dietz, 1965 (1867/1890)), 198, 445. In the case of Max Weber, it was particular religious motives and ‘ethics’ that drove or might have equally hindered people from working. In this case, however, ‘ethics’ entailed a sense of calculation, so that it was the cognitive rather than the emotional dimension that was in play. See Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (London: Routledge, 1992 (1904/1905)), 13–38, 102–125. 3. The ‘many’ refers to those who operate or perceive themselves as being not on the ‘heights of command’, but below, beyond or outside of them. My intention in using this term is to avoid the often-misleading connotations of ‘the masses’ or of those terms intended to denote ‘ordinary’ people according to classifications of social rank or function. Moreover, the term ‘the many’ also alludes to the fact that even groups that are strongly cohesive are made up of individuals who come together, and operate, and ‘stand’ together. 4. Ernst Cassirer, Der Mythus des Staates. Philosophische Grundlagen politischen Verhaltens (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1985 (1949)), 234, 346–360. See esp. 377 on the ‘power of the imagination’ that ‘moves big masses nowadays’. 5. Walter Benjamin, Das Kunstwerk im Zeitalter seiner technischen Reproduzierbarkeit, in Gesammelte Schriften, vols. 1/2 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1974 (1935)), 431–469, here 467. 6. William M. Reddy, ‘Sentimentalism and its Erasure. The Role of Emotions in the Era of the French Revolution’, Journal of Modern History 72, no. 1 (2000): 109–152. 7. Achim Landwehr, Policey im Alltag. Die Implementation frühneuzeitlicher Policeyordnungen in Leonberg (Frankfurt am Main: Klostermann, 2000); Georg Sälter, Polizei und soziale Ordnung in Paris. Zur Entstehung und Duchsetzung von Normen im städtischen Alltag des Ancien Régime (1697– 1715) (Frankfurt am Main: Klostermann, 2004); Alf Lüdtke, Police and State in Prussia, 1815–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989). 8. Herfried Münkler, Im Namen des Staates. Die Begründung der Staatsraison in der frühen Neuzeit (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1987). 9. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957); Louis Marin, Le Portrait du roi (Paris: Les Éditions de Minuit, 1981); and for the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, see Peter Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992). 10. See Pieter Spierenburg, ed., The Emergence of Carceral Institutions. Prisons, Galleys and Lunatic Asylums 1550–1900 (Rotterdam: Erasmus Universiteit, 1984). The perspective pursued here resonates with but also is different from Michel Foucault’s emphasis on the change of power from direct physical enforcement to means which ‘produce’ compliance by a combination of the ‘arrangement of bodies, surfaces, lights and gazes’ and the practices of minutely (self-)disciplining everyone’s body, thus constituting a disciplinary mode and, more generally, a ‘microphysics of power’. Cf. Michel Foucault, Surveiller et punir. Naissance de la prison (Paris: Gallimard, 1975), 203, 140. 72 Alf Lüdtke 11. Richard J. Evans, Rituals of Retribution. Capital Punishment in Germany, 1600–1987 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996). 12. Alf Lüdtke, ‘“Sicherheit” und “Wohlfahrt”’, in “Sicherheit” und “Wohlfahrt”. Polizei, Gesellschaft und Herrschaft im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Lüdtke (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1992), 7–33, esp. 12–22; Lüdtke, ‘Gewalt des Staates – Liebe zum Staat. Annäherungen an ein politisches Gefühl der Neuzeit’, in Rationalitäten der Gewalt. Staatliche Neuordnungen vom 19. bis zum 21. Jahrhundert, eds Susanne Krasmann and Jürgen Martschukat, (Bielefeld: transcript, 2007), 197–213.. 13. Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975); Peter B. Evans, ed., Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). In contrast, Perry Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London: New Left Books, 1974) overcomes such matrix by pursuing two different and longstanding historical trajectories for Continental Europe. 14. See also the comparison of these to a rather different setting, i.e., the US New Deal by Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Entfernte Verwandtschaft. Faschismus, Nationalsozialismus, New Deal, 1933– 1939 (Munich: Hanser, 2005). 15. Robert Gellately, The Gestapo and German Society. Enforcing Racial Policy 1933–1945 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992); see also the more sceptical stance of Eric A. Johnson, Nazi Terror.The Gestapo, Jews, and Ordinary Germans (New York: Basic Books, 2000). 16. Bernward Dörner, ‘Alltagsterror und Denunziation’, in Alltagskultur, Subjektivität und Geschichte. Zur Theorie und Praxis von Alltagsgeschichte, ed. Berliner Geschichtswerkstatt (Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 1994), 254–271, 263. 17. Hans Mommsen and Dieter Obst, ‘Die Reaktion der deutschen Bevölkerung auf die Verfolgung der Juden 1933–1943’, in Herrschaftsalltag im Dritten Reich. Studien und Texte, ed. Hans Mommsen (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1988), 374–426; Detlef Schmiechen-Ackermann, ‘Der “Blockwart”. Die unteren Parteifunktionäre im nationalsozialistischen Terror- und Überwachungsapparat’, Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 48 (2000): 575–602. 18. Eintopfsonntag meant the nationwide sharing of a simple meal not during weekdays, but on a Sunday. This conspicuous action (or rather this campaign) was widely advertised in the media of Nazi Germany in the 1930s and is – albeit shyly – recalled in oral history interviews I undertook during the summer of 1985 with retired machine construction workers of Henschel Company at Kassel. These men had been teenagers or were in their early twenties around 1938. Most of them, with a chuckle, but in some detail mused about the mixture of indignation and relief, if not mild pleasure they related to the respective stew – or to their efforts to avoid it. The tapes are kept in my research archive at the former Max-Planck-Institute for History, Göttingen. 19. Petra Terhoeven, Liebespfand fürs Vaterland. Krieg, Geschlecht und faschistische Nation in der italienischen Gold- und Eheringsammlung 1935/36 (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 2003). 20. Belinda Davis, Home Fires Burning. Food, Politics, and Everyday Life in World War I in Berlin (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000); “Zieh’ Dich warm an!” Soldatenpost und Heimatbriefe aus zwei Weltkriegen. Chronik einer Familie, ed. Frank Schumann (Berlin: Neues Leben, 1989). 21. Even reports of those who, like Dominik Richert, finally deserted in the midst of the disintegration of the German army from the spring of 1918 onward, refer to feelings of satisfaction if not joy in relation to both soldiering and warfaring – feelings they had experienced before deserting. See Dominik Richert, Beste Gelegenheit zum Sterben. Meine Erlebnisse im Kriege 1914–1918 (Munich: Knesebeck & Schuler, 1989); on the army’s disintegration after the spring of 1918 see Wilhelm Deist, ‘Verdeckter Militärstreik im Kriegsjahr 1918’, in Der Krieg des kleinen Mannes. Eine Militärgeschichte von unten, ed. Wolfram Wette (Munich: Piper, 1992), 146–167. On resonances between warfare and industrial work see Alf Lüdtke, ‘War as Work’, in No Man’s Land of Violence. Extreme Wars in the 20th Century, eds Alf Lüdtke and Bernd Weisbrod (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2006), 127–151. 22. The emphasis here was on both products and the process of production. Contrasting with the way that the trademark ‘Made in Germany’ was forced upon German manufacturers Love of State – Affection for Authority: Politics of Mass Participation 73 by British competitors, who were trying to stigmatise (what were presumed to be) inferior German products, the emphasis on ‘German quality work’ aimed at appropriating the trademark and turning it into a symbol of pride of superiority; see Sydney Pollard, ‘“Made in Germany”. Die Angst vor der deutschen Konkurrenz im spätviktorianischen England’, Technikgeschichte 53 (1987): 183–195. 23. Hermann Pankow, Vom Felde der Arbeit. Eine Auswahl von Erzählungen, Schilderungen, Gedichten und Urteilen aus Heimat und Fremde (Leipzig: Dürr, 1920). 24. See on the emotional furore of the anti-Bolshevik Freicorps but also of military activists of the ‘Red Army of the Ruhr’ 1919/1920 Klaus Theweleit, Männerphantasien, 2 vols. (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1980) (English: Male Phantasies). For the continuation, or, more precisely, revitalisation of such emotions during the occupation of the Ruhr area by Allied troops and, in turn, German resistance in most of 1923, see Michael Ruck, Die Freien Gewerkschaften im Ruhrkampf 1923 (Cologne: Bund, Verlag, 1986); and Gerd Krüger, ‘Straffreie Selbstjustiz. Öffentliche Denunzierung im Ruhrgebiet, 1923–1926’, Sozialwissenschaftliche Informationen SOWI 27 (1998): 119–125. 25. See for this Alf Lüdtke, ‘“Deutsche Qualitätsarbeit”, “Spielereien” am Arbeitsplatz und “fliehen” aus der Fabrik. Industrielle Arbeitsprozesse und Arbeiterverhalten in den 1920er Jahren. Aspekte eines offenen Forschungsfeldes’, in Arbeiterkulturen zwischen Alltag und Politik. Beiträge zum europäischen Vergleich in der Zwischenkriegszeit, ed. Friedhelm Boll (Vienna: Europa Verlag, 1986), 155–199, here esp. 159–167. 26. As for photography, not only publishers and journalists, but also authors increasingly used visual media, which in itself was turning into an icon of modernity. It is clear that depictions of fuming smoke stacks and shining machinery or their polished products closely resonated with the imagery of industry at the same time that was being publicised and employed in the US, in France or, for that matter, in the Soviet Union. 27. See GARF, Moscow, Fonds 5451, Holdings of Trade Unions, Inventory 39, file 100 (Deutsche Arbeiter-Zeitung, Moscow), 42–42a. I am particularly grateful to Dr. Viktorija Tjashelnikova and Dr. Sergey Zhuravlev (both in Moscow) for directing me to this material. 28. Timothy W. Mason, Nazism, Fascism and the Working Class, ed. Jane Caplan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), on the containment of the working class in Nazi Germany, 231–273; Timothy W. Mason, Sozialpolitik im Dritten Reich. Arbeiterklasse und Volksgemeinschaft (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1977). 29. Deutschland-Berichte der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands, Sopade, 1934–1940, vol. 4: 1937 (Frankfurt am Main: Zweitausendeins, 1980), 1239. 30. On the range of these efforts of Nazi agencies addressing industrial workers, see Alf Lüdtke, ‘What remained from the “Fiery Red Glow”?’, in The History of Everyday Life. Reconstructing Historical Experiences and Ways of Life, ed. Lüdtke (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), 198–251; as to a village context see Werner Freitag, Spenge 1900–1950. Lebenswelten in einer ländlich-industriellen Dorfgesellschaft (Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 1988). 31. Denis de Rougemont, Journal aus Deutschland 1935–1936 (Vienna: Zsolnay, 1998), 62–66. 32. Margarete Doerr, “Wer die Zeit nicht miterlebt hat…”. Frauenerfahrungen im Zweiten Weltkrieg und den Jahren danach, vol. 3: Das Verhältnis zum Nationalsozialismus und zum Krieg (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 1998), 193–381. 33. Melita Maschmann, Account Rendered. A Dossier on My Former Self (New York: AbelardSchuman, 1965), 56. 34. See my Eigen-Sinn. Fabrikalltag, Arbeitererfahrungen und Politik vom Kaiserreich bis in den Faschismus (Hamburg: Ergebnisse Verlag, 1993), 406–410. 35. Sergeant Herbert H., 16 June 1943, Sächsiches Staatsarchiv Leipzig, Sack, No. 353, 46. 36. This is discussed in Klaus Latzel, Deutsche Soldaten – nationalsozialistischer Krieg? Kriegserlebnis – Kriegserfahrung, 1939–1945 (Paderborn: Schöningh, 1998); Martin Humburg, Das Gesicht des Krieges. Feldpostbriefe von Wehrmachtssoldaten aus der Sowjetunion 1941–1944 (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1998). . Reddy. Notizbuch eines Philologen. 4 (1985). Jealousy. SaechsStA Chemnitz. 813–836. 260/261. The Evolution of an Emotion in American History. Clarifying the History of Emotions and Emotional Standards’. The Navigation of Feeling. 19th edn (Leipzig: Reclam. cf. 1989. Carol Z. 38. New York: New York University Press.. Peter N.74 Alf Lüdtke 37. 41. William M. ‘Emotionology.and earwitness. Ibid. fn. Stearns. 27 September 1944. American Historical Review 90. Guenter und Haussner. Stearns and Peter N. 40.. 12 February 1944. See the scrupulous collection and nuanced reading of such terms by the eye. See his account: Lingua Tertii Imperii. 2001. Stearns. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. the philologist Victor Klemperer who had been expelled from university in 1935 and persecuted but managed to survive. no. 39. 2001 (1946)). A Framework for the History of Emotions. 6. the last volume was devoted to sketching a huge history of the love relations of the human race. the entire work (1872–1885) became to be internationally considered as an early model of modern sexology and was translated as the Trilogy of sex. . Later on. is quite significant in that respect.2 The work of Paolo Mantegazza.CHAPTER 4 Overseas Europeans Whiteness and the Impossible Colonial Romance in Interwar Italy LILIANA ELLENA Introduction The set of discourses connecting love with modernity has intersected the positioning of Europe over other cultures in various ways. criticising the assumption that romantic love was unique to European civilisation. for example. In contrast with the first two volumes of his Trilogia dell’amore. Caroline Arni has remarked. one of the founders of Italian anthropology. at the end of the century. while attention was increasingly turned toward pre-modern societies understood both in time and in space as ‘primitive societies’. Scholars in the field of cultural history and anthropology have underscored the connection between the canonisation of courtly love and the Eurocentric presuppositions that fulfilled the age of imperialism. part of the relevance of the traditional axis of inter-European comparison that shaped the long tradition of treatises on love in Europe had been lost. and was largely based on cross-cultural and ethnographical comparison. how.1 Other connections may be found in the nineteenth century shift from discourses on ars amatoria to scientia sexualis in the field of social sciences.3 These remarks suggest that the casting of the discourse on love at the heart of the making of Europe’s modernity is an historical process that cannot be Notes for this section begin on page 91. Cipolla. As Ann Laura Stoler has argued. The vocabulary of ‘love’ pervading political representations of imperial rule and intercultural encounter declined within multiple discursive formations. there may be no other field in which such dualism has been overtly dislocated and reaffirmed as much as the colonial encounter. covering a phase in which the connection between Europeanness and colonialism acquired a peculiar political relevance in Italy. I will focus on a case study based on the multiple and shifting narratives of love in Arnaldo Cipolla’s travel and fiction writings. I shall refer to his writings on the Belgian Congo. As William Reddy argues in his contribution to this book. which range from passion and desire to affection and family ties. became the champion of a hybrid genre that could be called the geopolitical romance. which underwent significant changes under pressure from .76 Liliana Ellena charted in Europe alone. at least partially. The first lies in the prominent public function given to the sphere of intimate relationships. the polarity between love and lust. Cipolla made the encounter of pleasurable sexualities the very site in which the superiority of modern societies and of ‘European love’ is asserted and made evident through cultural and ethnographic comparisons. More specifically. offered the basis for a racialisation of this paradigm. By looking at the debate on Europe and love from this perspective. Cipolla’s texts. but they point out the management of sexuality as a defining feature of the making of racial boundaries across the colonial divide.4 The second dimension concerns the unstable relationship between definitions of sexuality and emotions and how the boundaries between them have been historically and culturally defined. while exotic and colonial literature has largely contributed to the dissemination and popularisation of these stereotypes to a wider audience. on discursive and practical forms of knowledge shaped by colonial experience and concerns. I will discuss in the following pages two constitutive dimensions of it. written between 1907 and 1938. Many of its assumptions were based. albeit deeply informing European conceptions of love as a peculiar form of spiritualised eroticism. Alain Ruscio’s survey on French production brilliantly unveils how the ubiquity of the trope of love in colonial literature has little to do with notions of passion and emotions usually associated with romance. a journalist. It is a literature de l’échec which denies any romantic fulfilment. whether culturally or biologically defined. the recurrent concerns with sexuality and intimacy were not merely metaphoric of sets of power and domination. By recalling and popularising the nineteenth century heroic representation of European discovery and exploration. In the early 1920s. has been given little scrutiny. However. The inscription of sexuality within the language of race. cut across different genres in the field of highbrow and popular culture.6 In order to trace the crossroads of these two dimensions. in which geography and sexuality are narrated in terms of racial recovery vis-à-vis the post-war crisis of Europe.5 To look at the intersection between these two dimensions is pivotal in order to avoid the trap inscribed within colonial discourse itself. tells you vaguely that despite the terrible things happening around you … you will arrive at the presence of a virginity. but also even more so the anxieties and dangers arising with regard to different experiences of colonial rule. published in 1920. not so much by the need to govern colonial subjects. During a shooting party on a pirogue. Already in 1915. stereotyped representations of colonial love became the ground on which tensions surrounding conflicting definitions of European civilisation were shaped. The endless reworking of Cipolla’s texts highlights around the term ‘European’ a field of tensions addressing not only anxieties and dangers arising from inter-racial sexual contacts. and Mosila. The narration opens in a typical Conradian fashion. vis-à-vis the ‘boundless uniformity of the equatorial land’ (20). The distance from civilisation and the European community allows the protagonist to absorb indigenous’ culture and instincts. the futurist leader Marinetti.8 The midcareer novel.7 Overseas Europeans: A Euro-African Romance in Congo In 1907. which are eventually turned against his civilised nature. and develops around the encounter/clash between European civilisation and African indigenous populations. dramatised through the love/sexual relationship between the protagonist. predisposing him to a mental breakdown and moral degeneration. of a frailty that will be sweet to violate with boundless gentleness’ (42). a colonial outpost in Congo. The dream turns into a violent sexual relationship when Mosila offers herself to the ‘white man’ as a token of peace in order to save her people from extermination. inspired by the ‘romantic’ dream of conquest. I will sketch out the genealogy of the specific connection between virility. ‘causing him to slowly . From the beginning. a European settler. The protagonist embodies the ‘hyperbolical exoticism of the European’.9 marks Arnaldo Cipolla’s first attempt at fiction writing and constitutes the first volume of the African trilogy published between 1920 and 1923. the protagonist recalls his own expedition toward the interior regions of Congo. through a sexual metaphor: ‘Your fantasy kindled by the fever throbbing at your temples. Evans.10 The novel is set in Banzi. L’Airone. In this context. but to carve out ‘the domestic subject of Euroimperialism’. his lover from a remote forest village. Evans is presented as a man who has lost control over his own reactions and feelings.Overseas Europeans:Whiteness and the Impossible Colonial Romance in Interwar Italy 77 the Italian Fascist Regime’s official vision of colonial Africa. intimacy and colonialism through the comparison between fiction and travel writings. In the first part of this essay. Arnaldo Cipolla started a dazzling career as a special correspondent that brought him to be the first journalist to travel twice to Ethiopia before the First World War. addressed him as ‘the most audacious Africanist writer and tireless revealer of exotic landscapes and people’ and as such more suited to glorify the futurist mobilisation against traditionalism than ‘all the pedantic and bad professors of Italy’. By closely linking European violence and madness to the sexuality of natives.78 Liliana Ellena forget the tastes and morality of his civilised nature. when the colonial camp is hit by the sleeping sickness. the violent return of goods received as the price for their submission to the work. Mosila. like ‘wild beasts exhausted besides their females’ (70). Mosila. the second is marked by the reversal of the power relationship between Evans and Mosila. unleashed by what he perceives as Mosila’s betrayal. that the novel uses to express sexuality starkly recalls the futurist language of Filippo Tommaso Marinetti’s first novel Mafarka le futuriste and its quest for action and intensity of stimulation. for the end of their savage condition’ (213). The attention is indeed focussed on the attitude of the European and the excess of his rule. including ‘in the hour of love. the virgin worshipped by the Bantu. hidden in the forest. The mixture of sexual envy and admiration for the Labia quickly turns into hate for Mosila: ‘I hate you because you have offered me all pleasures and because the ones that I can give you. to leave the village and follow them into the forest’s interior. on the contrary. The violent and aggressive language. The narration intermingles literary and widespread Eurocentric stereotypes. Beautiful and semi-divine. tissues and guns returned to him: ‘the contempt the semi-civilised threw at the white men’s feet. instead of appeasing you. or the image of savage anthropophagy. following ‘the bloody path of the great deceivers of unknown equatorial populations’ and becoming a partisan to a ‘mistake which would cost humanity the frenzied disappearance of inferior . on behalf of all indigenous people. ‘the personification of the free peoples. who are unaware of the whites’ cruel face’ (30). only stir up new ones that I cannot satisfy’ (80–81). While the first part of the novel is characterised by the subjective point of view of the European and his delirious self-reflection. but is the very symptom of his weakness. being overwhelmed by the rule of instincts that the violent land and primitive man were imposing upon him’ (14). He recognises his error in having silenced his original and instinctive conviction that ‘the primitive human creature is gentle and good’. Her intent is to transform the colonisers into tame beings. she decides to use her seductiveness in order to control and satisfy the white’s endless desire for conquest. however. is the symbol of the deepest traditions of authentic Africa. tries to convince Evans. Evans’ violence. who constantly tries to avoid the overwhelming physical closeness with Mosila. which only intensifies when he finds pearls. so short-lived for him’. who foresees the destruction of the camp. The obsessive concern for Evan’s sexual habits. such as the connection between travel and delirium. the European protagonist’s sadism is not the outcome of his male and racial superiority. is contrasted with the sexual power of the native warrior with whom she is in love and his ars amatoria.11 In the case of Cipolla’s novel. the text offers the readers the spectacle of difference and at the same time signals a lack of colonial authority. marks the beginning of his repentance. when not explicitly pornographic. Once Mosila has left him to join her people. This idea. In Italy. a judge of the Court of Appeal at Boma who took part in the Committee of Inquiry appointed by King Leopold. in the years recorded as the ‘Italians epoch’ (1903–1909).12 Whether in the version of sentimental racism or in that more aggressive version advanced by Nisco. Finally. but also signalled the defeat of the endangered moral ground on which its superiority was rooted. In 1907.13 The novel’s conclusion. joining her and her people in the remote region’s ‘place of delight and forgiveness. Cipolla suggests in the novel’s closing lines that the European followed Mosila’s invitation to leave the ‘whites’ forever.14 The book met the echoes of the international debate on the colonial atrocities made by the Congo Free State. first as an army officer and later as a colonial administrator. the sexual attraction and repulsion felt by Evans turns into love and into the impossibility of living without her. the second nationality (after the Belgians) among the non-indigenous population in Congo. which opened for him a successful career as an international reporter for the leading Italian newspapers. The symbolism of ‘sleeping sickness’ not only stands for the utter failure of colonialism. representing. suggested the apparently opposite but actually functional idea that a certain type of European colonialism had exhausted its role in Africa. to which it is explicitly connected. surrounded by the forest which is the limit of the world’ (247). the European being destroyed by Africa or gone native. spread within the social Darwinist circles in the second half of the nineteenth century. declares the doctor going to rescue Evans ‘in order to save the Equatorial races there is nothing but the total evacuation by Europe from Central Africa. It signalled not only the defeat of the mission to universalise the European civilisation to other cultures.15 Public and political emphasis was given to the endangered . leaving room for being replaced in Central Africa by a new race. the extinction discourse evoked the opposition between modernity and primitivism through the racially constructed idea of fitted and unfitted populations toward material progress and economic development. which he explicitly identified with the Italian one. he published his collected letters. The Baron Giuseppe Nisco. owned personally by King Leopold. the debate found a sensitive ground in connection with the role played by Italian officers and settlers in Congo. and its inhabitants’ throwback to the original conditions’ (232). He spent the years between 1904 and 1907 in the Congo Free State. never able since its appearance on the earth to get up from the lowest form of barbarism and doomed to disappear. when some Europeans arrive to help Evans but can no longer find him.Overseas Europeans:Whiteness and the Impossible Colonial Romance in Interwar Italy 79 populations’ (218). If the book’s incipit and subject echoes Heart of Darkness – that would be translated into Italian some years later – Cipolla’s life does it even more. after returning to Italy. was revived by the debate on colonial atrocities in Congo. which led in 1908 to the Belgian State taking over the colony. but evokes the discourse on the extinction of primitive races: ‘Believe me’. considered in 1904 the black race ‘decrepit’. Led to believe he would have been ‘the leader of a civilised expedition’.17 In 1906. which posits Europeanness as something to be discovered and acknowledged mainly outside European borders. or even set between Belgian petty officers and black sergeants. as connected to different ways of implementing Congo Free State’s system of economic exploitation. after some reports claimed they were subjected to foreign officers with lower rank. by arguing against the artificiality of exotic literature written without leaving Europe. Furthermore. indeed. Cipolla explicitly refers to his experience in Congo in the novel’s note to the reader. Cipolla found himself at the head of ‘a column of men reduced to slaves’. “I would not say the . mostly enrolled there immediately after the Adowa defeat in 1896. under pressure from European public opinion over Leopold and the simultaneous concern for the treatment of Italian officers in the Belgian army. Evans being his ‘unknown predecessor in a remote colonial station along the equatorial rivers’ (5). often denoted simply as ‘the European’.16 The ambivalent positioning of Italians in Congo met the anxieties both over the marginalisation of Italy among European powers and over the army and national prestige already undermined by the recent defeat by African troops. and in particular how the novel’s fiction re-figures in the early 1920s Cipolla’s previous experience in Central Africa. where.80 Liliana Ellena status of Italian officers. the resounding of the Anglo-Belgian debate can be traced in the negative outcomes of a number of reports ordered by the Italian government to verify the possibility of economic and commercial penetration and of Italian migration to Congo. This remark raises the question of the connection between fiction and autobiographical writing. one of the main focuses of the published letters. the attempt to enforce the European civil code on an indigenous population is considered a further violence brought by a mistaken evaluation of the relationship between Europeans and natives.18 was combined with a subjacent concern of tensions among the Europeans themselves. Ethnographic remarks and personal observations were advanced to support the argument that the contact with the indigenous populations required a ‘revolution in the moral field’ calling for the eradication of the belief that ‘the savages’ soul could feel. the Italian government withdrew from previous agreements. the identification of the novel’s protagonist is left very vague. he claims the protagonist’s ‘tragic adventure’ to be for most part true.19 In this context. The widespread trope in colonial literature. Yet. however. The daily Il Corriere della Sera was one of the most active in denouncing the genocidal exploitation of the indigenous population by Leopold in Congo and supported Congo’s annexation to Belgium. This is most likely the reason that the newspaper hired Arnaldo Cipolla. The question of what it meant to be a ‘European’ in Congo represented. which allowed Italian soldiers to carry out their service in Congo. as a field riddled with contradictions vis-à-vis both indigenous people and Europeans from different nationalities. his name and the reference to the white man with ‘red hair’ seem rather to suggest a Northern European nationality. But even more crucially. Cipolla claims to have been initiated into the deepest and most concealed aspects of native customs: ‘Nothing like intimacy with these mild and docile creatures could prove to be of more help for the European in Congo.’27 The new version hints at the displacement of Cipolla’s personal experience within the code of literary invention and narrative that the novel would bring about. in that she has the same rights as the man. Cipolla invoked the widespread belief that in indigenous languages. then years later. ‘to will’ and ‘to love’ were expressed through the same word – a point made also by others Italian observers of Congo indigenous populations. since she imagined that I. ‘Love does not exist if not as mere sexual coupling: kissing is not used. that she is his own only as a consequence of her own will. as the Leopoldian government was doing. its natural outcome. To force indigenous soldiers recruited into the Force Publique to marry. The content. the material presented in Dal Congo was rewritten. no longer in epistolary form. one of my wives. is criticised as a vain effort given their inability to understand ‘that the married woman is very different from those the indigenous buy and sell.20 It is precisely within this argument. and. one among the few natives named in his letters. nor appreciated’. that Sonisia. briefly appears for the first time. was narrated in a more descriptive and captivating style.21 Cipolla assumed the absence of the conception of love as what caused colonised populations to be unable to understand the institution of modern European marriage. but at least the seeds of them’. that the position of women comes into play as the signifier of the boundary between civilisation and barbarism. as a result marriage’. he stated that only in Congo had he realised that the modern conception of marriage was a very recent acquisition in the history of humanity. while Libero Acerbi considered ‘love and.25 Sonisia reappears here not as the savage of the 1907 text. where Cipolla is celebrating a wedding.24 In 1917.Overseas Europeans:Whiteness and the Impossible Colonial Romance in Interwar Italy 81 same compassions as ours. Hundreds of years had been required ‘before the awareness of women’s rights could manifest itself in man’s soul. ‘Stark naked’.23 It is in this context. since an ‘abyss’ has been drawn ‘between her and her bestial sisters from Aruvimi’. This move was dictated by his personal literary ambition28 and was . Even if many episodes and valuations remained relatively unchanged. in which the question of transcendence and moral concerns played a crucial role.26 Referring to her as ‘my companion’. she asks him. solemnly affirmed before him’. The few pages from 1907 were rewritten into a new chapter aimed at allowing the reader to penetrate ‘the tastes of the feminine refinement of the cannibals’. it is significant that the main changes related to the section dealing with indigenous women. jealousy’ as ‘little felt by the Congolese’ for whose women it is indifferent to belong to one or another man. would have at least a dozen’. sanctioned by the institution of monogamous marriage. being a white mokungi (chief). my Congolese half.22 The superiority of European men to their ‘savage’ counterparts rests with their acknowledgement of women as their equal companions. wrote Primo Cantale. we would say. ‘nothing less than to become. ‘exile’ meant not simply his personal isolation in colonial Congo. Cipolla’s novel can be connected to a corpus of popular literature production that spread all over Europe and the United States and was less sophisticated from a literary point of view but was much interesting. freedom and fidelity. Cipolla resentfully recalled in an autobiographical article how his early military career during the ‘sad years after Adowa’ was marked by ‘the obsession to try to take part in the few overseas ventures where the humiliated Italy was forced to send its soldiers’. who knew by heart the journeys of Henry Morton Stanley and Vittorio Bottego.30 Cipolla remarked that the novel.33 . Here. as an emancipator promise of respect. was meant to ‘pay a modest homage to the primitive men who had been my companions and my consolation during exile’ by letting them tell their ‘ineffable tragedy’ (5). on the contrary. If Mosila’s character in 1920 owes much to the different versions of Sonisia throughout his travelogues. In the second case. this discourse reproduced the racist identification of Central Africa as the Anti-Europe and simultaneously cast the question of standards of European morality at the centre of the international scene. In this specific narrative. but more broadly the exclusion and self-exclusion of liberal Italy from overseas expansion. In the first case. The love allegory points out to the degeneration of European civilisation. which brings about material and technological progress at the expenses of moral standards and envisages the fall of Europe or at least its decline.31 and in his later memoirs.29 Without undermining the legitimacy of the colonial enterprise. In 1921.82 Liliana Ellena fostered by post-war feelings of nationalistic resentment. the conjugal conception of love explains the attraction felt by African women toward European men (but not the other way around). rather than a celebration of his European precursor. Susanne Gehrmann has remarked how the high mediatisation of the ingredients of the colonial violence in the public sphere were often exploited by these texts in order to stir up the imagination of the popular public through aesthetics of horror highly eroticised. characterised by corruption and death drives. then the narrative structure of the novel subverts the representation offered in the travelogues by inventing a dichotomised and fantasised opposition between an unrestrained African sexuality and a decadent European civilisation. ‘the European’ becomes a highly unstable signifier. While Heart of Darkness became the founding text of an ambivalent European rhetoric on colonial violence based on the ‘unspeakable horror’. African sexuality as identified with women stands out in opposition to an emasculated Europe. The travelogues and the fiction play out the polarisation between love and sexuality in a quite significant way. The need to reaffirm the European moral superiority and the legitimacy of white rule became a transnational concern where the universalising claims of European ideology were contrasted with specific attitudes both nationally and culturally rooted. he would recurrently evoke his self-image of a ‘restless young’32 at unease in the restricted domestic horizons of Liberal Italy. standardised and bourgeois post-war Europe. Congo lost any strategic interest in the colonial public debate. as part of the plan to unify and regenerate the nation. The imperial fate of Italy and its predestination to Africa were not only crucial to the Fascist vision of modernity. After the carnage of the European war. and resulted in a 1926 collection of short stories. rooted in the Roman imperial past. The reshaping of Cipolla’s travel writings did not end with the 1920 novel. which imbued positivistic scientific and political thought.37 Exotic landscapes as backgrounds for love romances became his specialty.36 The rhetoric of the opposition between the old plutocratic colonialism and the new ‘spiritual’ one provided the ground on which the Fascist civilising mission. Toward a White Colonial Romance After fascism’s rise to power. ‘whereby European bourgeois subjects seek to secure their innocence in the same moment as they assert European hegemony’. denouncing the alienation of the grey. is . the novel embodies a specific version of the ‘anti-conquest discourse’. were revived around the theme of the sunset of civilisation. In the first novel. was bound to reappear over and over in his later writings until his death in 1938. entitled Il cuore dei continenti (The Heart of the Continents). would support other colonial projects and politics no less overtly racist and violent. on the contrary.Overseas Europeans:Whiteness and the Impossible Colonial Romance in Interwar Italy 83 In the context of the early 1920s. The success of the African trilogy earned him the label of the Italian Kipling and probably encouraged him to further exploit the genre.38 In particular. the themes of the anti-Leopoldian campaign resounded in the nationalist feelings raised by the Versailles Treaty and fed by the myth of Italian ‘mutilated victory’. but to remould it. however. a key political issue. the character of Lucia. a young French woman who asks for help in returning to Europe. was doomed not so much to save the Old Europe. despite the condemnation for the atrocities committed in Congo. By connecting the Italian ‘exile’ with colonial expansion and the indigenous tragedy. played out the ‘repulsive appeal’35 of Africa against the Imperial European powers by mobilising the love for the lost Africa. previously identified with Leopoldian rule. The question of the connection between colonialism and competing definitions of European civilisation became. previously published in newspapers.34 The love allegory. without undermining the boundaries between civilisation and primitivism. The subject. forms of cultural pessimism. The nostalgic mourning of the colonial dream was conveyed through forms of nationalist celebration that. became now increasingly associated with France and explicitly connected with the question of love and inter-racial relationships. the dangerous ‘European’ pattern of colonialism. were also coupled with larger geopolitical plans to remake Europe. as defined by Mary Louise Pratt in terms of a strategy of representation. but as Ruth Ben-Ghiat has remarked. which shared the same setting as L’Airone. Cipolla’s concerns about colonisers’ attitudes could be easily mobilised and resonated with the normative conceptions of politics as a style in which fascism combined the avant-garde gestures with the masscult of personality. In 1927. competing cultural traditions and styles. who is forced to face instead a black ‘who took over a rosy daughter of France’.84 Liliana Ellena contrasted with the figure of her father. a new collection of short stories and travelogues. The quest for an original Italian colonial corpus of literature implied the refusal of the tropes of the everlasting allure of the oriental femme fatale.39 The following year.42 The Italian ‘superior’ genius and the spiritual attributes of its action made its expansionist claims morally outstanding.40 Some of the crucial passages of the original novel were left out. an ‘indigenised’. Within fascism’s spiritual interpretation of modern colonialism.41 His previous colonial experience could be successfully recalled to fit the political need to forge a colonial style devoid of any foreigner influence. In this new climate. on the colonial prestige of the virile Italian people. In the second novel. while others were considerably reworked. even if not being present in Africa in great numbers. in order to concentrate. insofar as the identification between Evans and himself marks the transformation of the plot from the opposition between European colonialism and African primitivism toward the contrast between different styles of European colonialism. the discourse of empire became the site of debate over countries’ rights for conquest. that should no more be simply aimed at popularising exotic lands inaccessible to the Italian people. the changes in the novel’s plot were significantly justified by a footnote in which Cipolla – without mentioning the previous novel – declared Evans to be himself. while the admiration for the indigenous world that characterised the original novel was considerably softened. In particular. but instead offers herself out of a free and unrestrained lust. on the contrary. would include the reworked plot of L’Airone and the chapter on ‘Congolese women’ already published in his travelogue from 1917. the opposition between black and white male sexuality disappeared with Mosila no longer sacrificially offering herself for the safety of her people. thus becoming even more similar to Sonisia. Cipolla had already noted in his early travel writing that Italians. who ‘cannot conceive of a life different from those of the Sango’. a similar contempt for the hypocrisy of French ‘liberal’ colonialism is cast around an interracial marriage. This shift is crucial. had ‘the strength . Cipolla found in this new context a long awaited opportunity to point to his own work as the model of ‘a healthy and effective colonial literature’. The period between 1926 and 1927 coincides with the launch of the first competition for a colonial romance organised by Fascist government as part of the campaign aimed at promoting a peculiar Italian colonial consciousness. by representing the colonial administrator ready to welcome the ‘WWI coloured combatant’. Pagine africane di un esploratore. The denunciation of the excesses and violence of the Leopoldian colonial rule was confirmed. Lucie and Cipolla return to Europe together. offered natives the ‘celebration of a lover’s ritual unknown to them. Congolese admiration and trust for the Italians were firmly rooted in a number of reasons: the character.Overseas Europeans:Whiteness and the Impossible Colonial Romance in Interwar Italy 85 of the race’. while for the others it is laboured and false (the French pronunciation is the negation of Central Africa’s languages). she tries to convince the protagonist to leave the village: ‘And after all. He is the bearer of the meanings of ‘Europe’.45 The original subject of his first novel was. thoroughbred Parisian. daughter of the Ibenga’s Governor’. but I love Italy … because I love you. Lucia speaks almost literally the same words spoken by Mosila. Lucie. already in love with ‘Mademoiselle Lucie. but deeply disturbed by the tropical stay’. certain innate surges of enthusiasm or anger. their simplicity of manners. Berthe. The whitening of the colonial romance posits the Italian as the only proper embodiment of sexual and racial morality. the way of speaking the indigenous language. where the three female characters – the French Lucie. He was. why should you care about the Belgians? You have learned what the true Africa is.43 A similar stance will be recalled in 1931. When the sleeping sickness hits the camp. uses the excuse of wanting to go back to Europe in order to join Cipolla at the Belgian station and to escape her indigenised father. emphasising that Italian sincerity contained ‘a deep liking for the so-called inferior people’ and that the Italians’ ability to completely understand them would one day translate into the ability to ‘correct the colonial injustices of the present’. and through which the boundaries of the colonial divide are reasserted. which coincided with the Ethiopian war and the Fascist declaration of Empire. and that allows him to lower himself to these primitive minds and understanding them to dominate. is in love with the ‘European’ and romantically dreams of being abducted by Cipolla in order to be married. significantly. The exceptional sobriety. writes Cipolla. retreated around the contrast between the French colonial camp and the Belgian one run by Cipolla himself. that of two young white gods’. The white couple. The protagonist is the object of desire of the métisses daughters of the French administrator. whose pronunciation came very naturally to us.44 The last step of the process of revision of L’Airone plot took place in 1936. an extraordinary being ‘originally stable. . Cipolla would again rework this material in a series of articles that appeared in the newspaper ‘Il Messaggero’. One of them. which faced each other along the banks of the Congo River. which Lucie can rejoin through being connected to him without leaving from Africa. From this moment onward.’46 This time the fulfilment of the colonial romance is assured by the whiteness of the couple. and above all such a wonderful adaptability to the environment that the Italian possesses in an outstanding amount. when you return to Italy from the glades you could teach it to your countrymen and urge them to vindicate Adowa … I am French. however. Sonisia and Mosila – will be fused together. After defeating the sleeping sickness. but also national/European racial prestige. by adapting it to the political agenda and presenting himself as the perfect example of the colonial male prestige. as part of the enormous propaganda effort. this representation suggests that imperial desire was increasingly addressed not only to Africa. whose penetration into ‘most savage Africa’ was based on methods ‘seemingly praiseworthy considered from Europe. but to address the monstrosity and dangerousness of the hybrids. the new ‘virile’ colonialism was based on clear racial boundaries between coloniser and colonised. identified here with French colonial rule. but represented a charged public domain on which depended not simply individual morality. In the 1930s. She was presented as a métisse of Euro-African descent. known as the Hottentot Venus. and above all harmful for the whites’ prestige’. decadent and weak Europe and the new virile Europe infused and reinvigorated by its Mediterranean-African roots. this question was no longer a private matter. In this version. and whose . but also to Europe itself. The journalist’s transformation into the protagonist of the colonial venture produced a substantial re-arrangement of the previous narration of adventure and exploration by evoking a space in which experiences of annihilation and death co-exist with fantasies of liberation and transformation. already taken for granted. for the umpteenth time. his personal experience in Belgian Congo. to be saved and redeemed by the virile and racially safe Italy. which reasserted whiteness and Europeanness along gender and racial lines. the triumph of white romance was not predicated mainly in opposition to inter-racial sexuality. The centre is no longer concerned with how the European man loves. but the focus is shifted to the field of inter-european relationships. Mussolini declared miscegenation ‘an attack to European civilisation’. The main changes of Cipolla’s original plot signalled that even before the 1938 racial law. represented as a woman.86 Liliana Ellena The resumption of Italian settlers’ experiences under ‘foreign’ empires was functional to the restoring of Italian authority and relevance brought about by the conquest of Ethiopia and was combined with a renewed interest toward Central Africa. but against the ghost of the métis. but full of snags once applied on the spot.48 By inscribing the redefinition of the boundaries across the colonial divide into questions of European rivalry and competition. Cipolla reworked. articulated in the opposition between Evans and the native warrior. but is shifted to the question of who the White should love. One of the most striking examples of this virulent campaign is the resumption of the nineteenth century Saartjie Baartman’s case. In the same year. Evans’ romance mirrored the opposition between the old. the real target of which was not to demonstrate the inferiority of the African populations. The love allegory does not concern the relationship between Europe and Africa anymore. The impossible romance between a European man and an African woman required a complete reversal of the triangle cast in the original novel. In contrast to the old forms.47 In this context. It is France. as marked by publications aimed to popularise anthropological theories. considered the engineer of the segregationist system in East Africa. Loredana Polezzi has stressed the specific intertextuality governing an intergeneric network composed by political pamphlets. His . no snobbery or babelism’. in the same year the journal published the article ‘Interpretazione razzista dell’Otello’ (Otello’s racist interpretation) where the Shakespearian character was recruited in the anti-miscegenation campaign granting to the Italian dramatist Gianbattista Giraldi Cinzio (1504–1573). In interwar Italian travel and colonial production. scientific treatises. The topics handled by Cipolla intertwined both his personal interest and the political climate. the primacy of having pointed out the dangers of inter-racial marriage.Overseas Europeans:Whiteness and the Impossible Colonial Romance in Interwar Italy 87 ‘monstrous’ features were the result of the mixing between Dutch settlers and Hottentots.50 In the period after 1939 and the outbreak of war. By analysing the body of travel writing. the concern with miscegenation was addressed not only to the colonies and to the practices of other European colonial powers.53 Europeanness and Whiteness in Fascist Italy The texts written by Arnaldo Cipolla belong to different genres and were disseminated across different media from travel writings to newspaper articles. but the reason for the French defeat was ascribed to its ‘racial anarchy which mixes blood as it does with white coffee’. but increasingly also toward Europe itself. which hosted the biggest names of Fascist ideologists of racism. ready to turn from soldier into traveller. While his travel writings translated his military experience in Congo into the code of discovering and exploration adventures. One of his reviewers opposed him as a writer on exotic subject to nineteenthcentury old cosmopolitanism ‘the globe-trotter and the pure race Italian have merged in him without overlapping … no artifice. more distant texts types’. in 1936 attacked the French assimilationist system. as it had already happened with Portugal. colonial novels and guide books. in 1940 not only was France not considered a ‘race’. from reportages to novels.52 Interestingly enough.54 The public image of Cipolla embodies this specific mark. a nation considered completely ‘negrotised’. this emphasised hybridity is in no way an exception.49 Lidio Cipriani. on the pages of the journal La Difesa della razza. considered one of sources of Shakespeare’s tragedy. alleging that it would have entailed ‘catastrophic demographic consequences for the preservation and rise of our civilisation’ extending the ‘nucleus of the infection’ to Europe.55 He combined the heroic allure of nineteenth-century explorers with the modern appeal of special correspondents. whose ‘cross-roads indicates genres which seems to function as formal as well as conceptual links between other. from tourist into colonial writer. his journalist accounts made him into an embodiment of the colonial hero of the Fascist revolutionary modernity. no affectation.51 While in 1939 the ‘plague of métissage’ implied that ‘the white France has virtually ceased to exist’. which allowed him to follow the military operations during the Ethiopian war and for which he was granted the medal for military valour.57 On the contrary. who was able to control his sexual desires and instincts and who . ‘a figure of the imagination whose geographical referents remain somewhat indeterminate’58 on behalf of which any colonial project is predicated and justified. hinting at the shift from an ambivalent positing of the European coloniser as a negative model toward an assertion of the Italian colonial style as truly embodying the values of European civilisation.56 While Cipolla’s rewriting of the colonial romance was produced and solicited by a specific political contingency. In the international dispute over the Italian invasion. on the idea of love as a free and equal relationship. In this respect. interests and normative meanings constituted through the conflict between different and competing national cultures and political projects. both in order to legitimise Italian intervention and to oppose it. métissage emerged as a powerful trope for European internal contamination and for challenges to rule. The work of Arnaldo Cipolla and more broadly Italian colonial discourse bring to light the double level on which meanings attached to Europeanness were called into play in connection with colonialism. whose superiority is based. emerged overtly in connection with the Ethiopian war. and their frictions. Europe stands as an abstract form. On the other hand. the discourse on whiteness was linked to the concept of the Italian race as the one destined to embody the moral strength of the European stock.88 Liliana Ellena long experience as a colonial writer and Africanist offered the basis for the political exploitation of his production and simultaneously his self-promotion. In 1934. the European civilising mission was put forward.60 In the internal debate over colonial policies. it highlights the set of tensions that were at the stake in the triangulation between Italy. Étienne Balibar has suggested. it cannot be merely considered a direct projection of political changes in Italian colonial policies – from tolerant attitudes toward inter-racial relationships to a racist stand in the 1930s or even from an anti-colonialist position to colonialism. he joined the Fascist writers’ trade union. Europeanness emerges mainly ex negativo as a lack and a failure. It exists as a homogenous idea of civilisation. This ‘man of character’ asserted by colonial literature and Fascist propaganda. He published his reports in the Il Messaggero newspaper and eventually put himself forward as a candidate for ‘Italian Academician’ and even as a candidate for Senator. In this specific context. On the one side. In the imperialist game. as a ‘white race’s solidarity’ broken or contradicted.’59 The interplay between these two levels. Europe and Africa during the interwar period through which cultural forms of internal and external Orientalism were turned into the modernist dream of Italian authenticity and displaced in the colonial imaginary. The protagonist of Arnaldo Cipolla’s novel underwent a metamorphosis. among others. each colonialist nation has put itself forward as the most European: ‘the other white is also the bad white. Each white nation is spiritually “the whitest”. Europe is translated into specific attitudes. rooted both in a feeble consciousness of the ‘race prestige’ and in an unsatisfactory knowledge of indigenous attitudes and customs. He concluded ‘even the individual who do not have the burden of command in the Empire should look after his behavior towards indigenous very carefully. but it was rather part of the effort to make Italians into European colonial subjects. The Italian colonial discourse. with its prevailing highly fantasised colonial ‘other’. who on the contrary are beautiful in their shapes and looks?62 The racial association of ‘white’ with European appeared. the ‘human question’ was often understated to considering the man in the colony simply as an ‘animal-machine’. This makes one laugh when the race’s prestige is spoken of. what is the difference between some of our most shabby fellow countrymen … and Ethiopian peasants. suggesting that race was not merely about biology. the journalist Ciro Poggiali wrote down in his personal journal: It is painful to say. rather turns the focus on the contradictions between the mobilisation of the European normative values attached to ‘race prestige’ and the actual attitudes of Italian settlers in East Africa. Antonio Petrucci criticised the common belief that assumed the colonial enterprise as simply a matter of investments and engineers. By reminding the readers that in the discourse about ‘indigenous or national manpower’. the oldest colony. The Latin-Mediterranean roots of Italian culture. resulted in English fears about the injection of African blood in Europe by Italians during the Ethiopian war. The article listed a number of mistakes made in the colonies. In 1936. The high percentage of hybrids in Eritrea. Because the .Overseas Europeans:Whiteness and the Impossible Colonial Romance in Interwar Italy 89 embodied a modernised and renovated image of rule. its ‘difference’ that was supposed to mark the distinctness of the colonial rule.61 The difficulty of making clear distinctions between Italians and the natives was not only based on skin colour. was not simply part of the effort to import cultured sensibilities to the colonies. but moreover with cultural attitudes and behaviours. calling into question the tenuous artifice of the rule within the European white community in East Africa and what marked its borders. Some of them are perfectly at their ease in the tukul’s filth. Cipolla’s endless investigation into who should be intimate with whom reminds us that the Italian colonial ‘gaze’ in the interwar years was not fixed merely on the ‘colonised’. but we have sent too many Southerns to Ethiopia. problematic to Italian readers as even the texts of colonial policymakers reveal. to say the least. but required specific regulation of sentiments and affective dispositions. in which very often métis can be easily confused with the Italian European brown type ‘with some Saracen traits’ or with ‘whites burned by the sun’. entered into conflict with the need to draw a clear boundary between Italian Europeans and East Africans. because in their villages in Puglia or Calabria they had nothing better. but obsessively on the Europeans themselves. If one ignores the face’s colour. The redefinition of acceptable sexual behaviour and morality emerged during a specific conjuncture that coincided with a crisis in colonial control. They are too backwards to have the authority to impose what is called European civilisation. articulated through colonial dis- . Ann Laura Stoler has pushed even further the concern of Frantz Fanon’s work in the 1950s with regards to the subjectivities produced through colonial sexualities. as part of a totalitarian project to engineer colonial life. The southern Italians. Ciano noted down: ‘he added that if they would have had a distinguishing somatic mark he would exterminate them all. Already in 1938. the British and the French ‘each defined their unique civilities through a language of difference that draw on images of racial purity and sexual virtue’.’63 Traces of the clash between internal forms of Orientalism and colonial racism can be found almost everywhere. This contradiction feeds during the same years the Mussolinian rhetoric of the ‘popolo bue’ (ox people). sure to do Italy and humanity a great favour’. she suggests that the Dutch. In 1938.90 Liliana Ellena prestige he acquires or loses is acquired or lost for the Italians as a whole. The lapidary slogan by Mussolini. hit directly upon the very core of the Italian internal contradictions. which demanded an apartheid system to be imposed from above. and the Orientals and Africans on the other side. but not quite. The theories that uphold the African origins of some European populations and include in a shared Mediterranean race also Semitic and Hamitic populations. largely emerged from an internal contradiction. ‘Empires have to be conquered by weapons and maintained through prestige’. Galeazzo Ciano reported in his diary that once informed about the unfair conduct of a farmers’ group from Bari visiting Munich.64 The obsession with the colour line emerged from widespread anxiety about the instabilities and vulnerabilities of Italian manliness and racial membership. but also was a defining feature of it.’66 Recently focussing on the genealogy of the ‘colonial intimate regime’. The desire for Africa. farm workers and urban unemployed – who were supposed to migrate and populate AOI (East Africa Empire) – were unsuitable to fit the settlers’ ethos imagined by Mussolini and to build a cohesive white and European community. the infamous Manifesto degli scienziati razzisti devoted an entire article to attest the Europeanness of Italian stock: ‘A clear distinction should be made between the Mediterranean of Europe (westerners) on one side. As Giulia Barrera has convincingly argued. By mapping what she calls the European ‘colonial bourgeois order’.67 This approach maintains that the assertion of European supremacy in terms of patriotic manhood and racial virility was not only an expression of imperial domination. who were never able to be up to the Imperial task. should therefore be considered dangerous. Mussolini got upset with the ‘slaves’ sons’ and remarked that the need to infuse a ‘higher racial conception’ was crucial to proceed in the colonisation of the Empire. The instability of the identification between Italianness and Europeanness required to be repeatedly reasserted and ‘scientifically’ proven. as confirmation that Italians where Europeans.65 the reasons which moved Mussolini to dictate from Rome the rules of everyday interaction between Italians and their colonial subjects. the colonial discourse brings to light how racialised representations not only affected real and imaginary management of non-European subjects. 2005). . rather than to the genealogy of otherness’ stereotypes. 1885. ‘Introduction’ in Paolo Mantegazza. 1877. Beside L’Airone. On the anthropological approach of this critique see William Jankowiak. 15–17. see Corrispondenze/Fondo Cipolla/ Public Library of Como. Romanzo del mare indiano (Turin: Agenzia Giornalistico-Libraria. 2002). The Sexual Relations of Mankind (New York: Eugenics Publishing Company. As I have tried to show through the work of Arnaldo Cipolla. All translations from Italian sources in this text are mine unless otherwise noted. Love in Europe. Empires of Love. 1872. 6. Culture and Race (London: Routledge. 7. quotations of this work will be given in the text. 1999). 2 (2004): 185–205. Moreover.Overseas Europeans:Whiteness and the Impossible Colonial Romance in Interwar Italy 91 course. Amours Coloniales. 5. 10. hinted very much at the impossibility of erasing the internal Otherness. which returned over and over to destabilise the othering of Africa. 9.T. Henceforth. no. 1999). 1995). Marinetti to Arnaldo Cipolla. 1920). An Argument on Love. 1992). Colonial Desire. Ann Laura Stoler. 1996). ed. in particular ch. 1935).. but simultaneously also impacted on contested definitions of European identifications within the continent itself. Matsuda. A Universal Experience? (New York: Columbia University Press. Notes 1. 1997). Histories of France and the Pacific (Oxford: Oxford University Press. Imperial Eyes. the racialised vision of the ‘New European Order’ predicated by totalitarian regimes suggests that maybe no other period than the interwar shows that racism was not simply a colonial reflect. fashioned to deal with the distant Other. Modernity and the Feminist Subject at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century’. the question of what constituted European identities at home was steeped in racial metaphors and civilising tropes. Imagination and Politics in Britain between the Wars (London: Tauris. 4. Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power. 4. while the previous two volumes were respectively Fisiologia dell’amore. The original publication was Gli amori degli uomini. Monsters and Revolutionaries. See Luisa Passerini. Colonial Family Romance and Métissage (Durham: Duke University Press. 8. Europe in Love. 2. Aventures et fantasmes exotiques de Claire de Duras à Georges Simenon (Brussels: Editions Complexe. here 202f. Romantic Passion. which highlight the difficult task of disentangling the link between colonialism and Europeanness. but a part of the very making of Europeans themselves. L’Airone (Milan: Vitagliano. 1923). Hybridity in Theory. By turning the focus to the construction of Europeanness. and Alain Ruscio. See Victor Robinson. 3. and Igiene dell’amore. Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (Berkeley: University of California Press. and more broadly through the debate on colonial prestige in Fascist Italy. I borrow this definition from Marie Louise Pratt. and Oceana. 2 January 1915. ‘Simultaneous Love. Françoise Vergès. Young. 1921). Arnaldo Cipolla. F.C. Matt K. 5. Caroline Arni. European Review of History 11.Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge. the trilogy includes La cometa sulla mummia (Florence: Bemporad. See Robert J. and Social Fantasy in Italy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. and Cinzia Sartini-Blum. Cipolla. Congo. 9 (10 May 1920): 5–46. Barone Giuseppe Nisco. 138–162. Diciotto mesi al Congo (Milan: Fratelli Treves. 21–59. La Tribuna. Susanne Gehrmann. From Futurist Excess to Postmodern Impasse’. 26. 21. Ibid. See Edoardo Baccari. for example. 49–76.511 whites. 19. Fascist Virilities. Cipolla contended that both stories were inspired by his own writings.. 18. an unknown army officer whose name will disappear from the second edition two years later. a play set in a rubber plantation in Congo. in Terzetti (Milan: Treves. According to the statistics reported by Edoardo Baccari in 1905. The novel cost Marinetti a trial for outrage of public decency. See Sandra Mass’ contribution to this book. 26. Mafarka le futuriste (Paris: Sansot. 148. Memorie di un esploratore (Milan: Istituto Editoriale Italiano. ‘Il Congo e gli italiani’. Arnaldo Cipolla. 20. 30. 22. 1975). no. 1917). See Baccari.. The regular army of the Congo Free State was officially established by a decree in 1888. Arnaldo Cipolla. At the beginning of the twentieth century. See Barbara Spackman. ed. Zafferanetta. 13. there were approximately 17. Ragione e Stato Indipendente del Congo (Cremona: Foroni. Dunn. Cipolla. Gino Rocca. 28. Ibid. Comoedia 2. 29. 2003). ‘Le liane. De l’engagement moral à l’horreur pittoresque’. 1931). Gone Primitive. Philoxene ou de la litterature coloniale (Paris: Firmin-Didot. 133–134. 1908). 24. leaves for Congo and never comes back. 125.000 native soldiers subjected to European officers. Modern Lives (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Ibid. 2003). Italy. 1912). 25. 1990). See Kevin C. 1–33. 1906). Dal Congo. in Arnaldo Cipolla. the French Eugene Pujarniscle. Dal Congo al Nilo azzurro 1902–1915 (Viadano: Portanuova. one of the main advocates of Congo indigenous rights in the ‘Red Rubber’ scandal. 123. Rhetoric. 14. a short story focussed on a man who discovers to have a métisse daughter in Africa. 164. and England. See Patrick Brantlinger. 113. 1996). Libero Acerbi. 314 (2005): 137–160.92 Liliana Ellena 11. 1909).T. 247. Ibid.. It should be noted that Edmund Dene Morel. here 688. in A Place in the Sun. no. Discourse on the Extinction of Primitive Races. would not hesitate to portray Africans as less than human and as sexually uncontrollable rapists of European white women. Africa in Italian Colonial Culture from Post-Unification to the Present. 31. Gianbattista Primo Cantale. 2003). 16. ‘Les littératures en marge du débat sur les “atrocités congolaise”. and Marianna Torgovnick. Pagine africane di un esploratore (Milan: Alpes. Il Congo (Rome: Rivista marittima. 1800– 1930 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Dal Congo. The subject of the Italian settlers in Congo can be found in a number of literary works. Among them Luigi Pirandello. Al Congo. 1907). and Cesira Filesi. 89. Dal Congo (Milan: Bracciforti. there were 238 in a total of 2. 1907). . 12. Dal Congo. Dark Vanishings. Patrizia Palumbo (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1927). 100f. 5 July 1904. ‘Incorporating the Exotic. Dramma in tre atti’. Savage Intellect. 27. while fighting against the presence of black French troops on the Rhineland between 1919 and 1924. ‘Progetti italiani di penetrazione economica nel Congo Belga (1908–1922)’. most of whom were recruited mainly from Belgium. no. F. 15. 2 (1982): 251–282. Storia Contemporanea 13. 23. 17. 169. Imagining the Congo (New York: Palgrave Macmillan.. Reported by Luigi Armani. Revue de Littérature Comparée. 229. Marinetti. Some years later. Cipolla. This first edition was co-signed with Vittorio Liprandi. Ideology. will aptly synthesise this point ‘one might be surprised that my pen always returns to the words Blanc (white) or “European” and never to “Français” … in fact colonial solidarity and the obligations that it entails allies all the people of the white race’. Olivier Mordrel. Loredana Polezzi. 33 (15 February 1921): 7–10. 9. 7. L’Azione coloniale. 46. ‘Autobiografia’. Cipolla. ‘Razzismo francese’. ibid. 43. The anthropologist uses it in order to underline the interplay between attraction and disgust that characterises European representation of Africa. Elio Gasteiner. 38. no. . Dal Congo. Cipolla. Interventions 8. 15 March 1931. 52. Ruth Ben-Ghiat. La mia vita meravigliosa. See Simonetta Falasca Zamponi. 70. La Difesa della razza. Storia della letteratura coloniale italiana (Palermo: Sellerio. no. La Difesa della razza. Arnaldo Cipolla.. mainly with high literature. Teodoro Rovito. The main survey on Italian colonial literature is offered by Giovanna Tomasello. As the personal archive gives evidence. ‘Un’interpretazione razzista dell’Otello’. 47. La Difesa della razza. ibid. Da un viaggio dell’autore (Florence: Bemporad. Il Congo. no. Gerarchia.The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini’s Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1926).Viaggio di scoperta nel cuore dell’Africa (Rome: Società Editrice Nazionale. 17 (5 July 1940): 23. Fascist Spectacle. 51. 6 (20 January 1939): 11–14. Journal of Modern Italian Studies 8. Un parc à thèmes’. ‘Grandezza e decadenza della razza francese’. no. 15 March 1931. Ibid. Modern Italy 1 (2003): 31–47. Cipolla. The three articles were published between October and November of 1936 on the cultural page of the Italian newspaper. The Italian Reinvention of the Hottentot Venus during Fascism’. (Special Issue ‘Afriques du Monde’): 46–60. 42. 49. See for example Guido Landra. Arnaldo Cipolla. 2004 (1984)). 32. Ibid. The Circulation of Colonial Images across Popular Genres and Media in the 1920s and 1930s’. 45f. Le metamorfosi di Otello.D. no. the text from which I quote. One of the best known was Lidio Cipriani. L’Azione coloniale.. This is an expression by Jean Loup Amselle. dealing. 44. Vittorio Bottego (1860–1897). See Jean-Loup Amselle. La mia vita meravigliosa (Rome: La Navicella. 48. Pagine africane di un esploratore. Lidio Cipriani and Arnaldo Cipolla exchanged a number of letters on Congo.. Continente nero. Dizionario bio-blibliografico italiano (Naples: Rovito. 2000). ‘Il popolo negro fugge la malattia del sonno’ and ‘Solo contro un villaggio’. ‘L’Afrique. no. ‘Imperial Reproductions. L. 1997). 7 and 24. however. here 32. 50. 1937). 3 (2003): 411–424. ‘Il problema dei meticci in Europa’. 104. Les Temps Modernes. Il cuore dei continenti (Milan: Mondadori. ‘“Defending the Race”. 36. no. 34. 48. 43. 37. 12 (December 1936): 231. The two short stories were entitled respectively ‘Notturno equatoriale’ and ‘Lo sposo del Barghimi’.Overseas Europeans:Whiteness and the Impossible Colonial Romance in Interwar Italy 93 31. 54. here 14. Letterati e giornalisti italiani contemporanei. 3 (2006): 380–393. Lidio Cipriani. Raccontanovelle. ‘Le minoranze in Francia’. a military officer. 41. 25 (5 November 1940): 11. See Shaul Bassi. 1900). 1949). These short stories were republished in Continente nero (Roma Vettorini. no. 24 (20 October 1940): 30–33. 33. Pratt. 9 (5 March 1940): 6. Storia di un’etnicità immaginaria (Bari: Graphis. 620–621 (2002). 1932). See Arnaldo Cipolla’s contribution to the survey on Italian colonial literature. See Barbara Sorgoni. a passage that would be included in his autobiography. 39. Cipolla’s answer to the survey about the state of colonial literature. 35. no. L’Africa tra mito e realtà. ‘Modernity is Just Over There’.. 53. ‘Su alcuni criteri antropologici per la colonizzazione in Africa’. here 8. entitled respectively ‘Amore e morte nello sfondo dell’Ubangi’. Imperial Eyes. Cipolla. 1922). 40.. and Mordrel. was one of the most celebrated Italian explorers of East Africa in the last decade of the nineteenth century and author of L’esplorazione del Giuba. 45. no. 2000). no. Journal of Modern Italian Studies 8. Gli appunti segreti dell’inviato del ‘Corriere della Sera’ (Milan: Longanesi. 2 (20 November 1938): 41. 43. ‘Mussolini’s colonial race laws and state-settler relations in Africa Orientale Italiana (1935–41)’. 5 May 1929. to Ermanno Amicucci. Director of ‘La Gazzetta del Popolo’. 57. 4 July 1937. Galeazzo Ciano. no. no. Ann Laura Stoler. Letteratura esotistica’. Provincializing Europe. The clearest example is given in the French debate by the Manifeste pour la défense de l’Occident. Diario AOI (15 giugno 1936–4 ottobre 1937). here 14. Minister of Popular Culture. ‘Amore nero o amore bianco? Autocensura e pregiudizio razziale nel Congo coloniale di Arnaldo Cipolla’. here 78. 27. Dipesh Chakrabarty. senza sovrapposizioni … non artifici. 62.R. 63. The latter is the interpretation suggested by Marco Lenci. The support of his candidacy to the ‘Accademia d’Italia’ is witnessed by a letter from Dino Alfieri. and a few weeks later in La Difesa della razza. 59. Class. Ambiguous Identities (London: Verso.’ ‘Il Manifesto degli scienziati razzisti’ was originally published in Giornale d’Italia. Race and the Education of Desire. M. Race.. Galeazzo Ciano was the Italian Foreign Minister from 1936 to 1943. Poggiali was a war correspondent in Ethiopia for Italy’s leading newspaper. Il Corriere della Sera. 67. Antonio Petrucci.C. ‘I figli degli schiavi … ed ha aggiunto che se avessero un segno somatico distintivo li sterminerebbe tutti. La Difesa della razza. 66. 56. 243. ‘E’ necessario fare una netta distinzione tra i Mediterranei d’Europa (Occidentali) da una parte. in 1846/Cipolla Arnaldo/Archivio storico della Gazzetta del Popolo/Archivio del Museo del Risorgimento di Torino. 1991). ‘Bibliografie. ‘Il giramondo e l’italiano di razza pura si sono in lui amalgamati pienamente. published in Europe. Foucault’s ‘History of Sexuality’ and the Colonial Order of Things (Durham: Duke University Press.94 Liliana Ellena 55. 1971). 153 (15 November 1935): 452f. launched by Henry Massis in October 1935 on ‘Le Temps’ and the Réponse aux intellectuels fascistes. 3 (2003): 425–443. Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power. in Corrispondenza/Fondo Cipolla/ Como Public Library. no. 32. see also Stoler. 60. . ‘Un aspetto della politica razziale nell’impero. Studi Piacentini 29 (2001): 123–152. 127. His wish to be nominated Senator is mentioned in a letter to Ermanno Amicucci. Il Marzocco. Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press. ‘Difendere il prestigio’. non preziosismi. 1995). 1 (5 August 1938): 5–27. Passato e Presente 41 (1997): 77–105. 5 April 1937. 61. Sono perciò da considerarsi pericolose le teorie che sostengono l’origine africana di alcuni popoli europei e comprendono in una comune razza mediterranea anche le popolazioni semitiche e camitiche. Il “problema dei meticci”’. Étienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein. 65. non snobismi o babelismi’. Ciro Poggiali. Giulia Barrera. Nation. 64. gli Orientali e gli Africani dall’altra. 14 July 1938. 1980). Quoted by Gianluca Gabrielli. 58. sicuro di rendere un gran servizio all’Italia e all’Umanità’. 10. Diario 1937–1943 (Milan: Rizzoli. 1 National cinemas reacted to the new political reality by articulating their societies’ expectations and anxieties in Notes for this section begin on page 111. leading to a love relationship between a Russian man and a French woman. which fall into the two sometimes overlapping categories of ‘disinterested love’ and ‘profitable exchange’. played the role of mediator and interpreter. The reintegration of the two Europes became a central theme in European cinema of the last decade. In this process. seeking to mobilise public opinion. In this debate. After the Wall: Encounters with Europe in Post-Soviet Cinema The process of European unification was central to the political and economic debate in the 1990s. The film narrates a phantasmagorical story of a direct transfer to Paris through a window. 1993). which explores projections and anxieties related to the problem of access to Europe. .CHAPTER 5 ‘Window to Europe’ The Social and Cinematic Phantasms of the Post-Soviet Subject ALMIRA OUSMANOVA The following article analyses cinematic representations of post-Soviet subjects marked by the collapse of the Socialist economic and political system. cultural production. The cinematic narrative encodes various strategic modes of relationship with Europe. including the mass media. It focuses on the film Window to Paris (Yurij Mamin. sway people’s emotions and provoke discussion on key issues relating to Europe’s present and future. the loss of former ideological reference points and the introduction of a market economy and consumer values. film functions as an experimental site for exploring and testing new transnational and multicultural models of European identity. Even today. Despite the complexity of the process. and will investigate what ‘Europeanness’ might mean for those excluded or left ‘outside’ Europe politically while belonging to it geographically and culturally. the Western media represented the ‘East’ almost exclusively in terms of poverty. is significant in this respect because it supposes a defective subject whose goal is ‘normalisation’ in terms of a Western capitalist model. Svetlana Boym notes that this relationship to Europe has taken the form of a romance. For the countries of Eastern Europe. the beginning of new era. The relationship with Europe was conceived in a form of love affair in all its possible variations – from unrequited love to autoeroticism. And yet there is a paranoid fear that the magic ‘hole’ will be closed up again for the next two decades or centuries: the film’s protagonists feel as if they are seeing Paris for the first and the last time. mixed with resentment and disenchantment: ‘unlike the Western legal or transactional relationship to the idea of Europe. as if ‘television was the main actor of the historical mutation’5 and Communism had fallen instantaneously under the camera’s gaze.96 Almira Ousmanova relation to the attempt to forge a shared European identity. as portrayed in the film. crossing borders (rendered ‘invisible’) whenever one wishes and in an instant.3 Thus. An additional factor is the existence of an established discursive frame that posits ‘Easterners’ as ‘subalterns’ who cannot speak for themselves. the opening of borders – no matter how partial – can be seen as the most positive achievement of the last decades. This has less to do with artistic quality or cultural untranslatability than with the political and economic factors governing the distribution system. Vestiges of such a view can be found in the film that will be analysed here. illegal migrants and the Russian mafia. In the 1990s. the “Eastern” attitude used to be affectionate. 1993).2 It should be said at the outset that this cultural ‘belonging’ is complicated by the almost complete lack of knowledge of post-Soviet cinema in the West. As Michael Kennedy has argued: ‘the West wanted to see in Eastern Europe proof of its own universality’. the fall of the Berlin Wall and the reunification of Germany seem likely to remain in the memory of millions of people as a staged media event. whose plot does not seem so improbable after what happened in Berlin.’4 The fall of the Berlin Wall made a greater impact on post-Soviet citizens than on their Western counterparts. Window to Paris (Yurij Mamin. this has involved a sense of returning to Europe as a cultural home. since it was perceived as offering the promise of a better life. normalises the freedom of moving back and forth. The ease and rapidity of the ‘transfer’ to Paris. This essay will explore how post-Soviet cinema commented on this opening up of borders with the reunification of Europe. prostitution. in the post-Soviet media – East European cinema is a key example – Europe tends to be referred to with admiration and respect. widely used during this period. while ‘East Europeans wanted to confirm that they were really part of the West’. This perception remains a recurrent . The term ‘transition’. The two films differ in their specific class and gender perspectives: Tarkovsky’s film tells the story of a cultivated man. but states of mind and ways of life do not change overnight. the Russian composer Pavel Sosnovskii – ‘finds himself at a crossroad of two civilizations. Indeed. In this respect. whose personal story evokes two centuries of cultural dialogue between Russia and Europe. regardless of the motives for attempting to do so. but on the way to the airport she is killed in a car accident. doing boring. Communism may have collapsed as a political system. particularly in the case of those films recounting mishaps befalling those who set foot on European soil. There were. could not be more removed from the high cultural and moral concerns of Tarkovsky’s protagonist. badly paid jobs (if they were not unemployed) and waiting for a better life. She is a hard-currency prostitute who entertains foreign businessmen at an Intourist hotel in Leningrad. Both films served to construct a dramatic vision of Europe as a place of exile. Russian newspapers are likely to run the following headline: ‘The Window to Paris Has Once Again been Barred’. As Lawton observes. the ‘West’ existed as an imaginary land that could be accessed only through literature and cinema. This film articulates eloquently the massive inferiority complex that Europe’s poor Eastern relatives have toward their newly recuperated ‘family’. People were still returning home to small over-crowded apartments. Andrei Tarkovsky’s Nostalgia (1983) and Petr Todorovsky’s Intergirl (1989).‘Window to Europe’:The Social and Cinematic Phantasms of the Post-Soviet Subject 97 motif in the media. Two important films made in the 1980s set the tone for contemporary interpretations of the theme. The heroine of Todorovsky’s Intergirl. until the appearance of her fairytale prince: a Swedish businessman who falls in love with her and marries her. for they served as a window into a world that remained largely unknown to Soviet people: for them. Something similar is found in almost every post-Soviet film that depicts the encounter with Europe. each time. a musician. new walls and new borders appeared. As Anna Lawton comments. Some of these were rather successful.6 His nostalgia is a result of profound alienation from the world and from himself. Tanya Zaitseva. This bitter sense of yet another disillusionment permeates 1990s post-Soviet cinema. the uncertain gait and the feeling of intolerable shame. Gorchakov – like his eighteenth-century predecessor. Tanya leaves for Stockholm with him and settles in a capitalist paradise. namely. when new restrictions on the visa application at the French consulate are announced. however. the film sug- . The majority of films dealing with this issue were produced between 1989 and 2000.7 She too becomes consumed by nostalgia for her homeland and decides to return. a few films of the 1970s and 1980s that touched on the topic. the opening sequence of Krzysztof Kieslowski’s White – a film to which we will return – is symptomatic: the desperate attempt to conceal the shabby shoes. unable to reconcile their opposite values’. as though everyone looks down on you – even the birds. implying that it is by definition impossible for a Russian to live in the West. In both cases.’ It is useful to relate Window to Paris to another East European film released in the same year (1993). Although the two films convey different messages. but in every case they are bound by a seemingly irrational patriotism to a country that is falling apart. and not just in Russia. exile is interpreted as a metaphor for the human condition (the ‘universal’ point of view of an intelligent man). A similar situation is found in the film Casanova’s Cloak (Alexander Galin. which is also concerned with the notion of Europe as ‘home’: Krzysztof Kieslowski’s French-Polish production White. everyday Soviet reality that drove her to prostitution seems preferable to the comfortable but dull life of the Swedish upper classes’. it draws our attention ‘to the problems of an individual removed from the cultural context of the community which formed him’. the lover politely asks . fragmentation and nostalgia’. Love provides an opportunity. creating the conditions for a recovery of identity and providing a form of relationship between East and West Europe. what at first appears to be mutual love turns out to be based on a tragic misunderstanding based on different cultural and political experience. both provide a commentary on the immediately preceding era. As Kalinowska comments. In Kieslowski’s film. At the end of her stay. Both transmit a bitter sense ‘of rupture. dehumanizing. social groups and professions – also consider emigrating.9 This produces a dramatic change in the cultural landscape: going to the ‘promised land’ is fraught with various anxieties that are symptomatic of the post-Soviet experience. but nevertheless choosing to return to his country of origin. It is the story of a ‘perpetual foreigner’. 1993). in the second it is portrayed as the result of a pragmatic choice conditioned by concrete social and economic factors.12 Window to Paris also pays tribute to the eternal nostalgia of an East European (Russian) intellectual longing for his European cultural home. who remains an alien in the West and in the East. loss. Izabela Kalinowska has noted that 1990s cinema. but what I like about moving is that the connection is via Paris. in which a middle-aged spinster who goes to Venice as interpreter for a Soviet delegation falls in love with an Italian who works in the hotel. but it ceases to be an exceptional occurrence. the return home to Poland can be read as the consequence of a failure of communication with the Europe that has been a home for many Polish émigrés over the last two centuries. The two films depict a love affair between an Eastern European man (Polish and Russian. respectively) and a French woman. stages ‘all kinds of returns “home”’. implying that one can cross the border only once and only in one direction.8 If. the return home is impossible. in the first case. linking the narrative of lost identity to the concept of romantic love. However. Other characters in the film – representing different generations.10 The popular Soviet expression ‘See Paris and die’ gave way in the early 1990s to the similarly popular but more optimistic postSoviet joke: ‘Not that I want to stay here (in Russia) or move to Israel.11 but also a sense of revitalisation and hope for a new life.98 Almira Ousmanova gests that the ‘harsh. he cannot afford to rent an apartment. which I term ‘disinterested love’. failures of communication and mutual misrecognition in the context of the recently opened up possibilities of an encounter with Europe are the subject of this essay. who work at a music factory. Nikolai Nikolayevich Chizhov. he rescues her from the police by claiming that she is Edith Piaf (and that . Aspirations and disillusionment. One day. but it is so in the sense of a consumer paradise rather than a cultural home.‘Window to Europe’:The Social and Cinematic Phantasms of the Post-Soviet Subject 99 her to pay for his services – he is a gigolo. but Paris. For many post-Soviet economic migrants or tourists. surrounded by prostitutes and delinquents. is a music and dance teacher at a Business School for teenagers. taking Window to Paris as a case study. who have been drinking all night. a satellite dish. When Nikolai finds out. The first. she chases the Gorokhov family back to St Petersburg. presumed dead. which is understood in terms of material benefits. reinforced at the level of cinematic narrative by a romantic attraction (often unrequited) toward a European man or woman. where she becomes trapped. it takes some time before the magical truth dawns on them: the city through the window is not St Petersburg. the Russians have to pass through another apartment on the Parisian side belonging to a young French woman Nicole. On their way in and out of their own apartment. She starts to get annoyed with the intrusive visitors who keep trudging through her apartment. an old Citroën. who previously inhabited the room. inhabited by the boisterous. in search of entertainment. climbing out of the window and staggering down the fire escape to the street below. The enterprising Gorokhov and his family quickly become daily commuters devoted to the pursuit of whatever consumer items they can get a hold of in Paris: money. vulgar Gorokhof family. having mistaken her for a wealthy. high-society lady. going to the West is a purely pragmatic matter of achieving a better lifestyle. later identified as St Petersburg. But he too has gotten things wrong. The second mode consists in what I will term ‘profitable exchange’: in this case. finding herself in a nightmarish world of filth and mind-numbing greyness. Window to Paris as Cultural Palimpsest The story begins in a gloomy Russian city. Having lost his job. Europe is again the ‘promised land’. an artist who earns a living by making luxury items (stuffed animals) for wealthy clients. In their drunken state. I will discuss two principal strategic modes of the relationship with Europe as articulated in post-Soviet cinema. She ends up arrested and spends the night at the police station. so he sleeps in a school sports hall. follow her. The central character. The amazed residents. designates a nostalgic love for Europe and its culture. One night the communal apartment is visited by a ghost: that of an old woman. He thus feels fortunate when he acquires his own attic room in a communal apartment. clothes. Nikolai takes his students to Paris. there was Gogol. I suggest that the narrative of Window to Paris is so dense that it requires meticulous exegesis. FEKS and many others. For them. In their efforts to return to Russia. Nicole just wants to go back to her apartment. However. then Oberiuts. for he has himself been thinking of remaining in Paris. épatage. Since she has caught a cold. and places stand in an absurd relation to each other. events. Aren’t you willing to try to make it better?’ The teenagers seem to agree. It is therefore necessary to be familiar with multiple cultural references. . The magic dream is over. Eventually. there is a problem: while they are saying goodbye to Paris and Nicole. in which the realistic is oddly mixed with the fantastic. but it’s your country. As Lawton notes: ‘The events are presented as being normal. The teenagers refuse to go back to Russia. raising absurdity to a high degree of the absolute. shock therapy of the social consciousness ….15 The gags were consequently felt to be primitive. It is a grotesque narrative. Nikolai is faced by a serious dilemma. and the settings suggest the ordinary world. or should one return to one’s homeland and work to improve it? As he says: ‘It’s a miserable.’13 It may be noted that the Russian tradition of grotesque narrative was born in St Petersburg and was developed by Soviet poets and filmmakers whose creative work is inseparably linked to the city. who reason that their parents would be only too happy to learn that they had stayed in Paris. in order to be able to appreciate the film’s black humour. Nikolai takes care of her and a romantic relationship starts to develop between the two. it is because ‘Leningraders are more inclined to use comics. But characters. Not only is it an encyclopaedia of post-Soviet life. One Western reviewer characterised the film as ‘a noisy satire’ whose ‘story is incoherent while its blatant message is more bankrupt than the Russian economy. balloons and carousels. It has a fantasy plot that is poorly accomplished’. but in many ways it is also a palimpsest of Russian and Soviet culture: a ‘memory text’. Sick and tired. Paris turns out to be an unending sequence of parks. it is vital to be aware of Soviet ideological codes in order to interpret some of the visual images and to understand the work of estrangement and irony. A debate ensues between Nikolai and Nicole (who sides with Nikolai) on the one hand.100 Almira Ousmanova he is Elvis Presley) on tour in St Petersburg. they believe they will be able to survive in Paris by singing and dancing. He poses a question that is addressed not so much to the teenagers as to the film’s audience: is it right to flee to a land of wealth. bankrupt country. probably. the window closes. highjack a plane to take them to St Petersburg. and the teenagers on the other. led by Nicole.’14 It is not surprising that many of the literary and cinematic motifs in the film. as well as with the social context. Nikolai and the teenagers. more carnivalesque than any absurdist representation – were overlooked or misunderstood by foreign spectators. First. which make intertextual reference to this cultural tradition – and to everyday life in 1990s Russia. It was normal for flatmates to spy on each other.19 This is what happens to Nikolai in the film: he gets a room because of the old woman’s disappearance. Ilya Utekhin. and misfortunes suffered by one’s neighbour would be relished since they might lead to the improvement of one’s own living conditions. opinions and habits are markers of what have been called ‘cultures of poverty’. who are speaking to a policeman about a lady who has vanished.16 this is what causes the repetitive character of some of the cinematic motifs. Privacy was a completely unknown concept. the communal outlook is characterised by obsessive attention to each co-habitant’s individual share: when viewed from the outside. Housing was an instrument of social stratification in Soviet society – to have a ‘personal’ room in a communal apartment was a sign of well-being. Such living conditions encouraged mutual hatred and envy.‘Window to Europe’:The Social and Cinematic Phantasms of the Post-Soviet Subject 101 There is no space here to unravel the film’s entire web of cultural references. The essential requirement is to gain access to this closed system of goods. wealth is a resource that can be accessed only through internal redistribution. Let us start with the first two sequences. believe that everything that is regarded as desirable comprises a closed system. This is what most strikes Nicole when faced with the ongoing intrusion of strangers who seem not even to notice that they are disturbing her. and are more or less equal in their poverty.18 Hence Gorokhov. Consequently. From the time of the 1920s housing shortage. sanitary norms and modes of interaction between inhabitants. to a core identity. The communal apartment is chosen as a site for unrealistic and bizarre events. which evoke the dissolution of public and private spaces in the post-Soviet world. who conducted meticulous research on communal apartments in St Petersburg. even though it is endowed with very realistic features associated with this kind of housing. on getting to Paris. In the first sequence. Window to Paris . I will limit myself to discussion of certain themes that touch on key sore points in the memory of the post-Soviet subject. These sore points indicate a failure to relate to the symbolic order. this can look like an expression of envy and greed.17 People who live in such poor conditions. communal apartments became a powerful social institution that regulated the structure of living space. compared to life in the dormitories – yet it was also an efficient way of erasing class boundaries: scientists and workers. Both the individual and the traumatised community display a tendency to relive the wounding experience of the past. we see the communal apartment and its inhabitants. immediately sets up a redistribution system. Communal apartments remain one of the most painful topoi of Soviet culture. notes that certain aspects of their inhabitants’ behaviour. These communal apartments had a very distinct odour not unlike that of public toilets: their smell is impossible to erase from memory. but on his arrival nobody looks pleased. poets and criminals would live side-by-side. or ‘deprivation societies’. yet they are all marching. as if Soviet times had returned. and there is no vodka left. or simply to release negative emotions. Having given vent to his aggression. immortalised in Pushkin’s 1833 poem to the city. Later. and where everything can be sold and consumed. We can see how heterogeneous the crowd is. old and new. However. the gateway ‘through which technology and new ideas . It turns out to be a vodka line. others proclaim liberal values. for the demonstrators have merged with traders selling all kinds of items. it seems that all times have returned simultaneously: in one square. That this bizarre mixture of times and public parades should be staged in St Petersburg is no accident. If private space is portrayed in this way. manifesting a sort of nostalgia for his communal apartment and the gossip in the kitchen. It seems that all social groups have come out onto the streets to protest: some (mostly. Nikolai takes him to St Petersburg through the window. which became a standard metaphor for Russia’s relationship with the West. witnesses the frenzied activity of the awakening masses. As he descends the stairs. and not only those who are now fighting for cheap vodka. how then is public space represented in the film? In an interesting sequence. united in song. ‘The Bronze Horseman’. It was Peter the Great who conceived St Petersburg as the meeting point of two cultures. Public space is transformed into a gigantic carnival site: everyone is here. singing in hoarse voices the familiar words of the Marxist anthem. further on. a man walking ahead of her suddenly commits an act of vandalism. a motley crew of musicians and street performers are seen trying to cheer up citizens in what appears to be a bread line – this was the period when food was distributed through a rationing system. we see marching anarchists. in Nikolai’s view) about his new life. Nikolai meets up with his old friend Guljaev who had emigrated to Paris some ten years before. The singing of the International in this scene is highly symbolic: a nostalgic memory of the time when Communism was a utopia uniting the working classes of all nations. enjoying their newly regained freedom of expression. Guljaev joyfully recognises the smell. the musicians strike up the International – and it works. She is struck by the atmosphere of mounting aggression: shortly after. and even that involved spending hours in a queue.102 Almira Ousmanova also refers to this. wandering through the streets of St Petersburg. he continues walking down the street. Thus. while at the next corner. the concepts of democracy and freedom of choice are linked to the notion of a market place that imposes its own rules. ready to defend their values or political views. The film’s title is a play on the phrase ‘a window onto Europe’. In order to prevent a fight from breaking out between the lucky few and their unlucky fellow-citizens. destroying a public telephone. But this site is also a gigantic flea market. blindfolded. followed by people singing religious chants. People who have queued for hours are immediately set in motion and start to follow the band. women) chant ‘Hands off Lenin!’. Nicole. the crowd meets a group of monarchists. His friend keeps complaining (hypocritically. not to mention political crisis. the role of the Countess being given to the old lady who previously lived in the communal apartment. but takes the money: for him. The nineteenthcentury writer and philosopher. The ‘myth of Petersburg’ generated a whole tradition of fantastic narratives in which it was portrayed as ‘an unreal city. The vision of an all-consuming flood became a constant theme in tales of doom relating to the city. Depending on the specific historical period and political regime. but it never became a genuine gateway. Lenin’s profile on a coin becomes a symbol of Russia’s bankruptcy – political and economic. haunts the film characters both in Paris and in Russia. who were invited there to undertake their most daring projects. St Petersburg was often seen as an artificial copy of the West. Whatever the historical period.22 It was home to the lonely. it would have to be located in St Petersburg. If there were an actual window giving access to Europe. without which the modern history of the city is unthinkable. The omnipresence of the dollar and European banknotes (massively enlarged) on the walls of the business . haunted figures who inhabited Nikolai Gogol’s Tales of Petersburg (1835) and to murderers like Raskolnikov in Fyodor Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment (1866). Yurij Mamin.23 The director of Window to Paris. peaked in 1993. The old lady personifies the damned city – both can drive one mad. Neither has Mamin forgotten that it was in St Petersburg that the Revolution was born. they mistakenly pay for the beer with Soviet roubles.21 The similarity is indeed striking: the inhabitants of the communal apartment in Window to Paris would immediately have been able to distinguish Paris from any other Russian city. inflation. St Petersburg was a Mecca for the best Italian and French architects. its noble ‘northern’ beauty. Mamin also appeals to the ways in which the myth of Petersburg was constructed in Russian culture: Nikolai gets his class to perform Pyotr Tchaikovsky’s opera The Queen of Spades. Alexander Herzen. plays with the metaphor of a ‘window onto Europe’ by interpreting it literally. When they first get to a Parisian bar.‘Window to Europe’:The Social and Cinematic Phantasms of the Post-Soviet Subject 103 could flow. it is a tourist souvenir. St Petersburg was to mark the way for Russia to become modern’. sculptors and decorators. Josef Brodsky believed that there was ‘no other place in Russia where thoughts depart so willingly from reality: it is with the emergence of St Petersburg that Russian literature came into existence’.20 The city was meant to change the whole Russian way of life. from Alexander Pushkin’s ‘Bronze Horseman’ (1833) to Andrei Bely’s Petersburg (1913). the ‘window’ would be more or less open or closed. As a result. The ghost of the Revolution. a supernatural realm of fantasies and ghosts’. personified by Lenin. For two centuries. St Petersburg continued to be the most European Russian city – mostly on account of its architectural style. declared that St Petersburg ‘differs from all other European towns by being like them all’. St Petersburg always functioned for the West as a projection: an ideal image of what Russia would become. The barman stares at the coins. where the protagonist. They serve to remind the audience of the Communist ideal of the robust woman barely distinguishable . but there is a danger of their restoration. Apart from St Petersburg as a living architectural reminder of European culture. who has been suffering from amnesia for ten years. has changed. He realises this when he suddenly perceives the monument to Lenin with its outstretched hand (pointing to the future. he comes back to his senses. this already established cinematic metaphor designates the ‘return of the repressed’: as Guljaev recovers his memory. a hallucination. whose bizarre mixture of real and imaginary topoi is embodied in the figure of Nicole. When Guljaev. Nicole is strikingly different from the three Gorokhov women. of course). desperately trying to recall who it might be. the hippy musician and the ‘alcoholic anonymous’ – the party card. with its portrait of Lenin. gets out of the taxi and is finally allowed to open his eyes. The historical irony consists in the fact that coins bearing Lenin’s profile become post-Soviet citizens’ only hard currency. who seem to incarnate the merciless caricature of what Soviet women were felt to have become: shapeless. He gazes at Lenin. there is the memory of a common Communist past. loud and atrociously dressed. but this magic pass to solidarity and internationalism have lost their relevance in present circumstances (the French Communists. For Gorokhov’s and Nikolai’s companions – the ex-Communist. most of whom look Asian or African. in Window to Paris estrangement is required to remind the audience that Soviet times are over. as if nothing had changed during all of these years. If in Fragment of Empire Lenin stood for the coming of a new age and his statue embodied social progress.104 Almira Ousmanova school symbolises the arrival of the new ‘gods’ with whom the Russian rouble cannot compete. and that the ‘Revolution’ is virtually the only brand that can be exchanged for consumer goods in the West. St Petersburg. Guljaev’s point of view is used by Mamin as a defamiliarisation device. by making things look ‘strange’ in both Paris and post-Soviet Russia. he sees the image of Lenin at the Finland Station and is greatly taken aback: all of his nostalgic sentiments vanish. even taking them on a coach tour of Communist memorials in Paris). 1929). The way the statue of Lenin is shot and Guljaev’s reaction to it are strikingly reminiscent of a sequence from Fragment of Empire (Friedrich Ermler. as has the country. seem embarrassed and yet behave very politely. becomes a means of payment in Paris. The intellectual montage techniques used in this earlier film represent the protagonist’s damaged psyche. what other connotations does ‘Europe’ have in the post-Soviet cultural imaginary? As seen in this last instance. The city. however. The image of Lenin is like a frightening dream. There is also the memory of French culture. the friend Nikolai brings back from Paris. sub-officer Philimonov. recovers his memory and immediately sets out for his native city. The references to Lenin include an interesting intertextual nod to early Soviet cinema. In Window to Paris. catches raw frogs to eat and walks alone through a rainy Paris at night. Nicole is an embodiment of ideal femininity. unshaven. What we witness here is a process not just of adjusting to new ‘civilized’ codes of behaviour. the personification of a dream shared by both Soviet men and women. for them. but. in all of the film’s characters. a genuine bouleversement. who lives on a rubbish tip. How then is the memory of Europe transformed by the characters’ encounter with Europe in the form of Paris and a ‘real woman’? Disinterested Love or Profitable Exchange? The encounter with Europe produces a culture shock. In this respect. which consecrated the binary opposition between good and evil. This exaggerated caricature is required by the film’s somewhat distorted representation of the Socialist emancipation project. they have to fit new experiences into an existing interpretive framework. He is . Having bought their kitsch clothing in Tati. By contrast. mimics the nightmarish images of Soviet propaganda and indeed is very scary: he imagines himself becoming a Parisian clochard. the image of the ‘typical’ French woman was embodied by Edith Piaf. They quickly realise that Europe is not quite what they had imagined. but also by its narrative logic: the appearance and behaviour of these women have to create a sharp contrast with the elegant femininity of a French woman. unemployment and other negative factors. they continue to use their mental schemata to interpret what they see. it was exclusively in the context of ecological disasters.24 In Soviet times. the policemen in St Petersburg immediately ‘recognise’ Nicole as Edith Piaf. her pregnant daughter in yellow and the grandmother in green. Thus. socialism and capitalism. on initially deciding not to return home and stay in Paris. The imago projected by Soviet culture breaks down. the combined effect is that of a traffic light: the mother is dressed in red. they appear all the more ridiculous. The Soviet mass media elaborated a more or less apocalyptic mode of representation of the West. it does not correspond to the real state of things. since they cannot change their ‘ways of seeing’ overnight. dirty and dressed in rags. economic crises. both France and Nicole as ‘dream woman’ represent an obscur objet du désir. Window to Paris reproduces virtually all of the major Soviet propaganda clichés about the West. but also of reworking of previous mental constructs and stereotypes into a new configuration. they hold up the magazine with her image on the cover and.25 No wonder that Nikolai’s first ‘vision’. Having never been abroad. horrifying crimes.‘Window to Europe’:The Social and Cinematic Phantasms of the Post-Soviet Subject 105 from a man. producing a profound referential crisis. Nicole looks exactly the same. When the Gorokhov women buy new clothes in an attempt to look smart. the characters know only what they could have gleaned from the Soviet mass media. to cite the title of Luis Buñuel’s film. Like bricoleurs. Whenever Western countries were mentioned in the news. There. He could not be so scared by the prospect of not having a home as such: after all. In fact. according to which Europe epitomised ‘civilisation’ – superficial and oriented toward the cult of technology and formalised etiquette – whereas Russia was considered to be a ‘culture’ based on spirituality. Nor is this new image idealistic or idyllic.26 The motif of Western sexual depravity is articulated in Nikolai’s and Gorokhov’s second meeting with Nicole. but also to take off his pants. Such an opposition clearly reflects an inferiority complex at not having been accepted by the West and an unacknowledged awareness of the low level of material culture in Russia. A picture emerges that is more diverse. and while she moves from one object to another. Infuriated by their night time visit and the damage they have caused. Decoding her message as an expression of sexual desire. heartlessness. a strange condition: he is asked not only to refrain from smoking and to wear a tailcoat. the relationships between the film’s characters correspondingly become more complex. There is. but even more so to discover that the window is still open. he starts to develop his own interpretation. Nikolai’s nightmare expresses the fear of losing one’s home in the metaphorical sense of ‘homeland’. his ‘home’ had previously been a sports hall. he sees something beyond his wildest imaginings: a half-naked male orchestra playing for a completely nude audience. Rich and poor. Clearly. the image of another Europe gradually takes shape and these clichés lose their validity. coexist. he whispers to Nikolai: ‘See how she wants you!’ The theme of the moral disintegration of the ‘decadent’ West is developed in the sequence that depicts Nikolai job hunting in Paris. she tries to explain to them exactly what they have done. In Soviet Russia. This caricaturesque representation was rooted in the traditional Russian discourse on ‘culture’ and ‘civilisation’. however. but it is also a cultural ‘home’ for many Russians. Gorokhov is staring at her.106 Almira Ousmanova glad not only to be awoken from this nightmare. allowing him the possibility of escaping such a terrifying fate. inequality and justice. The principal fear here is that of finding himself alone in a hostile environment in the capitalist West. he should not have been so shocked. . the West was imagined and constructed as the embodiment of self-interest. He resists and walks onto the stage as he is. based on popular Soviet jokes about sexually liberated French women. Europe is a consumer paradise. Filmmakers such as Tarkovsky played a part in supporting the image of Europe as ‘morally bankrupt’ – a place devoid of spirituality. In the course of the film. Thus. the protagonists’ multiple misadventures in Paris correspond to the image of Europe from the official Soviet standpoint. for he has already seen how his friend Guljaev is earning his daily bread – playing music in a restaurant on a violin that he clamps between his buttocks. sexual decadence and immorality. He successfully takes part in an audition organised by Guljaev and is offered a job in an orchestra that performs for high-society audiences. This turns out to be a primitive zoomorphic reading of her gestures. through the theme of love. He is learning to embrace the capitalist system. As Søren Damkjaer notes: ‘The principles of planned consumption had led to a rationed level of consumption for the majority of the population. The lure of consumer society generated what came to be known as ‘sausage migration’: the term commonly used to refer to the mass migration of the 1990s. having no sympathy for his French counterparts who. on an everyday basis. triggered not so much by political necessity or ethnic conflict as by pov- . ‘the Cold War was won in the market place’. why its attitude toward consumption was always so ambivalent. firstly. In fact. As a worker. The only thing that he does not put on the market.’27 This was supposed to be an ideological alternative to the capitalist West.’ Gorokhov joyfully throws himself into the lively process of exchange and smuggling. consumer society is seen as the major goal of social progress. communism failed precisely because of the harsh material conditions of everyday life. while they were building their prosperity. secondly. cars.‘Window to Europe’:The Social and Cinematic Phantasms of the Post-Soviet Subject 107 The diversification of attitudes toward Europe. This explains why the Soviet state was so inconsistent in terms of its consumer policy. Gorokhov shows no traces of the supposed asceticism of the proletariat.28 Hence. are merely market competitors. clothes and the variety of fresh fruits. through the theme of capitalism as a consumer society and market place. he sells everything – matrioshkas. is his motherland. He seems to be unaware of the principles of proletarian internationalism. defined by class and gender positions. pianos. From the standpoint of post-Soviet citizens. people have to struggle to survive. In a nice irony. for him. was built on the idea of the attempt to eradicate private forms of consumption. Europe’s present is perceived by the film’s characters as Russia’s radiant future. which they suppose. Both strands are closely connected in terms of the strategic modes of relationship with Europe. Nikolai and Gorokhov are amazed to see supermarkets filled with all of the consumer goods they have never seen: they stare at the electronic equipment. the Soviet regime. This is articulated. as well as the multiplicity of subject positions. The conflict between the communist and capitalist systems took place in the sphere of consumption: as Ina Merkel notes in relation to East Germany. A facile explanation of why France is so far ahead is given by Gorokhov: ‘We fended off the Mongol hordes for them. where. Mamin here reminds his audience of yet another Soviet topos: the theme of betrayal used to be associated with the idea of ‘selling the motherland’. By contrast. who shared the relatively scarce consumer goods according to the criteria of political patronage and privilege. Tchaikovsky’s music – while other characters display an ambivalent attitude toward consumption. Walking through Paris. and. as he declares to Nikolai. perennial shortages made people feel deprived. However. All of this makes a striking contrast to Russia. being a ‘society of labour’. forms the symbolic centre of the film’s narrative. he chooses to return home. Lastly. represented here by the new phenomenon of ‘shuttle business’. confined to his class position and with no concern for European cultural values that do not form part of his cultural memory. the former aristocratic ‘owner’ of the magic window: her figure recalls the first-wave of emigration triggered by ideological dissent against the Soviet regime. wears French clothes and tells of his travels around the globe). Claiming that all French people are greedy and nasty (while he sits in a French restaurant. Yet. Russia has no future at all. Mamin (himself an emigrant) highlights the duplicity of the emigrant’s discourse. Window to Paris reflects on the question of how and why former Soviet citizens migrated to the West. he is a liminal subject. These include the former musician. Nikolai. On the one hand. Guljaev. for all his romanticism. Gorokhov’s attitude toward Europe is pragmatic. This second type of attitude toward Europe is embodied in the love story between Nikolai and Nicole. The representation of love in cinema is by definition related to the issue of gender identity. he behaves in a very decisive way. Additionally. there is labour migration. Thus. there is some room in this consumer paradise for romantic feelings. In addition. who had emigrated to Paris at an earlier stage and now works in a restaurant. husband and son-in-law. With bitter irony. tinged with shame. he has no family and even his city becomes alien to him. ready to migrate: he has lost his job. energetic and has few qualms about the ethical aspects of his entrepreneurial activities. but not in his heart. represented in the film as the ideal woman. For instance. All of the main characters are ex-something and are in the process of becoming something else. Mamin’s lead character Nikolai does not fit any of these categories. Mamin cannot conceal his sympathy. is definitely not an ideal lover: middle-aged. we have the teenagers. Guljaev sheds false tears. personified by Gorokhov. In his relationship with the three women in his family. Gorokhov is in the process of becoming a businessman. Window to Paris evokes the difficult process of acquiring a new male identity. not particularly . drinks French wine. singing and dancing for tips in Paris. nostalgically recalling kitchen conversations and former times of frankness and authenticity. Unlike Nicole. as father. He is sexually active. the conflation of national identity with masculine authority has been a key factor in the film’s success. he is used to dealing with women. Recent Russian cinema is obsessed with recuperating masculinity. who have no wish to return home – as if for the younger generation. However. he falls in love with Nicole. The renaissance of the notion of Russian identity is largely due to the appearance of new images of heroic masculinity. with female characters serving as a site for male fantasies related to power and sexual control. He personifies the new hegemonic masculinity. Europe is on his mind (in his business plans).108 Almira Ousmanova erty and economic need. Then we have the old woman. Various strategies of migration are articulated through different characters. In practically every recent Russian box office hit. for this new cultural hero of our times. of his romantic outlook. he is transformed from a passive into an active subject: he rescues Nicole from the police and then takes care of her when she gets sick. Nikolai persists in his inertia. a crucial difference between the two men: firstly. while characters like Gorokhov are frequent. There is.30 Both sides of Nikolai’s personality suffer an identity crisis. Window to Paris comments on the position of intellectuals (particularly men) unable to adjust to the new economic realities and left feeling helpless. Europe is an embodiment of romantic love – a place where utopia remains alive. he brings the teenagers to Paris and then manages to convince them to go home. The only thing that he still seems to possess is his pure love for culture and the arts. In his imagination. just as there is no time and place for romantic love. His love for Nicole seems to be as disinterested and pure as his love for European culture. a contemporary personification of the ‘superfluous person’ glorified by nineteenth-century Russian literature. There is something pitiful in his appearance. Karol also lacks any sex appeal. Nikolai’s weakness and passivity are closely related to the crisis of masculinity in late Socialist society and the beginning of Perestroika. listening to its music. Nikolai seems to be the last man of Soviet culture – a ‘fragment of empire’. Sex became the major audience attraction.29 His tragic position is defined by two factors: he is a man and he belongs to the intelligentsia – a social group whose status in the Soviet Union was always highly dubious. we know nothing about Nikolai’s sexual fantasies. while his flatmates are busy smuggling through the window and selling everything they can find on either side. In the course of the film. One might want to ask whether Nikolai is really romantic or merely impotent. for there is no place for people like him in this new world. walking through the streets. In Kieslowski’s White. His journey to Paris is a classical fairytale test – in this case. unlike the enterprising hairdresser Karol.‘Window to Europe’:The Social and Cinematic Phantasms of the Post-Soviet Subject 109 handsome and gauchely dressed. seeing its beauty day and night. on more or less any occasion that requires a decision or a declaration of intent. His not-quitemale behaviour. he learns how to make decisions. is marked by the fact that he faints three times. Intellectuals do not figure among the heroes of recent Russian films. however. secondly. when a sexual encounter is often nothing more than a “quickie” in . apart from his lack of sexual initiative. This is why he enjoys being in Paris. He remains strikingly immune to the lure of consumer society. The way love is represented in the film is interesting in its own right. He is a typical ‘hero of our times’. to the extent that it is doubtful whether he has any. but which in the 1990s lost the last remnants of its symbolic capital. The majority of the post-Soviet films of the early 1990s exploited the female body and featured explicit sex scenes. He seems to be paralysed by a general state of social anomie and does not know what to do in a world that is falling apart. recognising familiar places. Window to Paris is a rare exception: it speaks about love ‘in the age of permissiveness. Nicole would probably never have even noticed Nikolai. with which no relationship of empathy is possible. she no longer personifies a radical otherness.’34 Nicole now sees people and things differently. by ‘love’. we also never hear words of love. the long-awaited moment of fulfilment is never realised and would hardly be appropriate. Nikolai does likewise when he exhausts his limited vocabulary of a bizarre assortment of French and English words plus Italian musical terminology. In Paris. Love arises as an instantaneous flash and then everything gets transformed in its light. Just as we never see a sex scene. colours. In Window to Paris. Since the main characters experience constant difficulties in speaking to each other. she decides that the only language these people can . as in White. As Koen Raes puts it: ‘Love presents itself as covering the domain of the unspoken. The subtlety derives from the juxtaposition of words and unspoken sentiments. light and camerawork are more eloquent than words. This is an ‘impossible’ love. At first they seem too different.’32 I would not argue that love does not need words. nor that ‘language can only be a poor expression of what love really is’.33 Love happens when an emotional affinity between two people comes about: in the film. it is. But it is not enough to say that the film represents love in an entirely chaste manner. Nicole is ready also: when she gets tired of foreigners tramping through her flat all of the time. gestures. which excites them. A desperate Karol sets out to learn French. a very romantic film. language starts to play a crucial role when the danger of misunderstanding appears and the protagonists cannot find a proper language to express their feelings. a communication without a grammar’. she starts empathising with him and then falls in love with him at the point when her misadventures in St Petersburg seem to be over.110 Almira Ousmanova some dark corner of an office’31 – an age when. this is suggested by the peculiar circumstances that make communication and understanding between the two lovers possible. for this initial emotional arousal to mutate into something more stable and solid. after he has already failed once. She feels grateful to him for rescuing her. and she understands him better now. in fact. their story develops primarily through visual narrative: gazes. However. as in the case of Karol and Dominique in Kieslowski’s White. ‘we witness the sublime moment when eromenos (the loved one) changes into erastes (the loving one) by stretching his hand back and “returning love”. people actually mean ‘sex’ (as illustrated by the popular post-Soviet proverb of the 1990s: ‘Sex is not yet the reason for getting acquainted’). The film’s erotic sub-texts are very subtle. This moment designates the “miracle” of love. as being beyond speech. It is only at this moment that ‘true love emerges’: in Slavoj Žižek’s words. there has to be a possibility of linguistic exchange. but I would agree with Raes that love ‘involves the promise of an encounter without codes. By contrast with Kieslowski’s White. which will never be consummated. yet it is precisely this difference. the moment when “the real answers” appear. as an emotion that cannot be uttered or expressed by words. As Žižek puts it: ‘the object of love changes into subject the moment it answers the call of love’.‘Window to Europe’:The Social and Cinematic Phantasms of the Post-Soviet Subject 111 understand is swear words. ed. 1991). Michael D. This utopian belief would give way to disappointment – in the film as in reality – when the borders proved to be as material as they had been prior to 1989 and the dream of freely travelling back and forth turned out to be no more than a dream. 3. in Envisioning Eastern Europe. 1987). Nikolai. Kennedy. as well as the reality that stands behind them. And together they carefully pronounce the words: La fenêtre vers Paris. 1992). 2. he becomes a subject. 221. 1994). initiating communication in an obscene variant of Nikolai’s native tongue. In this sense. She takes the first step. Emir Kusturica (Underground. love turns out to be the most efficient mode of intercultural exchange. Kinoglasnost: Soviet Cinema in Our Time (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. films by Milcho Manchevski (Before the Rain. Michael D. Wim Wenders (Wings of Desire. The film communicates the utopian belief. The Future of Nostalgia (New York: Basic Books. to be able to return home. . 6. with the necessity of defining its eastern borders being crucial to the process. However.35 On a symbolic level. capable of making decisions and taking action. grounded in the political climate of the early 1990s. Thus. expresses his feelings mostly through his deeds. Dominique Wolton. in nineteenth-century Russian culture. 1994). he seems to need the French language in order to communicate his feelings to Nicole. ‘An Introduction to East European Ideology and Identity in Transformation’. Through Nicole’s love. a man who probably does not know the words of love in any language. 4. Anna Lawton. that Europe is so close and that access to it is very open. Éloge du grand publique. Postcommunist Cultural Studies. 1995). to regain self-respect and. 5. therefore. The enlargement of the European Union involves careful and highly formalised procedures for making decisions on the terms of membership in the EU. 1990). She buys a French-Russian lexicon and masters the entire contents. Lars von Trier (Europa. Une théorie critique de la télévision (Paris: Flammarion Champs. Notes 1. 2001). French was the only language of love among cultivated people in high society. Svetlana Boym. the narrative suggests that the nostalgia for Europe is a longing for romantic love. Nicole’s love gives Nikolai a chance to view himself in a new light. and others have touched on the question of a new European identity. Kennedy (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. It is thus predicated on exclusion at least as much as on inclusion. 253. Apart from the famous Three Colours trilogy by Krzysztof Kieslowski (1993–1994). 1991). here 44. Agnieszka Holland (Europa. while the emergence of love is also the condition for becoming a subject. Europa. It is only later that she comes to understand the meaning of these words. Window to Paris is a film about the historical imaginary of the post-Soviet subject. 1–45. 126. for whom access to Europe has turned out to be a kind of cultural neurosis. We may recall that. Lawton. Diasporas. you French! All your women are slim. 27. Kul’tura I subkul’tury’. Domnica Radulescu. 1990). 1954). 15. Kinoglasnost.you are really lucky. which narrates the pitiful story of a Russian teenage prostitute who also finds herself in Sweden. fairy-tale images of one another’. 17. 2002). bien différentes de celles qu’on voit dans les rues de nos villes: trop grasses. vous autres Francais! Toutes les femmes chez vous sont minces.a woman from Moscow was telling me. Kalinowska. (Moscow: Moskovskij rabochij. Normy i anomalii. St Petersburg and the Rise of Modern Russia (New York: Basic Books. 116. 9. elegant and pretty. in Symbols of Power. eds Claes Arvidsson and Lars Erik Blomqvist (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International 1987). Sunlight at Midnight. 1998). 76. 1994). Diasporas. enlightened Russian woman seems to have vanished from the cultural memory of Europe. (Moscow: Izdatel’stvo AN SSSR. 8. 3.lowski’. 2000). ‘The Body and Cultural Transition in Russia’. ‘Because we have lived for too long cut off the ones from the others. Lincoln. here 107. 117–132. Alexander Gertsen. 6. eds Bryld Mette and Erik Kulavig (Odense: Odense University Press. ‘Moskva i Peterburg’.com. here 36. 108. I Want to Prison (Alla Surikova. it is useful to recall some of them: Hitchhiking (Nikita Mikhalkov. Natasha’s Dance: A Cultural History of Russia (London: Penguin. Izabela Kalinowska. ‘Exile and Polish Cinema’. and Eastern European Voices. 1920–30 gody (St. Orlando Figes.rottentomatoes. Several post-Soviet films explicitly address the topic of the encounter with Europe. 2002). in Realms of Exile: Nomadism. 10. 25. here 3. Kinoglasnost.. 26. French and Russian Love (Alexander Alexandrov. Kalinowska. a very distinguished woman in appearance and manners . 20. ‘Introduction’. 23. whose plot is based on the idea of a direct transfer back in time to the Soviet 1960s. The New Orleans Review 1 (1990): 84f. Less Than One: Selected Essays (New York: Farrar Straus Giroux. Petersburg: Izdatel’stvo ‘Dmitry Bulanin’. Naîssance à la politique (Paris: Arlea. Sergei Dobrotvorsky.112 Almira Ousmanova 7. 2: 30–37. This can be seen as an updated version of a familiar plot: a Russian woman is portrayed as a criminal or prostitute (or both). 13. 1999). See Mikhail Jampol’sky. 1989). 1993). 2002). 22. fabuleuses’ (‘Ah!’ . and Eastern European Voices. On this issue see Kristian Gerner. 18. Domnica Radulescu (Lanham: Lexington. Lawton. ‘Exile and Polish Cinema: From Mickiewicz and Slowacki to Kies. ‘Parce que nous avons vécu trop longtemps coupés les uns des autres. Natalia Lebina. 229). negligees. 113–140.’ The woman who says this adds. Povsednevnaja zhizn’ sovetskogo goroda. . Joseph Brodsky. 47. 11. ed. and we both have mythical. 231. ‘Exile and Polish Cinema’. Ibid. affalées. 1–14. 1994). 1998). 14. 21. nous vivons les uns et les autres sur des images légendaires. See Ilya Utekhin. sloppy.’ The woman who said this continued. See Dennis Schwarz. http://ofcs. very different from the ones that can be seen in our towns: too fat. Though I will not discuss them here. the Swedish director Lukas Moodysson made the film Lilya Forever. The early twentieth-century image of the beautiful. In 2003. 212. here 45. 40–55.The Aesthetics of Political Legitimation in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Restless Arrow (Georgy Shengelaya. 198. Online Film Critics Society. Ocherki kommunal’nogo byta (Moscow: OGI. 19. slumped. in Soviet Civilization between Past and Present. Domnica Radulescu (Lanham: Lexington. 24. 2001). here 127. Søren Damkjaer.) (René Étiemble. in Novaja volna. 12. ‘Soviet TV News. ‘The most Avant-Garde of All the Parallel Ones’. Le Meurtre du petit père. élégantes et jolies. 1993). ed. in Polnoe sobranie sochinenii. “Sobornost” Secularized’. Bruce W. 107–124. elle-même très distinguée de visage et de manières – vous en avez de la chance. 1986). It would be useful here to recall a conversation René Étiemble had in 1957 when he visited the Soviet Union for the second time: ‘“Ah!” – me disait une Moscovite. 30 vols. in Realms of Exile: Nomadism. Russkaja kul’tura i subkul’tury na rubezhe 1980–90-h gg. ‘Rossija. Casanova’s Cloak (Alexander Galin. 16. 105. 106. 35. 34. In the early 1990s.‘Window to Europe’:The Social and Cinematic Phantasms of the Post-Soviet Subject 113 28. preferred to stay at home. of unemployed. ‘On Love and Other Injustices. 45. 2004). the phenomenon of ‘sofa emigration’ appeared. here 95. 27–51. 32. here 27. Love and Law as Improbable Communications’. ‘From Courtly Love to The Crying Game’. in Istorija strany. This issue has been extensively researched in recent studies of masculinities in Russia (for instance. in Love and Law in Europe. ‘From a Socialist Society of Labor into a Consumer Society? The Transformation of East German Identities and Systems’. Ina Merkel. Koen Raes. Postcommunist Cultural Studies. 55–65. in Envisioning Eastern Europe. 460–491. New Left Review 202 (November– December 1993): 95–108. Ibid. mainly educated men who. Slavoj Žižek. ed. They were particularly active in the ‘shuttle business’. 30. here 60. Kino i zritel’ v poiskah drug druga’.. 1998). Michael D. Žižek. ed. while their women would take on any kind of work in order to feed their families. that is. Women became the breadwinners and owners of small business enterprises in the economic system of the transition period. ed. 31. ‘From Courtly Love to The Crying Game’. Sergei Sekirinski (Moscow: Znak. 2002)). 1994). Hanne Petersen (Dartmouth: Ashgate. . Kennedy (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. ‘Postsovetskij period. 29. 33. ed. Sergei Oushakin (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie. instead of adapting to new circumstances. see O muzhe(n)stvennosti. here 469. Istorija kino.. See Elena Kabanova. Ibid. . Part II PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LOVES . . who very much felt themselves to be Poles. Often they fell into bouts of despair and self-hatred. much too completely. but more poignantly.CHAPTER 6 Love in the Time of Revolution The Polish Poets of Café Ziemian. they read philosophy in German. suffered from. They sat in their café called Ziemian. connected to one another by not more than one or two proverbial degrees of separation. quintessential cosmopolitans who felt at home in Paris.’1 These poets were Poles and Europeans. who believed in their role as the ‘conscience of the nation’ and who very much felt that Warsaw belonged to them. not Poland. They were afflicted with a certain fatal narcissism – it was a narcissism they indulged in. they moved about in rather entangled circles with shifting boundaries. with absolute sincerity. Now the patriotic burden of poets had been mercifully lifted. Notes for this section begin on page 134. and the young poet Jan Lechon. East Europeans whose sense of Europe embraced the continent’s entirety. many were ‘non-Jewish Jews’. and – not despite. life was unbearably heavy. Moscow and Berlin – yet who at once felt inextricably bound to Poland. they embodied the observation that intellectuals comprise the only class who loves to hate itself. They spoke Russian and French as well as Polish.ska MARCI SHORE For Polish poets born at the fin-de-siècle. . They were a particular generation.ska and believed.2 They fell in love with poetry and they fell in love with the Revolution – and perhaps with both much. in their sometimes-friend Isaac Deutscher’s words. They were polyglots who came under the influence of Marinetti and Apollinaire and fell in love with Mayakovsky. but rather precisely because of – their narcissism. the last to be educated under the partitioning empires and the first to come of age in the universities of independent Poland. captured a certain temporal ethos when he wrote: ‘And in the spring let me see spring. that the world moved on what they said there. 5 He longed for an entanglement of love and war. By January 1921. at the age of twenty. with the rhyme Wazæyk brzydki twarzyk – ‘Wazy æ k with the ugly little face’. towards battle … To find a creative power for myself. The First World War had already irrevocably destroyed one Europe.6 At the war’s end. the most important of them all. in a manic. Instead he made the acquaintance of Aleksander Wat.’7 Aleksander Wat. ‘All Yids. ancestral daggers. he commented in his diary that ‘a woman who is not pretty should be sensible. which for him was ‘life’s tragedy’. has revealed to me completely new worlds.ska During the dark and cold winter of 1922. as if he had departed so far from all spheres that he no longer had any place. entangled through a Polish Wat infused with neologisms.’3 Władysław Broniewski came of age fighting for Polish independence in Marshal Józef Piłsudski’s Legions – he wore the gray Legionnaire uniform. His bedroom in his mother’s apartment was decorated in the style of the Polish szlachta: a Persian rug. he had been meeting with a small group of writers: Aleksander Wat. and despaired of boredom. dabbling in nihilism and wallowing and exalting in visions of the collapse of European civilisation. the polyglot futurist. It was a time in the elegant city of Warsaw when this small group of young futurists lived amid cafés and cabarets. had already reached the conclusion that neither rejuvenation nor regeneration were possible. they gathered on the upper floor of a café named Ziemian. of the end of the world. In the evenings. that would force me to treat my own life as a backdrop. Anatol Stern. Mieczysław Braun. the young poet Władysław Broniewski fantasised about meeting a diabolical woman. The esoteric sophistication and density of the language betrayed an astounding breadth of knowledge – and a self-education that devastatingly pointed to nothingness. . that would allow me to become “immortal in the effects of my own action”. that rather civilisation – Europe – had degenerated beyond repair. archaisms and obscure words borrowed from some dozen different foreign tongues. adorned with a sky-blue ribbon. translator of the French futurist Guillaume Apollinaire. In December 1922. Broniewski noted in his diary that at Café Ziemian. People of much intelligence and erudition … I have benefited much from that – above all because I’ve become acquainted with the new Russian poetry … Mayakovsky. otherwise she is intolerable’.4 In October 1918.ska. that would propel me towards sacrifices. Wat composed the long prose poem I from One Side and I from the Other Side of My Pug Iron Stove. ill and feverish. At stake was the future – or absence thereof – of the new one that had been born. he had clarified what he needed in the language of nineteenth-century Romanticism: ‘to find an idea that would rejuvenate me. an ‘extreme futurist’. crossed swords. At the age of eighteen.118 Marci Shore The Poets of Café Ziemian. he felt unconnected. There Biblical references mated with narratives from European literature and characters from Greek myths. where they would speak of their friend the avant-garde poet Adam Wazy æ k.ska. ‘trance-like’ state. not spring.ski joined the Warsaw futurists Aleksander Wat and Anatol Stern.’11 The Polish futurists were quite hurt. you will surrender. Wat returned to himself.” alien. but he disparaged their Polish counterparts: ‘These trends are in essence new pages of Italian. material evidence of snobbism. like his new Warsaw friends.ska 119 Wat wrote of eternal nights that never pass. Stefan ZÆeromski was a generation their senior. Sexuality had become licentious and grotesque. In their 1921 manifesto. infatuated most of all with Marinetti’s announcement that words had been liberated – a revolution. we will surrender. culture and their morbidity to the trash heap. Sleepy castrates moan in the corners of a grotesque arcade. of the collapse of civilisation. the young Wat wrote. which he changes with each zenith of the sun. unreadable. wrote the eighteen year-old Wat. of the nightingales that sing him to death. together with ‘passéisme’. was infatuated rather with Guillaume Apollinaire and Filippo Tommaso Marinetti. the luminary of the Young Poland circle who came of age at a moment when it was imperative to see Poland. children emerge from graves to suck his fingers.ski had returned home to Cracow after having spent his teenage years in Russia. Wat and Stern declared that the great rainbow monkey named Dionysus had taken his last breath long ago and that they were throwing away his rotten legacy. French and Russian literature.ski. all nineteenthcentury elegance dressed in black with a top hat and a wide tie and a monocle on one eye. relegating civilisation. for their rather pathetic imitation of foreign fashion. however. ‘it is always necessary to place your head under the dazzling. ‘snobbism’ soon joined their list of favourite words. In the last stanza. Schoolgirls went crazy for him – but Jasien. ‘– I leave for your meeting’. ZÆeromski accepted ‘the most modern artistic currents’ elsewhere in Europe. In Poland. where he became a futurist. . Wat later described. there was no salvation and the blasphemy throughout the poem suggested less heresy than it did nihilism. colorless. now he went to Polish university. Now in his book Snobbism and Progress.8 Before long. ‘bourgeoisism’ and later. he (she) will surrender. ZÆeromski turned the Polish futurists’ cosmopolitanism against them. of the horror of encountering one’s own sallow image at midnight. Of all of them. the Crakowian Bruno Jasien. nonetheless. they are “cigarette butts. ‘At midnight’. and ‘God with a swollen hydrous body trembles from cold and loneliness’. of his faces. There was nothing redemptive. deriding them for snobbery. they – the men (they – the women) will surrender’.10 The Polish novelist they revered was not amused.’ The piece was saturated with a deep sense of moral degeneration. just as much as Nietzsche’s had been when he announced that God was dead. all of you will surrender. Jasien.9 The futurists were intoxicated with transgression as well. and wrote of how it was he himself who was burning in the ‘inquisitorial interior’ of his pug iron stove. of the ‘cursed principium individuationis’ that paralysed him. yes! dazzling knife of the guillotine. tormented by his own self-absorption. he was the dandy. ‘where trembling in tears and without sensation you will surrender.Love in the Time of Revolution:The Polish Poets of Café Ziemian. Yet having done this. For the Polish avant-garde poets. send fraternal greetings to the Russian futurists’. flashiness and false depth – in contrast to his Slavic intellect: heavier and less ethereal. he concluded.ska was all about snobbism.ska were. Aleksander Wat. the waiters as well. They fled. become convinced that they had psyches very different from his own – Jewish intellect was all quickness. ‘Don’t go at all to Ziemian. the consummation of subjectivity through its abandonment. upon closer acquaintance. poets Witold Wandurski and Mieczysław Braun. before Stalinism. His futurist poet friends from Ziemian. they began.ska! You’ll suffocate in the fumes of snobbish literati and pretentious false literature’. Marxism meant Revolution – something radical. Their Marxism was a much more multivalent and contestatory one. In the end. it was neither Marx nor Lenin. themselves – wrote a letter to Vladimir Mayakovsky. Radical nihilism and radical contingency proved unbearable.ska took themselves very seriously. In July 1921. ‘Stay away!’12 Broniewski agreed. the Russian futurists had gone a step further: they had liberated words from their referents. were reciting Mayakovsky’s ‘Left March’ – the Russian refrain levoi! levoi! levoi! resounded throughout the café. The Italian futurist Marinetti had liberated words from syntax. but the breathtakingly handsome Russian futurist who seduced the Polish poets. chosen at moments when there was little space for opportunism. radical contingency – into the embrace of the Revolution.15 The highly ambitious international journal-newspaper lasted for only two issues. Revolution was self-actualisation through self-annihilation. and the transcendence and the fulfilment of both . before socialist realism. What Marxism in theory would become when applied. ‘The Polish futurists. of a noisy-gloomy passion entangled in itself ’.120 Marci Shore ‘joy’.14 This was not mere amusement. he wrote to an old army friend that he was getting sick of those Jewish literati from Ziemian.ska. as for JeanPaul Sartre. Anatol Stern and Bruno Jasien.ska. They solicited his contribution to ‘the first large international journal-newspaper devoted to futurist poetry from all over the world in all languages’. consummating. He had. For these poets. establishing relations with futurists of all countries. the poets of Café Ziemian.ski. what communism would mean in practice – they did not yet know. They arrived at Marxism in the mid to late 1920s. The introduction was a fateful one. signifiers from their signifieds. revolution was a categorical. For the Łódz . Their love for Mayakovsky lasted much longer.13 Mayakovsky and Revolution It was these masters of outcry who introduced Broniewski to Vladimir Mayakovsky’s poetry. ecstatic. they fled from the implication – the absence of any stable meaning. ‘in the name of the Polish futurists’ – that is. ‘masters of outcry. in the end they could not endure it. existential imperative. Mieczysław Braun warned Władysław Broniewski. Now in Poland all of Café Ziemian. In spring of 1924. Café Ziemian. The Polish poets had failed to see the future in Europe. Wat himself was rather ugly.19 But he was not ugly to Ola. I’m alien vis-à-vis Russian poetry. The poets would join the revolution. Braun rebelled against both proletarian poetry and the avant-garde. lending their talents to the theosoph-turned-communist Jan Hempel’s Marxist journal. Wat jealously pulled her away. went to the Warsaw ghetto. Wandurski declared: Oh. I’m writing classically. who lived in Paris. this verbal onanism? Look! In Europe the wind already blows… Hurl the fire-brand into the keg of the powder-magazine!16 It was a short-lived experiment. Braun. After all.ska 121 their Polishness and their Europeanness. independent hypocrisy! Freedom of masturbation! How does it fail to disgust you. telling Broniewski in January 1925 that he had now adopted a classical style: ‘Today I’m at a new stage. he sent letters to his friends on the ‘Aryan Side’ in which he wrote of the Polish-born English novelist Joseph Conrad and the Polish Romantic poet Adam Mickiewicz. Witold Wandurski contributed the scathing ‘To the Gentlemen Poets’. Mayakovsky. I don’t care at all about the gains of futurism. for she belonged to him. he ran excitedly to his friend Irena Krzywicka.ska. Apollinaire somewhere fell into a void and utterly disappeared for me. the sexually liberated feminist whose writing seemed to Wat to be ‘passéist’. A mésalliance on both sides.’18 When the Second World War came. In 1923. The Party was displeased with the futurists’ contributions and the verdict was passed down to Hempel. eastern half of Europe. as a Jew. When once at a party where the guests drank vodka and ate herring served on newspaper.17 After that.20 . Broniewski initiated the futurists’ first ‘ark of the covenant’ with the Communist Party. of falling behind Europe. I’m reaching out to other places for “models”. a certain soon-to-be-Trotskyite named Isaac Deutscher pulled Ola onto his lap. Poland would be liberated from all hithertoexisting inferiorities and the Polish poets would assume their place among the vanguard of the world. and told her the wonderful news: such a beautiful girl – and she wanted him! Irena Krzywicka was impressed. Nothing connects me to the so-called new art.Love in the Time of Revolution:The Polish Poets of Café Ziemian. From behind the wall. One evening Aleksander Wat met the aspiring actress Ola Lev at a year’s end drama school ball. Esenin. Braun told Broniewski. of whose ‘backwardness’ they were at times painfully conscious. He would take her with him to Café Ziemian. where she would mix chocolate into her coffee. and theirs was to be greatest love affair of all. the futurists set out upon different paths. Afterward. a verse accusing the café poets – his friends and the friends of his friends – of manicurism and self-indulgence. which had now become the progressive Other – in contrast to their own. poets. Distinctions between East and West would be effaced once and for all. impoverished. was for a tall woman with a strong voice named Wanda Wasilewska. These two women would come to mean more to each other than any of the six husbands they had between them. Aleksander Wat and Ola Lev were married. he failed to grasp. is framed by the foil of the US and the dialectic of the Old and New Worlds.ska – which was. prostituted’. now as Baron Gould’s secretary. He insists that the Jews convert en masse to Catholicism. most undying love. Catholicism and communism. when the last anti-Semites come upon Nathan’s shtetl Zebrzydowo. appeasement.. travels through all of Europe to the US in search of his benefactor. joy’. with an affection and concern that would last her entire life. ‘Yes. He urged his friend to do the same. The story ends hundreds of years later. their whole stance of ‘intellectual autonomy’. Wandurski was ecstatic. anti-utopian. vacillating among nihilism. Janina Kunizæanka loved him as well. that revolution was a fire into which you must throw yourself. ‘there is always mud in Zebrzydowo’. He wrote her love letters in a language reminiscent of the knights and castles of pre-modern chivalry. who had dreamt of a fantastical romance with a diabolic woman. burn yourself. mystical. for social justice and above all for a man named Janek. she feels his spurs . where she drank black coffee and chain-smoked and wrote poems for a newspaper called Robotnik (The Worker).21 In New York. the rich Baron Gould.’22 A few days earlier. an empty place. he had reached an epiphany: their problems with apparatchiks like Hempel. and by the refrain. set during a moment when Europe is ‘cannibalistic. The story. though. In the meantime. Her greatest. Wandurski had abandoned poetry to serve as secretary for two of the ‘reddest’ labour unions in Łódz. an orphaned Talmudic student from the shtetl Zebrzydowo. the young poet Władysław Broniewski. who was her first love. She was still living in Cracow. – and he felt wonderful. In 1926. Broniewski was too timid. Nathan conceives of the ideal social world as one that reconciles communism and Catholicism. descend into savagery and barbarism. now fell in love with a pretty girl named Janina Kunizæanka. and the yeshiva student himself becomes Pope. Nathan. sadistic. Wanda Wasilewska was not yet in Warsaw. he wrote to Broniewski. ‘the hole in the bagel’ – and throw himself into the fire of revolution. after all. appeasement! I want content. by the image of the isolated shtetl. to break free from Café Ziemian. his friend wrote from Łódz. life. and Wat presented his bride with a homemade wedding gift: a collection of short stories titled Lucifer Unemployed. she described masochistic fantasies: she lies beneath his boots and kisses off the dust that clings to them. She was a promising young leader of the Polish Socialist Party and a woman of great passions – for Poland. In the journal she kept as a teenager. As Wat hovered at the edge of this abyss. In one titled ‘The Eternally Wandering Jew’. ‘I want to be an authentic futurist. Witold Wandurski made an existential leap into the arms of the Revolution. The tales were parabolic. it was all masked intellectual opportunism. There they convert to Judaism and restore the ancient Hebraic traditions. nihilist.122 Marci Shore In 1927. too. something that at moments seemed like weakness’. the beginning of the future. ‘I assume’.28 Ola Watowa. he grew close to Wat. his voice was of ‘colossal range’. enchanting eyes away from their hostess. they get themselves “the unknown soldier. Now at the train station.34 . Janina Broniewska saw how the Russian poet could not keep his lyrical. Mayakovsky was the picture of Russian manhood. If you were to so order.25 Mayakovsky himself was hypnotising. ‘that chills went up the spines of quite a few of the people there. the poets’ first impression of Mayakovsky was an impression of enormity. I would fulfil anything. the coming world empire. that wasn’t a poet. they thought. disarming.31 For her part. his paradoxical fragility. my ruler.” they speak in French and read bad French novels – this is the position of those who rule over Polish literature’. that was an empire.’23 Władysław Broniewski was not the only one for whom the Russian futurist poet Vladimir Mayakovsky opened up new worlds. ‘they’re happy when Warsaw is called the Little Paris. of the new world. then it was ‘a very small Paris’. in Mayakovsky’s opinion. That wasn’t a man. Janina Broniewska went into the kitchen to help Wat’s delicate wife. I would bear with a smile if you were to so much as want that. ‘Because I believe in you as in God’. It was a love that consumed them with a particular intensity – and a love that was finally consummated in the spring of 1927. Janina Broniewska sensed that beneath his powerful exterior was a ‘self-defense against shyness and lyricism’. yet also by his hands.30 As Mayakovsky read his poetry in Wat’s living room.24 He was to be their most passionate love affair – a love affair which was. perhaps. she addresses Janek in her diary.nie (The Spring to Come) – the story of the young. who struck her as possessing an odalisque-like beauty. this was. Mayakovsky wrote of Polish intellectuals. paid a visit to Warsaw. Mayakovsky was happy to meet his Polish counterparts. ‘simply a mistake’.ska 123 digging into her back until she bleeds.26 Rooms trembled when he read his poetry. As for the Polish writers who claimed that Warsaw was another Moscow. Ola Watowa and her husband both fell very much in love with the Russian futurist. the worst injuries. ‘They chase the youth to the Louvre’.32 In that colossal voice was the threshold of the new world. felt that in this ‘figure of a giant there was something very gentle.’27 They were all intoxicated by his voice. From the kitchen. and by his gentleness.33 In Mayakovsky’s opinion. when Mayakovsky.Love in the Time of Revolution:The Polish Poets of Café Ziemian. it was. large and tender.29 For Wat. and at once a superhuman of ‘cosmic melancholy’. romantic youth who finds his way to the revolution – and their love for Mayakovsky that set them apart. for that truly was imperious power. As a generation. Even the worst humiliations. if Warsaw was Paris. the ‘gangplank’ between the avant-garde and the Revolution. ‘And for me you are the highest essence. their identification with Stefan ZÆeromski’s novel Przedwios. you are my master. Wat wrote of an evening that spring with Mayakovsky. but maintained a scepticism toward the literary scene in Warsaw more generally and in particular its desire to be Parisian. in its place ascended the new. He was not alone. progressive Europe. This was their life – pastries at Café Ziemian. ki forsook returning home to Poland in favour of sailing on to Leningrad and a hero’s welcome. Władysław Broniewski sat in the cell. By this time. Wat wrote. was more than happy to grant asylum to this Polish revolutionary persecuted in bourgeois . and Jasiens . In September 1931. When Wat and Broniewski were released several months later. Polish futurism.37 Now Wat dedicated the May 1930 issue of The Literary Monthly to the Russian friend who had shown him the path to the Revolution. It was in Paris that he met Bruno Jasiens . was the old. This was the ritual baptism in prison they had been so excitedly anticipating. they began receiving invitations again to receptions at the Soviet embassy. For this the French deported him. Bruno Jasien. who had left Poland for the French capital in 1925. the police interrupted an editorial board meeting and arrested those present. Upon arriving in Leningrad. Wat was later to remember. Jasiens . had led them instead toward anarchism and decadence. On the pages of Miesieç cznik Literacki (The Literary Monthly). he recanted his futurist youth. Wat’s memoirs of futurism were a pre-Stalinist self-criticism: the futurists had reached the workers’ movement without historical materialism. the dandy who wore a top hat and monocle. the best kind – poetry in any circumstance. the wild apocalyptic tale of a deathly plague transmitted via contaminated water that destroys the debauched. ki. and the Polish poets threw themselves upon the caviar. Broniewski was that kind of poet. the former futurist was given a grand reception: the Soviet Union. bourgeois city – only those in prison are spared. The futurists. was spared Polish prison. translating Gogol and reciting his poetry. There in Paris Jasiens . ki portrayed. but instead had engendered only anarchisation. Aleksander Wat’s wife Ola sent care packages with notes tucked inside the head of a herring. At the end of the decade. which should have led to social revolution as in Russia.ski. had been ‘the crooked mirror in which Caliban gazed at himself with a grimace of abomination’. No one spoke about politics. There had been no place in bourgeois art for a battle against passéisme. homeland of the proletariat.124 Marci Shore Mayakovsky himself was en route from Paris when he visited Poland. he wrote. He was enraged – and returned home to write I Burn Paris. yet the futurists’ own battle against passéisme.ska and herring in their prison cell and caviar at the Soviet embassy.38 The Literary Monthly lived on after Mayakovsky’s death for little more than a year. Aleksander Wat became the editor of a new Marxist literary periodical. bourgeois Europe defeated. The first detail that reached the Polish poets who so loved him was the phrase from his suicide note ‘liubovnaia lodka/razbilas’ v byt’ (the love boat/crashed against the everyday).36 Shortly after Wat wrote this. ki one day saw the French writer Paul Morand’s novel Je brûle Moscou in a bookstore window.35 Thus. Witold Wandurski also had headed east for the great socialist homeland. Vladimir Mayakovsky took his own life in his Moscow room. had aspired to a ‘progressive revolution of forms of expression’. his interrogators extracted from him an elaborate false confession damning to his friends. on her seventeenth birthday. Soon Wanda Wasilewska and Janina Broniewska could not endure a single day without one another. In Russia.ski returned with two Tadzhik eagles. Witold Wandurski was arrested in the Soviet Union. strained from the weight. it was the height of the Terror. ‘For once. justifying her decision to continue living with Bogatko without a wedding and insisting that so often she rejoiced at the absence of formalities.ski hosted an extravagant dinner party in his filthy apartment. and that a chapter in her life had ended. When their kayak overturned. three years later. she wrote in her diary that ‘the royal prince has gone’. and soon Bogatko had become her lover.41 To this youthful view she now returned. Wanda Wasilewska had written in her diary that she judged it ‘nobler’ to be a man’s lover than to be his wife.44 It was fifteen years later when Wanda Wasilewska met such a girl. In 1919. on my side there would be the minus that I am a woman.45 In 1933. their engagement was short. to Bruno Jasien. and from one such visit Jasien. In 1933. and not myself.ski immediately abandoned his Polish wife for an obese Russian journalist. ‘I know well that I will always be only a shadow of the person I love. she had confessed in her diary. there was frost in the room. They spent their vacations in Tadzhikistan.’42 Being herself was something she had long despaired was impossible.39 Before long. In May of 1923.ska 125 France. at the age of fourteen. Wasilewska was a weak swimmer. He was executed the following year. with whom her courtship began during a kayaking trip on the Vistula river. How good that there had been no marriage. Wasilewska wrote. accused of right-wing deviation. There was no need to freeze the alcohol. In January 1922. finally’. which joined him and his new wife in their Moscow home.Love in the Time of Revolution:The Polish Poets of Café Ziemian.40 At the age of fifteen. Spider webs covering the iron doors of the stove. to whom she could confide all of her secrets. and as a result would always be the other one. Beluga and caviar and crystal. Before Wandurski was shot. Wanda Wasilewska had written of how desperately she longed to find a girl who could be a true friend. While Wanda Wasilewska’s self-effacing romance with Janek was long. When a Polish writer came to visit. who was by now a woman – a mother of a young girl named Anka and the wife of the famous revolutionary poet Władysław Broniewski. Now. . her young husband died. the gaunt Jasien. Jasien. The table. Unlike the young athletic bricklayer. soon afterward. Wanda Wasilewska met the bricklayer – and Polish Socialist Party activist – Marian Bogatko.ski and Władysław Broniewski.’43 A self was not the only thing whose absence she felt painfully. Polish nationalism and espionage. set with silver and crystal and glasses bearing the numerals of the last emperor. ‘I’m a person and not someone else’s appendage … even though Marian and I share the same values (of equality). she wrote a long letter to her mother. Bogatko saved Wasilewska from drowning. A short time after his death. she married another man and gave birth to a daughter. 126 Marci Shore and Bruno Jasien;ski was to follow Wandurski to the grave. In Moscow, Jasien;ski defended himself: he had never been a Polish spy, he had had nothing to do with Polish spies. He wrote a letter to Stalin counter-attacking those who accused him.46 Three days later, he changed his mind; he sent a second letter to Stalin, this time a self-criticism: ‘You have taught us to have the courage to confess fully to our errors, but I am ashamed to confess to them before you.’ Nonetheless he did. Only now did he realise how he had been an instrument in the maneuvers of the Trotskyite enemies.47 Stalin was unmoved. Jasien;ski was arrested. In prison they tortured him. He confessed to everything. Several days later, he sent a letter to his persecutors, recanting the testimony extracted under duress. In January 1938, in a prison cell awaiting execution, he wrote of his favourite poet Mayakovsky, who had brought him to the October Revolution, and he thanked the Stalinist security apparatus for having opened his eyes, for having helped him to understand his guilt, the depth of filth in which he had been wading about like a blind man.48 Aleksander Wat wrote a poem after the death of his dandyist futurist friend: ‘arrogant Bruno… Let us say/a bedtime prayer for him.’49 Communism-in-Power On 1 September 1939, interwar Warsaw came to an end. Despite his illustrious military record, Władysław Broniewski was not mobilised. He was now in his forties – too old from the point of the view of the Polish Army. Moreover, he was known as a communist. Undeterred, Broniewski set out on his bicycle in search of his regiment – he wanted to fight for Poland. After he had traversed the route from Warsaw through Lublin and Tarnopol, friends found him in a Lwów hotel. He was wearing his military uniform, awaiting his assignment, eager to fight.50 But it was too late. On 12 September, Broniewski found his regiment; five days later, the Soviet Union invaded eastern Poland.51 After five days more, the Polish defence commander signed an act of capitulation, relinquishing Lwów to the Red Army. Slavoj Žižek has written of how there is, perhaps ‘no greater love than that of a revolutionary couple, where each of the two lovers is ready to abandon the other at any moment if the revolution demands it’.52 And the revolution demanded just this of Wanda Wasilewska. Refugees from Nazi-occupied Poland were pouring into now-Soviet Lvov; the city quickly became a juxtaposition of anarchy and Soviet totalitarianism. Some seven years earlier, Wasilewska had confided to her mother that she felt much more for Marian Bogatko than she could have ever imagined feeling for anyone. ‘I don’t know – perhaps I’m blind and deaf ’, she wrote to her mother, ‘but I don’t see so much as the slightest flaw in that man – he is so wonderfully young, pure and good. Not a single second goes by when that boy thinks of himself – generosity comes to him somehow Love in the Time of Revolution:The Polish Poets of Café Ziemian;ska 127 so easily and so simply, that one doesn’t even notice it.’53 Now in Soviet Galicia, Wanda Wasilewska would call on that generosity again. It was the moment of her extraordinary rise to power, the moment when she was to become a man of state and a confidante of Stalin. Yet Marian Bogatko did not share his wife’s uncritical enthusiasm for Soviet life, he was wary of the propaganda and sceptical. His distrust toward the Soviet state was mutual, and Bogatko’s stay in Lvov would prove to be short. On a certain day in April 1940, two or three unknown men rang the doorbell of the villa Bogatko shared with Wasilewska. He answered the door. One of the men shot him.54 Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, First Secretary of the Ukrainian section of the Bolshevik Party, had by the time of Bogatko’s murder already become a great admirer of Wasilewska.55 Given his fondness for her, Khrushchev was very disturbed to learn that ‘their Chekists’ had killed her husband. He ordered ‘his Ukrainians’ to go to Wasilewska, apologise and ask for her understanding.56 One of these Ukrainians was the communist playwright Oleksandr Korneichuk, charged by Khrushchev with organising cultural life in Lvov. Aleksander Wat, upon his own arrival in Lvov in autumn of 1939, also went to see Korneichuk, who was living then at the Hotel George. To Wat, Korneichuk seemed to possess a kind of beauty alluring to homosexuals – ‘masculine, but at once servile, sweet-scented’.57 And so the sweet-scented Korneichuk and his Ukrainian friend went to Wasilewska and asked for her understanding. She understood. Before long, Wanda Wasilewska had become Korneichuk’s lover. In Soviet Lvov the poets of Café Ziemian;ska were invited by a scenographer friend to a dinner party at a fashionable gathering spot. On that evening, he drove their wives to the restaurant in a black limousine; he was especially generous, ordering delicacies and vodka for everyone. Then someone provoked a brawl. Wat was hit in the jaw. Blood poured from his face; he collapsed. Adam Wazy æ k, who had recently become an editor of a Stalinist newspaper in Lvov, helped Ola Watowa to revive her husband. Their scenographer friend fled the restaurant. Aleksander Wat, Władysław Broniewski and Anatol Stern were arrested; now it was they who rode in the same black limousine to prison. Having been communists in interwar Polish prison, now they were Polish nationalists, Jewish nationalists, Zionists, Trotskyites, spies and provocateurs in Soviet prison. Inside Aleksander Wat’s prison cell, he and his companions held contests to see who could kill the most lice. Later, Wat and Broniewski were transferred to Lubyanka, Moscow’s infamous prison. There, Wat talked to his cellmate about linguistics, and to his interrogator about Polish literature. Lubyanka had a library as well as torture chambers, and there in Stalinist prison Wat read European literature: Tolstoy, Saint Augustine and Machiavelli, Marcel Proust’s Remembrance of Things Past.58 By now, Janina Broniewska and Władysław Broniewski had long been separated, and she was pregnant with her new lover’s child. Yet now that Broniewski found himself in Soviet prison, she refused to pursue a formal di- 128 Marci Shore vorce. For her, it would have been ‘worse than unfaithfulness in marriage. It would have been a disavowal of everything that joined us throughout our lives. Solidarity, boundless confidence in the sincerity and earnestness of our shared convictions made it impossible to divorce a communist imprisoned in a Soviet prison.’59 Then came the Nazi attack on the Soviet Union and the amnesty of 1941; Wat and Broniewski were released from prison, and Wat found himself in Kazakhstan. There in Alma-Ata, Mayakovsky’s friend Viktor Shklovskii found Wat on the street and took him in; now Wat joined Shklovskii’s circle of friends: the novelist and playwright Konstantin Paustovsky, the humorist Mikhail Zoshchenko, Zoshchenko’s young wife, the screenwriter Mikhail Shnaider and the film director Sergei Eisenstein. It was Mayakovsky, dead for over a decade, who had inducted Wat into this Russian circle, and now an editor came to Wat to attempt to persuade him to write down his reminiscences about his Russian futurist friend, offering to pay him well. Wat refused. He refused even to speak of Mayakovsky; he could not bear it.60 On Warsaw’s Ashes The war ended. From Kazakhstan and Moscow via Jerusalem, Władysław Broniewski returned to a Warsaw now burnt to ashes. There he wrote a beautiful poem in praise of Stalin. The other poets also returned to Warsaw after their years in the Soviet Union. In communist Poland, Adam Wazy æ k became the ‘terroretician’ of socialist realism. He retold the history of the avant-garde for the benefit of those too young to remember, and explained that the thrill of discarding all formerly obtaining literary rules was the thrill of remaking the world. Wazy æ k did not go as far in belittling his avant-garde years as he might have; his younger colleague suspected that this was because ‘Wazy æ k never could have renounced Apollinaire – he would sooner have slashed his own arteries.’61 And, in fact, Wazy æ k continued to see in the French avantgardist’s work ‘the brilliant introduction to almost all of innovative poetry’.62 Yet he qualified himself: words were only a substitute for people, avantgardism in literature a substitute for revolution. ‘In a word’, Wazy æ k concluded, ‘unable in the realm of art to carry through battles for upheaval in social life, (the avant-garde) enacted upheavals in the forms of art’.63 Mayakovsky was the exception. His poetry stood as ‘an example of great revolutionary passion’, he had understood the strength of words and the responsibility a writer must bear for them.64 Aleksander Wat was ostracised. He was no longer a Marxist and spoke out against socialist realism at a Writers’ Union meeting. ‘When the bear is grumpy, you give him a bat on the head and then he’ll shut up’, he was answered in Russian. He returned home feverish and ill. Not long afterward, on New Year’s Eve of 1954, The Literary Monthly’s star literary critic, who had once fallen in love with Władysław Broniewski’s young wife, presented the now Love in the Time of Revolution:The Polish Poets of Café Ziemian;ska 129 weak and sickly Aleksander Wat with a gift: a complete collection of the shortlived Literary Monthly with the dedication ‘In memory of the shared sins of our youth’. On the first page of the first issue Wat scribbled, ‘the corpus delecti of my degradation … in communism, by communism’.65 Among the literati in Poland, it was Adam Wazy æ k who pulled the curtain on his own performance. Apollinaire’s translator-turned-‘terroretician’ of socialist realism initiated the revolt against his own reign. He did so with an impassioned bitterness. His 1955 ‘Poem for Adults’ was a eulogy for a lost Poland. Its motif is the unrecognisability of Warsaw; its tone is one of dislocation; its refrain: ‘give me a piece of old stone/let me find myself again in Warsaw’. He wrote of ‘vultures of abstraction’ who ‘devour our brains’, of ‘language … reduced to thirty incantations’, of a ‘lamp of imagination extinguished’.66 The narrative topos in ‘A Poem for Adults’ was drawn from an old story: the emperor is wearing no clothes. Wazy æ k walked around repeating, ‘I’ve been in an insane asylum.’67 As 1956 came to an end, Wazy æ k was among those who came together with the idea of beginning a new literary monthly called Europa. When the Party refused to consent to Europa’s existence, Wazy æ k returned his Party card.68 Władysław Broniewski had harsh words to say about Wazy æ k’s betrayal of the Party – notwithstanding the fact that Broniewski himself had always remained a ‘fellow traveller’ and did not even have a Party card to return.69 An older friend sent a copy of Khrushchev’s ‘secret speech’ to Broniewski – and Broniewski withdrew his poem about Stalin from the next edition of his collected poems.70 Now Anatol Stern returned to Moscow, where Mayakovsky’s onetime lover Lila Brik, sister-in-law of the French surrealist Louis Aragon, introduced him to Bruno Jasien;ski’s Russian wife – who just several days earlier had returned to Moscow after a seventeen-year stay in the gulag. She showed Stern the letter from the prosecutor: Bruno Jasien;ski had been rehabilitated, his death sentence post-humorously overturned.71 Stern copied the letter by hand and brought it back to Poland. Soon afterward, he and Adam Wazy æ k published an anthology of Mayakovsky’s poetry – in a Polish translation by themselves, by Władysław Broniewski and Bruno Jasien;ski. In his introduction, Stern reminded his readers that Mayakovsky and the Revolution were one. He added of Mayakovsky’s love for the Revolution: ‘And if for her he devoted at times even his own poetry, he did this as a man who was ready to do anything his beloved demanded of him – even at those times when he sees her claiming that to which she has no right and that which she should not demand.’72 Aleksander Wat did not recover from his illness, and abandoned Warsaw for warmer climates, for France and Italy. Living in West European exile, Wat fell into bouts of self-hatred and struggled with his identity. At moments he felt he was – and always had been – a Jew, a Polish-speaking cosmopolitan. At other moments, he felt strongly that as a Polish poet, his homeland was his 130 Marci Shore language, and he belonged in Poland, where his father and his father’s fathers were buried. ‘In the end’, Wat wrote in his diary in Paris, ‘I’ve found myself in a fine place: not at home, not with the emigration – in a void.’73 Death Władysław Broniewski would call his friends in the middle of the night and demand that they listen as he recited his poetry. In 1960, he published an anthology of Polish translations of foreign poetry – of Aleksander Pushkin, Vladimir Mayakovsky and Sergei Esenin, of Friedrich Wolf and Bertold Brecht – titled My Poetic Friendships.74 By now, Broniewski had deteriorated into alcoholism. He drank and smoked himself to death: in February 1962, he died of throat cancer. In London, Broniewski’s old editor from the interwar years gathered information for Broniewski’s obituary. He wrote to Wat asking about the legendary Literary Monthly, and about the 1931 imprisonment of The Literary Monthly’s editorial board.75 Wat answered in detail. ‘Of the first seven revolutionary writers’, he wrote to Broniewski’s onetime editor, ‘there remains only myself, sick, wrecked, but for a long time now the most radically cured of that degeneration’.76 After Broniewski’s death in Warsaw, the younger Polish émigré poet Czesław Miłosz arranged for the Wats to spend a year in Berkeley. In his letters to Wat from California, Miłosz warned him that America was something entirely different, inexplicable in any terms available to Europeans. ‘Because we’re so peculiar’, Miłosz wrote, ‘sometimes an American Jew can understand us, but even so, only to a small extent … I know cases of people who fled from America because “there are no cafés” – and this is a symbolic formulation of something deeper.’77 Now for the first time, Wat would encounter in person the place that as a young writer he had conjured up as Europe’s Other in ‘The Eternally Wandering Jew’. In December 1963, the Wats arrived in California, where the Berkeley Slavicists received them warmly, and where Wat was charmed by the bright, young graduate students.78 Yet it was a capriciously ephemeral interlude. Wat sensed that others at Berkeley feared that Wat would try to find a way to stay in the United States, and so treated him coldly; their fears humiliated him.79 The same young people who had been so embracing and attentive during those first days now disappeared, their curiosity having been satisfied, their interest now waned, they avoided him when they passed on the street. As Wat watched them turn the other way, he began to understand not only the superficiality of their initial warm reception, but also their fear of being ‘contaminated’ by someone like himself who would surely not manage to make a career there; he felt the division of American society into the ‘losers’ and the successful ones. ‘Now I, too, am a loser’, Wat wrote in his diary.80 Love in the Time of Revolution:The Polish Poets of Café Ziemian;ska 131 America had not saved Aleksander Wat. On the contrary, it alienated him more; he could not find a place for himself in this land where there were no cafés. In the 1960s, Anatol Stern wrote a warm, even hagiographic book about his old futurist collaborator Bruno Jasien;ski.81 Stern speculated: had Jasien;ski been able to see into the future what awaited him in ten years, would he have come home to Poland instead of boarding that ship bound for Leningrad? Or would Jasien;ski’s fanatical nature not have allowed for a change in itinerary even if he were to have had forebodings of the tragic ending?82 Stern had solicited Wat’s contribution to his work on Jasien;ski, but Wat had refused. Stern was disappointed. Even in his sixties, Stern continued to be moved by the memories of their futurist antics of long ago.83 By now Wat saw in Stern’s nostalgia for their futurist years only pathos. Moreover, it seemed to Wat that the one great contribution Stern had made to Polish poetry in those early years – the unabashed sexuality he refused to censor – Stern himself now discounted. At one time, Stern had paid a high price for his refusal to shy away from erotism; in his youth, he had gone to prison on charges of profanity.84 Of his one-time futurist co-author Wat now wrote to a younger literary historian – invoking an allusion to the intentional misspellings that the futurists had once delighted in: ‘he was already back then “pontifical”, but – then – it added charm to his impudence. But a 67-year-old Kingg of New Art! – it’s a sorry sight. It’s difficult today to imagine the freshness and lustre of the boasting intelligence, the wit he had then.’85 On Friday, 29 July 1967, Ola Watowa went into the room where her husband was sleeping, took him in her arms and tried to wake him. His head was turned to the side, he was cold and calm. She saw the sheets of paper by his feet. On one, Wat had written in large letters: ‘DO NOT SAVE ME.’ On a second, he had written a letter to her – ‘my life, my everything’ – pleading with her to forgive him for this crime.86 Earlier that evening, he had swallowed forty tablets of Nembuttal. He was buried in France, in the cemetery in Montmorency. The erratically written pages left at the foot of the bed told a remarkable love story that lasted nearly half a century. Their love was, for Wat, the one source of purity in his anguish-laden life. He did not believe he had ever deserved Ola.87 Now in his final pages he wrote poetry to her, for her, about her: ‘The faithfulness and devotion of (my) wife/ make sublime our/ male debacles…//The purity and devotion of (my) wife/sanctifies existence.’88 When, many years after his suicide, now in her old age, Ola Watowa wrote her memoirs, she began with the words, ‘Everything that is most important in my life is connected to Aleksander.’ She wrote of how she would get goose bumps whenever she thought of how she might not have been at that drama school ball, she might never have met him, and her life would have been wasted.89 After the war, Wanda Wasilewska had chosen not to return to Poland. She remained in Soviet Ukraine with Oleksandr Korneichuk. He in turn remained it is so that among all of these figures. their letters read more than once as if encrypted. sisters.’91 Later. like that of these two women. ran deep. about Marian Bogatko’s murder Wasilewska never said to her daughter a single word.93 Throughout his life. ostentatiously unfaithful. when his friends and fellow poets wrote of him. Broniewska traveled to Kiev for her funeral. for poetry. She’s just too close. and so. for Poland and for the Revolution. and even among communists. After Broniewski’s death. I know her personal affairs. They were never enthralled by communism.’90 When Wasilewska died suddenly of a heart attack in 1964. And so even under Stalinist totalitarianism. patriotic and communist – while sometimes disentwined. Their own narcissism was unbearable – they fled from it. an internal Bakhtinian polyphony of voices never disappeared. whereas theirs was ‘a love by choice’. drawing on a slang pejorative for Poland’s eastern neighbours. her furniture. This speaks as well to the young Broniewski. ‘Out of love for Korneichuk Wanda stayed with those Russians. Janina Broniewska would emphasise that family members. Revolution was a passion not devoid of masochistic fantasy. Janina Broniewska was not entirely without jealousy that her closest friend had chosen to remain far away. desperate for a love that would consume them. At home in Warsaw. she wrote. and Wasilewska who longed to feel spurs digging into her back. a space for intimacy remained. but I couldn’t do it. as much as they were by the promise of transcendence via conflagration – . he ignored Isaac Deutscher’s accusation that he was harbouring foolish bourgeois prejudices and whisked Ola Watowa off of Deutscher’s lap. who kept her friend’s secret. Likewise. and once told her granddaughter. If she spoke about this at all. who in the 1920s was writing proletarian poetry in a new. Broniewski maintained perhaps four great passions: for women. so for all of them. I know the beating of Wanda’s heart.132 Marci Shore a playboy. so often I have the impression that she still lives. ‘In my home there remain her books. Betrayal and Marxism Janina Broniewska referred often in her memoirs to the private language she and Wasilewska shared. Theirs was a love story. She was unhappy but said nothing. nonetheless coexisted even in the most improbable – and inauspicious – circumstances. Yet so was the Revolution. Likewise did Wat’s love for his wife transcend all of his ideological choices – even at the height of his communist engagement. It was proposed to me that I write her biography. Afterward. In fact. As for Wandurski who longed to burn himself in the fire. per se. it was to Janina Broniewska.92 Intimacy. they would marvel at ‘how much love that man bore in his heart’. Their accompanying discourses – romantic and literary. do not choose one another. communist idiom and letters to Janina Kunizæanka in a language reminiscent of chivalry – Broniewski’s multilingualism. As soon as Ola Watowa sat down in his apartment. after Marxism there was nothing. it was their realisation of their European cosmopolitanism. She had not forgotten. he told Ola Watowa. their self-fulfilment through self-annihilation. And so in the end did the poets of Café Ziemian. and return to Marx. its ruined cafés that were burnt to ashes. For these writers. by then an old man and the last of the avant-garde friends among the living. the new world – yet in fact it was the climax. too crushed – this was left for the next generation. transcendence of their own self-absorption. Yet the Revolution proved capricious and fickle and did not love the poets back. when she had long been living in Paris. they did not try to sift through the layers of Stalin. his wife Ola Watowa went to Warsaw and paid a visit to Adam Wazy æ k. the moment of Mayakovsky’s 1927 visit was the ecstatic beginning of the Revolution. He was their greatest love affair. more importantly. the beginning of the end. Their story contains no possibility of an aesthetically pleasing ending. transcendence of all that was backwards and constricting. the greatest of all of their loves. the creators as well as the victims of tragic fate. faith and betrayal referred not only to Marxist ideology. Wazy æ k had not been invited. who haunted their old city. For them. For the Polish generation born at the fin-de-siècle.Love in the Time of Revolution:The Polish Poets of Café Ziemian. For the poets of Café Ziemian. pursued in their old age by a demon of communism. unjust and inadequate in Poland. They died consumed by their pasts. Many years after Aleksander Wat had committed suicide. Ultimately. And here ‘tragic’ must be in understood in its non-classical meaning. ‘and they didn’t even invite me to say a few words’. I know.ska. Wazy æ k hurried to remind her that he was also once a Stalinist. They were a particularly sad generation. In the end. by the choices they made to embrace Marxism – choices they made in the absence of an understanding of what Marxist ideas translated into communism-in-practice meant. these avant-garde poets-turned-revolutionary Marxists were destroyed by Marxism. the Revolution was only secondarily dialectical materialism. The confession was not Wazy æ k’s only source of pain. the choices they made to opt for (and out of) Marxism became those that framed their lives. their fiercest of romantic loves. but more poignantly to Mayakovsky.94 The poets suffered this fate intensely personally as well. then Lenin. after Marxism there was no new love. as the preservation of the beauty of a disastrous action. They became neither Polish nationalists of the Right nor revisionist Marxists. by the force of their private relationships. They were too old.ska and their friends live their lives ensconced in angst. the young avant-garde poets of the 1920s. The Polish PEN Club had recently dedicated an evening to the French futurist Apollinaire. I know. she answered.95 .ska 133 transcendence of national boundaries. the nexus point of liminality through which they fell in love with the aesthetics of the Revolution. ‘I was the first one in Poland to translate Apollinaire’. Bruno Iasenskii. 5. Wyznania gorszycielki (Warsaw: Czytelnik. 27. Richard Lourie (New York: W. Polityka 7 (13 February 1965): 1. 26. Tsentral’nyi Derzhavnyi Arkhiv-Muzei Literatury i Mystetstva Ukrainy.ski (Warsaw: Czytelnik. 274.ska and Jan Zielin. vol. Od bliskich i dalekich. quote at 212–213. 385. 1997). 4. 13. 1964). 91. 24. Pamieçtnik 1918–1922. Snobizm i posteçp (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo J. Dziesieçc . 15. 19. 1984). 1992). 20. Helena Zaworska (Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy Imienia Ossolin. 307–335. Feliksa Lichodziejewska. Morkowicza. My Futurist Years. 16. 534. ed. Alexander Zeyliger helped with this reference. 22 January 1926. 1944–1956 (Berkeley: University of California Press. My Century. 16. 1. Broniewski. 8. 2 (Kalingrad: FGUIPP Yantarny Skaz. 7. ed. 115–116. teczka Brauna. 1981). 1992). Broniewski. Broniewska. 15 October 1919 and 29 February 1920. 73. ‘Pamieçtnik Władysława Broniewskiego 1918–1922’. ‘Dziennik 1919–1924’. The History of Polish Literature (London: Macmillan. Braun to Broniewski. 22.. 1978). 1 (Warsaw: PIW. 30. vol. no. Ola Watowa.stwowe Zakłady Wydawnictw Szkolnych. Aleksander Wat. Warsaw. My Century. . Łódz. Korespondencja do Władysława Broniewskiego 1915–1930. Witold Wandurski. 9. Muzeum Broniewskiego. and Anatol Stern to Vladimir Maiakovskii.W. 5. Braun to Broniewski. Wat. My Century. French Intellectuals. 18. 2852/1/599. Aleksander Vat. 13.. Vladimir Maiakovskii. 11. Łódz. Janina Broniewska. Warsaw (MB). Quoted in Czesław Miłosz. 4. My Century. 25. 17. 38. 14. trans. Anatol Stern and Aleksander Wat. Pamieçtnik 1918–1922 (Warsaw: PIW. 1998). Łódz. Lillian Vallee (Evanston: Northwestern University Press. 1969). Wat. 1984). 31. Pamieçtnik 1918–1922. RGALI.. Wat. Florian Nieuwazn æ y (Warsaw: Pan. 32. serc czerwiennych. 21. 73/1/323. ‘GGA’. 6. in Lucifer Unemployed. eds Anna Micin. Wandurski to Broniewski. 46. Feliksa Lichodziejewska. 323. 3. ‘The Eternally Wandering Jew’. Feliks Lichodziejewska. 1988). here 280. 157. 38. Stefan ZÆeromski. in Polnoe sobranie sochinenii. A/2. My Century. Tony Judt. Watowa. ‘Poverkh Varshavy’. Stephen Rady (New York: Marsilio. 277–286. 28. 4 (1971): 149–219. 44. 2002). Kiev (TsDAMLM). Past Imperfect.skich. Moscow. ZÆycie Majakowskiego (Warsaw: Czytelnik. ed. 1965). in Lichodziejewska. Wszystko co najwazæniejsze (Warsaw: Czytelnik. 1990). Wiktor Woroszylski. Władysław Broniewski. Irena Krzywicka. 6 January 1925. 33. in Poezje. 214. serc czerwiennych (Warsaw: Iskry. 22 May 1923. 157. Wszystko co najwazæniesze. 12. 1 July 1921. 1: 143–144. 8. Roman Jakobson.. respectively. ed. 2. Dziesieçc . in Antologia polskiego futuryzmu i nowej sztuki.134 Marci Shore Notes 1. ed. Aleksander Wat. Copy provided by Timothy Snyder. Norton. 6. ‘Do panów poetów’. 1926). 24. 20. 10. Wat. Pamieçtnik Literacki 62. 23. MB. trans. ‘JA z jednej strony a JA z drugiej strony mego mopsozæelaznego piecyka’. Witold Wandurski. Od bliskich i dalekich. in Włodzimierz Majakowski. Aleksander Wat. 12. ‘Majakowski i Polscy Poeci’. ‘Korespondencja Władysława Broniewskiego z Bronisławem Sylwinem Kencbokiem’. 3. trans. Bengt Jangfeldt. 29. 44.. Nowa Kultura 15 (22 December 1923): 392. My Century. 1990).The Odyssey of a Polish Intellectual. Wat. Maiakovskii. 36. Eleanora Syzdek (Warsaw: Ksiaçzæka i Wiedza. Prasa okupowanego Lwowa (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Neriton. Still Alive. ‘Dziennik 1919–1924’. TsDAMLM. 50. Wat. TsDAMLM. The Puppet and the Dwarf. 235. Adam Wazy æ k. Zeszyty Historyczne 132 (2000): 109–192. in Wanda Wasilewska we wspomnieniach. Chruszczowa’. 65. Maje i listopady (Warsaw: Iskry. Jana Kochanowskiego. Kolaboranci. 140. 63.ski to Stalin. ‘Listy Wandy Wasilewskiej’.. Kuz. 53. An Autobiographical Essay (New Haven: Yale University Press. 61. Kuz. 4 October 1919. Janina Broniewska. N.Love in the Time of Revolution:The Polish Poets of Café Ziemian. Antologia poezji s. in Wanda Wasilewska. 36. ‘Sny sponad Morza Sr : ódziemnego’.nicka and Eleonora Sydzek. eds. no. Bruno Jasien. Jasien. Quoted in Agnieszka Cies. 19 October 1919. 3. here 55. 48. Broniewska. 73/1/323. Kott.ródeł nowatorstwa w poezji’. The Perverse Core of Christianity (Cambridge. Feliksa Lichodziejewska. 25 April 1937. Helena Zatorska (Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne. ‘O mojej siostrze’. vol. 59. Jan Kott. ‘Fragmenty wspomnien. Ibid. Zofia A. Polish translations from the original Russian appear in Krzysztof Jaworski. 73/1/323. My Century. ed. 341–344. Adam Wazy æ k.ski i grupa komunistycznych pisarzy w Lwowie 1939–1941 (Komorów: Fundacja Pomocy Antyk. 40. ‘Poemat dla dorosłych’. quote at 3. 10 (12 March 1950): 1. 88. 58. 46. 189. 95. MA: MIT Press. 20 January 1922. Aleksander Wat. 1995).wiadectwa i sprzeciwu 1944–1984. ed. 60.nicka. TsDAMLM. Nikita Siergiejewicz Chruszczow.. Zdanie 6 (1985): 33–39.. in Polnoe sobranie sochinenii. 103.ski. 45.ciwe stanowisko’. 66. Ibid. Syzdek. 1976). Slavoj Žižek. .ski to Stalin. 41. Mój Wiek. 13–15.ski w sowieckim wieçzieniu. M/III/55.nica 1. ‘Dziennik 1919–1924’. 1994). 1982). 224–234. 1967). 55f. here 118. ‘U z. 39. (Kielce: Wyzæsza szkoła pedagogiczna im. Bruno Jasien. 147. 57. Bruno Jasien. 52. Miesieçcznik Literacki 6 (May 1930): 281– 288. Watowa. 51. Adam Wazy æ k. 1998). Stanisław Baranczak (London: Puls Publications. TsDAMLM. 416–423. Ibid. s. 38.ski w sowieckim wieçzieniu. 62. Warsaw. Wat. Miesieçcznik Literacki 2 (January 1930): 68– 77. Broniewski bez cenzury 1939–1945 (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Społeczne KOS. ‘Dziennik 1919–1924’. 43. 67. 1992). Aleksander Wat.nica 5. 42. Woz. 1957). 37. 2003). 181.likowa. wyrok. quote at 71. 186. in Poezje. in Poeta pamieçta. ed. Maje i listopady. 328. quote at 38. 1984). Tadeusz Boy-ZÆelen. 55f. Wat.. Zofia Aldona Woz. 47. ed. 73/1/323. 77. Aresztowanie. Jaworski. Wanda Wasilewska we wspomnieniach. 141f. My Century. 6 May 1923. 54. Archiwum Wschodnie. Still Alive. Bruno Jasien. ‘Poeta rewolucji Majakowski’. 1: 275.. 55. Wasilewskiej’. 47f. ‘Przedmowa do “Utworów dla młodziezæy” W. Watowa. Paleç Paryzæ (Warsaw: Czytelnik. 49. ‘Wspomnienia o futuryzmie’.mierc . Jacek Trznadel. 1998). Janina Broniewska. 19–20. 73/1/323. 56. 35. 64. 28 April 1937. Wszystko co najwazæniesjze.ska 135 34. Wszystko co najwazæniejsze. ed. 44. ‘Naruzhnost’ Varshavy’. Wat. 7. ‘Dziennik 1919–1924’. 1997).S. 12 (18 November 1945): 2f. My Century. ‘O włas. Pamieçtnik mówiony (Warsaw: Czytelnik. Aleksander Wat. 66–72. 72. La Messuguiere. ‘Protokół Nr 217 posiedzenia Biura Politycznego z dnia 19 stycznia 1959 r’. Zaworska. eds Antoni Dudek et al. eds Mieczysław Jastrun. 206–208. 92. 87. See Jarosław Iwaszkiewicz’s contribution to Stanisław Witold Balicki.136 Marci Shore 68. 14. 93. Wszystko. Watowa. co najwazæniejsze. Zbigniew Jarosin. Kamena 2 (21 January 1968): 4. (Cracow: Wydawnictwo Literackie. 81. Poezje. Toulon.ski. 15 January 2001. 88.. 130. 231f. 89. Promełej (March 1975): 6. 75. 79. Aleksander Wat. Halkidiki.ski w Paryzæu czyli trzy portrety pisarza’. In 1926: Living at the Edge of Time (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. ed. 1968). ed. Uncat MS Vault 526. Greece. 84. 8. Dziennik bez samogłosek. A-5. Ksiaçzæka Moich Wspomnien. Aleksander Wat. 69. in Antologia polskiego futuryzmu i nowej sztuki. B-127. złagodzony’). Bruno Jasien. 352. 73. 1960).ski (Warsaw: Wiedza Powszechna. Berkeley. 6. ZÆycie Literackie 19 (11 May 1958). in Centrum władzy. ‘Zeszyt ostatni’. Jarosław Iwaszkiewicz. C-222. ‘zmieniony. also see Kott. Dziennik bez samogłosek. C-222. 76. kierownictwa PZPR wybór z lata 1949–1970. ‘Władysław Broniewski’. 20 August 1967. ‘O mojej przyjaciółce Wandzie Wasilewskiej’. Miłosz to Wat. Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Bruno Jasien. ‘Bruno Jasien. AWPB. 9–19. Moje przyjaz. Dziennik bez samogłosek. ‘Zeszyt ostatni’.. Mieczysław Grydzewski to Aleksander Wat. xxxix. 70. 77. Anatol Stern. A-58. 1969). Aleksander Wat Papers. C-237. 9 June 1963. AWPB. Wat. Wat. 85. London. 71. Stern. 93. Protokoły posiedzen. 26 March 1956. Still Alive. Antony (letter unsent in this version. 1997). 2 March 1962. Bohdan Drozdowski. Wat. Władysław Broniewski. ‘Wsteçp’. Berkeley. AWPB. Wat to Miłosz. Wat to Mieczysław (Grydzewski). Ibid. and Adam Wazy æ k (Warsaw: Czytelnik. Wat. 90. 28 February 1962. 69. Anatol Stern. Krysztof Rutkowski (London: Polonia. Dziennik bez samogłosek. Seweryn Pollak. 210. Wszsytko co najwazæniejsze. 83. 176f. Wszsytko co najwazæniejsze. 323.ski. personal correspondence to author. 86. ed. AWPB. Anatol Stern to Aleksander Wat. Wat. Ola Watowa to Seweryna Broniszówna. 114f. Yale University. 17. 1986). 80. Janina Broniewska. 24 December 1965. ‘Słowo wsteçpne’. 1957). Wspomnienia i eseje o Władysławie Broniewskim (Warsaw: PIW. Wat to Jan Sp : iewak. C-219. 14. To ja – daçb. Watowa. New Haven (AWPB). AWPB. (Warsaw: Instytut Studiów Politycznych PAN). Anatol Stern. 94. 82. 1967. 74. AWPB. . 91. MB. AWPB. 26f. 95. Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht. Cited in Ewa Zawistowska. 78. 1978). in Włodzimierz Majakowski. Stefan ZÆółkiewski to Władysław Broniewski. Anatol Stern. Dziennik bez samogłosek.nie poetyckie (Warsaw: PIW. 9. Watowa. 5 Following the death of his father George V. but also on previously unexplored British Foreign Office reports summarising the media coverage in a wide range of countries. . British and European media.1 As it involved a European and an American protagonist and made headlines on both sides of the Atlantic. Edward became King in January 1936.3 Brief Summary of the ‘World’s Greatest Romance’4 During a weekend party in Leicestershire in January 1931. Wallis SimpNotes for this section begin on page 153. met Prince Edward. According to Wallis. that she and Edward ‘crossed the line that marks the indefinable boundary between friendship and love’. the media evidence will be compared to another rich but rarely explored set of sources: the great number of unsolicited letters that Edward VIII received during the abdication crisis. The first part of this article analyses and compares the representation of this Anglo-American love story by the American. A couple of months later.2 In the second part. Marriage and Divorce American and European Reactions to the Abdication of Edward VIII ALEXIS SCHWARZENBACH The abdication of Edward VIII in order to marry Wallis Simpson in December 1936 was one of the most publicised love stories of the twentieth century. it is an ideal case to study attitudes toward love in America and Europe. Wallis Simpson. during a summer cruise with the Prince of Wales. the 35-year-old American wife of a London-based British-American businessman.CHAPTER 7 Love. the 37-year-old heir to the British throne. This section is not only based on newspaper archives. it was three years later. the king informed Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin of his intention to marry Wallis Simpson.6 Three weeks after the divorce. her divorce case was heard at a court in Ipswich in East Anglia. as well as prominent ecclesiastics such as the archbishop of Canterbury. the morganatic marriage proposal provided his opponents with a tool to settle the matter in accordance with their own interests. he abdicated in favour of his brother on 10 December. They were now able to argue that their opposition to the king’s marriage plan stemmed neither from the fact that Wallis Simpson was an American commoner nor from the fact the Church of England did not condone divorce. Baldwin unmistakeably stated that: ‘His Majesty’s Government are not prepared to introduce such legislation.138 Alexis Schwarzenbach son separated from her husband and began divorce proceedings. In August 1936. On 27 October. without her automatically assuming his rank. Just before leaving Britain on the following day. a rather heterogeneous and by no means organised group of people also opposed Edward’s marriage plan. In order to overcome the difficulties caused by his marriage plan. While some people simply disliked Wallis Simpson because she was an American commoner.’ He added that also none of the governments of the Dominions – who shared their royal head of state with Britain – were prepared to accept a morganatic marriage of their sovereign. It would be her third marriage. i. She received a decree nisi. did not condone divorce and that thus a marriage to a divorcee was unacceptable. On 4 December.7 As the king was determined to marry Wallis Simpson against the constitutionally binding advice of his government.. the king informed Baldwin on 23 November that he wanted to marry Wallis Simpson morganatically. While the king was free to marry whomever he wanted provided the woman was not a Catholic. Baldwin informed the House of Commons of the king’s morganatic marriage plan and explained that such an unprecedented constitutional act would require special legislation. Apart from Baldwin. the conservative prime minister was convinced that Wallis Simpson would not make an acceptable queen for Britain and its Empire. Instead of preserving Edward’s throne. which meant that in April 1937 her divorce would become absolute and she could re-marry. Without giving any reasons for their decision. headed by the king. for between 1916 and 1927 she had been married to an American air force officer. sections of the social and political elite of London. others maintained that the Church of England. Edward addressed his former subjects via the radio and explained: ‘You must believe me when I tell you that I have found it impossible to carry the heavy burden of responsibility and to discharge my duties as King as I would wish to do without the help and support of the woman I love.’8 . It included members of the royal family and the royal household. she accompanied the king on another cruise and in September she was his guest at Balmoral in Scotland.e. they argued that the king’s morganatic marriage proposal caused legal problems leading to a ‘constitutional crisis’. Instead. 9 After the accession of Edward in January 1936. more than two years before the abdication. . pictured on a boat during a recent holiday along the Dalmatian coast. Sibenik. The New York Daily Mirror added the following caption to this image: ‘Mutual interests in many fields helped the sincere bond of affection between King Edward and Mrs.’10 American interest in ‘Wally’s royal romance’11 became frenetic once the media found out that the ‘Baltimore girl who won (the) friendship of Edward VIII’12 was suing for divorce and thus removing the legal obstacle to an AngloAmerican royal wedding. Courtesy Hulton-Deutsch Collection/CORBIS. It shows Wallis Simpson inadvertently touching the king’s arm while trying to leave a small boat (Figure 7.1. Marriage and Divorce: US and European Reactions to the Abdication of Edward VIII 139 Headlines in the Americas The first media reports on Edward and Wallis appeared in American papers in autumn 1934. Often. The New York Daily Mirror announced with outmost Figure 7. but not her husband.Love. they were illustrated with photographs aimed at proving the strong bond that had allegedly developed between the king and his American friend. August 1936. King Edward VIII and Wallis Simpson. The most frequently reproduced image was a snapshot taken at the Yugoslavian port of Sibenik. American interest in the story increased and especially long reports were written about the summer cruise to which the king had invited a group of friends including Wallis Simpson. Ernest Simpson.1). 13 Once Edward’s desire to marry Wallis Simpson was confirmed at the beginning of December. there was no room left on the front pages for other news. According to the British Library of Information. It was catered to the very full by the press and the radio. Even presidential tour is relegated to second place. .21 An article of the New York American. At the same time. and that almost immediately after the coronation he will take her as his consort. the Hearst press ‘sprung to the defence of the King as a popular and democratic person. a day before the Simpson divorce. had unconditionally supported the king’s desire to marry Wallis Simpson and had made no effort to explain let alone understand the British government’s point of view. Simpson’. 1937’ and. the New York flagship of the Hearst press titled: ‘King Edward of England to Wed Mrs. a day before Baldwin’s announcement of the king’s marriage plans. Ernest Simpson in June.’ Love was thus the only necessary precondition for marriage and the fact that Wallis Simpson had been married twice before did not diminish the quality of her present love. all in capitals: ‘HE IS SINCERELY IN LOVE’. they meant the ‘constitutional crisis’ arising out of the king’s morganatic marriage plan and the rejection of it by the governments of Britain and its Dominions. the British Library of Information in New York and the British embassy in Washington agreed that ‘responsible newspapers’16 such as the New York Times had covered the events leading up to the abdication ‘with accuracy and fairness’17 and that in quality papers there had been ‘generally a sympathetic understanding of the situation’. On 3 December.’14 Five days later the Foreign Office was told: ‘American interest in the debate about the King has been enormous. and there has been so great a flood of news and comment as to bear comparison only with war conditions.140 Alexis Schwarzenbach certainty a day before the divorce came through: ‘King will Wed Wally’. Simpson. illustrates the way in which the American tabloids reported and promoted the romance between an ordinary ‘Baltimore woman’ and the King of England. one of the main Hearst papers. that his love is a righteous affection.’15 Once the crisis was over. the article sheds light on the way in which concepts of love and marriage were linked to ideas about Europe and America. especially those owned by the media mogul William Hearst.18 By this.19 However. Simpson is an American’. the British Library of Information in New York reported to the Foreign Office in London: ‘Constitutional crisis is principal news in American press with full page headings. both British observers in the US stressed that the influential tabloids. The article went on to give the following details: ‘King Edward’s most intimate friends state with the utmost positiveness that he is very deeply and sincerely enamoured of Mrs. nor have they neglected to emphasize and re-emphasize the fact that Mrs.20 The British ambassador in Washington complained that the Hearst press had inaccurately argued ‘that opposition in British Empire to King’s marriage is due to American birth of Mrs. On 26 October. however. Marriage and Divorce: US and European Reactions to the Abdication of Edward VIII 141 A further revealing passage.26 As in the United States. ‘Finally’.Love. but also reported that ‘the general tendency has been to dwell upon what may be termed the romantic aspect of the question’. declining and in fact doomed continent.27 . namely an Anglo-American alliance. ‘(Edward) believes that the most important thing for the peace and welfare of the world is an intimate understanding and relationship between England and America. a newspaper published in Argentine Patagonia.23 The New York American stated: (Edward) believes that it would be an actual mistake for a King of England to marry into any of the royal houses of the Continent of Europe. the readers of El Rivadaria. Peripheral Britain. He believes further that in this day and generation it is absurd to try to maintain the tradition of royal intermarriages. namely. in Latin America the press had begun to report on Edward’s friendship with Wallis Simpson well before her name was first mentioned in the British press. The story of the Edward VIII and the ‘belleza norteamericana’ (beautiful North American) had thus reached the southernmost part of the American continent at least two months before the first reports on the subject began to appear in Europe. Europe was thus represented as an old-fashioned. while the traditional intermarriages between European royal families were used as a powerful metaphor to emphasise the degenerate character of the entire continent. Already in October 1936.’24 Heavily influenced by the US media. was represented as a country not really belonging to Europe. both in terms of geography and emotions. and that his marriage with this very gifted lady may help to bring about the beneficial co-operation between English-speaking nations. with whom it already shared one of the main means of collective identification. were able to glance at the notorious snapshot of Wallis Simpson touching the arm of the king in Sibenik. and so involve himself and his empire in the complications and disasters of these royal houses. The article stressed the possibility of Britain saving itself from Europe’s inevitable downfall by means of an alliance with the modern United States. language. The ideal metaphor for this move was the union between Edward VIII and Wallis Simpson.25 His colleague in Uruguay was less indignant. the press in Latin America also treated the story of Wallis Simpson and the British king as a romantic love story. while being heavily influenced by one of the main political objectives pursued by William Hearst in the 1930s. The British ambassador in Mexico reported that the Mexican press made little effort to explain the British government’s point of view and that most articles were written ‘in the style of vulgar sensationalism reserved for Royalty by the United States news services on which the Mexican press depends’. the article concluded. with all the physical as well as political disabilities likely to result from that outgrown custom.22 alluded to the special and highly interesting peripheral position Britain occupied in Europe. 142 Alexis Schwarzenbach Silence in Britain In striking contrast to the North and South American press. the British media made no reference to the king’s friendship with Wallis Simpson until shortly before the abdication. On 16 October 1936. owner of the Evening Standard and the Daily Express. and that the issue was discussed in ever larger social circles.28 On several occasions. Referring to this speech. Several detailed analyses exist of the way in which the British media covered the events leading up to the abdication only a week after Baldwin’s official . Beaverbrook. the British distributors of American newspapers and magazines even removed or blackened out articles dealing with the king and Mrs. the British press remained silent about the king’s friendship with Wallis Simpson even after her divorce. no paper hinted in any way at the possibility of a romantic attachment.25 million. Simpson.’32 The pretext the media used to break their silence was a sermon by the bishop of Bradford on 1 December. a potentially costly possibility that British papers had to take into account when writing about the king’s private life. then the world’s largest newspaper with a circulation of 2. Initially. the king held a meeting with the British press magnate Lord Beaverbrook. promised to refrain from sensationalism and also succeeded in convincing the rest of the British media to keep up their silence. On 25 November. Even photographs showing Edward and Wallis during their summer holiday were ‘so retouched as to eliminate entirely the picture of his companion and make it appear that the king was alone’. London socialite and passionate diarist Chips Channon noted: ‘The possibility of a royal marriage is still the talk of London.30 Finally. an unusual behaviour that the government failed to explain to the Labour MP Ellen Wilkinson. a day before the prime minister officially announced the king’s morganatic marriage proposal and the government’s opposition to it. there was the fear of libel suits. because Edward feared that Wallis Simpson’s divorce and the attention it received in the United States could prompt British papers to break their silence. This was despite the fact that the editors of all of the major newspapers knew that Edward’s marriage plans had led to serious problems between the king and his government. the press was ignoring Wallis Simpson in much the same way as it had ignored previous royal mistresses who were married upperclass women. the conservative MP.31 For all these reasons. who criticised the king in general terms for not taking his religious duties seriously enough. but which the American papers could safely ignore. ranging from the conservative Times to the communist Daily Worker. the national papers began writing about the difficulties between the king and his government. who inquired about it in Parliament. on 3 December. While her name was included in the list of people who dined with the king or accompanied him on his holidays.29 A variety of reasons led to this remarkable and largely self-imposed silence observed by all British media. The editor of the New Statesman. of the major national dailies. as well as the vast majority of provincial newspapers supported the government. While the papers supporting the king valued love more highly than any other feeling. is sufficiently in love to persists in his intention’. the papers supporting the government believed that there were much more important feelings than love. All of the other national newspapers including the Times.38 The quality newspapers supporting the king therefore used the same arguments that in America had been employed by the Hearst press. namely. in order to gather public support for his marriage plan. Marriage and Divorce: US and European Reactions to the Abdication of Edward VIII 143 announcement of the crisis. mainly because Edward decided not to participate in it. They wanted to ‘secure for the King freedom to marry the woman of his choice. Kingsley Martin. The Daily Telegraph argued that the king had to put the ‘august and permanent interests (of the nation and the Empire) before personal feelings which. applying even to the King of England and a twice-divorced American woman from Baltimore. the papers favourable to the king outnumbered those opposing him.34 a press campaign in favour of him never materialised. The importance attached to love played a central role in the British media coverage of the abdication crisis. the Spectator supported the government. The British tabloids. are in that respect strictly private and not national or impe- . who is of an age old enough to know his own mind. the liberal newspaper was convinced that the general public would eventually accept a morganatic marriage ‘if the King. supported the king. while the New Statesman supported the king. though a farce of this character would have been welcomed by the Cabinet and solemnized by the Church’. Telegraph.35 At the end of an intense week of crisis.33 They show that while the tabloids belonging to the press lords Beaverbrook and Rothermere supported the king. Nevertheless. Morning Post and Manchester Guardian. Of the major weeklies. Once he had failed to get his government’s approval to address the nation in a radio broadcast on 4 December.36 The News Chronicle believed that there were ‘many people in this country who would not desire to see as Queen of England a woman who had previously been married’. a freedom enjoyed by the humblest of his subjects’. only the liberal News Chronicle openly supported the king’s morganatic marriage proposal. who came to the throne as George VI. there was widespread relief in the British media about the solution found. the king had in fact quickly made up his mind to abdicate. however deeply they may concern his own happiness. that divorce should be no obstacle for a marriage based on true love and that royal intermarriages were an outdated European anachronism. considered love marriages to be a universal human right to which anyone was entitled. arguing that Edward’s ‘dislike of humbug prevented him making a formal marriage to a Royal personage whom he did not love. on the other hand.Love. the abdication of Edward VIII and the succession of his brother Albert. namely.37 Beaverbrook’s tabloids argued much more simply. Although in terms of their print-run. 43 to this day divorce remains a highly controversial topic within American society.144 Alexis Schwarzenbach rial’. US Americans were far too relaxed and carefree about it. One of them were American novels. however. The Times was one among many papers that pointed out that its objection to the king’s marriage plan was not influenced by ‘some old-fashioned conventional dislike of the marriage of the King with a “commoner”. Various studies have analysed the long history of specifically American attitudes toward divorce. which did not condone divorce.39 The Western Mail believed that the king had to ‘make whatever personal sacrifice is necessary to comply with the traditions of his august position’. At any given time. Although the ever more relaxed American attitudes toward divorce had a direct influence on the country’s legal. it was easier and socially more acceptable to obtain a divorce in America than in Europe. a royal marriage to a divorcee was bound to lead to an ‘overwhelming objection … because it would scandalize a very large proportion of the nation and Empire and therefore do infinite harm to the whole institution of the British Monarchy’. the Commonwealth and the Empire.40 The papers opposed to the king’s marriage plans thus argued that Edward’s love for Wallis Simpson should play a subordinate role compared to his feelings of duty and responsibility toward Britain. What exactly the duty of the king was depended on the point of view of the newspaper. In the year of the abdication crisis. literary and cinematographic traditions. for example. The paper explained that the marriages of two of the king’s brothers to British commoners had been very popular and claimed that there were ‘many daughters of America whom (the king) might have married with the same approval and rejoicing’. According to the Times. Clare Boothe’s play The Women was first .44 Many Europeans. which were regularly exported all over the world.41 By concentrating on the issue of Wallis Simpson’s divorces instead of her American descent the opponents to the king’s marriage plan nevertheless focussed on a theme with very strong American connotations. in this development America was usually ahead of Europe. the Times explicitly criticised Wallis Simpson’s matrimonial history. It argued that it was wrong for the king to marry a woman who ‘has already two former husbands living. or with an American’. from whom in succession she has obtained a divorce’. Some believed it was the king’s duty to follow the advice of his ministers. some argued that as ‘Defender of the Faith’ he had to live a life according to the teachings of the Church of England. while in the course of the last centuries attitudes toward divorce have gradually become less strict on both sides of the Atlantic. failed to notice the controversial status of divorce in America and instead preferred to cultivate the stereotypical notion that in comparison to themselves. Various factors facilitated the development of divorce-related anti-American prejudices. plays or films centred around divorce. Instead of objecting to the nationality of the king’s proposed bride.42 They have shown that. 51 Implicitly rejecting a marriage with a divorcee because this was considered to be too American and explicitly rejecting a morganatic marriage because it was too European. It is precisely because the King of England has been as free as the law of the realm can make him to choose his wife irrespectively of rank or nationality that no such device is or has been necessary or possible in this country. the Woolworth heiress Barbara Hutton (1912–1979). millions of American and European cinemagoers knew perfectly very well that one of Hollywood’s greatest stars. In 1936. son of our Beloved King George. . The Times explained: ‘(A) British King is bound by no such rule as has made the morganatic marriage a Continental institution. who had just divorced her first husband in 1935. the Times and other papers thus argued that an ideal British marriage was a union of two equal partners who had never been married before and intended to remain married for the rest of their lives.46 A letter written to the editors of the Daily Express during the Abdication crisis shows how easy it was for members of the British general public to establish a link between Wallis Simpson’s matrimonial history and divorcerelated anti-American prejudices: ‘Isn’t it very dreadful that Edward VIII. This implicit use of anti-Americanism was necessary because many British papers such as the Times advocated good political relations between Britain and the US. had been divorced twice as many times than Wallis Simpson. Marriage and Divorce: US and European Reactions to the Abdication of Edward VIII 145 staged on Broadway. a morganatic marriage was thus rejected because it was not in line with Britain’s peripheral European identity. was to entertain the world with six more divorces in the course of the following decades. This plan was rejected because it involved a legal tradition that only existed in continental Europe.49 Explicit criticism in the Times and other papers opposed to the king was only expressed about his morganatic marriage proposal.45 Another means of distribution for stereotypes about American attitudes toward divorce were reports about sensational divorce cases. no serious journalist could have denounced divorce as an exclusively American vice.48 Furthermore. Gloria Swanson (1899–1983). Abroad it has been necessary because the monarch’s choice has been constitutionally limited to certain princely families.’47 Due to the American connotations of divorce. the opponents to the king’s marriage plan could exploit widespread anti-American prejudices while at the same time insisting that there was nothing wrong with Wallis Simpson being American.’50 Incompatible with English freedom. this comedy set in a Nevada divorce ranch was also turned into a internationally successful film in 1939. ‘the two great English-speaking democracies’. Subsequently shown in 18 countries. While Swanson was to acquire two more husbands. should bring Hollywood ideals to Britain? Surely he could have found some sweet British Girl. a key element of British national identity often invoked in comparisons with continental Europe.Love. given that in Britain divorce rates were also rapidly rising. There. the Neue Zürcher Zeitung. The country’s most important liberal newspaper. but Wallis was by then already married to her first husband. The Foreign Office noted that in Austria. most reports were ‘very guarded’. but also the great majority of the free press in Europe’s democracies. Finally. One good example comes from the heart of Europe. full of ‘respectful reserve’. ‘friendly and sympathetic’ and in Hungary.53 In Poland.57 the Neue Zürcher Zeitung firmly believed that the king’s duty was far more important than his love. from Switzerland. the Foreign Office noted with great satisfaction that in striking contrast to America. ‘their paths crossed again by chance’.54 It is of particular interest in our case to note that not only the statecontrolled media of Europe’s dictatorships sided – for one reason or the other – with the British government. in Czechoslovakia. in Switzerland. told the story of Edward and Wallis as a modern fairytale and printed a widely reported yet incorrect version of it. but in America ‘twenty years ago’. which could have been avoided had the king realised that his morganatic marriage proposal was doomed because the necessary legislation had ‘no chance’ of being introduced: ‘Unfortunately Edward VIII did not immediately draw the obvious conclusions from this fact. she was quickly included into Edward’s circle of friends and the two of them were often seen dancing ‘tango and rumba for hours at the Ritz and in more exclusive nightclubs’.146 Alexis Schwarzenbach Restraint in Europe After the abdication. Later. ‘restrained and sympathetic’.56 Despite indulging in detailed accounts of this love story with a ‘fairy tale quality’.52 The European media had largely refrained from mentioning the king’s friendship with Wallis Simpson before the British papers started writing about the subject. they met again after Wallis’s second marriage had brought her to London.55 According to the Swiss daily. it blamed ‘the romantic dream of King Edward VIII’ for seriously threatening the political stability of his country by shattering ‘the foundation of the British monarchy’.’58 . most of them backed the British government’s point of view. in the Netherlands they were ‘enlightened and sympathetic’. Once the story had broken. ‘the press of practically all European countries has behaved wonderfully well over the crisis’. Wallis and Edward had not met in Britain in 1931. It called the events preceding the abdication a ‘most unpleasant performance’. After the abdication. the government had even ‘induced the leading Polish newspapers to refrain from publishing any of the reports and rumours regarding the King’s matrimonial intentions that were given so much prominence in the American press’. a move he should have made in the interest of the British Empire the unity of which largely depends on the moral authority of the crown. Edward was supposed to have seen Wallis for the first time when she was not yet married during a ball in Baltimore. most European papers interpreted the way in which the crisis was solved as a reassuring proof of the strength of Britain’s political system. She should reflect upon the example of a country where tradition lives in the conscience of the people and the supreme law is the safety of the nation. which stood in sharp contrast to the view propagated in the American tabloids. Hitler was forming alliances with Italy and Japan – was responsible for the widespread agreement among European papers that duty was more important than love remains difficult to assess. where the Popular Front government of Léon Blum was in the middle of one of its regular crises. the legation explained that ‘the Socialist Press and. ‘the development of the crisis and the attitude of the leading figures and of British public opinion are held up as an example of stability of the British peoples. The British legation in Copenhagen reported on 5 December that ‘Opinion varies with Party colour. ‘journals of every shade of opinion’ argued that ‘France … has been given an object lesson in Parliamentary government and in national behaviour. rather less emphatically. Right emphasising danger to the Empire. Marriage and Divorce: US and European Reactions to the Abdication of Edward VIII 147 British Foreign Office reports contain many similarly harsh statements from all over Europe. Yet to what extent the specific political situation in late 1936 – the Spanish civil war had broken out. was ‘unable to resist the temptation of pointing out once or twice that monarchy has weaknesses and dangers to which a republic such as France is not exposed’. In Denmark. and the conviction finds expression that that stability will continue to exercise its influence in the consolidation of peace’. that an Anglo-American royal wedding would foster world peace. namely.’60 In France. it became clear that this extraordinary event failed to cause any political damage. there was an intense and antagonistic public debate about whether the king should follow his heart or the advice of his government. is that in Scandinavia.Love.’62 In a subsequent report. In Austria.61 Almost everywhere in Europe the fragile security situation thus led to a negative perception of King Edward’s marriage plan. their . however. Therefore.59 The Swedish daily Dages Nyheter also expressed its relief and stated: ‘The free nations of Europe have long looked up to England as the guardian of democracy. What can be stated with certainty. there was also widespread ‘admiration for the resilience and strength shown by English institutions and for the coolness and courage with which the British people surmounted the crisis’. there were two interesting exceptions to this rule. According to the British embassy in Paris. and will congratulate themselves on the fact that the dangers which have threatened the constitutional monarchy from within during the last few weeks have been averted without irreparable damage. After the abdication. Left showing sympathy with the human element in the problem. Much of this criticism was caused by the fear that Edward’s marriage plans posed a serious threat to British and European political stability. for instance.’ Only Le Populaire. the Socialist newspaper controlled by Léon Blum himself. apart from a few Communists. on the other hand. the conservative media of in both Scandinavian countries attached more importance to duty than to love because this traditional attitude seemed to guarantee social and political stability.65 The Labour Party backed Baldwin in his opposition to the king’s marriage plan.66 Letters to a King in Love The international media reports on the abdication can be compared to another very important set of sources. in that he refused to be compelled to desist from the choice of his heart’.148 Alexis Schwarzenbach allies. perceived romantic love as a progressive social force that conservative circles in Britain had once more defeated. the Church and respectability’ and emphasised that Edward showed ‘commendable firmness of character. however. Baldwin. Instead of being backed by the left. but that should eventually succeed in deconstructing outdated bourgeois values and power structures. Godfrey Thomas. the Radicals. while Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists as well the former liberal Prime Minister David Lloyd George also threw in their lot for the king. Left-wing and to a lesser extent liberal newspapers. In line with most other European papers. The British embassy in Stockholm reported that conservative papers such as the Dagens Nyheter or Svenska Dagbladet emphasised that one of the key duties of a monarch was ‘the suppression of personal feelings’ and criticised the king for having ‘set his private interests above that of the realm’. private secretary to the Duke of Gloucester and former assistant private secretary of Edward VIII. (took) the point of view that the opposition to the King’s plans sprang from old-fashioned or reactionary circles’. thought that they contained ‘a remarkable cross-section of public opinion from . never tried to make political profit from the government’s struggle with the king. there was an overlapping of political opinions with views about the status and importance of romantic love. Ramsay MacDonald. the thousands of letters written by members of the general public to Edward VIII during the abdication crisis. The left-wing Social Democraten. namely. In contrast to the views held in the two Scandinavian monarchies.’64 This evidence suggests that in Denmark and Sweden. in 1945.63 A similar if less intense debate took place in Sweden. who seized the opportunity to stand up against his rival Baldwin. who has voluntarily abdicated rather than bow down to prejudice. while the country’s first Labour Prime Minister. in Britain the oppositional left. The Social Democraten concluded: ‘In any case the moral victory lies with the monarch. was one of the most severe critics of Edward’s attachment to Wallis Simpson. interpreted the abdication as a ‘victory for Mr. Edward received political backing from the right. These letters were preserved because. His most important political supporter was Winston Churchill. it is obvious that you love this charming American lady. Our country owes its greatness to the creation of precedents even as Nelson by putting his telescope to his blind eye. told the king: ‘I am unaccustomed to address royalty.’74 Herbert Coppock from Didsbury near Manchester.’75 This evidence suggests that two quite different concepts of masculinity existed at the same time. Marriage and Divorce: US and European Reactions to the Abdication of Edward VIII 149 all classes which should be of much interest & value to anyone who in years to come is writing about the Abdication’. Although I renounced perhaps the biggest thing in a woman’s life. won the battle of Trafalgar. It was often linked to the late Victorian generation and the example of Edward’s father King George V (born in 1865).68 One of the most intensely debated issues in the letters sent to Edward was the relative importance attached to love and duty.’73 Both people in favour and against the king’s marriage plans urged Edward to behave in a masculine way. I would say. While this was also discussed in many of the media reports on the subject. a qualitative analysis of these very subjective sources can reveal ways in which Edward’s contemporaries perceived the romantic issues at stake that are invisible or not as clearly apparent in the media accounts analysed above.67 While I do not think that these letters can be used like a contemporary opinion poll showing how ‘ordinary people felt’. on the other hand. I was faced with the choice between a great love and “doing the decent thing”.72 Alec Roylance from London formulated his reasons for being in favour of the king’s marriage plans very clearly: ‘Love is the most powerful force throughout the universe.Love. but as a Man.’71 On the other side of the spectrum of opinions. and shall remain a rather lonely spinster. I chose the latter. He told the king: ‘With such a choice as you can command. Some people were even prepared to take up arms in order to defend the king and his rights – ‘I’ll die for you if necessary’ wrote a man from Sussex on the day the news broke. Two examples: an anonymous Scottish woman who was outraged at the thought of Edward marrying Wallis Simpson – ‘the leavings of some other poor man whom she wrecked before’ – urged the king to leave her by telling him: ‘Be a man. the high level of emotion in the letters is striking and shows how important these matters were to Edward’s contemporaries. stick to your guns and if no precedent exists for your action or contemplated action. shake yourself up. An anonymous British subject wrote: ‘For Gods sake put the EMPIRE FIRST’. Some people vigorously urged the king to do his duty rather than to follow his heart. A man in love is a happy man. . emotions ran equally high.69 another even threatened that ‘MRS. A happy king cannot fail to be a good king. SIMPSON WILL BE SHOT ’ if Edward were to abdicate. then make one.’ That Edward was really in love was completely clear to Roylance. but with all due respect. One concept clearly stipulated that good masculine behaviour meant putting duty above love. I know that my gain outweighs the loss – because I have peace of mind.70 Margaret Laidlay from Leeon-the-Solent near Portsmouth put it rather more subtly: ‘About nine years ago. if I may for a moment address you not as a King. twicedivorced. but to marry a woman who has been divorced twice & whose former husbands are still living we think. the new heir to the throne. who was born in 1894 and who was a young adult when the First World War broke out.76 Anti-American prejudices were much more explicit in the letters sent to Edward than they were in the media coverage of the abdication. an anonymous ‘wife and mother’ from East Yorkshire .’82 Even the people who were convinced that Edward had to give up Wallis Simpson because this was the only right – and masculine – thing to do. Jones from Walton-on-Thames without adding a question mark. clutching. His wife. she would remain where she is & not cause you & the nation any more anxiety. wrote to Edward: ‘The majority of my compatriots and almost all women with the exception of a few old puritan spinsters feel a spontaneous sympathy for your majesty. they often expressed doubts about the quality of Wallis Simpson’s romantic feelings. Mary got married to George. wrote J. had originally been engaged to George’s elder brother Albert Victor. ‘You may be genuinely in love with her but do you really suppose that she has true affection and love for you’.80 Others consciously avoided using anti-American prejudices and claimed that the only problem was Wallis Simpson’s divorces. American hag’ becoming queen.150 Alexis Schwarzenbach whose marriage had been a dynastic arrangement lacking any sense of romance. it seems that generational differences also played an important a part in the debate about the compatibility of love and divorce. One anonymous British subject called Wallis Simpson an ‘American adventuress’. for example.’78 Very often these prejudices were linked to the allegedly negative attitudes Americans had toward love. Rene Page from Wellingborough in Northamptonshire. the morals of the whole world would be at stake … We women feel that if this woman had any moral standing. marriage and divorce. Instead.’81 Yet. The other masculinity concept was usually associated with the generation of Edward himself. never questioned that he was in love with her. for example: ‘We do not object to your marrying a Commoner. A 26-year-old Polish woman in love with a married man who was unable to obtain a divorce.77 another stated: ‘We don’t want an American prostitute as Queen. As in the case of the masculinity debate. for example. such universalistically formulated anti-divorce letters were implicitly using the widespread European prejudices about Americans being too relaxed about divorces. The essentially twentieth-century second concept held that the vigorous pursuit of personal happiness was a more masculine behaviour than fulfilling one’s duty and sacrificing one’s romantic feelings while doing so. Princess Mary of Teck. or an American.79 while ‘one of the people’ described Edward’s future wife as a ‘second divorced crazy American woman’.R. like the British press opposed to the king’s marriage plans. One ‘Canadian who feels like all Canadians over this matter’ was outraged at the idea of a ‘scheming.83 Many people even believed that Wallis Simpson must be unable truly to love. Two years after his premature death in 1891. possessing the right kind of love to make Your Majesty really. it was one of the oldest narrative themes used for the description of royal couples. In order to explain the latter. this evidence suggests that even those who opposed Edward’s marriage plans perceived the king and his love to be true and pure.’84 Together with the fact that many letters debased Wallis Simpson using xenophobic and misogynistic terminology. The American fashion editor Diana Vreeland (1906–1989) remembered: . In the course of the nineteenth century. and truly happy. Such a love must surely wither. Nicholas and Alexandra. Justinian and Theodora or Russia’s last imperial couple. there was the love story between the people and the king. there was the love story between Edward and Wallis Simpson. Rather. the abdication crisis was not about one. of course. Edward’s trips to all parts the world as soon as he reached adolescence made it possible for large numbers of people to come into relatively close and often direct contact with the prince. No two people making such a union can ever hope for eternal happiness. For many women.85 Two Love Stories A very important theme that the media reports failed to highlight but which is very prominent in the letters sent to Edward is the fact that for many of his contemporaries. was.Love. but about two. all European monarchies realised that dynastic legitimacy alone was not enough to secure their thrones. Ever since his birth. love stories. twice. Consequently. he was the most glamorous bachelor alive. while Wallis Simpson and her feelings were considered to be false and dirty.86 In the case of Edward VIII. On the one hand. She stated: ‘I cannot imagine any lady who has previously given herself. and her heart. the construction of a sense of mutual love between him and his subjects had been extremely successful. Possibly no issue would ever come of the marriage. his great charm and spontaneity as well as his splendid photogenic smile. such as Caesar and Cleopatra. royal households began to devote a lot of their time and energy to the construction of emotional links between royal families and their subjects. and die before many years have passed. on the other hand. One prime aim of this public relations activity was to create a sense of mutual love between the monarchy and the people. This phenomenon of putting all of the blame during a royal crisis on one ‘bad woman’. The construction of a widely loved royal persona for Edward benefited from the accidental facts of his extremely youthful looks. who was supposedly corrupting the pure prince. we have to take into account the general history of European monarchies. Marriage and Divorce: US and European Reactions to the Abdication of Edward VIII 151 who claimed to ‘know something of the value of real love’. he had regularly participated in important and widely publicised royal pageants and his looks were known to almost all of his subjects through the regular publication of official photographs and newsreel films. nothing new. I had the chance to see Your Royal Highness during your visit in Praha (Prague) more than twenty years ago and since this time you are for me “chevalier sans peur et sans reproche”.90 During the abdication crisis. England loves you and wants you. ‘Please oh please your Majesty do not leave us. ‘I shook hands with you at Saut Ste Marie. Edward fully entered the realm of romance because he had sacrificed everything for love. we should miss you so very. They employed terminology otherwise used when love stories end or loved ones die.’94 L’Amour. It in- . le divorce et l’occident Three years after the abdication. remembered a Canadian First World War veteran when writing to Edward in 1936. but a lover. Itacker from Osterly in Middlesex implored the sovereign: ‘Edward our Prince. wrote Eleanor Cooper from Dagenham. you won’t be happy because of the knowledge that you have let down the many millions of your subjects. Surrey. many of the letters he received expressed the great grief and sadness many people felt. Miss Benesova.88 Many of Edward’s contemporaries explained that his popularity was due to the fact that he reminded them of a ‘fairy prince’.’87 But Edward also appealed to men. When rumours began to spread that the king may abdicate. Margaret Wilermith from Egham.’93 For others. in uniform. the Swiss writer Denis de Rougemont published his landmark study on the history of love. L’Amour et l’Occident. wrote: ‘I am heartbroken that we are to lose you as our King … We shall all try to serve your royal brother faithfully in his difficult task. many people became very anxious and feared that they were going to lose not a sovereign. A woman from Prague. With me was an American soldier. but I do not think that many of us feel that anyone can take your place in our hearts. You made him a devoted admirer of you.89 while Jungian psychologists would probably use the archetype ‘puer aeternus’ to explain Edward’s phenomenal global popularity. as you have of millions in all lands’. and surely the love of these many people is greater than that of one woman.’92 Once Edward had abdicated and pronounced his farewell speech. Therefore it would have been a great disappointment for me. I am very thankful to you that I was not deprived of my ideal and wish you joy. Do not leave us. Mary Canning from Cambridge wrote: ‘If you leave us and marry this lady.’91 Many of Edward’s subjects felt that the king had to chose between his love for Wallis Simpson and his love for his people. the emotional bonds established over the past four decades between the king and his contemporaries played an important role. Essex. very much’. wrote the day after the abdication: ‘As a very young girl. if you preferred the throne to the love. Fred S. Fortunately you didn’t.152 Alexis Schwarzenbach ‘To be a woman of my generation in London – any woman – was to be in love with the Prince of Wales. 95 Rougemont believed that such a marriage would not last for he was convinced that passion and marriage were incompatible. namely. Rougemont thought that this attitude was fatal. We have seen that this also deeply influenced the way in which the abdication of Edward VIII was represented and perceived by very many of his contemporaries. Rougemont touched on one of the central themes of this article. love. but he had to acknowledge that identical developments were taking place in Europe. which all contemporary readers must have understood even if the king’s name was not mentioned.’96 This article has demonstrated that different American and European attitudes toward love. Most of the archival research was undertaken while I was a Swiss National Science Fund Fellow at the Oxford University History Faculty. In another passage of his book. He also stated that for them. Rougemont explained that for Americans. the different attitudes toward love and marriage in America and Europe. This article is based on a paper delivered at the Kulturwissenschaftliches Institut (KWI) in Essen. My participation in Luisa Passerini’s KWI research group ‘Europe: Emotions. Due to America’s high divorce rates. He concluded: ‘The entire evolution of the West goes from the tribal wisdom to personal risk. but because he believed that a marriage based on passion was doomed to fail and end in divorce and personal unhappiness. marriage and divorce did not just interest intellectuals such as Denis de Rougemont. this is irreversible and one has to condone it. Unlike many of his fellow Europeans. Hollywood-style ‘romance’ was the only basis for getting married. Notes 1. Identities. Politics’ was made possible through scholarships of . marriage and happiness were synonyms. Marriage and Divorce: US and European Reactions to the Abdication of Edward VIII 153 cludes a reference to Edward VIII. This would certainly be a rewarding task and would fill in another gap in the still largely unexplored cultural history of twentieth century emotions. But while it has become clear that divorce-related anti-American prejudices were a central element shaping European attitudes toward American ways of loving. In the passage ‘Sens de la crise’ (Sense of the crisis). When discussing the effects of the Tristan myth on contemporary marriages. the analysis of American notions of European forms of love still needs to be undertaken. he was thus not against Edward’s marriage because he believed that the king should have valued his duty higher than love. which the author included into the 1956 edition of his study after having lived in the United States for several years. History proved Rougemont wrong in this particular case for Edward and Wallis never divorced. however. in as much as it tends to align the collective or native destiny to personal decisions.Love. where nothing else counts ‘pas même la couronne s’il est roi’ (not even the crown if one is king). Rougemont deplored the fact that many of his male contemporaries only believed in marriage based on passion. for their useful comments. 2000). and Paul Ward. Ambassador Lindsay. 14. ibid. DW4/1/3. ibid. 10. 11 December 1936. 16 November 1936. The Journal of Modern History 10. King Edward VIII. 2. There is an enormous amount of literature on Edward and Wallis. 5. 1930–1940 in Great Britain (London: H. 2004). A King’s Story. 30 September 1936. 12 December 1936. 26 October 1936. Washington to Foreign Office. British Library of Information to Foreign Office. 3 December 1936. The Life of William Randolph Hearst (Boston: Houghton Mifflin. 2003). Daily Mirror. 1986). Ambassador Lindsay. The Heart Has Its Reasons. 26 October 1936. 413. 11 December 1936. Imagination and Politics in Britain between the Wars (London: Tauris. 6. The most useful biographies are: Philip Ziegler. 1999). 12. and A. 28. 17. RA.The Uncommon life of Wallis Simpson (London: Aurum. ibid. 2 (June 1938): 242–250. the staff of all of the archives consulted for their efficient and professional help and.The Memoirs of the Duchess of Windsor (London: Companion. RA. ‘The Abdication of Edward VIII’. The People’s King. 26. ibid. 197. Susan Williams. The Intimate Correspondence of the Duke and Duchess of Windsor (New York: Summit. ibid. ibid. EDW/ABD/MISC/1. New York Evening Journal. Clipping of New York American.The Memoirs of the Duke of Windsor (London: Prion. 19. Greg King. 21. Hamilton. 128. Duchess of Windsor. Transcript of radio broadcast of Prince Edward. 3. 20. 1958 (1956)). The Thirties. 2003). 5 December 1936. 18. 278. 12 December 1936. I would like to thank the editors of this book. Time. RA. DW/ABD/Misc/1. ibid. all translations of non-English sources are mine. last but not least. ibid. ibid. 1940). 16. FO 395/ 545. 9. Knappen. Washington to Foreign Office. PRO. 8 December 1936. 24. 8 December 1936. Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II for permission to quote from documents held by the Royal Archives. Marshall M. Letters 1931–1937. 1990). 27. 22. 26 October 1936. 1998 (1951)). For Britain’s peripheral position and identity see Luisa Passerini. The Duchess of Windsor. 3 December 1936. See Wallis and Edward. note 72. This was probably not the first Latin American article that appeared on the story. See Malcolm Muggeridge. British Library of Information to Foreign Office. The letters are held by the Royal Archives in Windsor Castle (RA). Daily Mirror. 13. 7. DW/ABD/MISC/1. 20. especially 108–112. Murray (Mexico) to Foreign Office. Milington-Drake (Montevideo) to Foreign Office. in Edward Duke of Windsor. For a detailed account of Hearst’s life see David Nasaw. 25. Ambassador Lindsay. 11. British Library of Information to Foreign Office. 29. 7 December 1936. the other members of the KWI research group and the Registrar of the Royal Archives in Windsor Castle. 15. Text of Baldwin’s statement reproduced in The Times. Britishness since 1870 (London: Routledge. Washington to Foreign Office. Wallis. the term ‘American’ is used in this text both to refer to citizens of the United States and their cultural practices as perceived by Europeans as well as an adjective pertaining to the entire American continent because Latin American reactions to the abdication of Edward VIII are also taken into account. Unless otherwise noted.154 Alexis Schwarzenbach the Janggen-Phoen Stiftung in St. 26 September 1936. Gallen and the Swiss National Science Fund in Bern. here 249. 23. Pamela Clark. Europe in Love.The True Story of the Abdication (London: Allen Lane. Love in Europe. Liberty. 14 October 1936. ibid. 8. The Foreign Office documents are located in the Public Record Office (PRO) in Kew. ibid.The Official Biography (London: Collins. British Library of Information to Foreign Office. 4. RA. British Library of Information to Foreign Office. For previous use made of these sources see below. 15 December 1936. In analogy to the historical documents consulted for this article. The Chief. . no. ibid. The main newspaper archive used is the one of the Zentralbibliothek in Zurich. 7 December 1936. El Rivadavia. while 12. 14 December 1936. Handwritten note on report ‘Turkish interest in events preceding King Edward’s abdication’. MA: Harvard University Press. Politics and the Abdication of Edward VIII (New Orleans: Department of History. 38. 50. Magic of Monarchy. 134–152. American Failures. FO 395/545. Poor Little Rich Girl. 1997). Britishness. Marriage and Divorce: US and European Reactions to the Abdication of Edward VIII 155 30. PRO. 1999). 42. Swanson on Swanson (London: Michael Joseph. 4 December 1936. For a recent overview of British national identity see Ward. Freeman. ‘Divorce Goes to the Movies’. 28 December 1936. News Chronicle. 1987). 85. Warsaw to Foreign Office. 2000). Portugal (‘marked self-restraint’) and Turkey (‘tone of the press was unexceptionable’). Western Mail. 42. 39. University of San Francisco Law Review 30. 49. Eiseman. The Abdication of King Edward VIII (New York: Athenaeum. 66–93. The Divorce Dilemma (Folkestone: Renaissance. Glenda Riley. For a recent US criticism of the phenomenon see Barbara Dafoe Whitehead. The Diaries of Sir Henry Channon (London: Phoenix Giant. Ira Lurvey and Selse E. Heymann. Edward himself later calculated that 8.Love. 43. Divorce. See Ziegler. All these reports are contained in the dossier PRO. See Duke of Windsor. FO 395/545.5 million. 72. 52. quoted in The Times. 33. Rage for Fame. 31. See. 373. From the Revolutionary Generation to the Victorians (Berkeley: University of California Press. and Williams. The Times. 46. Nelson. and C. Loyola University. Apart from Ziegler. 1991). King’s Story. 3 December 1936. 36. It also contains reports about the press coverage in Romania (‘respectful admiration at the dignity displayed on all sides’). 3 December 1936. 37. Norma Basch. David. Daily Telegraph. Muggeridge. 54. 1976). 51. 66. The Magic of Monarchy (London: T. no. 3 December 1936. 53. or 60 per cent of all of the newspapers produced.The Life and Legend of Barbara Hutton (London: Hutchinson. PRO. 4 (1996): 1209–1219. quoted in The Times. 1975). Framing American Divorce. Belgium (‘with greatest delicacy and restraint’). 4 December 1936. The Divorce Culture (New York: Alfred A. Joseph Epstein. Quoted in Martin. see also Kingsley Martin. O’Neill. The Times. 44. Edward VIII (London: Futura. Thirties. 1981). quoted in The Times. 35. ‘Chips’. 1997). An American Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 3 December 1936. The only constitutional limitation of the king’s freedom to choose his bride was that she must not be a Catholic. Press. Knopf. 45. Martin. 1966). For details see my paper ‘“Some day my Prince will come” – Love and Royal Fairy . 2003). Kimberly A. British Embassy. On Boothe see Sylvia Jukes Morris. Frances Donaldson. Abdication. The American Experience (London: Cape. 32. for instance. 1996). 314–319. FO 395/545. 276–289. 41. On the history of divorce in Britain see Richard Goodall. 1937). People’s King. 30–33. 34. Divorce and the American Novel. The Ascent of Clare Boothe Luce (New York: Random House. 1967). See Max Aitken Beaverbrook. Brandi McCary. 4 December 1936. Ibid. Divorce. Fairytales were among the most important representational themes of twentieth century monarchies. 1881–1976 (New York: Routledge. Love American Style. Abdication. 276–296. 55. See Gloria Swanson. Magic of Monarchy. 47. William L. Beaverbrook. 40. 1985). Edward VIII. Henry Channon.5 million newspaper copies supported the government. 48. 4 December 1936. See Mary Ann Glendon. For the influence of British libel laws on newspaper articles and books about the abdication see Knappen. Divorce in the Progressive Era (New Haven: Yale University Press. European Challenges (Cambridge. supported his own cause. Edward VIII. Abortion and Divorce in Western Law. 1999). British Legation. 67. 87. For the insignificant Communist support for Edward see Williams. Anon. PS/GVI/ABD: Letters before Abdication. Contemporary European History 13 (September 2004). 61. I have found no evidence that either of these two concepts were in any particular way attached to European or American stereotypes. PS/GVI/ABD: Letters after Abdication. RA. 179. Ramsay (Copenhagen) to Foreign Office. 11 December 1936. British Embassy. 18 June 1945. 17 December 1936. in Der Körper der Königin. ibid. 85. ibid. ibid. King Edward VIII. RA. Thomas to Miss Milsom. 3 December 1936. 63. presented at the Kulturwissenschaftliches Institut in Essen on 26 March 2004. 208. PS/GVI/ABD: Letters before Abdication. 11 December 1936. ibid. 83. Letters against marriage. RA. Williams. 66. ibid.V . 3 December 36. to Edward VIII. 70. ibid. Sympathetic letters (unanswered). PRO. 12 December 1936. which Williams fails to do. RA. People’s King. RA. RA. 59. 6 December 1936. RA. 255–280. Regina Schulte (Frankfurt am Main: Campus. 4 December 1936. . PS/GVI/ABD: Letters before Abdication. PS/GVI/C019/444-5. 4 December 1936. ‘A Canadian who feels like all Canadians over this matter’ to Edward VIII. 56. 2003). 75. 6 December 1936. Paris. Neue Zürcher Zeitung. 77. 70. PS/GVI/ABD: Letters before Abdication. 179–180. 57. 8 December 1936. ibid. Laidlay to Edward VIII. British Embassy. 3 December 1936. 71. 3 December 1936. 3 December 1936. ibid. See Ziegler. PS/GVI/C019/444-5. Even if one were to make a quantitative analysis of the letters. Geschlecht und Herrschaft in der höfischen Welt seit 1500. 5 December 1936. Jones to Edward VIII. ‘Your obedient servant at present’ to Edward VIII. Vienna. 79. 84. 10 December 1936. Ibid. 82. and Williams. PS/GVI/C019/444-5. for one reason or the other. 81. RA. People’s King. 72. 65. PS/GVI/ C019/444-5. ibid. 11 December 1936. 62. 73. ‘One of those who gave all’ (woman). the result could not be used like a modern opinion poll for the views of people who decided. ‘One of the People’ to Edward VIII.156 Alexis Schwarzenbach Tales from Grimm to Walt Disney’. 2002). FO 395/545. 10 December 1936. People’s King. RA. ‘La majorité de mes compatriotes et presque toutes les femmes à l’exception de quelques vielles filles puritaines éprouvent une sympathie spontanée pour votre majesté. 298–335. PS/GVI/C019/442-3. 58. 60. 7 December 1936. RA. Illegible from Hove. Stockholm. ibid. Diana Vreeland. 64. P. 74. Wahrnehmungen von Grace Kelly und Romy Schneider’. to Foreign Office. Letters against marriage. 6 December 1936. ‘A subject from ENGLAND’ to Edward VIII. Copenhagen. Coppock to Edward VIII. 78. 7 December 1936. Letters against marriage. to Foreign Office. Neue Zürcher Zeitung. D. Roylance to Edward VIII. to write to the king. Sussex to Edward VIII. 3 December 1936. ed. to Foreign Office. to Foreign Office. Page to Edward VIII. Letters against marriage. ‘The Real Mäckay’ to Edward VIII. (Cambridge: Kluwer. For the case of Justinian and Theodora see my ‘Die imaginäre Königin als Heilige und Hure. ibid. RA. 68. 7 December 1936. 86. 76. Emotions for the People’. PS/GVI/ABD: Letters before Abdication. 302–320. Illegible Canadian ex-serviceman from Toronto to Edward VIII. 88. 69. 80.’ Mayzell to Edward VIII. 11 December 1936. and are not necessarily representative of public opinion. For details see my article ‘Royal Photographs. ‘A Wife and Mother’ to Edward VIII. Greenway (Stockholm) to Foreign Office. British Embassy. 11 December 1936. . 95. 3 December 1936. ibid. 11 December 1936. L’Amour et l’Occident (Paris: Plon. Denis de Rougemont. ibid. Itacker to Edward VIII. 90. Duff Cooper quoted in Ziegler. Denis de Rougemont. 285. 93. 92. 94. Ewiger Jüngling und kreativer Genius (Küsnacht: Stiftung für Jung’sche Psychologie. 96. 6 December 1936. 316–319. RA. Puer aeternus. 1939). 2002). Benesova to Edward VIII. King Edward VIII. 91. Marriage and Divorce: US and European Reactions to the Abdication of Edward VIII 157 89. Wilermith to Edward VIII. See Marie-Louise von Franz. ibid. L’Amour et l’Occident (Paris: Plon.Love. Canning to Edward VIII. 1995). PS/GVI/ABD: Letters before Abdication. Fred S. 167. CHAPTER 8 ‘Dear Adolf !’ Locating Love in Nazi Germany ALEXANDER C.T. GEPPERT Adolf Hitler was one of the first rock stars … He was no politician. He was a media artist himself. He used politics and theatrics and created this thing that governed and controlled the show for those 12 years. The world will never see his like. He staged a country. – David Bowie, Playboy, September 1976 Adolf Hitler, Rock Star? Starting with Heinrich Mann in 1933, both contemporaneous observers and contemporary historians have struggled with the problem of Adolf Hitler’s physical attractiveness, his ‘dreadful sex appeal’ and the considerable emotional effect he had on so many of his followers.1 Traudl Junge (1920–2002), his longtime private secretary, sketched a number of episodes that illustrate Hitler’s apparently irresistible erotic power and sexual fascination in her bestselling 1947 autobiography Bis zur letzten Stunde. According to Junge, neither women nor men could resist him. ‘Before the war, the gates were opened once a day when Hitler began his daily walk, and then people streamed into the grounds and lined his way’, she depicted a particularly intriguing scene at the Berghof, which was, from 1928 onward, Hitler’s notorious mountain-retreat on the Obersalzberg, close to Berchtesgaden: Hysterical women gathered up the stones which his feet had touched, and even apparently reasonable people behaved in a most irrational manner. On one occasion a lorry bringing tiles to the Berghof was plundered by a few very overexcited Notes for this section begin on page 173. ‘Dear Adolf!’: Locating Love in Nazi Germany 159 women, and the tiles – which the Führer’s hands and feet had certainly never touched – ended up as souvenirs in the display-cabinets of their living rooms. Love letters from such women made up a considerable part of the post which arrived in the Führer’s chancellery.2 Traudl Junge, along with other female colleagues such as the older and more experienced Christa Schroeder, were responsible for the extensive and strictly formalised treatment of these missives. ‘Hundreds of telegrams. Love declarations from the entire Volk’, Joseph Goebbels noted in his diary in October 1936. Numerous other sources confirm reports of the constant stream of pilgrims and admirers heading for the Obersalzberg, hoping either to catch a brief ‘live’ glimpse of their beloved object of desire, or to share in his aura by taking away future relics such as pieces of wood from the Berghof ’s garden fence or by digging up some of the earth on which Hitler had trodden.3 In retrospect, these reports do not seem entirely exaggerated. Years later, former female devotees spoke of a collective ‘hypnosis, psychosis’ that had taken hold of them. While some who had managed actually to touch Adolf Hitler were so overcome with emotion afterward that they could not wash their hands for several consecutive days, other women reported that they ‘lifted their eyes to the heavens and – like wet rags – sank slowly to the ground’. ‘There they lay like butchered calves’, a contemporaneous observer reported in retrospect, ‘sighing deeply. Joy and fulfilment’. Those who did not experience emotional reactions of this kind came to wonder why it was only they who remained so ‘cold’ and unmoved, and whether they did not in fact suffer some crucial lack of feeling. Yet, for the affected, the sheer sight of their object of desire sufficed to evoke the most intense psycho-physiological reactions. Thus, a female participant of an oral history project undertaken in the mid1980s remembered how she had, at the age of twelve, experienced her first orgasm while participating in a National Socialist solstice celebration held in the autumn of 1933.4 Professional journalists and foreign commentators confirmed the continual occurrence of similar outbursts of lust and fainting fits throughout Hitler’s years in power. They reported on the considerable emotional effects that the Führer had on his audiences – which, from a present-day perspective, one would be inclined to associate with superstars such as the Beatles, the Rolling Stones or Michael Jackson. On the occasion of a Nuremberg party rally held in September 1934, for example, the American CBS correspondent William L. Shirer (1904–1993) was shocked to see the contorted faces of ‘ten thousand’ women who had been waiting in front of Hitler’s hotel, shouting ‘We want our Führer’ until he appeared on the balcony for the briefest of moments. ‘They looked up at him as if he were a Messiah’, Shirer noted with a mixture of amazement and disgust in his journal, ‘their faces transformed into something positively inhuman. If he had remained in sight for more than a few moments, I think many of the women would have swooned from excitement’.5 Even if such an observa- 160 Alexander C.T. Geppert tion may also be the direct consequence of a certain kind of mass phenomenon, the empirical evidence of its overtly erotic nature is overwhelming. The present essay will not repeat the simplistic and rather mechanical argument that women, in short, were simply ‘seduced’ by the sexually impressive Adolf Hitler. Even if they did form the majority of the German electorate and were regarded by Hitler himself as vital to his electoral success, the argument that women effectively brought him to power has long been dismissed as a popular myth. Yet, those present-day German feminists who fight furiously against reports of supposed fits of Hitler-induced swooning do not interpret the problem adequately either. Eager to reject any association between fascism and sex appeal, they run the risk of neglecting a key element of Hitler’s grip on the German nation by dismissing these strong emotional effects – confirmed by a wide array of historical sources – as mere ‘fantasies’ of predominantly male contemporary historians. What is worse, they fail to consider the central argument about National Socialism’s highly modern and at least partially liberalising sexual politics, which a different and far more sophisticated branch of feminist scholarship, including the work of historian Dagmar Herzog and others, has successfully advanced in recent years.6 Complicated as all of this may be, fundamental questions remain: what did these women see in Adolf Hitler? And can their unquestionable devotion be sufficiently explained with the help of Max Weber’s much-quoted and oft-discussed concept of ‘charisma’?7 That there exists an obvious gap between lived, individually experienced emotions on the one hand, and ‘official’ emotional programs on the other, is a truism. Yet, under the new regime, this emotional disparity became a most pressing problem. More consistently than ever before, the boundaries between private and public blurred. The National Socialists’ attempt to draw these two spheres as close together as possible and to merge them, eventually, into each other was intentional and innovative. Linguistically, family and love became noticeably nationalised, birth and motherhood militarised, every aspect of the individual’s existence politicised and vice versa. At least in theory, emotional ties and bonds were supposed to be exclusively oriented toward the State, the Volk and, above all, the Führer, and far less toward a personal ‘significant other’, thus necessarily bypassing and in fact downgrading the traditionally most important social form, the family, by insinuating a new degree of loyalty after 1933 that transcended established emotional hierarchies. Yet, how far did these programs extend and how effective was this kind of ‘emotional re-education’? The present essay concentrates on the problem’s ‘demand side’. Analysing the significance of emotions projected onto the Führer and examining the connection between love and public order, this study poses larger questions about the potentially subversive and/or integrative function of emotionality within European society in the first half of the twentieth century. How did Adolf Hitler’s admirers imagine him? In what form and for what reason did many of them attempt to approach him personally, and what kind ‘Dear Adolf!’: Locating Love in Nazi Germany 161 of private hopes did they place in the self-declared head of state? Finally, what does all of this tell us about the steering and management of emotions during Germany’s twelve years of dictatorship? In a wider context, therefore, the essay analyses the status and significance of politically determined and publicly desired frameworks. Its central tension derives from possible conflicts and contradictions between public, officially implemented concepts on the one hand, and private, mostly unsolicited and potentially deviant practices on the other. Even in twentieth-century mass society, establishing a personal, if not romantic, relationship with one’s political leader seemed a highly desirable goal. As sociologist William Josiah Goode noted half a century ago, there is no emotion that is more projective than love. Since the attracted person is, usually, hardly ever willing to believe that the object of his or her love or passion does not in some way reciprocate the feeling, he or she will be ready to go far before accepting rejection as genuine.8 As this essay demonstrates, among a specific sub-group of German society, emotional transference proved so successful under National Socialism that it caused considerable counter-effects, entirely unforeseen and hardly controllable by the regime. In quite a number of cases, officially prescribed devotion transformed into true, even if obviously unrequited, love. In analysing Adolf Hitler as an object of passionate desire and discussing the problem of loving the dictator as expressed in the bulk of ‘fan mail’ he received, this essay identifies links between two of the most distant units: individual and private on the one hand, and collective and political on the other. Though by no means jeopardising the political system per se, in the case of Nazi Germany, such liaisons proved much more dangerous than is immediately apparent. Thus, neither Adolf Hitler himself nor his personal (if any) love life and private ‘women’s question’ are at the centre of this essay. Rather, it focuses on his image, appeal and persona in the popular and public imagination, as well as those emotions projected onto him. The dictator was adored and loved like a presentday rock star – although he was and remained, in fact, Adolf Hitler. The Archive Empirically, this analysis is based on a collection of personal love letters addressed directly to Adolf Hitler. While their existence could have been known to scholars since the mid-1990s, these letters have – for various reasons – hitherto remained largely unexamined, awaiting serious research. The unlikely history of their survival is, in itself, intriguing. This cache of letters was discovered by Wilhelm K. Eucker (1912–2000), a member of the German resistance who had fled to France, Spain and North Africa, where, having changed his name to William C. Emker, he became an officer of the US Office of Strategic Services (OSS), a precursor of the CIA. Once the war was over, Emker was sent first 162 Alexander C.T. Geppert to Vienna, then back to Berlin to work for the Information Services Control Branch of OMGUS, the Office of Military Government for Germany (US). In the spring of 1946, during an unofficial visit to the bombed-out Reich Chancellery in Wilhelmstraße, located in the Russian sector, he found piles of private letters written to Adolf Hitler strewn across the floor. Originally received and filed by several secretaries, including Hitler’s own Traudl Junge, this unlikely trove had apparently been ignored by the Russian agents. Despite removing government and military documents, file cabinets and other pieces of equipment from the premises, they had left stacks of disordered papers behind. In more than twenty subsequent visits to the Chancellery, Emker claimed to have systematically collected several thousand documents, all of which he carried out in his briefcase, forwarded to his US address, and repossessed after his arrival a year later. Emker waited half a century before a drastically abridged and often inadequately edited selection of the letters – 43, to be precise – was published in a small booklet, rife with careless errors.9 In retrospect, Emker explained to friends, he had endeavoured not to embarrass any potential survivors and had not formerly found anyone who considered the letters significant enough to publish in full. Before his death in 2000, Emker handed the entire bundle over to a German friend and collaborator whom he designated as a custodian. This friend had previously helped him publish both the letters’ digest and his fragmentary autobiography.10 Although deteriorating rapidly due to inadequate storage, to date the entire collection is still held in private hands rather than properly preserved in a publicly accessible archive. While other samples of a similar kind and likely of the same provenance are spread over various files available at the German Bundesarchiv, 200 additional folders ‘packed with domestic correspondence addressed to Hitler’ and ‘thousands of hideous poems’ dedicated to him, both ‘of inestimable sociological value’, appear to have been acquired by the Library of Congress in November 1948. Yet, whatever happened to these so-called ‘Chancellory Papers’ after their accession is not entirely clear. Unfortunately, the material’s current whereabouts are completely unknown, a fact which could not be satisfactorily explained despite an extended in situ search.11 The Letters For the following close reading, approximately one hundred of Emker’s collection of love letters were examined. Others could not be consulted for purely technical reasons: either they were incomplete or consisted of mere fragments, did not contain any indication of their senders or date of origin, or were scribbled in such indistinct handwriting that they remained entirely illegible even to experts of penmanship. Five distinct features can nevertheless be identified, all relating to format and form: ‘Dear Adolf!’: Locating Love in Nazi Germany 163 First of all, both the total number of these letters and their distribution over time are unknown. Neither of these figures can be reconstructed, as the respective file records have not survived. There are, however, credible hints that the number of letters flowing daily into the Führer’s Adjutancy in Berlin ran at least several hundred, if not more. According to a comparatively reliable Italian source, Mussolini is said to have received up to 30,000–40,000 personal letters of a similar kind per month; for instance, 42,000 in October 1936 alone.12 Only a certain portion, however, of the letters received in the Reichskanzlei were actual love letters. The vast majority concerned any number of diverse subject matters, from problems of everyday food supply caused by the war, to Germany’s geopolitical situation, to possible ways of further weakening the enemy. Since neither the official finding aids nor the actual files still exist, it is unclear exactly when the first love letter was received in the Chancellery and whether Hitler had already obtained similar correspondence prior to his seizure of power in January 1933. The last letter consulted for this analysis dates 31 December 1944. Generally speaking, their numbers seem to have remained comparatively constant, with peaks in 1939 (12 letters) and 1943 (15 letters), and a certain, if short-lived, drop in the interval (1941: 3 letters) (Figure 8.1). These figures, however, must be treated with a necessary degree of scholarly caution; since the general number of letters received is effectively unknown, they indicate no more than a vague trend of limited significance, and are not statistically representative. Second, a similar range of evidence can be observed with a view to the occasions around which such letters were composed. Religious holidays such as Christmas or Easter, secular ones such as the New Year, and Hitler’s birthday on 20 April, provided the most welcome opportunities to address the Führer personally, to convey cordial wishes for his future welfare and to communicate one’s own concerns, often complete with a handmade gift or a rhymed poem. The composition of such birthday letters was at least semi-officially endorsed, while the writing of love letters clearly was not. In 1935, for instance, the Braunschweiger Tageszeitung conducted a public competition on the topic ‘What do I owe to Adolf Hitler?’ Answers need not have been written in an elaborate or artistic manner, but should rather have ‘come from the heart’. Of the to- Figure 8.1. Love Letters to Adolf Hitler, 1938–1945 (this sample N = 59) Together with their ‘poetic’ laudations. and. She mailed this poem from Vienna. and may God provide that you be preserved for us for ever. ‘My fervently adored Führer!’. Men composed letters to express their opinion as to the future of the war and the inevitable restructuring of Europe. with only his signature still missing. which for practical reasons were already completely filled out. ‘You have a birthday and we know only two ardent wishes: may everything in our Fatherland be now and in future just as you want it to be. twenty-two were awarded prizes. while Wilhelmine Houschko rhymed as follows:14 For Hitler’s birthday: A pure thought An ardent prayer Lord. help us to be worthy That Hitler Lives and fights For us. who also enclosed a cake baked ‘out of pure love’. 151 poems alone were received in the Presidential. i. no comprehensive records of the items received at the Reich Chancellery have survived. shortly after the so-called Anschluss. The love letters consulted in this study were authored exclusively by women.T. one woman wrote.15 Third.13 Unlike the painstakingly assembled inventories of Hitler’s own Christmas presents sent to friends and acquaintances during the early years after the seizure of power or the long list of some 500 personal visitors during his five month-long imprisonment in Landsberg am Lech in the summer of 1924. and she would. other women consigned four-leaf clovers. before the entire bundle of essays was officially handed over to the Reich Chancellery for future use. being concerned rather with technical matters..164 Alexander C. to assure Hitler of their unshakable support. her place of residence. E. to Berlin on the occasion of Hitler’s birthday in April 1938. though a certain amount of evidence can be indirectly deduced from what and how they wrote. continue to write him faithfully over the following years. ‘Everything that I send to you is written in a spirit of true love’. Quite a few of the male writers sought private audiences with their beloved . home-stitched pillows (with ‘feathers from my own bedspread!’). much less erotic character.E. declared a female devotee. Letters from men contained in the same collection were of a very different.’ A third woman declared that her love was simply ‘as true as gold – there is nothing to be done’. or to offer their personal assistance in realising his plans. like numerous others. In the next year.e. to make wide-ranging politicaltechnical suggestions with regard to strategic planning. Your loyal. Geppert tal contributions received. little is known about the social background and personal circumstances of the authors of these letters. and not the Reich Chancellery. at least superficially. private photographs or even entire marriage contracts. often of twenty pages and more. great feeling in my heart that I now feel so estranged from my husband’. A third group had most acute problems expressing their thoughts comprehensibly in written form. commercial birthday cards. another wife.16 Format. When they did not receive the kind of answer for which they had longed. Whatever their personal motivation. and despite the homoeroticism latent in National Socialism. There are numerous. sometimes hilarious. elegant but nonetheless strong-minded prose. stated on 4 November 1943 that ‘I would so love to be your little bride. As an alternative scenario. the broad variation among the letters indicates considerable social and. explained an increasing estrangement from her real husband as the consequence of a burning desire and insatiable yearning for the Führer. equally frustrated by one missing reply after the other. all of them included some form of postal address. ‘otherwise you would long ago have allowed me to visit you’. While many female authors apparently wrote under their real names and indicated current home addresses – some letters even arrived from other European countries such as Austria. stylistic weaknesses and occasional humorous lapses to be found amongst these letters. Others tried to explain their discontent and disbelief as a mere consequence of ‘too much work’ in his case and bad timing on both of their parts. France or Switzerland – others used obvious pseudonyms. to varying degrees of success. surnameless Rosemarie from Dessau. other women tried to establish contact only once. educational heterogeneity. Again.‘Dear Adolf!’: Locating Love in Nazi Germany 165 Führer to present diverse ‘projects’ and to secure Hitler’s personal support before setting out to realise their frequently far-reaching and often far-fetched plans. ‘You obviously don’t want to have anything to do with me’. to detailed love letters. although it is virtually impossible to infer from the source material anything as to cultural. but I’m really not at all happy that I haven’t got my false teeth yet’. many women simply wrote again. hence. These letters range from a few lines hastily scribbled on prefabricated. wrote a resigned Erna Jung from Ludwigshafen on 2 August 1944 after a number of attempts to establish personal contact had failed. ‘It is solely because I have this profound. not only hoping. so that the loving couple could eventually unite and forever live happily together. with orthography. form or length of the love letters. Fourth. but explicitly expecting. they projected a common future in post-war times when Hitler would no doubt be less occupied. Some women wrote in clear. a certain. regional or confessional backgrounds of the female authors. Addressing Adolf Hitler as her ‘dear good darling’. style and quality of the stationery differed widely as well. While the aforementioned Rosemarie wrote in November and December 1943 several times to Berlin. for example. Yet. there is no discernible pattern to the frequency. none of the male writers openly declared that he longed romantically and/or sexually for Hitler. complaining bitterly about the lack of replies and frequently making little effort to conceal their great disappointment. that they would soon receive a personal reply. while others contended.17 . their children. Why not in our time. ‘my adorable sweetheart!’ or ‘you sweet.18 The overabundant use of self-invented pet names. even when reporting for pages and pages on their everyday and family life. of their repeated attempts to combine the two in a single utterance is obvious. expressed yet another woman in a similar letter written in March 1943 to the Reich Chancellery: In earlier times it was possible to speak – just once – to a king.20 . completely secret – yet. I cannot dismiss it … I often even wonder if I am perhaps becoming mad? But then the Führer would also be that. I can only address Your Excellency. or when simply asking for financial aid in case of personal need. made alluring compliments by calling him ‘my dear. His ‘loyal wife Lucie Hitler’ addressed one of her love letters outright to her ‘Dear husband. the writers invented shortened and minimising forms of salutation. amiable dear. the writers struggled to fuse expressions of their private romantic feelings for the Führer with the rhetorical formulas usually employed when referring to him in public. A number of women introduced a further noteworthy element of address into their letters. to our Führer? My only. my very dearest Adolf ’. such as a simple. I can only love someone similar to myself. They insisted on addressing Adolf Hitler as ‘Your Majesty’. pouring out worries about solitude. yet intimate ‘Adilie’. These nicknames were. designating him ‘the man of my heart.19 ‘It’s not madness that makes me ask the Führer to admit me into his presence. my very best. honourable Reich Chancellor and Führer des Großdeutschen Reiches with the word “Majesty” – and I dare to use this expression in a private letter as an intimate. often entirely opaque to a third person outside of the romantic relationship. sweetest Adolf ’. inmost wish is to be with the Führer – and this wish has simply taken possession of me. my precious. in my inmost heart. Other women opened their letters by greeting Hitler with ‘hail my very dearest Adolf ’.T. relatives and friends. Geppert Last but not least. ‘my dear Adi!’. The intensity. Führer and Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler’ – precisely in this order. simultaneously. yet these attempts to incorporate officially sanctioned propaganda language into personal salutations is unique. or strung together several such endearments. to let me be with him’. Thus. almost all of these women invested a good deal of creative energy inventing unique pet names. my ardently loved one’. that Your Majesty has not been formally given the crown. despair or illnesses. but also the ineptitude. honourable Reich Chancellor and Führer of the Great German Empire. Writing shortly before Christmas 1941 from Prague. when addressing Adolf Hitler.166 Alexander C. Your most revered. In these highly charged salutations. my roly-poly darling. apparently meant to convey the intensity of their emotions. Margarethe Marie Louise explained her motives and reasoning for so doing in more detail: I realise. is certainly intrinsic to love letters as such and thus can be found in numerous other contexts as well. at the same time – completely normal term. oriented on the conventions of the love letter genre and to National Socialist language. yet. ‘Dear Adolf!’: Locating Love in Nazi Germany 167 Here. At the same time. be taken as a literal act of applied patriotism. Only under the latter condition could this entreaty. the ruler was endowed with supernatural powers. so that you realise how much I love you’. in more or less subtle ways. but also King and the ‘secret emperor’ for whom the nation had so long been waiting. Hitler was regarded as different forms of head of state in one person: not only Reich Chancellor and Führer. in turn. the Chancellery informed the local police. It is more than likely that Hitler never saw any of the love letters.21 The submissions and letters contained importunings of every possible kind. not a single answer has been found. Quite a few offered. Tell me when. left no doubt as to the earnestness of her devotion. secretaries such as Junge and Schroeder read and carefully filed these letters under the sender’s name.’22 One woman promised to leave her back door unlocked in case of a nocturnal surprise visit on the part of Adolf Hitler. Though unaware of the similarity. allowing him to heal by touch. Martha H. in the unconditional offering of one’s own body. your behind and bare myself to you. physical desire for its head. A third admirer. standardised replies were dispatched. yearning and imagined intimacy so fervently expressed in these letters always remained unrequited. there is a vague longue-durée perspective. from Halle an der Saale volunteered on 27 January 1939.24 The authors of ardent love letters. In exceptional cases. According to Kantorowicz. After their arrival at the Chancellery. ‘Official receipt or thanks in single cases were not given. the sovereign came to be seen as a persona mixta or. If they wrote persistently. sexual intercourse and bodily intimacy. especially to authors of birthday greetings. by the name of Eva Koch. do not seem to have merited any answer at all. an unconscious undercurrent to some of the arguments. distinct notions of the sovereign are blurred. at least. I myself am prepared to do absolutely anything. The letters received were presented to the Führer in listed form’. though with roots in classical antiquity. thus a high official explained the general bureaucratic procedure. His rule was Godgiven. the love. rather. of divine origin.’23 However. Another announced that she would hide a second set of keys in her gardens to enable Hitler to enter unimpeded at night – and all of this frenzy due not to love of state in a figurative sense. and come. as una persona with duae naturae. ‘You are searching for a woman – and I for a man’. the women writing to Hitler and appealing for relief employed an age-old discursive model of addressing the ‘just sovereign’. however. but rather a far-reaching. Twentieth-century manifestations of Ernst Kantorowicz’ famous medieval doctrine of the ‘king’s two bodies’ shine through. ‘[y]ou cannot demand any greater patriotism than that. ‘[n]ow everything remains up to you. A very few even received official thankyou cards embossed with Hitler’s signature and expressing his ‘sincere gratitude for the friendly greetings and the great loyalty which they reflect’. she wrote. . precisely the same could be said for the wellknown ‘If Hitler only knew’ formula. Since he formed part of a larger body that transcended his own physical existence. beginning in the fifteenth century. ‘I kiss you. In three cases. who. Wempe. ‘erotomanic delusion’ or ‘paranoia erotica’. Correspondents who did not heed such a warning could eventually be declared ‘mentally unfit’. an erotomanic stalker is usually a woman who has developed a deluded belief that the object of her love. and indeed to foster its necessary historicisation. In fact. Loving the Dictator Present-day lawyers.168 Alexander C. prosecuted and sent to a psychiatric hospital. Only under the condition that Hitler broke the news himself. she expressed her sincere disappointment that Hitler had apparently not had the courage to write to her personally and explain his lack of interest. face-to-face. sociologists have adopted the concept of ‘erotomania’. It remains. Gertrud Wenge from Koblenz three and Margarete Sauer from Stargard in Pommern also three. Neither by experience nor by argument can she be convinced of the opposite. named after the French prison psychiatrist and photographer Gaëtan Gatian de Clérambault (1872–1934). a man with whom she may have had very little or virtually no contact at all. was she ready to accept his romantic rejection at all.25 While we may be tempted to play down this woman’s love for the dictator by declaring it retrospectively as ‘merely’ ascribed. started using a male pseudonym. Frequently. Yet.27 Espe- . in a most outraged manner. Telling him.26 He pointed to a form of paranoid delusion of amorous quality. this emotionally-laden affair seems to have been all too real for her. published a number of learned articles on psychoses passionnelles. for instance. disputable whether such a retrospective diagnosis could help to explain an obviously widespread practice. however. projected and imagined. while another woman wrote a harsh farewell letter of complaint to Adolf Hitler himself. it can be deduced that such a procedure seems to have been followed: Anna Wempe from Berlin sent eight love letters to Adolf Hitler.T. According to de Clérambault. Especially in the case of today’s numerous celebrities who are loved and pursued to the point of harassment by their fans. that the police had come to see her. in spite of a first ‘friendly’ warning. physical contact or violence. the chosen person is of a much higher social status and thus is likely to be unattainable. reciprocates her own affection. Hitler chose not to react in any way at all. between 1913 and 1923. after which point the local police received instructions from Berlin to respond straightaway and put an end to further written advances. all three continued writing. criminologists and psychologists would not hesitate to classify such forms of deviant – and possibly compulsive – behaviour as comparatively minor forms of ‘stalking’. Geppert who gave them an official warning. The same clinical condition has also been described as the De Clérambault Syndrome. These letters clearly entailed neither any direct. nor did their writers cause fear on the part of the ‘victim’. it must suffice to point to the social position of the dictator as such. Here. which is by definition elevated and tantamount to specific embodiments of ruling masculinity. the following can be established on a more concrete basis. Mussolini made benevolent . In the present context. in the German case especially Willy Brandt and Gerhard Schröder. the psychological speculation or psychoanalytic reasoning so prevalent and fashionable in the late 1970s and early 1980s have in fact proved a mixed blessing when examining the origins of his appeal to the masses.‘Dear Adolf!’: Locating Love in Nazi Germany 169 cially regarding Adolf Hitler. prove that at least some of these submissions did. historians do not consider whether one of their ‘cases’ would today be categorised as potentially pathological. In rarer cases. Benito Mussolini. the Italian dictator was depicted as a caring and omnipresent. if for one simple reason only: it would neither essentially change anything nor offer a satisfactory explanation. movie stars and screen idols.28 Yet other European dictators of the early twentieth century such as Hitler’s Fascist counterpart. even if only to a certain extent. yet slightly distant father figure to be addressed in moments of long-term misery and personal despair. horizontally and vertically comparative large-scale historical study could give detailed and secure information as to the precise historical differences and similarities between all of these cases. Compared to the letters that Hitler received. and. It seems that Mussolini. sometimes even comical. unlike Hitler. misfortune or personal emergency beyond one’s own control – precisely the kind of occasions suggested in an article ‘Quando si scrive una lettera a Mussolini?’ (When does one write a letter to Mussolini?). reach the intended recipient. but also democratically elected politicians and federal chancellors equally at the centre of public media attention. sports journalist and writer Orio Vergani (1899–1960) published in the Corriere della Sera in November 1936. was also ready to fulfil such a role. Contemporary celebrities who receive comparable correspondence include not only pop musicians. in particular.29 Only a carefully designed. yet also so grotesque and disturbing? Quite clearly. the Duce appears as a different type of leader – less sexualised and more avuncular – who was to be contacted for direct advice and uncomplicated assistance in cases of social injustice. What is it then that makes these letters appear in part so absurd. the phenomenon’s occurrence as such is not limited to Adolf Hitler. submissions to the Italian dictator were frequently composed in a semi-official and much less personal style. the ways in which they contrasted with various forms of political charisma existing prior to the twentieth century. whose task it was to serve as everybody’s last resort. For Mussolini. were also objects of obsession and prominent addressees of the same kind of passionate attention. which the noted narrator. either by him or one of his secretaries. at least. in fact. even if there are also a number of cases of women bluntly offering themselves and outspokenly suggesting that he should father their child. By the very rules of their profession. A limited number of scribbled comments in the letters actually preserved. Generally. the result being one big tangle of passionate emotions that is impossible to unravel: My beloved Führer! My heart is so full. for whom alone Hitler had carefully composed his messages. a powerful sex symbol and a pined-for lover. Ida Erbe from Barchfeld sent a telling cable in which several distinct images were mixed. Despite his actual physical absence in their homes. my birthday wishes became a prayer.31 . Hitler as a close friend. You shall remain Adolf Hitler and become our second Bismarck. thirdly. seem never to have been characterised by outstanding financial generosity. for instance.170 Alexander C. Hitler as the sacred redeemer. lovers and husbands completely absorbed by total warfare. even integral. most remarkable in the love letters sent to Adolf Hitler is his direct. While the source material does not contain sufficient evidence to justify any speculation as to the ‘actual’ motives of the writers. We live. sent you to us will lead and protect you. in his unending love. a hypothetical possibility. in others. there cannot be the slightest doubt as to the earnestness of their heartfelt love. unrequited as it was. part of their daily lives. In some cases. but more often than not they were combined in an inextricable manner. and. Hitler may well have filled the emotional gap left by absent fathers and sons. though by no means mutually exclusive figures of the Führer can be deduced from the letters: first. on the other hand. a royal figure equipped with healing powers of heavenly origins. he may merely have been the object of a ‘crush’. immediate and entirely uninterrupted personal presence imagined by the writers in a domestic context.T.30 What is. Many felt so directly involved and personally addressed that they believed themselves to have been perhaps not the only. all aiming at both mind and body. secondly. this was their way of responding to the regime’s omnipresent penetration into everyday life by a variety of means. given that many of the women wrote about their male partners as well as Hitler. radio transmissions and propaganda events in the letters themselves suggest. a God-sent creature. Adolf Hitler constituted a very concrete. however. almost a family member. Some writers even sought (and supposedly found) hidden hints in his speeches that they interpreted as direct references to themselves – and hence as secret replies to what they believed to have already communicated to him. The writers considered themselves so close to and intimate with Hitler that they did not flinch from addressing him in personal terms. in general. we die for our Führer and his aim! … Heil! Heil Hitler! Let us continue the struggle! Ours is the truth! Ours the final victory! Best birthday wishes. Hitler as an adored object of desire. three distinct. On the occasion of Hitler’s 43rd birthday in 1932. Now I know that God who. like an uncle sincerely interested in the wellbeing of his kin. Geppert comments and even ordered specific actions that. Yet. but most certainly the true recipient of his words. a confidant. for these women ‘Hitler’ could not have been more real. As numerous references to specific speeches and marches. Sometimes one of these three Führer figures overshadowed the other two. and if necessary. saviour and sovereign. Ida Erbe. there was no doubt whence Hitler derived his powers and for what reason both ‘truth’ and ‘the final victory’ had to be ‘ours’. ‘The Führer is always present for his people. In the very end. Yet they also love him with all their heart’. could not but fail. but there is no doubt that they used the conventional language of romantic love with all of its stereotypes in presenting him as their object of desire.e. both the apparent earnestness of these women’s hopes for a union with Adolf Hitler and the regime’s clumsy attempts at reacting to such outbreaks of unsolicited. in her ‘prayer’. with one single exception. made almost identical statements. the Almighty. Yet since God had sent him in his ‘infinite love’. on the other. it remains a ghastly paradox that those who took the omnipresent Hitler-myth at face value and believed in the ubiquitous propaganda as unswervingly as they could were eventually prosecuted and imprisoned. the female letter writers tried to express something obviously impossible within two existing frameworks usually believed to be quite separate. Thus. Familiar with both distinct sets of rhetoric rules and linguistic conventions. political actors as diametrically opposed as Joseph Goebbels on the one hand. while an official report by the latter had already stated two years earlier that ‘[h]e is loved by many’.‘Dear Adolf!’: Locating Love in Nazi Germany 171 Here. attractiveness and ‘dreadful sex appeal’ as one of the reasons for his leadership and power. Despite the considerable and far-reaching effects this could have on their lives. the only adequate response and only possible reaction to such earthly divinity was love. on the other. laughter may be the only way to conceal our apprehension in view of such an alarming and deeply disquieting possibility. remaining the only supreme authority above him. sex and politics. we almost inevitably react with a profound sense of irritation vis-à-vis these continuous efforts to speak the unspeakable in such a candid manner – attempts which. to ‘diagnose’ it as love produces an effect of both alarm and disbelief on our part. Hitler transcended everything. diagnosing ‘love’ may entail that historians will never be capable of fully explaining Hitler’s fascination. and linguistic conventions of National Socialism. It is hard to believe that Hitler was actually loved by a considerable section of his followers.. the former noted in his diary in July 1937. raise far-reaching questions about the nexus of love and order. a protective statesman and guarantor of truth as well as an omnipotent creature of supernatural powers. For us.32 In the end. with God. in retrospect. i. He became the beloved object of passionate desire. Whether such passion was the direct result of Hitler’s historically frequently ascribed charisma or not. In this specific context. highly eroticised passion that they could not completely control. On the part of his admirers and followers. the genre of romantic love letters on the one hand. and the exiled Social Democratic Party. . It is such a blatant clash of two very different and distinct languages that makes reading these letters today such a deeply disturbing experience. risen from the midst of the people. good.34 David Bowie’s provocative statement. Also as cunning. A strong and uncontrollable emotional sub-community could well prove a potential threat to the national whole.33 If there were expressions of private. then close emotional bonds between individuals were not in the direct interest of the authorities. Goebbels elaborated further. A real. Goebbels declared that he was speaking in the name of and on behalf of the entire German people who felt attached to Hitler ‘not merely in deep respect but also with profound. Any emotional exclusivity was considered risky for the Volksgemeinschaft ideal. no separate entry of ‘love’ is to be found in the various linguistic dictionaries of National Socialist vocabulary. however. quoted at the beginning of this essay. ‘Adolf Hitler. calling the object of his desire a ‘truly creative instrument of a divine fate’: ‘I stand before him. preaches the gospel of love for the fatherland’. ‘A man.T. directly proclaiming Hitler to be the new Messiah and confirming the quasi-religious component already diagnosed. Goebbels expressed not only his own personal adoration of Hitler. the state and the Führer. Rather. and to politicise every aspect of the individual’s existence. the state. or at least no positively defined conception. there was no official conception of ‘love’ in National Socialism. heartfelt love’. he proclaimed. In fact he is like a child: sweet. the term is applied with a surprising frequency in different kinds of official and semi-official documents. The only somebody to be loved was the Führer and/or God. first and foremost Joseph Goebbels. Most of the time it appeared in a strictly figurative. As early as April 1926. Hence. If one of the most outstanding features of the Nazi state was its totalitarian tendency to erase all boundaries between public and private life. it was Adolf Hitler exclusively who took on the part of the ‘significant other’. utterly overwhelmed. ‘Love’ was not a central term. true man. For instance. but like a lion too: roaring. Thus. Geppert Staging a Country During the twelve years of National Socialism. the nation. clever and agile as a cat. the innumerable love letters written by private followers and admirers found their direct equivalent in those public declarations of love for the Führer. an official propaganda book declared. overly emotional displays between husbands and wives and between family members were not politically encouraged.’ In a lengthy leading article written for the Münchner Neueste Nachrichten on the occasion of Hitler’s birthday in April 1935. You are indeed what is called a genius. romantic love in the public realm.172 Alexander C. undichotomous and deromanticised sense: love for something – the fatherland. merciful. but it draws a valuable parallel: Hitler was indeed .’ A few weeks later. gigantic. with the relation between the two not being always clear in these documents. and it did not form part of any ideological concept. Thus. great. As a matter of fact. I love you because you are both great and simple at one and the same time. which various party officials made over the years. is inevitably one-sided. 2. ed. Traudl Junge. at stake in this obsessive view of Hitler was an entire political regime. die einen großen Teil des Posteingangs in der Kanzlei des Führers ausmachten. Heinrich Mann. die sein Fuß berührt hatte. Notes 1. Emker Collection (WCEC) in Wiesbaden. und dann strömten die Menschen herein und säumten seinen Weg. paradoxically.. 79–103. and to Jörn Rüsen and Claudia Schmölders for comments and criticism. Liebesbezeugungen aus dem ganzen Volke. Einmal wurde sogar ein Lastwagen. Ekstase. 1985). ed. in Der Haß. Joseph Goebbels Tagebücher 1924–1945. look like the perfect evidence ‘from below’ for the applicability of the much-debated charisma concept. Freude und Erfüllung.: ‘Wir haben uns drei Tage kaum die Hände zu waschen getraut. Antifaschismus – Geschichte und Neubewertung.: Vor dem Krieg wurden jeden Tag einmal die Tore geöffnet. While these pairs are both mutually dependent.. 2nd ed. helped to destabilise it. Wie geschlachtete Kälber lagen sie da. ein Reich. 14f. und die Steine. 1992). 5. including some of his immediate subordinates. ‘Feminisierung des Faschismus’. (Amsterdam: Querido. 5 vols. Von solchen Damen trafen dann die Liebesbriefe ein. See also Christine Schroeder. Orgasmus. 7 (July 1981): 36–41. Haben Sie Hitler gesehen? Deutsche Antworten (Munich: Hanser. which he holds as a custodian. in Die Nacht hat zwölf Stunden. prima facie. 1987). 2003). here 3: 1000 (31 October 1936): ‘Berge Telegramme. Germany. 1942). Ralf Georg Reuth. Bis zur letzten Stunde. it also. 62f. Psychologie heute 8. 2nd ed. ed. Helmut Ulshöfer was so kind as to let me access the private William C.’ ‘Die Frauen drehten das Weiße aus den Augen raus und sanken wie nasse Lappen hin. 47–49. ‘Brunst. The ‘Hitler Myth’. 4. seufzten schwer.’ Ian Kershaw. Männerphantasien zum Thema “Hitler und die Frauen”’. ein Führer? Ehemalige Nationalsozialisten und Zeitzeugen berichten über ihr Leben im Dritten Reich.: ‘Dann keuchten die Massen unter seinem überwältigenden Ansturm und rückhaltlos ergaben sie sich diesem fürchterlichen sex-appeal’. Berlin Diary. Image and Reality in the Third Reich (Oxford: Clarendon. vor lauter Rührung. Lothar Steinbach (Bonn: Dietz. 1996). the implications of such imaginary couplings are far from identical. see in this context her state-of-the-art anthology Sexuality and German Fascism (Austin: Uni- . 96f. (Munich: Langen Müller. Claudia Keller (Berlin: Aufbau. Unlike celebrity fixations. proves to be far more ambiguous on closer inspection. or Eva Sternheim-Peters. 1934–1941 (New York: Alfred A. Aus dem Nachlaß der Sekretärin von Adolf Hitler. von ein paar übergeschnappten Frauen geplündert. 3. I am most grateful to Rita Hortmann and the late Luise Rox for linguistic and technical assistance. dann kommt schon der Tag. wanderten als wertvolle Andenken in die Vitrinen des Wohnzimmers. Kathrin Hoffmann-Curtius. der Ziegelsteine zum Berghof hinaufbrachte.‘Dear Adolf!’: Locating Love in Nazi Germany 173 loved like a rock star by many of his admirers and followers. ed. (Munich: Piper. for instance. The Journal of a Foreign Correspondent. William L. nur weil er sie geschüttelt hat. Hitlers Sekretärin erzählt ihr Leben (Munich: List. 1933).. Shirer. 1973). Knopf. Hysterische Frauen nahmen Steine mit. 6. here 87f. Loving a rock star is seldom problematic. I am grateful to Dagmar Herzog for sharing these references and other information with me. Deutsche Zeitgeschichte. See. 1984). Walter Kempowski. 60f. ‘Der große Mann’. 79. loving a dictator is always so. no. While love of Hitler underpinned that system. in Ein Volk. 45–69. die weder des Führers Hände noch Füße berührt hatten. Yet what may.’ Doris K. wenn sich Hitler auf seinen Spaziergang begab. Er war mein Chef. und die vernünftigsten Menschen benahmen sich wie toll. Braunschweiger Tageszeitung. NS 10/157. DC (GCDC). here esp. 126.T. ‘Persönliche Zuschriften an Adolf Hitler’. and Kundrus. no. ‘Was verdanke ich Adolf Hitler? Das neue Preisausschreiben der BTZ’. in Lepsius. VIII. no. Bundesarchiv. Hauptschriftleiter Heinz Henckel to Reichskanzlei. 7 May 1936. Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 28/29 September 1935. 14 February 2004. Ein Forschungsbericht’. 95–118. ‘Der Fall Hitler. Evening Star. The literature is vast. and especially her Sex after Fascism. for instance. here esp. 150-150v. ‘Der Hitlerkult. Its Leadership and Composition’. 171f. ‘“Süßer Adolf. ‘Unser Hitler’. Another locus classicus is M. Quando si scrive una lettera a Mussolini?’. ‘Frauen und Nationalsozialismus. 2000). Berlin. vol. . Rainer Lepsius. 2004). See. ‘Dear Adolf ’. the most profound attempt to make ‘charisma’ the key concept to analyse Hitler’s persona can be found in Hans-Ulrich Wehler’s Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte. Überlegungen zum Stand der Forschung’. For surveys see Birthe Kundrus. Inszenierungskunst und Charismapolitik’. ‘Das Modell der charismatischen Herrschaft und seine Anwendbarkeit auf den “Führerstaat” Adolf Hitlers’. 7. William J. the very first to describe and analyse Hitler as a charismatic leader in Weber’s sense was the German-American sociologist Hans Gerth in 1940. Ein Literaturbericht zur Geschlechtergeschichte des Nationalsozialismus’. 182f. Januar 1933 – Ein halbes Jahrhundert danach’. 2000). 1 (February 1959): 38–47. Eucker’s/Emker’s fragmentary autobiography was published as Zwischen den Welten. 13. 1/2). Some of these letters were translated into English and provided with a short introduction by Will Hobson. and Hans-Jörg Vehlewald. 172 or NS 10/160. 16 February 2004. Berlin (BArch). ‘The Theoretical Importance of Love’. 2nd ed. Library of Congress. no. Marcel Atze. Autobiografie des Antifaschisten Willy Eucker.” Wissenschaftler untersuchen Liebesbriefe an Nazi-Diktator Hitler’. Although relying on an idea en passant already propagated twenty years earlier (Hans-Ulrich Wehler. Reel 18. ed. Douwe Stuurman. 9. Liebesbriefe an Adolf Hitler – Briefe in den Tod. ‘Was verdanke ich Adolf Hitler? Das Ergebnis unseres Preisausschreibens’. Unveröffentlichte Dokumente aus der Reichskanzlei. in Virtuosen der Macht. 1993). September 1935. 1993). Eine physiognomische Biographie (Munich: Beck. Abtlg. See also Ludolf Herbst. Orio Vergani. ich bin zu allem bereit. ed. See also Andreas Rosenfelder. Ausgewählte Aufsätze (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Neue Politische Literatur 45. 2005). 551–563. 2003). Fos. Reel 18. Thomas R. 1 (2000): 67–92. ‘Lettere a Mussolini. Chronik der Gefühle. 2003). GCDC. Helmut Ulshöfer (Frankfurt am Main: Verlag für Akademische Schriften. However. Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 36 (1996): 481–499. ‘Empfänger unbekannt. (Frankfurt am Main: Verlag für Akademische Schriften. Hitlers Gesicht. Demokratie in Deutschland. Geppert versity of Texas Press. Corriere della Sera. BILD. ed. German Captured Document Collection. eds Klaus Heller and Jan Plamper (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Claudia Schmölders. and Henning Bühmann. see his ‘The Nazi Party. Fo. Fos. ‘Hitler Considered a God Letter Collection Shows. Der Hitler-Mythos im Spiegel der deutschsprachigen Literatur nach 1945 (Göttingen: Wallstein. 15 December 1948. ‘Widerstreitende Geschichte. American Journal of Sociology 45. 4 (January 1940): 517–541. Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte B 4-5 (29 January 1983): 43–54. A Preliminary Note’. in Personality Cults in Stalinism. 8. 2002) (= Journal of the History of Sexuality 11. 1 (November 1948): 21f. The Library of Congress Quarterly Journal of Current Acquisitions 6. Granta 51 (January 1995): 73–83.. 11 November 1935. Manuscript Division. 1996). American Sociological Review 24. Staatssekretär und Chef der Präsidialkanzlei to Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda. ‘30. 12. no. Hitlers Liebesbriefe sind immer noch nicht angekommen’. Soziologisch-historische Konstellationsanalysen. Goode. Herrschaft und Charisma von Perikles bis Mao. Washington. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. See Ulshöfer. nos. 4: Vom Beginn des Ersten Weltkriegs bis zur Gründung der beiden deutschen Staaten 1919–1949 (Munich: Beck.174 Alexander C. 109–157. Winfried Nippel (Munich: Beck. Henry. Braunschweiger Tageszeitung. 3 November 1936. 11. 38n1. 10. 171–191. NS 10/158. here 50). 138.. ‘The Nazi Collection. Berlin. 866–872.. Library of Congress Gathered Data in Ransacked Reichchancellery’. Helmut Ulshöfer. Führer und Reichskanzler Adolf Hitler’. mein großer. ibid. 21. Berlin. was mir ähnlich. ist mir mein Mann fremd geworden. GCDC. hochgeehrter Herr Reichskanzler und Führer des großdeutschen Reiches. Berlin-Charlottenburg. 17 August 1941. ibid. Arnsdorf. Königsberg/Ostpreußen. Grombach. ob ich nicht doch verrückt bin? Aber dann wäre es der Führer ja auch.’ 17. daß Du. mein Herzensadolf ’. Ich kann doch nur lieben. Könick (?) to Adolf Hitler. ibid. 5 August 1940. Les Rois thaumaturges. guter Adolf. Dies macht mich so reich und glücklich. 2 December 1940. 16. daß ich noch immer meinen Zahnersatz nicht habe. Wilhelmine Huschko to Adolf Hitler.. sonst hätten Sie mir schon längst einen Besuch bei Ihnen gestattet ’. Kantorowicz. ‘Mein herzlieber Mann! ’. 2003). ‘“Wann kommt der Retter Deutschlands?” Formen und Funktionen von politischem Messianismus in der Weimarer Republik’. Berlin. Es tut mir oft so leid. ‘Lieber Adi! ’. ‘Heil Adöfflilein’. Switzerland. 19. January 1945. daß Ihre Majestät formal nicht gekrönt sind: jedoch in meinem Innern spreche ich Ihre Exzellenz.’ 18. 2 May 1939. ‘mein Herzensmann. to Adolf Hitler. Prague. geb. Marc Bloch. The King’s Two Bodies. ‘Du süßes herzensbestes Lieb. Margarete to Adolf Hitler. Berlin. Anton Joachimsthaler.: Es ist kein Wahn. Myth. es gefällt mir nur nicht. für alles Schöne. Purzelchen. hochgeehrter Herr Reichskanzler und Führer des Großdeutschen Reiches.: ‘Nur dadurch. nicht anders als mit dem Wort “Majestät” an – und deshalb wage ich das Wort Majestät in diesem Privatbriefe als ein für mich “im stillen” ganz übliches Wort auszusprechen – zu schreiben. all ibid. Dieser Wunsch bin ich selber. mein trautes und heiß Geliebtes’. 22 December 1941. Da kann man nichts machen. anonymous to Adolf Hitler. 14 March 1943. A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Du bist so lieb und gut zu mir. Miele to Adolf Hitler. Reel 19: Zu Hitlers Geburtstag: Ein reiner Gedanke Ein heißes Gebet Herr lass uns wert sein Dass Hitler Für uns lebt und kämpft. 4 November 1943. Ritschie to Adolf Hitler.: ‘Adilie’. 1957). ‘mein lieber zuckersüßer Adolf ’. mein Einzigstes. Anne-Marie R. Saeculum 49 (1998): 107–160. Kershaw. Margarethe Marie Louise to Adolf Hitler. treuer Liebster.. Miele to Adolf Hitler. mein lieber. er soll mich bei ihm (sic) lassen. Berlin. die Liebe ist echt wie Gold. 29 March 1943. ‘Süßes Adilie! ’. Vienna. aber nach dem Kriege. ibid. Warum heute nicht mit seinem Führer? Ich kenne keinen Wunsch als beim Führer zu sein. Erna Jung to Adolf Hitler. Bad Kreuznach. so viel Arbeit hast.’ 15. Lucie Hitler (sic) to Adolf Hitler. Maria to Adolf Hitler.‘Dear Adolf!’: Locating Love in Nazi Germany 175 14. zu sich nehmen. Ihre Hochwürdigkeit. Ernst H. Rosa M. Etude sur le caractère surnaturel attribué à la puissance royale particulièrement en France et en Angleterre (Paris: Librairie Istra. ‘mein lieber Ehegatte. Bergstraße. to Adolf Hitler.: Ich weiß. 30 January 1943. ich schicke Anfang dieser Woche ein Paket an Dich ab mit einem von mir handgearbeiteten Kissen (Die Federn sind aus meinem Zudeck!)’. Klaus Schreiner. Ludwigshafen. to Adolf Hitler. 10 December 1939. dann wird es auch für Dich. mein Lieb. besser werden’. Ich kann ihn nicht streichen … Ich denke oft darüber nach. mein Allerbester. Chesières. ibid. 10 September 1939. Man konnte doch früher auch einmal mit einem König sprechen.. 30 September 1941. weil ich das Große im Herzen trage. Königsberg/Ostpreußen. Ich danke Dir auch für alle Liebe und Treue. April 1938 (?). ibid. Milly Fahlert. 2 August 1944.: ‘Mein Lieb. . mein Lieb. ‘Mein heißgeliebtes Herzelchen! ’. ja. Margarete to Adolf Hitler. Gertrud Z.: ‘Sie wollen doch nichts von mir wissen. Hitlers Liste. 12 June 1939. Rosemarie to Adolf Hitler. 23 June 1939. Ein Dokument persönlicher Beziehungen (Munich: Herbig. Jose und Buben to Adolf Hitler. süßer. 1924). Gern möchte ich Ihre kleine Braut werden und sein. 12–15. 10 September 1939. WCEC: ‘Mein liebes. 10 December 1939. WCEC: ‘Ja. gutes Schatzel! . der mich den Führer bitten läßt. 20. WCEC: ‘Mein Herzensadolf. 73. Dessau. Berlin. 10 April 1944. ‘Érotomanie pure.: ‘Ich küsse Dich auf Deine 4 Buchstaben und tue Front frei. Ulrich Gundelach. all WCEC. VIII. However. 24. Staatssekretär und Chef der Präsidialkanzlei to Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda.E. wenn Du willst. Halle an der Saale. Mehr Patriotismus kannst Du nicht verlangen. Reel 18: ‘Empfangsbestätigung oder Danksagung im einzelnen ist nicht erfolgt. A Conceptual History’. and Richard J. 309–451. damit Du fühlst. and Rosemary Purcell. See in this context Piero Melograni. Michele Pathé. Margarete ‘Weiberl’ to Adolf Hitler. U. Locality and Violence in Fascist Italy’. Bestelle mich und komme. esp. Leiter des Petitionsausschusses des Bundeskanzleramts. Reel 18: Meinem geliebten Führer! Mir ist das Herz so voll. 20 April 1932. ich bin zu allem bereit.: ‘Du suchst eine Frau. Présentation de malade’ (1921). Available information is scarce because these letters are not publicly accessible. also dann übernachten wir gemeinsam im Elternhause! Eva Koch to Adolf Hitler. Und wenn alle Stränge reißen. Martha H.. Journal of Contemporary History 11.. to Adolf Hitler. ibid. Barchfeld.B. vol. Du kommst dann her.: Mein Herzensmann! … Ich laß für Dich einen Hausschlüssel und einen Schlüssel von meinem Zimmer anfertigen. 1922–1943. G. 1 (January 1991): 185–209. Daryl B. Contemporary European History 14. a small selection of 80 letters was published as Caro Duce. no. möglichst früh. that the number of love letters properly contained in this anthology is so limited may well be the consequence of an undisclosed editorial decision. mein Herz. 27. ‘Erotomania. 28. Reichsminister und Chef der Reichskanzlei an den Herrn Reichsminister des Innern. klingle bei der Vermieterin meines Zimmers … an.’ 25. History of Psychiatry 13 (December 2002): 381–400. ich suche einen Mann. 31. 1 (2003): 83–88. ibid. Berrios and N. and Dr. Nun weiß ich. Sie sollen Adolf Hitler bleiben und unser . Hitler. Berlin. Cindy Van Duyne et al. 1 (2002): 25–32. Matthews. no. 1989). Friends. See also Park Elliott Dietz. ‘Everyday Mussolinism. ‘Erotomanic Stalking in Evolutionary Perspective’.’ ‘Für Ihre freundlichen Grüße und für die mir in Ihrer Zuschrift zum Ausdruck gebrachte treue Gesinnung spreche ich Ihnen meinen aufrichtigen Dank aus. 14 May 1942. recently disappeared mysteriously from the central archives in Rome without a trace. Gerhard Schröder’s former executive secretary. Es liegt alles nur an Dir. GCDC. Stalkers and Their Victims (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lettere di donne italiane a Mussolini. 1 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Abtlg. no. Frau A. vielleicht gibt’s sie auch gleich passend zu kaufen … Also. Bosworth. ‘The Cult of the Duce in Mussolini’s Italy’. érotomanie associée. A. daß Du jederzeit zu uns in Haus kommen kannst. ‘Stalking. ‘Psychoses passionnelles’.’ 23. his ‘official’ lover of many years. ibid. 7 May 1936.176 Alexander C. Rebecca Löbmann. to Adolf Hitler. 1 (2005): 23–43. in Oeuvre psychiatrique. 10 November 1939. 26. Giorgio Boatti (Milan: Rizzoli. der Sie in seiner unendlichen Liebe zu uns geschickt hat. to Adolf Hitler. Reichsicherheitsdienst an den Chef der Reichskanzlei. Mullen. Königsberg/Ostpreußen. ob ich da bin. Ida Erbe to Adolf Hitler. Journal of Forensic Science 36. Gaëtan Gatian de Clérambault. 26 August 1942. 4 (October 1976): 221–237. Ein Überblick über den aktuellen Forschungsstand’. 1942). wie lieb ich Dich hab. Vergani. Gez. Kennedy. Reichsminister und Chef der Reichskanzlei an den Chef der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD. no. Family. 2000).. Personal communication with Sigrid Krampitz.T. Martin Brüne. und frage. meine Geburtstagswünsche wurden zum Gebet. Geppert 22. Unfortunately. ‘Threatening and Otherwise Inappropriate Letters to Hollywood Celebrities’. Die Eingänge haben dem Führer listenmäßig vorgelegen. dass Gott. Sie führen und schützen wird. 29. 25 August 1942. ed. the Bundeskanzleramt repeatedly refused to provide any further information and made it quite clear that they were not interested in cooperating. 16 January 2006. 27 January 1939. Monatsschrift für Kriminologie und Strafrechtsreform 85. Behavioral Sciences and the Law 21. ‘Lettere a Mussolini’. 346–370. ibid.. The love letters that Mussolini himself wrote in 1937 to Claretta Petacci (1912–1945). GCDC. Paul E. no. haben unsere Eltern (denn Deine sind es ja jetzt auch) mir erlaubt.’ See also Alf Lüdtke’s contribution to this volume. 30. 22 July 1940. In 1989. wie ein Löwe. Aber sie lieben ihn auch aus vollem Herzen’. gut. Joseph Goebbels Tagebücher (13 July 1937). Schmölders. Vokabular des Nationalsozialismus (Berlin: de Gruyter. Goebbels zum Geburtstag des Führers’.: ‘nicht nur mit Verehrung. Münchner Neuste Nachrichten 110. Deutschland-Berichte der Sopade 2. lieb. An English Lexicon of the Language of the Third Reich (Westport: Greenwood. sterben wir für unseren Führer und sein Ziel!. weil Du groß und einfach zugleich bist. 266: ‘Adolf Hitler. Robert Michael and Karin Doerr. Das was man ein Genie nennt ’ (19 April 1926). ein Mann’ (24 July 1926).’ 33. Wie eine Katze listig. introduction: ‘Ein Mann. Deutschlands Erwachen in Bild und Wort. Joseph Goebbels Tagebücher. Cornelia Schmitz-Berning.. Wir leben. 2002). 32. 3: 1099: ‘Der Führer ist unermüdlich zu den Menschen. Nazi-Deutsch. 34. Ein Kerl. brüllend-groß und gigantisch. here 279: ‘Er wird von vielen geliebt. ich liebe Dich. verkündet das Evangelium der Liebe zum Vaterland ’. sondern mit tiefer. klug und gewandt. 105f. und wenn es sein muß. Heil! Heil Hitler! Weiter im Kampf! Unser ist die Wahrheit! Unser der Endsieg! Mit Geburtstagsgruß.3 (14 March 1935): 275–286.. aufgestanden mitten aus dem Volk. So ist er: wie ein Kind. ‘Deutschland ist wahrhaft auferstanden! Dr. 1998).‘Dear Adolf!’: Locating Love in Nazi Germany 177 zweiter Bismarck werden. ‘Er ist ein Genie. herzlicher Liebe. cf. Ich stehe vor ihm erschüttert.’ . Das selbstverständlich schaffende Instrument eines göttlichen Schicksals. Gesicht. ‘Die allgemeine Situation in Deutschland’. barmherzig. Ida Erbe. 21/22 April 1935. Joseph Goebbels. 1: 243. 1f. and up to the outbreak of Civil War in 1936.3 as prime channels through which Spain had its cultural contacts with the outside world. RO’s purpose was to be a major conduit for ideas from abroad to reach Spain. was political.CHAPTER 9 Love. Their functioning is still in need of re-assessment. It is clear that both RO and the Residencia were indeed of signal importance in Spain’s cultural and intellectual life in this period. founded in 1910. and Ortega left it in 1915 as it moved politically further to the left. under the direction of Ortega y Gasset. and in 1917 joined with Nicolás María de Urgoiti in setting up another daily.2 He published in the daily paper El Imparcial (in publication until 1933).1 Founded in 1923. would run as subscription only (and with Ortega as the sole contributor). Notes for this section begin on page 194. The received view on Spanish intellectual and cultural life in this period has highlighted elite journals such as RO. RO was. España (1915– 1923). Through his participation in both of these other papers. a complexity to be seen in the wide spectrum of Ortega’s activities in disseminating culture. the Revista de Occidente (RO) occupies a special position. . it is arguable that his impact on the public was more far-reaching than through RO. and was deliberately and explicitly non-political. Other ventures of Ortega besides RO. unlike RO. which again included in its agenda that of opening Spain to foreign culture. however. and elite institutions such as the Residencia de Estudiantes. only part of a complex structure of cultural exchanges between Spain and Europe in this period. El Sol (in publication until 1939). such as El Espectador (1916–1934). It aimed at a well-educated and cultured elite. Again Crisis and the Search for Consolation in the Revista de Occidente 1926–1936 ALISON SINCLAIR In the relationship of Spain to Europe in the early twentieth century. and constitutes a careful balancing act. In offering a consolation of tidiness. The view of gender thus promoted – first in the years of Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship. My argument is that the review engaged in an imaginary of consolation in which a series of articles sketched out an attitude toward society that favoured and linked together concepts of love.6 The years under discussion cover two sharply contrasting periods in Spanish politics: the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (1923–1930) and the Second Republic (1931–1936). but this noticeably and remarkably fails to happen. when the review’s regular publication was interrupted. but in a series of articles that consider issues of gender. While RO has a reputation for looking forward and outward. While it eschewed the overtly political. the articles run curiously against the current of liberal social developments of the time. the feminine and civilisation. from 1923 through to the outbreak of war in 1936. the major contribution of RO in the period of 1923 to 1936 is that it is instrumental in bringing Spain into a relationship with the ideas of civilisation.Love. and which consequentially have implications for the idea of love. It achieves it not in specific articles about love as such.4 and diverse professional associations. At the inception of the Republic in 1931. most notably concerning the emancipation of women. this aspect of its activity and the specificity of its importations suggest a type of retrenchment of social attitudes that inevitably carried an implied political message. But the articles in question show a view of relations between the sexes that is set in a structure of stability. the non-political or apolitical stance of RO is noteworthy. it could be argued that RO engaged in the projection of structures of society that in a broader sense could be construed as political. In so doing. they complicate our understanding of Ortega’s role in facilitating Spain’s cultural relations with Europe. one might imagine a shift in the tenor of the articles concerned with gender. This is a significant structure to present within Spain in this period. The idealisation of relationships between the sexes appearing with consistency through these pre-Civil War years reveals a type of cultural attitude with resonances that are social and consequently political in a broad sense. Again: Crisis and the Search for Consolation 179 as is the degree to which there was networking between members of different institutions such as the JAE. given that a purely . both in Spain and Europe. In the light of the dramatically shifting politics they represented (a move from a right-wing dictatorship to the liberal politics of the Republic). the Ateneo de Madrid. specifically those of European civilisation. This essay considers the dynamics of this discourse on gender in the early years of RO. The imaginary of consolation I have alluded to does not engage directly and centrally with the question of love.5 In relation to the project of Europe in Love. and they continue to do so up to the Civil War. and then through the years of the Second Republic – is essentialist and tidy. The articles on gender in RO throughout this period present a nostalgic and in many ways traditional view of the relations between the sexes. are in fact largely philosophical or sociological. Spain was. and arguably the proffering of an imaginary of consolation would have been as relevant in England. but was also one that was far from absent from more liberal standpoints. and that because of those structures offered a sense of social stability. on the one hand. resulting from extremes of social and political progressiveness. In the context of the articles of RO. albeit a somewhat indirect one. Such utilitarian underpinning might seem distant from ideas of ‘love’. responded to a conservative tradition. Outlining gender relations that echoed patriarchal structures. discussed later. love is rarely if ever discussed explicitly. there is a striking sparseness of reference in RO to the work of Freud. RO appears to assert that – whatever the conflicts and difficulties of the Western world in the interwar years – structure and meaning were still retained. and occasionally explicitly. in counterpoint to the instability of political and social life in the West in this period and maps out gender relations in which – one deduces – ‘love’ might occur. a ‘proper’ functioning within society. The articulation of ‘proper’ gender positions that would be found in the work of sexual reformers in the 1920s and 1930s. but. such as Bertrand Russell’s essay of January 1930 on ‘The place of love in human life’. and love will thus contribute to a civilised future. looked toward a utopian future in which the disorders caused by disease (and thought to be linked to degeneration) might be removed. then. particularly among champions of eugenics such as Marañón and Pittaluga. and while a number of articles by Jung appeared. France or Germany. The selection of which authors would have their work published in RO was patently in line with Ortega’s strong editorial policy. Where Spain stood to be ‘different’ from elsewhere in Europe was in the concept of where stability of society (and relations of gender and love) might lie.180 Alison Sinclair superficial political and social stability during the dictatorship gave way to overt and disruptive instability during the Republic. it is as though Freud might disturb a vision of the imaginary in which a social structure guaranteed some stability and meaning. Apparent exceptions. It thus has a bearing on the theme of Europe and Love. and a conservative championing of traditional values. not alone in Europe in experiencing social and political disruption in this period. on the other. on the contrary. Freud’s Civilisation and its Discontents (1930) did nothing to produce a reassuring vision of society. Ortega was cautious and selective. or that of Rosa Chacel on the ‘Schema of practical and present-day problems of love’. It is curious in the light of his attitude to Freud that Ortega would voice his own concerns about the role . Publications with a bearing on psychoanalytic thought demonstrate this: here. for example. the imaginary of consolation stands. Love is presumed to occur within a structure in which there might be ‘proper’ gender roles. emphasised the aggressive nature of man. but it formed a major part of the discourse on matters of gender in this period in Spain. Implicitly.7 In terms of the imaginary of consolation that RO pursues in relation to matters of gender. of course. It is what the alert individual feels in his desire to confront and know the depths of contemporary reality.10 Simultaneously. the experience offered by this review is of difficulty and of encounter. could be seen as a surface style of internationalism. in which national differences and peculiarities were ‘annulled’. history had changed things. . and specifically in choosing articles that in their majority are authored outside of Spain.8 Yet Ortega’s propositions (‘Propósitos’). The cosmopolitan spirit before the First World War. the chosen non-political nature of RO constitutes a reduction in Ortega’s ambition. a work in which he recognised social change.11 The articles on gender in RO might be considered as an element not wholly consonant with the forward thinking nature of Ortega’s aims for the journal. But something more complex is suggested in Ortega’s explanation of the reference to the West (‘occidentalidad ’) in the title of his review. given that they offer strikingly calm and reconciled views on how to understand gendered difference. Ortega’s intention in setting up his review was to create a circle of intellectuals. of order for the chaos of experience and hope that Spain will be brought into the development of the countries of the West.Love. they contain the general ideal of producing an educated and cultured population by exposure to the ‘best’ ideas from Europe and elsewhere. War had brought closeness through conflict. whereas the postwar cosmopolitan spirit of the West was one that now existed in a more realistic way. suggest something other than that. This curiosity is free-floating. He hopes that RO will bring some light to the situation. Ortega subscribes to an ideal of love and gender relations that is European rather than Spanish. he says. In publishing articles on gender that form an imaginary of consolation. This is coupled with the idea that many feel the current world to be the one they experience as chaos. He did this famously in The Rebellion of the Masses (1930). and argued the case for a new order that would be born out of an elite coming into awareness of its proper role in society. Yet. to bring into being a set of others with whom he could discuss things of the day. Rooted in the belief that there is a Europe that is cosmopolitan and cultured. but this did not prevent those involved from having to rely on one another more and to have co-existence. He speaks of wanting to appeal to the ‘curiosity’ of a readership envisaged as ‘calmly’ interested in culture and the arts. detached from hierarchies and divisions of social and cultural structure – a type of curiosity that is neither exclusively aesthetic nor particularly scientific or political. and more significantly. that it will put its readers in touch with the ‘new architecture’ currently being reconstructed in the West. an idea not of tough love. but of a tough togetherness between countries. Again: Crisis and the Search for Consolation 181 of the masses in modern society. published in the first number of RO. In part. For Evelyne López Campillo. therefore. born of the difficulties of their recent contact/conflict.9 These aims can thus be seen as the expression of a different ambition. Ortega conjures up. they are outward looking. then. cultivated and civilised rather than passionate and individualistic (the contemporary stereotype norms for Spain). Giménez Caballero. RO presents an alternative form of public life. An implied message in this article is arguably that there could be an orderly and ‘civilised’ world not just in the sphere of gender relations. There are numerous introductory footnotes or epigraphs that place the authors of articles in modern society. where he attended Simmel’s lectures. By working chronologically. He died in 1918. in which the woman appears as a superior.182 Alison Sinclair in short. insofar as woman is frequently figured in the articles as ‘superior’. some five years before his articles started to appear in Spain. Marañón. and in the exchange of ideas without acrimony or political agenda. and yet excluded from the world of action. turbulent and would eventually explode into the Civil War. in intellectual exploration and debate. Pittaluga. Russell. Chacel. Keyserling and Jung. The articles on gender (some two dozen between 1923 and 1936) are thus tinged with a desire to analyse and interpret the present with a view to a future that is intuited as uncertain. simultaneously creating a corpus of ideas. an ideal that will be soothing and consoling in troubled times. and it is evident that Ortega had a didactic aim in bringing Simmel to the attention of the Spanish public. That it has an embedded imbalance. throughout the years RO was being published. and that offer an evaluation of their importance to the cultured reader. but also elsewhere.14 Ortega’s note accompanying Simmel’s article on ‘Masculine and Feminine: Towards a Psychology of the Sexes’ (November and December 1923) declares: ‘I shall take the liberty of recommending to the readers of this Review that they make an attentive reading of these exceptional pages which shed so much light on the lasting . Kierkegaard.12 The review as a whole had a strong pedagogical intent.13 I shall concentrate on a small selection representing Ortega’s desire to give his readers the ideas of those he considers to be from the foremost European thinkers. underpinning their work with local writers whose work might be considered ‘scientifically respectable’. Ortega had become acquainted with Simmel’s work when he went to Berlin in August of 1906. after which they are much more sparse. but rather maps well onto the model of courtly love. which then led to Simmel becoming a major influence on his work. Dantín Cereceda. A discussion of all of the authors of articles dealing with gender is not possible in this essay: they include Kretschmer. being. Simmel. and. Spranger. Frank. was violent. They appear at the average rate of two a year in the period up to the Second Republic. The arena of politics that Ortega eschews in RO is one that for Spain. at times unapproachable. Georg Simmel Prominent in RO is the German sociologist Georg Simmel. is not in conflict with the idea of love. I shall track how Ortega created over time a collection of others with whom he could converse. to be anonymous within the masses. as set out below.’15 The essays reproduced in RO are. In many ways. straightforward translations of the originals. It is only in the second part (August 1923) that he makes the more obvious. from which those deemed inferior will be excluded. or was skirted around by introducing Simmel via another area of writing first. this initial contribution sets Simmel up as a writer of distinction.16 She notes that many current evaluations rely on a curate’s egg motif to explain the unevenness of the writing. and an excellent evaluation of the debate is offered by Witz. It is. ‘Philosophy of Fashion’ has a bearing on gender in a way that is significant for the implied status of its author in RO’s corpus. more pedestrian association of fashion with women. but relates to those sub-structures of society that we create. since it designates Simmel as a philosopher and sociologist who has an eye to historical reality. thus. and prepares the reader to respect him.17 Fashion is. and at the same time to be distinguished and different. for Simmel. and in some senses. Again: Crisis and the Search for Consolation 183 conflict between masculine and feminine. The status of Simmel’s writings on gender has been much debated. not adapted especially for the Spanish reading public. The crux of his contribution lies in his attempt . Yet this link is saved from its potential triviality by the fact that Simmel identifies woman with a social position of inferiority as determined by history. and with what was arguably a more challenging piece on fashion (‘Philosophy of Fashion’). Her own reading. by which Simmel’s ontology of gender consigns woman to the periphery. In ‘Masculine and Feminine’ (November and December 1923) Simmel argues for a traditional (Platonic and Aristotelian) split between the worlds of the masculine and the feminine. Simmel points out how fashion satisfies two fundamental and yet opposing desires in man: to be like the rest. one that predetermines her adherence to fashion. not just related to existential human desires. One might observe that Ortega shows himself imaginative and forward thinking in having this particular essay as the first example of Simmel’s work to bring to his reading public. is a discrimination singularly helpful in situating him in the corpus being established by RO. incidentally. while his sociological imagination releases man into a more fertile working area. an aid to create a distinct inner circle. A curiosity is that this was not Simmel’s first appearance in the review. The fact that Simmel’s writings on gender are acknowledged as a problem area in his output by current scholarship was either not perceived as such by Ortega. The double and contradictory function of fashion maintains us in a temporal suspense that lends vitality to the present moment.Love.18 Simmel’s contribution to existential philosophy is exemplified in this first part of his essay on fashion. and one that revealed him as a subtle philosopher and critic. His first appearance had been in July and August of 1923.19 The function of history in guaranteeing Simmel’s respectability as an author will have its counterpart in the recourse to medicine and science in other articles on gender. 21 Yet the fact that Simmel perceives the supposed ‘objectivity’ of the world as one associated with the masculine (as a social and historical fact) is one of his major insights.’24 He thus invites approbation for his acuity in perceiving that gender difference is a matter of construction and social norms as well as any biological foundation. the observation that woman relates to her own sexuality independent of her relationship to man simultaneously sets her free from her observed subservience and appears to make her the positive and self-determined possessor of the essential nature ascribed to her. so as to secure her a sense of ‘authentic femininity’.184 Alison Sinclair to define and place woman outside of the familiar binaries. he slips between this and a disturbing essentialism. yet there is a patriarchal traditionalism underlying what are presented as contemporary and challenging analyses. with the result that man is more objective. More generally. he follows the tradition of Herder. without need to refer to the other sex for the essential nature of her own character. albeit one not entirely comfortable for those excluded from that field of objectivity. His very emphasis at this point nonetheless suggests some need to over-compensate the weakness of the essentialist argument. based on biology. Simmel argues biological difference to be the foundation of social difference. Viewed retrospectively. rather than that of Kant and Hegel. ‘In the life of woman. valid for both men and women. Thus.20 He is not simplistic. Appealingly (and this is where we can see the beginning of the narrative of consolation). While he appears to retain the sharp critical edge of historicity that had raised the level of his discussion of fashion. we can see how the style of this argument on gender will be consistent with that presented by Marañón. determined within herself.23 Simmel does something quite curious in this paper. and then affirms that the difference in fact lies in sexuality. means that he considers his position less than woman does hers. Why did Ortega so support Simmel? One simple answer is to be found in Ortega’s own disarmingly patriarchal judgment made on the poetry of Ana de Nouailles in July 1923. recognised historically. This ‘objectivity’ becomes a type of ‘objective truth’. his ‘place of power’ ( posición de fuerza). Woman encloses herself in her sexuality. he views her as removed to a place out of history and strife by virtue of her sexuality: ‘Woman reposes in her femininity as if in an absolute substance. Goethe and Nietzsche. matters less to her. precisely because of the nature of that sexual difference. He argues that woman was more conscious of her subordinate place in society. man’s position of social superiority. but maintains that the difference with man.’25 The use of ‘profoundly’ invites the reader to acquiesce to some spiritual appeal. At the same time. a judgment where his liberalism of earlier years is no . it was consistent with the organicist strand of thinking on gender and sexuality in Spain during this period. being and sexuality are profoundly identified.22 a schema within which woman was more bound up with her sexual being than man. and in so doing. absolutely determined. what is as interesting as Ortega’s choice to publish the article on fashion. as is evident from those of Marañón and Pittaluga that would come to support them. Woman is apparently praised for her devotion.26 Here. among other things. and that on masculine and feminine. Again: Crisis and the Search for Consolation 185 longer evident. but does so without reference to gender structures in society. that largely centred on the sociology of groups. he balanced on a knife-edge in relation to the feminine similar to the one evident in Simmel: woman is ‘superior’.27 By this. is the fact that he did not publish ‘On Love (A Fragment)’.30 But the writings with a bearing on gender.Love. In particular. Thus. Only man is engaged in existential struggle. The logic of the dismissal lies within the characterisation of woman as genre rather than individual.29 Ortega was happy to publish elsewhere other areas of Simmel’s work: between 1926 and 1927. the degree to which there are moral implications to be drawn about the value and function of the feminine relates to a concept of love as civilisation. That said. Indeed. This provocative and engaging piece discusses love in a manner consonant with it being a civilised ideal. seem clear. however. . the discussion of woman’s unsuitability for creative work in the arts. His experience in Berlin was that he valued in particular the work of this sociologist who.28 Ortega is therefore consciously and deliberately selective about the profile of Simmel published in RO. and her total absorption of herself in her role of the feminine (by which. she will never be in a position to challenge man in his ambitions). she (with the products of her intellect) is dismissed as of little interest. are intended to form a corpus. revealing as she does the monotony associated with the ‘eternal feminine’. Ortega articulates the way that the liberal mind can operate in two directions in order to preserve the terrain of power and interest ascribed to the masculine by traditional gender structures. and as such she is unsuited to make public the feelings that are associated with lyrical poetry. as advanced by Simmel in ‘Feminine Culture’ – an article that would be published in RO in 1925 – is a significant pointer to the way Ortega would produce his own reading of an example of feminine culture. which had appeared in Logos (1921–1922) in German. and thus only the contents of his soul will be of real interest. albeit with six books published. The relation of Ortega’s views on Ana de Nouailles to the articles of Simmel that he later published does. It is unlikely that Ortega would have been unaware of it. The omission from RO suggests Ortega’s determination to create a corpus of work on gender relations and attributes rather than to engage fully in a discourse on love. Ortega cunningly relegates woman to a position of superiority. was nonetheless not far up the academic ladder. But in a move that betokens sour grapes in the face of this conceded moral superiority of woman. abstracting her from the field of existential struggle that is the world of the masculine. seven volumes of Simmel’s sociological works appeared in the Revista de Occidente press. the science that.32 In this context. predominantly. rather than exceptional and puzzling. they largely sprang from profound convictions about the proper nature and occupations of men and women. There is thus a type of double bind of discourse about gender and sexuality. there is a claim. a contemporary respectability is added to the debate by the intervention of those known for their work in the sciences. if acted upon. sketched out briefly in the review of Ana de Nouailles. Ortega’s views. we could read the scientific backing of the discussions on gender in RO as both bringing the body and sexuality into the discussion. some 50 out of the 472 deputies were medically qualified. explicit or implicit. and he would head the Spanish branch of the World League of Sexual Reform in 1932. . Marañón (and others such as Gustavo Pittaluga) spoke from a belief in science. Such beliefs might entail revolutionary and liberalising legislation. there is a further dimension – doctors were prominent in public life and politics. and with a driving conviction that eugenics. so that the inclusion in RO of writings on gender from those in the field of medicine can be read as a strategy that offers the modern authority of science to add to the gravitas of philosophy. given that the source of the scientific backing was one that was so intent on systems and control. Subsequently. therefore. specifically in medicine. and at the same time denying their unruly presence. to evidence-based authority.186 Alison Sinclair Trust me. in that what was recounted. The apparent mismatch between his role as the leader of sexual reform and the nature of his theories is arguably characteristic of Spain at the time. In the specific context of Spain in the early twentieth century. I’m a Doctor Reading the articles on gender chronologically allows us to see a dynamic of development in the corpus. that debate simultaneously allows for greater policing. The background of Marañón in eugenics makes an addition of cultural capital to his support for Simmel that derives not from any way in which the articles themselves are more ‘scientific’.33 and their place of power in public life was affirmed. was the range of aberrations and departures from the norm. While they become a topic for public debate. an eminent endocrinologist.34 His placing in a world of sexual reform suggests that his views might be generally liberal in character. but in social terms. When the Second Republic was voted in. but his interest in eugenics places him (and others) in markedly prescriptive positions. Marañón’s work on sexuality attracted considerable attention in Spain. stood to improve the race. The strategy of scientific weight applies particularly to the articles of Gregorio Marañón. Foucault has reminded us of how medical discourse came to control and police sexual activity. the latter made weightier by having been established first as a sociologist of repute.31 but also of how – paradoxically – the increased discourses in relation to sex led to a series of evasions. When what is written is penned by a medically or scientifically qualified writer. come in shoulder-to-shoulder with the offerings of Simmel. Marañón simultaneously scorns both Don Juan and the feminine he is said to resemble: ‘the man who does nothing but make love is. half a man. contribute to the debate on the construction of gender relations in society: ‘Notes towards a biology of Don Juan’ ( January 1924). that is.35 Don Juan is not the Romantic hero of a narrative of love. as we shall see presently. an objective and empirical view) as well as being philosophical.Love. Two essays by Marañón. on his work as an endocrinologist. one deduces. proclaiming that Don Juan is not the masculine superhero he has traditionally been construed as being. in consequence. Again: Crisis and the Search for Consolation 187 but from the scientific standing of their author in Spanish society. but is a type that reveals degeneration. In a similar manner. we might conclude. a doctor and a man much in the public eye. questions are raised about the nature of love by association with an icon now seen to represent a loss of value. The originality of Marañón here is his offering that the image of the ‘pseudo-virility’ of Don Juan is the result of locker-room chat. Here – to a degree – Marañón concurs with woman’s relegation to a position of superiority (as outlined by Simmel and Ortega). this scientific standing was based. but rather represents a style of masculinity that is deficient. since the conversation of pseudo-virility is engaged in as an attempt by the men concerned to distance themselves from a feared version of their own sexuality. In the case of Marañón. he produces a eugenic and utopian vision of society that is – if its members act ‘properly’ – devoted to the production of offspring. but similarity. Ortega could thus be viewed as consolidating the academic respectability of the pieces on gender.36 It betokens. In ‘Notes towards a biology of Don Juan’. in ‘proper’ love) then emerges in ‘Sex and Work’ (December 1924). in that Marañón conveys his idea of the ‘proper’ nature of men and women (part of his championing of the cause of eugenics). in a formal way. In this essay. not confidence in virility. and reinstates her to a position of superiority and consolation for . dangerous because it is not through attraction. thus.37 The ‘proper’ nature of woman merely implied in the Don Juan essay (a ‘proper’ nature that would participate. and. adding to this that the very type of woman attracted to Don Juan is of a deficient nature: the deficient masculinity that is allied to femininity attracts only the deficient form of the feminine. Marañón places his focus on the consequences of a deviation from ‘proper masculinity’. in the first place. a man of low mental state and of insignificant moral structure’. of January and December 1924. and ‘Sex and Work’ (December 1924). He rescues woman from her potential deficiency of being attracted to Don Juan. the original use of Simmel could be related to an interest in mapping gender that was historicised (so using a ‘science’ of the humanities. but lack of confidence in the same. and ‘proper’ love is associated with the social function of reproduction. Their central message is syntonic with the assertions of Simmel and Ortega of a traditional division of existential space by man and woman. within which there is a dangerous approach between masculine and feminine. Freud’s awareness of woman as a sexual being would have been contained with some difficulty in the simple and anxietyreducing models so far discussed. He refers to Freud.40 Marañón’s model of woman in society is clearly congruent with that of Simmel. and thus far from the state of excitement produced by the perception of sexual difference (which for the woman. But while Simmel’s model consists of one active member of society. and. takes on two characteristics. for example. This last he labels as ‘a concept that is much wider and more noble than that (libido)’. in a way intended to trivialise and downplay his contributions. there is an underlying struggle for cultural power. criticising him for having confused the sexual impulse (libido) with the sexual instinct. with woman devoted to the home. Man is equipped to be energetic and to provide. that drives the . besides being physically less well-equipped than man for physical labour. One can detect. the complexities of Freud’s view of the sexes are absent from the schema proposed by Marañón. is not a topic of concern). and one that is passive and all-enduring. particularly in his disparaging references to Freud. In his turn. and wrapped in its own activity and devoted to it. There is a degree of over-statement in this essay that suggests that there is more at stake. and it is significant in this context that whereas his clinical methods were adopted in Spain in the early twentieth century. he is at pains to present himself as one who is in a position to pronounce with authority on topics that others – without his experience – could only sketch out as philosophical and sociological possibilities.’ He tries to upstage Freud. or rather for the preservation of the species. and arguably applies to other essays published in RO to this point. or assumes.188 Alison Sinclair the future. Freud is in fashion. his arguments for the way in which man is better suited than woman to take on work outside of the home are based on the model of man as the hunter. Curiously.38 The difficulty with Freud may not belong to Marañón alone. Freud’s theories presented problems to those desiring to keep woman in a separate realm and neatly occupied with the task of mothering. has a nervous system which equally unfits her. the latter is referred to as the sexual. as might be observed of many of the contributions to RO. woman is totally engaged in reproduction and nurturing and love is harnessed to the production of the race. according to Simmel. Simmel had imagined woman as being bound up in her sexual being. according to which woman. But it is precisely the desire for self-preservation. the darling of the café crowd: ‘Right now there is a fashion for the ideas of a Viennese psychologist whose fame has come to be known by the non-scientific public and now figures in the cultural heritage of café experts: I refer to Freud. so that man is placed in an asexual sphere.39 Specifically. The life Marañón depicts. Marañón’s model is presented with a utilitarian and eugenic cast. a need to carve out his position of authority. I suggested earlier that Marañón was brought into RO at this point to add scientific weight to a cultural exchange. for example. he was far less adopted as a theoretician. Firstly. and claims.43 Yet woman’s participation in the world of work is seen as working against her essential personality – that of not having one. In the first of these essays. ‘Biology of the vices’ (December 1925). the roles of man and woman are reversed – in a sleight-of-hand – to suggest the degree to which man and woman are united in their destiny of producing and protecting their offspring. Pittaluga re-iterates the stance of Simmel and Marañón on woman. If Marañón lent scientific weight to the writings of Simmel. The Rebellion of the Masses and The Mission of the University. as such. a founding member of the Spanish chapter of the World League for Sexual Reform – offers three articles that underline the essentialism of what has preceded them. Pittaluga – a doctor. that those women who seek further participation in the world of men are unlikely to increase. notable for being entirely free of references to Freud. More specifically. is naturally repelled by vice. and like Marañón.42 Anticipating Ortega’s works of 1930. Puzzlingly.Love. he nonetheless has a broader perception of her range of action than that intimated by Marañón. given the fact that Simmel had died in 1918. a brief account of which had appeared in the second number of RO in August 1923. he is even more socially committed and applied. That Marañón was not out on a limb in Ortega’s eyes is suggested by the publication in March and May 1925 of a further piece by Simmel. ‘Irony. While still limiting woman’s possible spheres of activity (he suggests that she might participate in medicine. ‘Feminine Culture’. and provides further organicist authority through their references to Kretschmer.41 The burden of Marañón’s argument here is that woman is bound to the life of sex while man is destined to struggle in the external world to support the life of the home. Love. for example. and pronounces a judgment on woman in a way more fitted to pastoral theology than to a journal of liberal views.45 vice being an activity that wastes vital energy. Temperament and Character’ (May 1927) and ‘Climacteric of Courtesy’ (December 1930) take up and develop strands already presented in RO. a German psychiatrist whose work set out to correlate body build and physical constitution with personality characteristics and mental illness. Woman. particularly by his underpinning of his argument with the work of Kretschmer in his second article. Pittaluga’s support for Marañón as a contributor to RO is shown in the degree to which he promotes a specific scientific culture. The essay. supports Marañón’s ‘Sex and Work’ in that it perceives feminism as a problem. but implied as part of this utopian arrangement.44 Pittaluga’s essays. Simmel targets specialisation in work as an evil while presenting a modern perception of woman as a multitasker. is not under discussion. by way of consolation (to men?). those of Gustavo Pittaluga bolstered that scientific support. His clear alignment with Marañón is . history and writing). above all the energy that might go into furthering the purpose of the race. Man and woman are equally yoked to this destiny. This cannot have been other than the editor’s choice. Again: Crisis and the Search for Consolation 189 model of the division of sexual labour proposed by Marañón. Indeed. Trois essais sur la théorie de la sexualité (1923). but greater than might be supposed. and it merits further and more detailed research. particularly in the selection of works published and referred to. The break between Freud and Jung (evidenced in their letters) had come about in 1914. two copies of this edition in the Ateneo). This is significant because of Jung’s international standing. an obvious reference to Marañón’s work on the mid-life crisis. given the existence in libraries of translations into languages other than Spanish. This adoption of Jung. There were English and French versions of a number of single works by Freud available at this early stage. one of intellectuals and men in public service. Again. rather than disturb. ‘Climacteric of Courtesy’ (December 1930).190 Alison Sinclair signalled by the title of his third article. and are oriented to a stable and productive society. Jung in RO. La rumeur. Conceivably. L’influence du père (1935). Introduction à la psychanalyse (1922). The Interpretation of Dreams (1920). one could mark the ‘arrival’ of Jung in Spain with the Spanish editions of Lo inconsciente (1927) (the only work by Jung to be published by the press of the Revista de Occidente). and again another piece that combines a biological/medical approach with a reading of culture. The library of the Ateneo contained. The Psychopathology of Everyday Life (1914). love is implied as positive and civilising. . La psique y sus problemas actuales (1935) and Conflits de l’ame enfantine. and in an institution that included scientific as well as cultural and literary sections. The evidence of the two in Spanish print culture is hard to track. Totem et Tabou (1924) and Psychologie collective et l’analyse du moi (1924). despite the prominence accorded him in RO. which began in 1922. would seem initially to confirm the desire of RO to publish analyses of structures of gender that console.46 well before the founding of RO or the publication of the complete works of Freud in Spanish. but by no means least. Jung and the Revista de Occidente Lastly. the full German edition of Jung’s work Psychologische Typen was available in the Ateneo in a 1921 edition. for example. Other works by Jung appeared in French: Metamorphoses et symboles de la Libido (1927). Meanwhile. The presence of these editions in the Ateneo library suggests that they were sought after and valued by that reading public. Essais de Psychologie analytique (1931. The overall position of Jung in the Spanish intellectual life in the early twentieth century is not entirely clear. L’inconscient dans la vie psychique normale et anormale (1928).G. we come to the presence of C. his complex relationship with Freud and the fact that he – and the concepts he stands for – appears to be adopted in lieu of those of Freud. which would be followed by publication in other presses of Teoría del psicoanálisis (1935) and El yo y lo inconsciente (1936). and by implication a framework into which love might fit. As indicated. Jung did not avoid the problem of evil. both collective and individual (the latter expounded to some degree in July 1936 in ‘The Archetypes of the Collective Unconscious’) was distinctive from Freud’s in its fundamentally positive outlook and conviction of the rightness with which things would evolve. With the exception of ‘Woman in Europe’. What we might refer to as the ‘presence’ of Jung in Spanish intellectual life in general in this period (his existence in the print culture. culture and civilisations can also be read as an urge toward wholeness. particularly noticeable in the later years of RO. the contributions to RO by Jung are less gender-oriented than they might be. for example.48 This has obvious congruence with the allencompassing structures of Simmel (for all of their tensions and subtleties). published in April 1931. The meaning we should ascribe to the promotion of Jung in RO is one that requires analysing considerable nuances. including that of Kretschmer. Yet it is tangentially. with the editorial note that it constitutes one of the earliest and most fertile attempts made recently to establish a science of character. both as yet insufficiently documented) was probably on a broader platform than that of clinicians and psychiatrists. and the interest of his work in intellectual circles. ‘Archaic man’. This positively supported extract. but unmistakably. that this cultural approach is aligned with views about gender. a reprint of Jung’s essay of 1917 published in October 1929. Jung’s works were readily available in Spain in this period. an urge which is further expressed in writings by Jung and others.Love. The leaning toward history. and incorporated the idea of the shadow into his psychology as a way of situating the source of . the case may not be quite so simple.47 appears to indicate that the initial enthusiasm for Jung in RO was linked to other work on body and character. in a variety of languages. the month that the Second Republic was declared) is consonant with the interest expressed both in RO and the Residencia de Estudiantes in ancient history and archaeology. Jung’s concept of the unconscious. ‘Psychological types’ advances Jung’s theory of individuation that envisions human development in the course of a life to be possessed of a dynamic of balance and self-righting. Again: Crisis and the Search for Consolation 191 The 1925 contribution of Jung to RO was ‘Psychological types’ (November 1925). and this is evident in the selections produced by RO itself. and that the collective unconscious could be referred to as humanity’s soul. and the binary models deriving – according to their authors – from the observations of biology and medicine. will reveal Jung’s belief in the fact that man had a soul. The increasing presence of Jung’s cultural style of interpretation (which will be later supplemented by ‘Archaic man’. While I have suggested that we can read the supplantation of Freud by Jung in RO as part of a project to publish theories consonant with a view of gender that had been gradually but consistently promoted within the journal. and those interested in eugenics. All Change for the Second Republic? One might have expected the Second Republic to tell a different story.51 This encapsulates both the conclusions to be drawn from Jung’s essay and. thus contrasting with the reaction of man whose reaction is within the realm of the scientifically applied intellect. Luisa Passerini has highlighted the way in which the process of transition being undergone by the West is. woman cooperates (arguably even for Jung. precisely because of her devotion to love. the Jungian interpretation ‘is concerned with love between the heterosexual couple and the cultural components connected with it’. the link between the gender models discussed in RO and the idea of love. Because of her fundamentally passive nature. ‘Woman in Europe’ opens with a questioning of whether it is even possible for man to write about woman. Freud alerted his readers about hidden dangers and desires. Relative to the period of the dictatorship. according to this essay.49 The woman conjured up by him is one who lives in major urban centres. This view offers a new angle on woman as relegated to a position of superiority (as in Simmel). and places the role of love in a more explicit position. acknowledged them. some of them in line with the consolation myths already outlined. it could be interpreted that she colludes) in her destiny: ‘at the same time she joins and becomes entangled in her destiny. Thus. according to Jung. for whosoever digs a pit for others will themselves fall into it’. Women are. experienced as a form of psychic conflict. reinforces the conclusions I have so far advanced about the nature of RO and Ortega’s intentions related to it. more broadly. through love. in a much more acute state of crisis in their response to what is around them. The fact that it does not do so. at least in RO.192 Alison Sinclair unacknowledged urges. but did so in a way that made them less a subject for apprehension. Jung’s essay ‘The Psychic . In Jung’s world. He introduces the subtle and insightful suggestion that the behaviour of woman is constructed by her response to the projections placed upon her by man. and his overall understanding of the individual and the society he formed was that they were complex and ultimately unruly. As Passerini neatly summarises. Jung. Concepts relating woman to the unconscious are directed to a reading public well educated in that domain. Hers is the sex with a leaning toward higher things. society and culture. there are now fewer articles on gender.50 But if there is this cautionary note about woman colluding with her destiny. solutions are offered. but he states that her ‘true nature’ is one of modest withdrawal to the background so as not to get in man’s way. yet it is with them that. meanwhile. But Freud conjured up a world in which unacceptable desires and ambitions were clearly prominent in motivating action. new meanings for life might be found. she is also conceived of as the solution to present ills. and it is into this context that we can place the increasingly strident notes of some of the later articles in RO of the 1930s. restless. Again: Crisis and the Search for Consolation 193 Problem of Modern Man’ (May 1932) presents man as a solitary creature slowly being led away from his immersion in the collective unconscious. Keyserling extends the patriarchal and essentialist strands of theory presented in RO thus far. He is a Don Juan who has lost what is ‘primordially’ masculine.53 but it is as though the model sketched out by Jung is now unsettled. and is notably distinct from the model as it appears in France and Germany. Like Marañón. and suggests that if we read modernity as masculine (disruptive. and produces a further spin: he presents woman in a new guise now. passionate and almost exclusively governed by ‘gana’. the articles in RO that are treatments on gender are arguably a sign of Spain’s Europeanness (or of Ortega’s desire to make Spain participate in European modernity). has become feminised. a well-travelled German social philosopher who had lectured at the Residencia de Estudiantes in 1924. Keyserling sees the Don Juan figure as a cultural danger point.Love. Thus. it is accompanied by an urge to the opposite. His manoeuvre fits in with the note that we could call the ‘clarion call’ and which is prominent in a number of the essays of the 1930s in RO. Keyserling then presents man as feeling inferior to woman. one who moves toward idealising woman. This characterisation of Don Juan is presented as specific to Spain. individualistic). the reception of ideas on science in Spain in this period is remarkably complex.52 The Second Republic came in on a wave of optimism and of resolve to bring in liberal reform. there is considerable anxiety and social unrest. and . however. The discourse of the imaginary of consolation does not reflect this.57 Read in the light of her discussions. At the same time – curiously – it shows Spain to be in touch with Europe. Conclusion In public life in Spain in the 1920s and 1930s. Rita Felski has argued for a complex model of modernity obtaining in Europe in the early twentieth century. The desire for consolation is picked up in the 1933 essay on ‘Inclination’ by Count Hermann Keyserling. and it is thus through his essay that the discussion on gender and love in RO reaches a further state of resolution. and thus engaging in a structure of courtly love. By 1933. as something produced defensively as a type of reaction-formation. but allows it to be intuited. passive.55 By a curious quirk. the atmosphere had become more embattled. As Michael Richards has detailed. primitive. particularly those of the latter part of the Republic. alongside (masculine) modernity there is a cultural nostalgia pervading public and philosophical discourse. and hence to courtly love.54 The danger for man is when he succumbs to her and accepts her norms.56 Keyserling thus steps over the European border to empathise with the Hispanic preoccupation for endangered masculinity. 28. no. 6 (2004): 739–763 and Sinclair. 55f. 3. the overall discourse of gender in RO can be seen within the broad framework of the Europe in Love project in that a distanced dialogue is held with selected features of European thought on social structures within which love might fit. most specifically in her examples from Giménez Caballero and Madariaga. here 1. and to that aspect of complex modernity that places emphasis on the response to the disruptive aspects of modernity. but more significantly offered tuition and cultural events of its own. 1 (1923): 1–3. 2. See Sinclair. 1972). Although Ortega had promoted the translation of Freud’s Complete Works by Biblioteca Nueva in 1922. An expanded Hispanic context for this discussion can be seen in Alison Sinclair. Trafficking. but perceived as dangerous because of the denatured Don Juan figure at its centre). particularly through contact with cultural activity outside Spain. Freud’s presence in RO is in the form of brief references only. Andrew Dobson. underscores the caution with which we should approach the idea of a discourse of courtly love in modern Spain: what it participates in is. Bulletin of Spanish Studies 81. a defensive discourse that accompanies modernity and a denial of movement and unrest. 4. See Alison Sinclair. La Revista de Occidente y la formación de minorías (1923–1936) (Madrid: Taurus. . As shown in the examples of Jo Labanyi’s contribution to this volume. 9.194 Alison Sinclair the reception of cultural ideas is no less so. The way in which it appears. funded by the British Academy. and at no point are excerpts from his work published. some of the expressions within Spain of the gender polarities and counter-positions were more extreme than elsewhere in Europe. it provided a university residence in Madrid for those attending university courses. An Introduction to the Politics and Philosophy of José Ortega y Gasset (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1989). 6. as tension about conflict and change mounted. ‘Propósitos’. After 1925. he later moved to a position of increasing distance from Freud and had reservations about his theories. part of the Europe in Love project. The fears about masculinity (improper) and the hopes for femininity (potential salvation) are given emphasis. See Sinclair. 8. and Don Juan is figured as decadent rather than romantic. La Revista de Occidente. nonetheless. Trafficking Knowledge in Early Twentieth-Century Spain (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer.58 The evidence points. Trafficking. for details. 5. López Campillo. 2009). Arguably they became more so through the 1930s. like that of the JAE. José Ortega y Gasset. Despite the turn given to the account of gender relations in 1933 by Keyserling (framed in terms of courtly love. ‘“Telling it like it was?” The “Residencia de Estudiantes” and its Image’. no. A private institution. Founded in 1835. 133f. See Evelyne López Campillo. Notes 1. the Ateneo de Madrid was a meeting place for members of diverse professional and political circles. to broaden the field of knowledge of the students. Trafficking. to a directive approach within RO toward contained and consoling versions of gender and gender relations. 255. 113–114. The Residencia de Estudiantes was founded by the Junta para Ampliación de Estudios ( JAE). This article. Revista de Occidente 1. above all. I would like to thank both the KWI and the British Academy for their support for this work. however. Its aim was. forms part of a project on ‘Centres of Exchange’. 7. ‘Lo masculino y lo femenino. Michel Foucault. Ortega y Gasset. Ibid. Glick. VII. 32–57. 57–70. here 46. Ampliación de los grupos y formación de la individualidad. 1990). 1: I. 225. 33. El secreto y la sociedad secreta. 18. V . 6 (2004): 823–848. 30. 13. Disgresiones sobre el adorno y la comunicación secreta. Ortega y sus fuentes germánicas (Madrid: Gredos. Again: Crisis and the Search for Consolation 195 10. 17. Disgresiones sobre la nobleza y sobre la analogía de la psicología individual con las relaciones sociales. ‘La poesía de Ana de Noailles’. sobre la sociología de los sentidos y sobre el extranjero. Giménez Caballero. El espacio y la sociedad.. no. 29. 5: VIII. Vol. Alternative Discourses in Early Twentieth-Century Spain. Para una psicología de los sexos I’. López Campillo. Ibid. Maurer (Barcelona: Anthropos. Georg Simmel. ‘Filosofía de la moda II’. 24. 6: IX. Frank. La autoconservación de los grupos. 21. 1 (1923): 43–66. and Dantín Cereceda were linked through their membership of the World League for Sexual Reform. El cruce de los círculos sociales. 81. here 37f. 27. no. There are significant links here with the activity of the Residencia de Estudiantes and its publication Residencia. 2. ‘Filosofía de la moda I’. Pittaluga. Nelson Orringer. and Marañón all appear. 19. 28. ‘Lo masculino y lo fememino. Georg Simmel. ‘Propósitos’. 16. Vol. Witz. 31. 12. with which Ortega had been involved until 1915. here 62. 5 (1923): 220–222. 25. Revista de Occidente 1. no. 1976). while Russell’s article was a chapter of Marriage and Morals. 30. 1 (1923): 29–41. ‘Georg Simmel’. Keyserling. El pobre. 225. Para una psicología de los sexos I’. Constitutional Theory.. 15. Disgresiones sobre las funciones hereditarias. 3 (2001): 353–372.. and Kierkegaard appeared as works that were being published by the Revista de Occidente press. Vol. Cibplijauskaité and C. Vol. 1. Revista de Occidente 1. Ortega y sus fuentes germánicas. Disgresiones sobre la limitación social. Ibid. special number of Bulletin of Spanish Studies. Ibid. no. and the Nation’. Trafficking. Simmel. Marañón. Para una psicología de los sexos’. in which Kretschmer. Digresión sobre mayorías y minorías. Revista de Occidente 1. 30. eds Alison Sinclair and Richard Cleminson. El problema de la sociología. Eugenics. 51. Vol. Dissent and Sub-cultures of Mind and Body. See Sinclair. ‘Lo masculino y lo femenino. II. 20. Georg Simmel. being published by the press of España. no. La subordinación. 1979). sobre la psicología social y sobre fidelidad y gratitud. 11.1900–1945. no. 32. política y republicanismo’. social beliefs and social organisation had been prominent in Spanish public thought since the establishment of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza (ILE) (Free Institution of Education) by Francisco Giner de los Ríos in 1876. 31. Homenaje a Juan Marichal. The History of Sexuality (Harmondsworth: Penguin. Revista de Occidente 1. 226. Revista de Occidente 1. José Ortega y Gasset. 22. no. the latter repeatedly. 14. 4: VI. The articles of Spranger. 3: IV . in La voluntad de humanismo. Intellectuals. ‘La “Idea Nueva”. Disgresiones sobre la negatividad de ciertas conductas colectivs. ‘Cultura femenina I’. ‘Spanish Psychiatry c. 58. editorial note to Georg Simmel. Anne Witz. La lucha. X. Journal of Classical Sociology 1. José Ortega y Gasset. Revista de Occidente 3. 26. The strong pedagogical intent of RO can be seen in its numerous introductory footnotes or epigraphs intended to offer orientation to the reader of the importance of the authors concerned. Orringer. Sciencia. eds B. La cantidad en los grupos sociales. La Revista de Occidente. . 21 (1925): 286f.Love. Thomas F. 5 (1923): 218. no.. Vol 2: III. See Michael Richards. here 211. The belief that Spain stood to gain from Europe in education. 358. 23. Jung. Pittaluga. 2 (1923): 211–230. Georg Simmel. 54. ‘Georg Simmel and the Masculinity of Modernity’. 40. Richards.196 Alison Sinclair 34. Love in Europe. Luisa Passerini. ‘Gana’ does not translate easily into English. 36. and lasted until 1935. . ed. Gregorio Marañón. 306f. 21 (1925): 273–301. ‘Cultura femenina I’. ‘La mujer en Europa’. July 1927. 52. no. ‘Notas para la biología de Don Juan’. here 203. here 161. Revista de Occidente 9. Carl Gustav Jung. The Freud/Jung Letters.. here 304. 56. ‘El hombre arcaico’. 38. Gustavo Pittaluga. ‘Spanish Psychiatry c. 7 (1924): 15–53. 120 (1933): 294–325. 43. 1995). 107 (1932): 202–234. Simmel. 53. Revista de Occidente 7. 315. including the de-criminalisation of ‘aberrant’ sexual desire. 35–60. rather than in the moral sense of ‘vice’. 20. here 172. abridged by Alan McGlaschan (London: Picador. 20 (1925): 146–75.’ 45. William McGuire. 54. 47. 1999). 29 (1925): 161–183. here 27. Count Hermann Keyserling. no. Ibid. 46. Comparative Studies in Society and History 24 (1982): 533–571. 1979). Sinclair. 44. 76 (1929): 1–32. Ibid. Revista de Occidente 3. 48. Kretschmer’s place in the RO canon would be confirmed in no. ‘El problema psíquico del hombre moderno’. Ibid. 318. Revista de Occidente 11. ‘Vicio’ is a term that needs to be understood in the social sense of ‘bad ways’. no. Ibid. 22. Gregorio Marañón. to desire to do something). sex education and greater tolerance in sexual matters. no. no. ‘Sexo y trabajo’. Carl Gustav Jung. no. 35.. Revista de Occidente 10.. 18 (1924): 305–342. no. The WLSR was founded in 1928 at a congress in Copenhagen. See Ralf Dose’s outline in ‘The World League for Sexual Reform. ‘Gana’. Glick. no... It is less obvious than desire. 42. Europe in Love. 55. ‘Biología de los vicios’. 39.. Carl Gustav Jung. 49. Imagination and Politics in Britain between the Wars (London: Tauris. Revista de Occidente 3. ‘The Naked Science. here 1. 93–95. 37. 756. Rita Felski. ‘Tipos psicológicos’. 7. no. Ibid. 280–281. Journal of the History of Sexuality 12. ‘Sexo y trabajo’. Revista de Occidente 3.1900–1945’. quote at 314. Psychoanalysis in Spain. Marañón. here 275. 5 (49). Ibid. here 18f. Revista de Occidente 2. 57. 41. 94 (1931): 1–36. Some Possible Approaches’. Carl Gustav Jung. 1 (2003): 1–15 (a special issue on the WLSR). no. “Telling it like it was”?’. Thomas F. 50.. 58. as in ‘avoir envie de…’. The Gender of Modernity (Cambridge. 51. birth control. and is associated with ‘tener ganas de…’ (to want to. 1914–1948’. Its objectives (referred to as the ‘planks’) included reforms in the conditions of marriage. with ‘La concordancia de cuerpo y alma en el matrinomio. Revista de Occidente 2. MA: Harvard University Press. in the seventeenth century. but positing Spain as a repository of a universal European culture based on love.CHAPTER 1 0 Political Readings of Don Juan and Romantic Love in Spain from the 1920s to the 1940s JO LABANYI Walter Mignolo has argued that the 1898 Spanish-American War in the Caribbean and the Philippines marked an epochal shift in the world system.2 The early twentieth century saw a proliferation of Spanish publications responding to this shift in the world system. In fact. Spanish intellectuals – assigned to a marginal position for the previous three centuries – were well placed to appreciate Mignolo’s insight that loss of hegemony means loss of cultural credibility: this epochal shift was a challenge not just to Western Europe’s political and economic hegemony. Celestina) are not defending a Spanish exceptionalism. but also to the ‘universality’ of Western European culture. these writings have been seen as a bout of soul searching about Spain’s relation to the rest of the modern world. Don Juan. Spain had already lost its place as the centre of Western European hegemony as Amsterdam took over from Seville as the centre of Atlantic trade.1 Spanish intellectuals were quick to recognise this shift since Spain had been the direct victim of US aggression. which the more economically sucNotes for this section begin on page 210. . ending the period of Western European hegemony instituted in 1492. It could be argued that at least some of the numerous essays written in Spain from 1905 – the tercentenary of the Quixote – through to the 1940s about Spanish literary types associated in various ways with love (Don Quixote. but they can also be read as part of a wider discussion on the relative values of ‘Old Europe’ and ‘New America’ (to use current terminology). as the United States entered the world stage as an imperial power. since this has been much discussed. to literary figures associated with love. as a sour grapes justification of Spain’s economic backwardness. This essay will not consider those Spanish intellectuals. I prefer to focus on less studied intellectuals who were political figures. this discussion will include the exploration of Romantic love in his historical romance on the conquest of Mexico. including my own. This essay will stress that these three thinkers are concerned not just with Spain. having grown up in France) and the owner of a Cuban .198 Jo Labanyi cessful European nations are felt to have abandoned. where he taught at the University from 1920 to 1921 and from 1923 to 1924. The claim often made in these essays. but to elaborate views on sexuality. in addition to his writings on Don Juan.4 Another reason for choosing these three writers is that all three married women from another European country. that Spain can offer a model to northern Europe. The third intellectual examined – the avant-garde writer and convert to fascism. notably. It is useful to start with brief biographical sketches in order to show how the physical. Unamuno and Azorín. including both Europe and the Americas. Three Political Biographies Maeztu (1874–1936) was born to an English Protestant mother (whose first language was French. It is not coincidence that two of the three Spanish intellectuals whose writings on Don Juan will be examined here – Ramiro de Maeztu. who turned to Spanish literary figures – especially Don Quixote – in order to idealise Spain’s supposed failed modernity. Consequently.3 They can perhaps be read more interestingly as echoes – and in some cases anticipations – of the crisis of European values that would become a major cultural issue in northern Europe with the carnage of the First World War. for this reason. which had recently returned from German to French control. intellectual and amorous trajectories of these three writers crossed European (and Atlantic) boundaries. for political ends. this discussion will also exclude the considerable number of writers – literary and medical – who drew on Don Juan not for political purposes. whose intellectual life would impact significantly on them. Ernesto Giménez Caballero – witnessed the immediate aftermath of the First World War in Strasbourg. It is also not coincidental that Madariaga – the only one of these writers who championed liberal humanism – should propose Romantic love as an ideal. but also with a wider geopolitical scenario. Their lives thus mirror the fusion of ideas and feelings that is the key strength of their recourse. who swung from guild socialism to the Spanish equivalent of Action Française. has been interpreted in existing criticism. and the liberal humanist Salvador de Madariaga – had been war correspondents in England during the First World War (in which Spain did not participate). Giménez Caballero himself directed two avant-garde films. whose linkage of capitalism and religion would deeply influence him – that capitalism was perfectly compatible with Catholicism: a point which he felt was also demonstrated by the industrialisation of his native Basque Country and Catalonia. in 1925. A leading figure in the Francoist propaganda apparatus during and after the Civil War. he was Ambassador to Argentina. daughter of the Italian consul in Strasbourg. In England. Falange Española. the young Maeztu worked on a sugar plantation and in the tobacco industry in Cuba. plus a short documentary on Spanish-speaking Sephardic Jews in the Balkans and Middle East. he undertook a European lecture tour as a fascist intellectual. reacting to the declaration of the Spanish Republic. The main work I shall discuss here. The 1926 book studied here. establishing long-term links with Italian fascist intellectuals – especially Bottai. based on Maurras’ Action Française. studying philosophy at Marburg University in 1911. he established close contacts with the thinkers associated with the journal The New Age and with Catholic intellectuals. Alice Mabel Hill. was delivered orally by him in Florence on 25 May 1935. Don Juan y la Celestina: Ensayos en simpatía (Don Quixote. He lived in London as a foreign correspondent from 1905 to 1919. Dialoghi d’amore tra Laura e Don Giovanni o Il Fascismo e l’Amore (Love Dialogues between Laura and Don Juan or Fascism and Love). From 1891 to 1994. Giménez Caballero (1899–1988) married Edith Sirone. he converted to fascism after a trip to Rome. including Eisenstein. and became the editor of its journal. he visited Hitler and Goebbels in Germany in 1941. An unrepentant fascist to his death. As the editor of Spain’s leading arts magazine La Gaceta Literaria and founder of Spain’s first film club. the British government unsuccessfully interceded with the Spanish Republican authorities to save him from death by firing squad. he founded Acción Española. and Malaparte. three months into the Spanish Civil War. A major avant-garde cultural entrepreneur in the late 1920s. Two years later. He returned to Spain in 1919 with an English wife. and their British-born son. at the Maggio Fiorentino cultural . on account of his open support since 1931 for a counter-revolutionary uprising. whose work he translated. In 1931. From 1927 to 1930. he became a founding member of the Spanish fascist party. editor of Critica fascista.Political Readings of Don Juan and Romantic Love in Spain from the 1920s to the 1940s 199 sugar plantation who had returned to Spain. he became an embarrassment to the Franco regime as it strove to court US support after 1945. he is regarded as the first Spanish surrealist writer to draw on the theories of Freud. Don Quijote. he played a key role in introducing to Spain the work of European avant-garde writers and filmmakers of all political persuasions.6 In 1933. and thus he was shunted off to Stroessner’s Paraguay as Ambassador from 1958 until his 1969 retirement. which impressed on him the belief – prior to reading Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904). Don Juan and Celestina: Essays in Collective Sentiment) was begun during a 1925 lecture tour of the United States. In October 1936.5 In 1928. whom he visited on behalf of the Spanish Republican Government during the 1934–1936 period of conservative rule. working for the League of Nations from 1921 to 1927 and again as Spanish Republican representative from 1931 to 1936. by offering her work as his literary secretary. Madariaga continued to work for European unity through the European Movement and as founder and first President of the Collège d’Europe. as Ambassador in Washington (1931) and Paris (1932). and whom he had helped escape Nazi-occupied Austria in 1938.9 The 1943 historical romance El corazón de piedra verde (The Jade Heart ) that will be analysed here was written in Oxford. Maeztu: The Critique of Don Juan as Modern Egoist As Villacañas argues. based on research conducted by the Hungarian Emilia Rauman.8 In this capacity. he was appointed to the newly created King Alfonso XIII Chair of Spanish at Oxford. In his concluding speech at The Hague. . and went into lifelong exile in England. returning to serve the Spanish Republic on its election to power in 1931 – among other things. from where he worked to denounce the Nationalist uprising and subsequent Franco Dictatorship. he undertook repeated lecture tours of the United States and Latin America. In 1936. In 1927.200 Jo Labanyi festival. to which we will now turn. he was President of the newly founded Liberal International. with her Austrian Jewish husband. on the death of his Scottish wife – Emilia by this time also being widowed. at the age of eighty-four. whom he had met at the Spanish Embassy in Vienna in 1934. He was recruited by the British Foreign Office to write pro-Allied war reports for the Spanish press. let us love Europe’. and chaired the Cultural Section of the 1949 Congress of Europe at The Hague. Madariaga married Emilia in 1970. created to form a European intellectual elite.11 His youthful admiration for Nietzsche. due to his having married the Scottish political economist Constance Archibald in 1912.10 It is crucial to bear in mind the distinct biographical trajectories of these three political figures when considering their writings. and published in September of that year in the Rome-based fascist journal AntiEuropa. French and English – was educated in Paris and moved to England in 1916. he was based for much of his life in Geneva. After the Second World War. one deduces that this was a love of a lifetime. Maeztu’s reading of Weber clinched his lifelong attempt to encourage the construction of a Spanish industrial bourgeoisie driven by an ethic of labour rather than consumption. Madariaga declared his faith in a Europe based on love: ‘Above all. by which he meant love for Europe’s cultural heritage.7 Madariaga (1886–1978) – who wrote equally well in Spanish. Through the coyness of Madariaga’s biographers. from 1946 to 1952. Although Oxford remained his family home until his death. he broke with the Republic on account of what he saw as its drift toward totalitarianism. Maeztu’s Authority. Don Juan and Celestina. published in English in 1916 (The New Age printed an extract in 1915). Hulme. who would clinch the Franco Dictatorship’s fusion of National-Catholicism and capitalism in the 1960s. He notes. but even in Zorrilla’s 1844 Romantic version. moving from Fabianism to guild socialism. Liberty and Function in the Light of the War. which he saw Spain as particularly well placed to develop. Maeztu notes that Zorrilla’s Romantic Don Juan finally falls in love only when he encounters the innocent Doña Inés. viewed as an embodiment of the hedonistic individualism that Maeztu sees as the outcome of modern humanism. championed a modern industrial version of the medieval guild system. Maeztu sees Don Quixote as an embodiment of altruistic love. His political evolution while in England follows that of The New Age. Maeztu flipped politically. Villacañas rightly sees him as the unacknowledged precursor of the Opus Dei technocrats. Don Juan and Celestina – Maeztu’s most famous book – is a brilliant exercise in historical-cultural analysis. from then on. rightly. led him in the late 1890s and early 1900s to reject Marxism for a version of social democracy. which created the figure. based on a spiritually informed notion of mutual responsibility rather than the liberal notion of individual human rights. including Chesterton and Belloc. which he saw as having led to a selfish. Don Juan Tenorio. while continuing to advocate capitalist industrialism. Maeztu became an advocate of a curious mix of modern industrialism within a pre-modern Catholic framework. with an increasingly strong religious dimension. that northern Europe has turned Don Juan into a Faustian idealist – the restless hero in pursuit of impossible love – but that this is completely lacking in the Spanish dramatisations of his story: not only in Tirso de Molina’s 1630 play. leading the way illuminated by the contemporary European Catholic Right. From 1927. His political activism became openly counter-revolutionary with the 1931 declaration of the Republic. caring only for instant gratification through sexual conquest. espousing a retrograde authoritarianism based on a pre-modern notion of the Divine Right of Kings. he was influenced by his contacts with British Catholic intellectuals.Political Readings of Don Juan and Romantic Love in Spain from the 1920s to the 1940s 201 which nourished an equally lifelong dislike of State control. coinciding with the publication of Don Quixote. in a series of 1926 press articles. whose consequence was the expenditure of lives in the First World War. whose death in the First World War reinforced his belief that liberal humanism was in crisis. This mix is summarised by the phrase ‘the reverential sense of money’ he coined.H. adapting Weber. because he is incapable of love in the sense of altruism. and particularly his close friend T. who satisfies his egocentric power drive by surrendering to him totally.14 The Spanish Don Juan mocks divine and earthly authority.12 In this last respect. with which he was associated. El burlador de Sevilla.13 Don Quixote. The 1919 Spanish version of this book was explicitly titled La crisis del humanismo (The Crisis of Humanism). Central to it is Maeztu’s critique of Don Juan. Celestina (the procuress . which then culminates in a narcissistic capitalist consumerism. competitive and destructive consumerism. which are both .16 The ideal of love he proposes in Love Dialogues is likewise an antidote to the Western individual subject. but that we should value it – while recognising the naivety of its reading of medieval corporatism – as a major contribution to the theorisation of a conservative modernity. published in Italy by the Spanish Jewish humanist Leo Hebraeus. is Don Juan and his Florentine wife is Laura. they represent the modern separation of spheres. noting that they represent a splitting and humanist abrogation of the attributes of God. What is needed is a marriage of Don Quixote’s capacity for selfless love and Celestina’s practical skills. The book stages an imaginary love encounter between Laura and Don Juan. Here.15 Giménez Caballero: Don Juan as Fascist Superman Giménez Caballero is also a critic of liberal humanism. as a Spaniard. The title of his 1935 fascist tract Love Dialogues between Laura and Don Juan or Fascism and Love is a critical reference to the sixteenth-century neo-Platonic text Dialoghi d’amore. immodestly declaring that he himself. Villacañas argues that we should not see this eclectic ideological mix as pre-determined by Maeztu’s subsequent political evolution. with them. is a Freudian analysis of the malaise of Western individualism.202 Jo Labanyi in Rojas’s 1499 tragicomedy of the same name) as an embodiment of knowledge. he becomes a blueprint for a new universal order that combines the best of the New World with the best of the Old World. Without power and practical skills. In Love Dialogues. he sees Laura and Don Juan as embodying two conflicting European models of love. That is. but takes up the figure of Don Juan as a revolutionary antidote to what he sees as a debilitating European courtly love tradition that places men in the service of women. which Maeztu wishes to counteract by returning to a medieval corporatism in which the various capacities work in unison and are driven by a religious sense of communal responsibility. Genio de España (Genius of Spain). for in it he subjects Petrarch’s Laura and Don Juan to a forced marriage. Giménez Caballero’s best-known 1932 work. infused with the power and energy that Don Juan has monopolised and squandered. Maeztu is advocating the severing of US-style capitalism (power harnessed to practical skills) from liberal humanism and its injection into an Old World pre-modern belief system built on divinely ordered communal love (as illustrated by Don Quixote’s fusion of chivalric love with social justice). Giménez Caballero’s text was reissued in Spanish in 1936 with the title Exaltación del matrimonio (Exaltation of Marriage). and Don Juan as an embodiment of power. expelled from Spain with other Jews in 1492. Don Quixote’s capacity for love makes him a figure of ridicule. Maeztu sees Don Juan as an option only for socially irresponsible egoists in a godless world. Giménez Caballero insists that he has fallen in love with fascism as a result of falling in love with his Italian wife: fascism is for him a passionate stance. if Don Juan represents the anarchic male hero who subjects women to his will. discovering love in perpetual conflict and through the selfsacrifice of having children. Giménez Caballero denounces as effeminate the courtly lover who is in thrall to his disdainful lady. Both Don Juan and Laura are admirable in their massive egos. we should note – in addition to Giménez Caballero’s positive attitude to the Sephardic Jewish Diaspora. His answer is to force Don Juan and Laura to marry. Giménez Caballero’s concept of fascist love is overtly based on sexual conquest and not . bound on a collision course. one wonders what his wife thought about it. as he claims. Laura represents the Petrarchan inaccessible female who spurns her male lover. published in Ortega y Gasset’s journal Revista de Occidente and discussed in Alison Sinclair’s essay in this volume. while Don Juan is criticised. the Spanish medical specialist Gregorio Marañón had noted this fact. Don Juan because he moves on rather than begin a family (and indeed is hardly ever depicted as leaving his female victims pregnant). but is subjected to an ongoing violation by Don Juan. mentioned above – that in this passage. Hence.) The Petrarchan figure of Laura is thus forced into the mould of the Madonna and Child – though she is not a virgin.18 Although both Don Juan and Laura have to sacrifice their individual freedom. but both are sterile: Laura because she refuses to surrender to a man. Nordic and blonde. not because he subjects women to his will. Greta Garbo of the Renaissance. he breaks with the stereotyping of Jews as carnal by aligning them with the neo-Platonic tradition that he is critiquing. Giménez Caballero suggests. their forced marriage means that Don Juan will subject Laura to lifelong sexual conquest.Political Readings of Don Juan and Romantic Love in Spain from the 1920s to the 1940s 203 products of the modern Western individualism that first developed in the Renaissance. suggesting that Don Juan’s failure to adopt the paternal role was a sign of effeminacy. Giménez Caballero describes Hebraeus’s neo-Platonism as deriving directly from ‘the most refined casuistry of the Provençal troubadors’ together with ‘the most subtle ardours of the Jewish Cabbala’. like Greta’. For. There are clear male anxieties in this denunciation of the woman who refuses to subject herself to a man. ‘Notes towards a Biology of Don Juan’.19 While this may seem to have anti-Semitic overtones. Giménez Caballero declares that his text is a treatise on fascism and love. are leading the West to sterility. since it expounds a notion of love based on hierarchy and violent subjection – but love nonetheless.17 By contrast. (If this is autobiographical. to which Laura has to consent – the self-sacrifice is not an equal one. but because he does not get them pregnant. Both types. He thus describes Laura as a ‘“femme fatale”. It should be said that there is a surrealist aspect to this project of marrying two irreconcilable opposites – Laura and Don Juan – not least in the rejection of the neo-Platonic amor intelectualis of Leo Hebraeus for an explicitly sexual notion of union. Giménez Caballero is explicitly advocating a Christian marriage based on procreation and the self-sacrifice of both parties as an antidote to what he sees as the threat of female emancipation (women no longer agreeing to submit sexually to men). In a famous 1924 article. 204 Jo Labanyi on mystical transcendence. and that the Petrarchan idealisation of woman is alien to the Spanish tradition. never modest. but her adversary. In highlighting Don Juan’s Andalusian origins in this passage. jealous passions. Circuito imperial (Imperial Circuit) (1929). the important point being that the fascist hero. smelling of recently expelled Africans. Giménez Caballero had proposed Don Juan as the im- . Giménez Caballero corroborates this notion of fascism as violent sexual subjection. virile atmosphere’ of a Seville (Don Juan’s hometown) ‘ringing with the virile. To conquer her. adventure. A key feature of his earlier Genius of Spain had been his suggestion that fascism amalgamates the strengths of both cultural systems (Lenin being the Eastern ‘superman’). conquest.25 Don Juan represents for Giménez Caballero an embodiment not only of the cultural miscegenation of West and East. war. as Giménez Caballero observed24 when recycling chunks of this text in his Roma madre (Mother Rome). We should remember that this is written at the time of Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia. the land of unconquerable Petrarchan Lauras. burning kiss on her mouth. macho tones of a recently discovered America. whose goal is seen as miscegenation: ‘as a people we are makers of races but never racist … We are race-makers. Don Juan’s restless urge constantly to move on is necessary to make him a figure of empire. incites undying love in the women he conquers: ‘Every people is driven by a female longing. Don Juan does not have to be settled in a forced marriage.’21 Elsewhere in Genius of Spain. How. thus again placing Spain. it seems that. At this point. In an earlier fascist tract. magnificent virile studs’. rape. which won an Italian fascist prize (as the author. it surrenders. could Petrarchism exist in the ‘ardent. it was not to become her friend and partner. but also of the mixing of races in Spanish America.’22 In Love Dialogues.26 In the case of imperial conquest. Giménez Caballero is also proposing him as an amalgam of West and East. with its eight centuries of Arab rule from 711 to 1492. Giménez Caballero insists that Don Juan is quintessentially Spanish. he links his discussion of Don Juan to Spain’s conquest of its American empire. he asks. Moors. force her to the ground – admirable enemy! – and in the supreme ecstasy of genital triumph stamp an unforgettable. in a privileged position to take a leading role in European fascism. like Don Juan. Giménez Caballero is here arguing that Spain can offer something to fascist Italy. Empire is explicitly equated with sexual violence (rape) and with the conquest of racial others. When it finds its man. Indeed. notes in his introduction). as Charles V’s imperial motto put it. heroism’?23 His blatantly racist apology for imperial violence is at least honest in its transparency.20 As he puts it in Genius of Spain: ‘When Don Juan … fell in love with a woman. The 1939 fourth edition of Genius of Spain again links the sexual violence of Don Juan to empire. Don Juans. He explicitly praises Don Juan’s sexual prowess because it represents an urge to ‘punish woman’. always pushing at the boundaries – Plus Ultra. in order to produce children. since Don Juan – who knows how to conquer empires – could not have been born in Italy. in a European context. he sees Don Juan as an incarnation of European individualism and of imperial conquest: ‘Don Juan embodies the spirit of expansion. the better. as ‘that cesspit in Geneva’. He married her in Rome!’28 It seems that. In Mother Rome. for which Madariaga worked for two decades. It is true that Don Juan . because she was having nightmares after reading Madariaga’s historical novel. clashed directly with Giménez Caballero’s open calls for a fascist politics of violence to renew what he saw as a decadent. the more women he can violently fertilise.31 Giménez Caballero recounts how. in his 1942 text Amor a Cataluña (Love for Catalonia). and at the Council of Europe’s Strasbourg sessions in 1949–1950. during Madariaga’s visit to Venice representing the League of Nations’ International Institute of Intellectual Cooperation.30 In his reports on these sessions.29 Madariaga: Political Union via Romantic Love Giménez Caballero and Madariaga disliked each other intensely. Giménez Caballero advocates this same kind of love based on violent subjection as a way of dealing with Republican Catalonia on its fall to Franco’s army (Giménez Caballero had entered Barcelona with the victorious Nationalist troops in January 1939). ‘Is it true that the Aztecs are so cruel?’.Political Readings of Don Juan and Romantic Love in Spain from the 1920s to the 1940s 205 age of a fascist modernity because of his sportive attitude. when Giménez Caballero was sent by the Franco regime (not recognised by the Council) as an unofficial observer to obstruct debate on Spain. In his 1952 Bosquejo de Europa (Sketch of Europe). he named Don Juan as one of Europe’s four major cultural archetypes (with Faust. The two men met at least twice as political antagonists: in fascist Italy in July 1934. recordman’. he similarly talks of Mussolini’s march on Rome as ‘a Don Juan. at a reception. Don Juan needs to be made productive via the straightjacket of marriage. Giménez Caballero refers to the League of Nations. particularly his 1935 role as Chairman of the League of Nations’ Committee of Five. discovery and conquest that has made Europe the creator of America. in the context of empire.32 Madariaga’s role as head of the League of Nations’ Disarmament Committee from 1922 to 1927 and his continued efforts to secure a peaceful Europe throughout the 1930s. Don Quixote and Hamlet). The Jade Heart. liberal Europe. but more ambivalently. Giménez Caballero being one of the fascist intellectuals invited by the Italian host delegation. And the torch-bearer of universal culture.27 When. always trying to beat records: ‘Splendid performances of Don Juan! … Don Juan. which vainly tried to halt Italian aggression in Ethiopia. Madariaga wrote about Don Juan in two texts. Like Giménez Caballero. he speaks of subjecting Catalonia to the ‘yoke’ of marriage to the Spanish State. The US Head of Intelligence tried to bring Giménez Caballero and Madariaga together to pursue the topic but they avoided each other. the wife of the US Head of Intelligence asked him. but that. a virile tyrant’ taking Italy by force: ‘But Mussolini did not rape Italy. The novel proposes an inter-racial marriage based on mutual love and respect as a model for empire – one which the novel makes clear is an ideal not borne out by the Spaniards’ general behaviour in New Spain (as the Vice-Royalty of Mexico was called) nor in the Old Spain of the Inquisition. he brought together six different European versions of Don Juan. Madariaga clearly privileges Zorrilla’s version. Because Madariaga turned to the popular genre of the historical romance for pleasure. The Jade Heart is one of the few texts by Madariaga still in print. Given Madariaga’s preference for Zorrilla’s play. Madariaga’s writings on Don Juan largely echo those of Maeztu. This is popular romance fiction in the utopian form of ‘history as it might have been’. The novel was conceived as an antidote to Cortés also in that it was written as a way of using the vast amount of historical research – chiefly of indigenous Mexican customs and beliefs – undertaken for Madariaga’s 1941 biography of Cortés. it is not surprising that his 1943 novel about the conquest of Mexico. who has no dealings with romantic love. The Jade Heart. like Faust. who declares herself to be the eternal feminine. whose brawling – an implicit allegory of the Second World War – is stopped by a veiled Doña Inés. The novel’s Spanish hero. after the efforts of writing a serious biography. is clearly meant as a utopian antidote to the donjuanesque behaviour of the novel’s real life (and some of its fictional) male characters. written for the BBC Latin American Service for broadcast to Latin America on Halloween34 and published with a substantial essay in his 1950 Don Juan y la Don-juanía (Don Juan and DonJuanism). In Madariaga’s earlier 1948 radio play. as he sees him as a negative image of brute male force – except that he uses the Romantic redemption of Don Juan to argue for a Western individualism tempered by love. he can allow himself a freedom of imagination that he does not permit himself in his more overtly political works. should be cast in the form of a historical romance. saved by the love of a woman (contrary to Tirso de Molina’s original in which he goes unrepentant to hell). in which Don Juan is redeemed by romantic love. Only Zorrilla’s Romantic Don Juan is capable of appreciating her message of redemption through love. La don-juanía o seis don Juanes y una dama (Don-Juanism or Six Don Juans and a Lady). in Zorrilla’s Romantic version. In keeping with Madariaga’s critique of Don Juan as the prototype of the imperial plunderer in Bosquejo de Europa. in Madariaga’s radio play. Alonso Manrique. which he had not been able to include in the ‘factual’ account. Thanks to its popular fictional format. Don Juan is. We may note that. it is the Spanish Don Juan and Doña Inés who offer a model of redemptive love that brings peace to Europe. that is. The result is a text that provides insights into his political assumptions precisely because they are betrayed indirectly through his treatment of the love . last issued in 2004. the taming of the masculine by the feminine.206 Jo Labanyi is also the source of the crimes and excesses that sully the history of Europe’s empires.’33 Madariaga notes that. Unlike Giménez Caballero. the novel describes Cortés as the greatest womaniser among the Spanish conquistadors. The Jade Heart is notable for its efforts to get inside the indigenous mindset prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. until their two stories converge at the end of Part 2.36 one wonders whether she was in fact responsible for some of its writing. since opposites can coincide and the same thing can have a positive and negative side. The novel contains a large amount of rational questioning by Alonso and Xuchitl of their respective societies’ religious beliefs. The novel was a labour of love also in the sense that. in a southern Spain where Jews are generally respected. who only reach Mexico City at the end of the second of its three parts. The chapters of Part 1 and Part 2 alternate between Xuchitl and Alonso (she comes first). later complicated by their exposure to a religion based on the notion that the body must be chastised. he consistently refuses to participate in their looting and raping. becoming disillusioned by his experience of the Spanish clergy. The whole of the first two parts are an anticipation of Alonso’s meeting with the Aztec princess Xuchitl. Both he and his daughter convert out of rational conviction. Given that she had already published studies on Spanish history before she met Madariaga. Madariaga gives Alonso an Arab great-grandmother.35 The Jade Heart is dedicated to her as its ‘godmother’. This is especially true of sexuality: both Xuchitl and Alonso – she particularly – are brought up with an open. driven by desire for an inaccessible ideal – something that. This legitimises the Spanish conquest as something that was ‘meant to be’. Both New and Old World societies are shown to be driven by contradictions. natural attitude to the body. If. Both Christian and Aztec belief systems are shown to be based on rigid binary oppositions. as noted above. He is born the day that Granada falls to the Catholic Kings. for they have both dreamed of each other for years – this is a love foretold. the wife of the US Head of Intelligence was horrified by Madariaga’s descriptions of Aztec sacrifice. as previously recounted. she had missed the point because the novel draws explicit . The fact that Alonso is not part of Cortés’s army allows him to be untainted by the generally violent behaviour of the Spaniards in Mexico. whom he would later marry and to whom he dedicated a volume of dreadfully clichéd love poetry. Consistent parallels are drawn between the Old World and the New. similarly refusing the offers of women by local chiefs.Political Readings of Don Juan and Romantic Love in Spain from the 1920s to the 1940s 207 plot. but where anti-Semitic pogroms are starting. His chastity is that of the courtly love hero. and are ethnically and culturally diverse. the research for it was undertaken by Emilia Rauman. a converted Jewish mother and an Arab nurse. which occurs on the very last page of Part 2. which Alonso and Xuchitl discover do not hold. he is brought up to read Hebrew and Arabic texts. including Alonso’s Rabbi grandfather ha-Levy. The novel depicts in tragic terms the departure for exile of the Jews expelled in 1492. he had sought in religious faith. this could not be more different from Giménez Caballero’s passionate conversion to fascism. as an adolescent back in Spain. though this tolerance of religious diversity is attenuated by the fact that haLevy has come to believe in the Christian faith (like his daughter before him). Like Giménez Caballero – despite their vast political differences – Madariaga appeals to the image of the Madonna and Child as the emblem of this religion of (maternal) love. the daughter of the Jewish Esquivel family who are the novel’s villains: converted Jews who denounce other Jews to the Inquisition.208 Jo Labanyi parallels with Christian practices: when Xuchitl. for Giménez Caballero. which describe the mixed-race infant trying to put in his mouth the jade heart that provides the novel’s title. albeit hierarchically ordered. on her death. in this historical romance he creates female characters who are as much agents as their male counterparts. they also show Madariaga’s inability to think outside the secular rationalism that the European Enlightenment disseminated as a universal category. The ethnocentric representation of Xuchitl’s ecstatic discovery in Christianity of the religion of love she had always intuited but had never known is tempered by immediately plunging her into an intolerant Spain in the Inquisition’s grip. whose string of names – Rodrigo Manrique ha-Levy ben-Omar Nezahualpilli38 – proclaims racial fusion. for it is a magic amulet representing the contradictory nature of love: it brings a perfect experience of love to the person who has a healthy attitude to the body. to her father. can be reunited with her. learns that love has its dark side. whereas Madariaga shows the female’s need for love and succour. as well as that of the male. After her release. and who are equally capable of intellectual reflection and growth. Despite Madariaga’s clichéd love poetry. the novel takes it for granted that Christianity is a superior religion of love – albeit imperfectly practised by most Christians. who has been arrested in turn. primitive land. disturbed by the novel’s final words. only to find Alonso’s converted Jewish mother arrested by the Inquisition. What is going on in this extraordinary strand of the story is not clear.37 The novel’s romance format is undercut by Part 3 when Xuchitl and Alonso return. however. The last page. but alone and pregnant in a hostile. and who dog Alonso in both Old and New Worlds. Xuchitl finds herself not at the heart of civilisation. This happy ending is. . The jade heart’s presence in the novel complicates the Enlightenment secular rationalism that pervades its pages. who steals into the Bad Queen’s secret chambers. before Alonso. it reminds her of the smell of burning flesh of the Aztec human sacrifices she had so deplored. as she and Alonso set sail back to the New World with their newborn son. the female is the conduit for producing the son. however. but sexual torment to the person who regards sexuality as sinful. for whom it signifies the torment of his sexual desire for the Bad Queen: an exotic femme fatale with a penchant for killing her lovers after lovemaking. The jade heart has passed from Xuchitl’s mother. his mother will die from the effects of torture. The difference is that. witnesses an auto da fe in Spain. to Spain. holds out the possibility of a happy ending. While these parallels put Aztec and Spanish culture on a par. except that through it Xuchitl. married. Notwithstanding its negative depiction of Spain. Alonso has a similar induction through the brazen Marta. converted and married to Alonso. humane. Both Giménez Caballero and Madariaga exalt miscegenation as the major achievement of Spain’s empire – as would Maeztu in his last book. is shown to be capable of the romantic love that has so often been seen as an exclusively European phenomenon. though a coloniser for all that. allied to Don Juan’s energy and Celestina’s practical skills.Political Readings of Don Juan and Romantic Love in Spain from the 1920s to the 1940s 209 father and son finally meeting their end in the auto da fe that Xuchitl and Alonso witness. who represents the ideal. achieved by drawing on Europe’s position (and particularly that . as a way of harnessing the strengths of capitalism to those of medieval corporatism. It is striking that all three of the very different writers discussed in this essay should be united by belief that the miscegenation practised in Spain’s early modern empire signified a political order based on love. The depiction of the Bad Queen and Marta Esquivel introduces some unfortunate ethnic and sexual stereotypes. in order to establish an alliance with the European Catholic Right that will allow Europe to confront the new hegemony of the United States. which implanted medieval corporatist structures in the New World. Maeztu rejects the hedonistic egoism of Don Juan for Don Quixote’s chivalric notion of altruistic service. the novel’s hero. Don Juan being proposed as the charismatic leader of a Spanish-Italian fascist alliance. importantly. and is shown to be capable of romantic love for a woman of yet another race – just as she. loving coloniser. Giménez Caballero’s work is more closely focussed on Europe. His defence of fascism represents a desire to re-establish a threatened European pre-eminence. but is arguing that Spain’s past capacity for imperial conquest allows it to play a leading role in European fascism. via Giménez Caballero’s Spenglerian belief in European decadence. he is not concerned with the future of the Americas. by contrast with the Northern European segregationist model. This view has regularly been advanced under modernity to justify Spain’s imperial project. by both Spanish Right and Left – and is still heard in Spain today to argue that Spaniards are not racist.39 Conclusion The three writers we have analysed all use the trope of love to position Spain in relationship to the Americas as well as to Europe. The United States comes into this political scenario only by implication. requiring an injection of virile energy from the fascist Don Juan. Defensa de la hispanidad (Defence of Hispanic Values) (1934). despite the novel’s generally positive depiction of Aztec and Jewish (and Arab) women. will allow the latter to do the same. When Giménez Caballero proposes Don Juan as the prototype of the Spanish conquistador. regardless of race. Nonetheless. is presented as a mixture of the three races that made up early modern Spain. which proposed the Spanish model of colonial relations as the basis for a new world system embracing all peoples. The implication is that the Spanish legacy in Spanish America. Even the liberal Madariaga. incarnate romantic love in a multiracial Spanish hero. the United States simply does not figure in their explorations of love as political allegory. rejects Don Juan as sexual predator – seen as the unacceptable face of European (and not just Spanish) imperialism – for a romantic notion of love. despite his positive depiction of his Aztec heroine. to which Madariaga devoted his political career. as an upholder of liberal Enlightenment values. We should remember here that not all of the models of love explored by these three writers are positive. Local Histories/Global Designs. whether in Tirso de Molina’s and Zorrilla’s source texts. For Giménez Caballero and Madariaga. Perhaps one of the most important points to emerge from this discussion is that the northern European idealisation of Don Juan as a restless hero in search of an impossible ideal is not supported by the Spanish representations of him. Coloniality. Although his use of love as political trope does not address the question of Europe’s relation to the United States. Notes 1. . but they all see it as something that derives from European culture. and the writer who most valorises Don Juan – Giménez Caballero – proposes him as the fascist superman: a model that cannot be regarded as positive by any reader with a concern for ethics. Romantic love is similarly used by him to shape the fusion of races in both Spain and Spanish America. It is often forgotten that the subtitle to his fascist tract Genius of Spain is Exhortations towards a National and World Resurrection. turning a character whose egoism can indeed be seen as a figure of the negative side of modern individualism into a tragic hero. or. the goal is the creation of a new world order. grants her the possibility of romantic love only via union with a Spaniard. it is in order to suggest – explicitly or implicitly – that Spanish culture and history offer models for rethinking Europe. Madariaga. or the works by the early twentieth-century Spanish political thinkers we have studied. For Maeztu. it should be remembered that a major drive behind the movement to create a united Europe. all of them reject at least certain aspects of the Don Juan figure. Love means very different things to these three writers. US capitalism needs to be redeemed by an ‘Old European’ chivalric altruism. thereby idealising the pursuit of selfinterest as Promethean curse – what one is tempted to call ‘Don Juan’s burden’. Walter Mignolo. We have here a key example of how northern Europe has appropriated southern European culture for its own ends. was to counter a growing US hegemony.210 Jo Labanyi of Spain) as a meeting point of West and East. and Border Thinking (Durham: Duke University Press. in the case of Madariaga’s historical novel. Subaltern Knowledges. represented by Zorrilla’s version of the Don Juan story. which can unite Europe after the Second World War. 2000). If these writers draw on Spanish literary models. 2 vols. as a Republican exile in the United States.... expelled from Spain in 1492. Exaltaciones a una resurrección nacional y del mundo (Barcelona: Planeta. 2000). 317–333. here 567.Villacañas. Don Juan was shirking his male responsibilities in the public sphere. 2003). Gender and Nation in the Spanish Modernist Novel (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press.. 24. made his scholarly reputation as a defender of the medieval Jewish contribution to Spanish culture. For an overview of the Don Juan theme in early twentieth-century Spanish literature. August Wilhelm von Schlegel. In the 1920s. 9. was called The Genius of Spain (1923). Don Juan Tenorio en la España del siglo veinte. Don Juan Tenorio. 58. and A. 120. 13. 1989). 19. 17. which stresses his role in keeping alive international opposition to the Franco regime. 14. Madariaga’s first book. 3. 186–189. 17. and Exaltación del matrimonio. he toured Sephardic Jewish communities in Morocco with the cultural historian Américo Castro. 10. Salvador de Madariaga and the Quest for Liberty in Spain (Oxford: Clarendon. who in 1922 would become a disciple of Gurdjieff. Literatura y cine (Madrid: Cátedra. Ramiro de Maeztu y el ideal de la burguesía en España (Madrid: Espasa. editor of The New Age. . Europe in Love. Madariaga. Ibid. Exaltación del matrimonio. Diálogos de amor entre Laura y Don Juan (Madrid: E. See Octavio Victoria Gil. 1998). Vida y obra.. which includes women writers. See O. Genio de España. Ernesto Giménez Caballero. Marañón’s crucial point was that. Ibid. For a politically acute account of Madariaga’s career. See José Luis Villacañas. Ramiro de Maeztu. PérezBustamante. Vida y obra trilingüe de Salvador de Madariaga. (Madrid: Fundación Ramón Areces. Giménez Caballero. 15. 107–118. 1936). AntiEuropa 5 (1935): 567–599. 12. All translations of quotations from Spanish originals in this essay are my own. see Luisa Passerini. ciudadano del mundo (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe. see Johnson. For discussion of medical analyses of Don Juan’s sexuality. Giménez. A key factor in the northern European ‘misreading’ of Don Juan is the ‘discovery’ and subsequent dissemination of Spanish Golden Age literature by the German Romantic critic. Ramiro de Maeztu. see Paul Preston. who in the 1940s and 1950s. Roma madre (Madrid: Ediciones Jerarquía. and Pérez-Bustamante. Love in Europe (London: Tauris. 8. which includes cinematic representations. 1939). For the intellectual trajectory of Alfred R. Giménez Caballero maintained a lifelong interest in reintegrating Sephardic Jews. in devoting himself to love. published in English. See Ernesto Giménez Caballero. 1999).S. Giménez Caballero. 16. 9. 18. 1990). For Marañón’s various essays on Don Juan. ed. and Carlos Fernández Santander. Ernesto Giménez Caballero. Despite his fascist politics. 1: 288. 54. see chapters 3 and 4 of Roberta Johnson. 1991). 4.Villacañas. 140 (emphasis in original). 2003). 20. 1987). Victoria Gil. 6. 45. for whom it represented a primitive energy untamed by classicism – Don Juan being seen as a prime example. Gender and Nation. see the essay by Alison Sinclair in this volume. 11. back into their Spanish ‘homeland’. See Jo Labanyi. Ibid. in which men legally participated as heads of family. See Mónica and Pablo Carbajosa. 22. 21. 103. La corte literaria de José Antonio. Ibid. 23. 61. La primera generación cultural de la Falange (Barcelona: Crítica. Myth and History in the Contemporary Spanish Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 7. ‘Dialoghi d’amore tra Laura e Don Giovanni o Il Fascismo e l’Amore’. 31. Giménez Caballero makes no reference to it. Orage. Curiously. 1983). Exaltación del matrimonio.Political Readings of Don Juan and Romantic Love in Spain from the 1920s to the 1940s 211 2. 5. 79. 33. which has varied hugely over time as well as being massively contradictory. respectively. 26. See Dipesh Chakrabarty. like most Spanish fascist intellectuals. Although Giménez Caballero. Vida y obra. Giménez Caballero’s support for the repatriation of Spanish Jews formed part of this project for ‘saving’ racial others via their incorporation. 125. 1929). ‘Rodrigo Manrique’ and ‘Nezahualpilli’ are the names of Alonso’s and Xuchitl’s fathers. Bosquejo de Europa (Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana. until relatively recently. Vida y obra. 39.212 Jo Labanyi 25. Ernesto Giménez Caballero. ‘Women. see Jo Labanyi. particularly under modernity. 1950). 37. La Europa de Estrasburgo (Visión española del problema europeo) (Madrid: Istituto de Estudios Políticos. for Zorrilla’s Don Juan Tenorio to be performed on Halloween because of its ghost scene. Asian Hordes and the Threat to the Self in Giménez Caballero’s Genio de España’. 20–37. and Ernesto Giménez Caballero. Circuito imperial (Madrid: La Gaceta Literaria. . 34. Giménez Caballero. Salvador de Madariaga. (Cambridge: Polity Press. 18–19 (emphasis in the original). 30. 28. Suffice it to say that the Inquisition’s obsession with ‘purity of blood’ was concerned more with religious deviance than with miscegenation. It was traditional in Spain. 1969). Essays in the Wake of Subaltern Studies (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. in Poesía (Madrid: Austral. 32. ‘Women. Roma madre. 31. and Informe sobre el Consejo de Europa (Madrid: Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores. 1950). 1: 179. 29. Poemas a Mimí. 36. as ‘whitening’ the race. Giménez Caballero. his violent misogyny invites analysis in the light of Klaus Theweleit’s psychoanalysis of the Nazi ‘soldier male’. 105. whom Theweleit sees as defined by an insecure sense of ego-boundaries epitomised by the fear of women. See respectively Victoria Gil. Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 73 (1995): 377–387. 2 vols. Genio de España. 143–158. For discussion of Giménez Caballero’s analysis of fascism as an amalgam of West and East. 1987/1989). 35. Giménez Caballero. There is not space here to go into the complexities of Spanish racial discourse. 62. Salvador de Madariaga. La Europa de Estrasburgo and Informe sobre el Consejo de Europa. whose ideas are applied to Giménez Caballero in Labanyi. Asian Hordes and the Threat to the Self ’. 38. 27. See Klaus Theweleit. and was based on the notion that racial ‘others’ could be ‘saved’ via their assimilation (voluntary or enforced) into Christianity. Mixed-race alliances in the Americas were often justified.Victoria Gil. 2002). 1: 191. 128. 1989). was shaped by contact with Italian rather than German fascism. Giménez Caballero. Genio de España. Habitations of Modernity. Male Fantasies. Part III EUROPEAN BORDERS AND CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN LOVE RELATIONS . . 2 The notion of a siege implied by this definition was developed by Luís de Camões.3 The fact that Portugal shares a border with the hitherto unexplored ocean means that a large part of its history has taken place outside of European circuits. as a semi-periphery. the West with the unknown world of the East. Gomes Eanes de Zurara states: ‘here on one side the sea hems us in and on the other we face the wall of the Kingdom of Castile’.CHAPTER 1 1 Between Europe and the Atlantic The Melancholy Paths of Lusotropicalism MARGARIDA CALAFATE RIBEIRO Between Europe and the Atlantic: Portugal as Semi-Periphery An overview of the history of Portuguese expansion and imperialism shows that Portugal tended to define itself simultaneously as the centre of a colonial empire and a periphery of Europe: in the words of Boaventura Sousa Santos. which may be defined more widely as the head of the world given the poem’s Eurocentric parameters. that is. early in its history. In The Lusiads. the national poet. Camões elevates a confining geographical condition into the identity of an expanding homeland. who wrote in the sixteenth century.4 A further foundational notion contributes to Portugal’s sense of identity: its pioneering role as a mediator between worlds. . This founding discourse of national identity is elaborated from its inception as a journey that unites origin.1 Portugal’s ambiguous position was. In his first chronicle of the expansion (1449–1450). / We come in search of the lands of the East’. Portugal is the ‘head of Europe’. He describes the ‘Lusitanian Kingdom’ as a borderland ‘where the land ends and the sea begins’. To cite Camões’ poem: ‘We Portuguese are from the West. In his epic Os Lusíadas (The Lusiads). inscribed in frequent references to the country’s geographical location. This turns its frontiers into Notes for this section begin on page 228. This explains why the poet. referring to the ‘dark and vile sadness’6 into which his homeland has plunged. for Camões. Finally. the subtle. goodness and serenity) were those traditionally associated with the European model of the donna angelicata. spreading news of their existence throughout the European nations. shy smile and gentle sweetness are described in terms very similar to those used by the poet to describe his ‘“heavenly” Circe’. Nymphs repeatedly save the Portuguese sailors from the dangers of the unknown.8 Macedo notes that to have sexual relations with native women is one of the perks of empire. his Chinese Dinamene. whose virtues (gentleness. Through its artistic elegance. Camões celebrates ‘blackness of love’ for the slave Bárbara. it is through romance that the Portuguese celebrate their empire on the famous Island of Love (Island of Venus) in the epic’s ninth canto. in relation to a variety of Others. Lusotropicalism: Romance at the Semi-Periphery The Lusiads is an epic about a small nation on the western edge of Europe that traversed the open seas in search of universal status. who ‘seems strange but not barbarous’.5 ends it on a melancholic note. Such a notion is driven by a doubly centrist image of Portugal: in relation to Europe. It is out of love that Tethys opens up the seas and the ‘gates to the East’ to Vasco da Gama. besides celebrating Portugal as centre of the world. modesty. whose revitalising serenity. Following Helder Macedo’s analysis. Portugal is perceived as a Janus-figure facing both Europe and the Atlantic. with her ‘meek and pious gaze’. love is an existential process and the ultimate goal of human endeavour. gravitas.7 Camões was one of the first European poets to weep for the death of a lover from the East.216 Margarida Calafate Ribeiro arbiters of communication and thus also arbiters of control over the worlds on either side. ‘so sweet that the snow vows to exchange its colour for hers’. This image swings between celebration of the nation as the vanguard of Europe and consideration of the threats that would cause its decline. In addition to oriental beauty. The Lusiads also depicts Portugal’s ‘fragilities’ in its attempt to retain its central position. but what is unusual is the way the poet dignifies the racial aspect of his dark mistress. Portugal was the representative of Europe. The poet’s perspective is infused with a notion of universality mediated through romantic love. ambiguous discourse embodied in The Lusiads provides a complex image of the Lusitanian Kingdom. who starts his epic by beseeching the ancient Muse to stop chanting because ‘another higher valour is rising up’. Thus. turning it into a backwater of Europe as foretold in the epic.9 As Macedo observes: ‘The onomatopoeic non-word “barbara” is derived from the Greek term used to mimic the sub- . Portugal was the discoverer of new worlds. The island represents the warriors’ reward and regeneration through love. However. from strong winds and from the boundless ocean. the heroic Portuguese navigator celebrated in the epic. Sousa Santos’s interpretation is premised on a hierarchy of models of colonisation. since its colonies were subjected to a double colonisation: by Portugal itself and. to use Sousa Santos’s metaphor. or at least ambiguity. the feelings of a stomach accustomed to resisting the false charms of the adorned little face of a Lisbon lady. Just imagine. This accounts for the distinct nature of Portuguese colonialism. Portugal failed to colonise effectively and at the same time induced an excessive degree of colonisation. While British imperialism maintained a precarious balance between colonialism and capitalism.11 This double standard manifest in Camões’s love for the Other parallels the double positioning that marks Portugal’s long colonial presence in the world. which tastes bitter to the palate of one’s understanding and dampens one’s ardour. it allows the nation to be classified as semi-peripheral. the same poet who elevates love for the Other. between Prospero and Caliban.12 For Sousa Santos. just suppose you try Petrarchan or Boscanesque gallantries on them: they answer you in language as coarse as vetch. through Portugal. just as.Between Europe and the Atlantic:The Melancholy Paths of Lusotropicalism 217 human non-intelligibility of languages spoken by other peoples and is a form of denial of their different human identity. with the British model. a colonialism enacted by a country that was imperially deficient. By using it as the beloved’s name in a poem celebrating her blackness. but certainly not barbarous servant-mistress. and from the fact that men who had relations with native women would often take the mulatto offspring of these liaisons into their homes. Portuguese imperialism was marked by a precarious imbalance between excessive colonialism and insufficient capitalism. based on the mixed-race relationships resulting from the fact that the colonising group was overwhelmingly male and poor. The duplicity. the need for the Portuguese to view themselves as colonisers was directly proportionate to their proximity to the colonised. sir. From very early on. being confronted now with this loveless salted meat. by the more powerful European players on which Portugal was often dependent.13 This helps to explain the self-representation of the Portuguese coloniser as positioned somewhere between colonised and coloniser. from the nineteenth century onward. Boaventura de Sousa Santos follows the earlier historian Charles Boxer in classifying Portuguese colonialism as a semi-peripheral colonialism. established at the end of the nineteenth century. even in today’s changed context. being normative. so that they could be brought . be it the most fervent in the world.’10 Nevertheless. Camões transforms it into an affirmation of identity for his strange. inherent in Portugal’s relationship with the Other and in Portuguese colonialism itself has undoubtedly marked Portuguese imperialism. recognising it as an independent identity. this situation created alternative models of colonial society. begging for white European women to come from Portugal: So what about the women of the country? Apart from being the colour of brown bread. writes in a letter to a friend from Goa about the lack of beauty and dignified courting among local women. In Portugal’s African empire. in a different context. such as the famous case of Ana Olímpia from Luanda who became the subject of an inter-racial love story at the end of the nineteenth century. normally begotten by a male coloniser before or during his marriage to a white woman. the inhumane brutality of slave-traders. the ferocious jealousy of tigers. at around the same time (1873). politically popular and based on ‘the survival of the fittest’. all the brutalizing effects of inferior races. António Ennes. preparing through him the acclimatisation of the white race so that eventually the bloods of the two races mix. the second takes advantage of the native as a natural component of the task hand. a high-ranking colonial official. depending on the interplay between changing geographical and historical factors within the Portuguese Empire. To use the anthropologist Christian Geffray’s term to sum up this kind of Portuguese colonial love. Far from the pre-lusotropical colonialism expressed by Henrique Carvalho. scientific and literary discourses of the twentieth century barely analyse these inter-racial relationships as such. In 1892.15 a perfect instance of the precarious positioning of the Portuguese somewhere between Prospero and Caliban. and the result is the extinction of the black race. who foresaw a fusion of the races that would be to the benefit of all humanity. it was an ‘amour dans la servitude’. imposed racism as the cornerstone of colonisation. in his view on a sounder footing. The socio-political. Climatology and Colonisation): As you undoubtedly know. was based on a vibrant hybridity. the mulatto.16 Henrique de Carvalho summarises the two epistemological positions of his era: the first.14 most mulattoes were born as a result of rape or similar abuses in which the power relationship was fundamentally unequal. for the resulting benefit of humanity. This situation is reflected in the co-existence of two types of discourse in the Portuguese inter-racial collective imaginary: one almost epically glorious and the other ruinous. which he saw as the most promising evolutionary path for humanity. Such children were called ‘mulattoes of the colonial house’. Climatologia e Colonisação (A Portuguese Expedition to Muatianvua. referring to the mothers of mulattoes as follows: Africa has charged the black woman with wreaking vengeance on Europeans. Meteorology. the second. the Portuguese explorer and scientist Henrique Carvalho wrote in his book Expedição Portuguesa ao Muatiânvua. With a few exceptions. Many so-called ‘old colonials’ in Portuguese Africa were ostracised by their peers because they took up with native women and brought up mulatto children. sought to blame black women for what he saw as the degeneration of the human race.218 Margarida Calafate Ribeiro up to be ‘civilised’. and the vile black woman – for all black women are vile – has subdued the proud conquerors of the Dark Continent. as Portugal began to adopt an European colonial model in Africa. the delirium of alcoholism.17 . The result is that the relative value of the mulatto oscillates wildly. two evident principles distinguish colonising nations as they function in the Tropics: the first replaces the native with a white individual as a means of transforming the territory they occupy. Meteorologia. preferring instead to focus on their product. reducing them to the sensuality of monkeys. with a unique aptitude for living in harmony with peoples from the Tropics and for playing a mediating role: The Portuguese man is great for the following magnificent peculiarity: he belongs to a lusotropical people. which analyses the patriarchal rural society of the sugar plantations that resulted from the slave trade. Belgians. in Freyre’s model. like the English. There. lived together. and French. a Goan doctor and scientist. shared this racist vision. in a nation that had emerged from the same empire – Brazil – Gilberto Freyre developed radically different theories on the adaptation of the Portuguese to the Tropics and the results of this contact.Between Europe and the Atlantic:The Melancholy Paths of Lusotropicalism 219 In the 1930s. For there are no longer people of colour who are inclined to be a forever defenceless reserve of labour. and author of numerous books on Portuguese colonisation. Every time he has tried to be a European in the Tropics. is the luso-tropical. and what Mendes Correia criticised as proof of colonial failure – the mulatto – was elevated by Gilberto Freyre in Brazil as proof of the superiority of Portuguese colonialism. by Hipólito Raposo. What Germano Correia. and it was this environment that . in which the mulatto is referred to as ‘an unexpected being in the grand design of the world. tried to ignore. this ‘new civilisation’. in Portuguese India. in relation to the identity of Luso-descendants in India. an unhappy experience of the Portuguese’. This was the system in which he had been born.21 The new concept that he introduced was an ennoblement of inter-racial sexual relationships. born of mixed Indian-Portuguese parentage. began his address to the First National Congress on Colonial Anthropology in Oporto (1934) – entitled ‘Mulattoes in the Portuguese Colonies’ – by citing passages from the novel Ana a Kaluanga (Ana the Kalunga). slaves and masters. almost an animal in the service of white exploiters. a driving force behind physical anthropology in Portugal. just as it had failed in its colonial mission – was. which saw Portugal as a country that had failed to modernise. he has been reduced to a ridiculous caricature of those imperial nations. blacks and whites. class and whiteness of skin – thus denying their indigenous component. a white lord among tropical peoples of colour. using the traditional framework of the sugar plantation system as his reference point. generated in the ‘contact zone’. and the concepts of blood purity. Germano Correia endowed this racial group. In the words of the author. the Portuguese were a people caught between Europe and Africa. Imperial nations which are today in rapid disintegration.18 At around the same time.20 What had been viewed as a weak point in Portuguese colonialism – from the nineteenth century European (and particularly British) imperialist perspective. genealogy. Cristiana Bastos enjoins us to read his work in order to revisit the ghosts of racism present in the history of Portuguese colonisation. to which he himself belonged.19 A little later. published in 1933). around the hearth. According to Freyre. Mendes Correia. elevated to an original status that legitimised a new world order: the lusotropical order. Germano Correia. and which he studied in landmark publications such as Casa Grande & Senzala (Slaves & Masters. with an immaculate pedigree based on physical anthropology and anthropometry. The cornerstone of the intended national resurrection was a return to the original values of the Portuguese imperial adventure.22 Freyre looks at the sugar plantations from the Casa Grande – that is. was ideologically rooted. if reassuring. following the emergence of the Asian and African liberation movements. Brazil is probably the most racially mixed country in the world. marginalised itself from Europe. As rightly pointed out by several of the authors who have prefaced his works. According to Freyre: ‘the product of that hybridity was no longer deemed to be the fruit of an original sin and condemned to marginality. preferring instead to see Brazil’s mixed racial make-up as its strength. During his long rule. as a ‘little world of no importance’. grounded in the concepts of national unity and empire.220 Margarida Calafate Ribeiro produced the mulattoes comprising the dominant element in Brazil’s racial make-up. when in practice. for that reason. from the master’s perspective – and not from the Senzala – the slaves’ point of view. and particularly his Brazil. in turn.’26 For good or ill. The resulting isolation. it is important to stress that Freyre was trained in cultural anthropology of the time. concept of a ‘cordial colonialism’ that stands at the heart of the theory of lusotropicalism. and was in fact reacting to a social anthropology from the North (particularly from the US where he studied) that considered the southern hemisphere. and viewed their ‘bleaching’ as the only possible redemption. scientific racism was interpreted in a sui generis fashion to argue that it was possible to diminish the supposedly harmful effects of mixing the races by promoting marriage between whites and mulattoes. and Luanda the most hybrid city in Africa. the status of Portugal’s colonial territories was called into question in international in- . has given birth to the dangerous. This may explain how this geographical region. it became the happy result of a fertile and creative hubris. Salazar’s foreign policy was based on the conviction that Europe only ‘conspired against Portugal’. united by the Atlantic and an experience of Portuguese colonisation. Rather. in Brazil.25 Freyre rejects this notion. It assumed that the uniqueness of Portuguese identity could be fulfilled only from within the history that had helped to shape that identity. This theory views miscegenation as an absence of racism. the notions of the ecumenical Christian vocation of the Portuguese and an unconditional unity between the metropolis and its colonies. On the other hand. Europe marginalised Portugal. it was a different kind of racism. and Portugal. he was reacting to some of the foundational narratives of the Brazilian nation that associated mulattoes with racial degeneration. immigration from Europe was encouraged. which took power in Portugal after the military coup of 1926 and was headed by Salazar from 1932 until his death in 1968. grounded in an uncompromising belief in the territorial integrity of Portugal and its colonies. destined to spawn an entirely new civilisation. within an imperial ideology.24 As Cristiana Bastos shows.28 was based on nationalist policies.27 The Estado Novo (New State).29 After the Second World War. These shored up.23 At the same time. Thus. according to the regime. Portugal was not at war but merely exerting its sovereignty since Angola. It signalled the creation of a ‘EuroAfrica’. lusotropicalism. the pluricontinental nation and creator of multiracial societies – Brazil being Freyre’s paradigm – was once again at the centre of the world. It would subsequently be used to articulate a defence of the whole of Europe. this was also a ‘cordial war’. Portugal. It claimed that the future of Europe and of Western Christian civilisation could only be guaranteed through the creation of a Euro-African space. been used in the past. and the colonies were renamed ‘overseas provinces’ – a term that had. appropriated by the Estado Novo. In foreign policy. of the two superpowers. However. at the end of the Second World War. to quote an important Salazar cabinet minister. The Constitutional Revision of 1951. brutal crushing of the liberation movements without even a hint of an inclination to negotiate.Between Europe and the Atlantic:The Melancholy Paths of Lusotropicalism 221 stitutions such as the United Nations. Thus. Portugal’s special civilising mission became the equally special mission of ‘integration in the Tropics’. Caeiro da Matta. So began a thirteen-year war fought on three fronts. The long-lasting Salazar regime co-opted Freyre’s lusotropicalism as a ‘magic formula’33. Europe was engaged in the decolonisation process and caught between the economic hegemony of the United States and the ‘communist threat’ of the USSR. The element allowing for the adaptation of the Brazilian discourse of lusotropicalism by Portuguese discourse under Salazar is the messianic tone that proclaims the ‘new order’ through which Portugal could be reborn. Freyre’s work made it possible to continue to claim that Portuguese colonisation was unique. Portugal . based on inequality. in response to increasing international criticism of its continued support for colonialism in the late 1950s and 1960s. The adaptation of the theories and discourse of Freyre was swift and so was their ensuing promotion via the media. whose survival was threatened by the emergence. provoked by foreign pressure but also by some internal pressure. in a very informal way. providing a philosophy to support and lend credibility to the ‘changes’ of 1951. In fact. and skirted round the problem of de-colonisation. changed the surface appearance of Portuguese imperialism. Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau were integral parts of Portugal. Concomitant with the regime’s view of ‘cordial colonialism’. The nation that had been imperial suddenly became ‘pluricontinental’. as Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau quickly followed Angola’s example. Appropriating Freyre’s lusotropicalism for political expediency. when in 1961 armed resistance movements rose against the Portuguese in Angola. Salazar ordered the immediate. in fact. while at the same time making it appear scientific and modern. would first be used to defend the concept of an ‘Iberian bastion’32 suspicious of a democratic Europe. than Salazar’s mainstream racism. a ‘history of five centuries of colonisation of which we should be proud’ was – overnight – rewritten as ‘five centuries of relations between different cultures and peoples’. there was more to this image of racial harmony.30 A colonial society became ‘pluriracial’.31 At the time. at the same time offering greater stability to those whom it displaced from Portugal to fight a war. which continues in some quarters to this day. The ‘romantic’ result of those thirteen years of war. In its publications. normally spending two years there during which time they were charged with the mission of ‘improving the black woman’. combined service to the family with the nation’s civilising mission. It also gave a younger Portuguese generation the chance to experience Africa. Indeed. never really signposted a cultural end to the Portuguese Empire. colonisation and waging war. They rarely feel that there was a deliberate.35 The discourse of lusotropicalism. literary texts steeped in the experience of this colonial war did herald an end. and for which mutilation or death was a heroic gesture in defence of the homeland. It encouraged people not just to go to Africa. as well as in the many literary works that are usually classed as ‘literature of the colonial wars’. Today. particularly in the capitals and main cities. and initiated a textual and literal journey home to Portugal. it triggered a policing of the moral and political values to which the Estado Novo subscribed. when many of these military wives discuss this episode in their lives. thought out policy – and. at least among the elites. . in other words. but also to stay in Africa. in fact.222 Margarida Calafate Ribeiro encouraged the wives and families of military officers serving in Angola. to a colonial war. by allowing them to share their day-to-day experiences with their families. where one’s children were born and educated and where opportunities for work not available in the metropolis could be enjoyed. But the experience of war undid that officially sanctioned fiction. However. but rather as a place where one lived with one’s family. official discourse was cloaked in a lusotropicalism that converted the war into a sovereign mission.34 Such a mission. not as a distant place where one went to war. Of course. While this strategy helped to stabilise populations. we cannot state that there was a deliberate policy to that effect – but they recognise that their presence gave an air of ‘normality’ to a highly abnormal situation. in what can be viewed as an attempt to provide support for the Portuguese military. the National Women’s Organisation declared full support for the role of those women who went to Africa with their husbands. that is. which had taken nearly one million Portuguese to Africa. where one worked. directly attributable to the military’s experience of war in Africa. even if they were generated by the ideological intolerance of a regime that supported and relied on war. Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau to accompany them – something that was unheard of in other colonial wars in Africa. the Estado Novo seems to pursue its policy of colonising through the family. to fuse emigration. the military coup of 25 April 1974 was a simultaneous liberation for Portugal and its colonies. conceived in the traditional corporatist terms of the regime’s ideology. By transferring the family unit to Africa. is registered on the skin of the many mulattoes distributed throughout Portugal as well as the former colonies. they claim to have been unaware of the manipulation of which they may have been agents. and so inter-racial liaisons began to be avoided. and his companions in arms. in a novel in which several personalities are rolled together. In the novel. as she is a member of an Angolan liberation movement (MPLA – Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola)37. This shared title activates an allegory extensively deployed in Portuguese literature and in Manuel Alegre’s own poetry. it makes the territory at war into a symbolic space of national loss with no possibility for recuperation. Sebastião and a large part of its nobility and middle class. as was indeed lived in Luanda and Lisbon during the years of the colonial wars. the hero. as a way of communicating to the reader the opinions of the movements on the other side of the war. Sebastião. she is free. troop carriers and cavalry loads. while he is ‘captivated’ by love. but is ‘colonised by love’. spaces and personalities in the fabric of Alegre’s poetry39 takes on a greater and more prominent role in the novel. African Journey. whom Manuel Alegre renders perfect inheritors of the tradition of Camões. The book’s title. Furthermore.38 where it takes on a double meaning encapsulated in the myth. an ambiguous time is represented. and between Luanda and Alcácer Quibir. steeds and jeeps. and Camões’s Bárbara. Such an equation confirms the poet’s vision of this war as the marker of an end. it opens up the archetypal place of rebirth through the return of the king. she is in love with a rebellious officer of the Portuguese colonial army. leading to its annexation by Spain and its loss of status among the nations of Europe. These textual fragments relay the thoughts of Domingos . To quote the novel. First. The poet’s style opens up a rich texture of polyphonic meanings. The Bárbara in African Journey is in the process of becoming free. and where they also dissolve into other characters (e. a novel from the 1960s colonial wars in Africa. The subversion contained in this strategy of intertextual intersection of times. signals an immediate intertextual link to the 1607 text African Journey by Jerónimo de Mendonça. between planes and boats. the Angolan Bárbara who is a militant of the MPLA. Through the use of this allegory. African Journey also contains textual fragments in parentheses. the amalgam of several times and spaces allows for the dramatisation of a jigsaw puzzle of subversive identifications between Sebastião and the king who disappeared on the shores of Alcácer Quibir.Between Europe and the Atlantic:The Melancholy Paths of Lusotropicalism 223 Luso Love in a Time of Colonial War In Jornada de África (African Journey). Manuel Alegre36 evokes a revised version of Camões’s love affair with the slave Bárbara. which fuses the historical and mythical image of Alcácer Quibir with the territories in conflict during the colonial wars. Second.. due to its narrative structure in the form of a prose chronicle written by a poet. Sebastião and the Poet). In addition to its strategy of textual fragmentation combined with historical reference. However. are fighting a colonial war in Angola. This revisitation of the mythical space of Alcácer Quibir was already explicit in Alegre’s poems. where a dramatic battle lost Portugal its King D. Mendonça’s text was an account of the 1578 military expedition to Alcácer Quibir in North Africa.g. Throughout his wanderings in Africa. Thus. destined to deconstruct the myth. caught between the heritage and privilege associated with their colonial side and an African identity.40 It is no longer just the chronicle of an expedition to restore empire that led to death. which ordered the war). which plot out alternative discourses to the authoritarian master narrative through which the nation’s identity was conceived. a sub-humanity that Camões had already denied in his Endechas a Bárbara Escrava (Lamentations for a slave called Bárbara). but also the chronicle of a struggle for liberty. and are destined to be the heroes of another epic. Sebastião’s companions – Jorge Albuquerque Coelho. through their intimacy. the homonym of the writer of the other African Journey. Sebastião falls in love with the Other.224 Margarida Calafate Ribeiro da Luta. Alvito. Bárbara is a ‘daughter of the empire’. in African Journey. the impossible love and disintegration of Sebastião. Related to these fragments are the letters between Sebastião and Bárbara that reveal. Duarte de Meneses. and. he does it through the love of a woman. Added to these contemporary voices. the chronicler of the battle of Alcácer Quibir. with a Goan father and a Cabo-Verdean mother. Sebastião describes her through the eyes of someone from the metropolis who has been seduced. but a rebel officer sent to Angola. In Alegre’s African Journey. revealing the emptiness at the centre (that is. Vasco da Silveira. whose voices prolong his interrogation of this anti-epic time when love is lacking. This textual alignment of multiple voices not only tries to counter the monoglossia of the regime. but it also tries to create an alternative decentred discourse located in a ‘somewhere’ where all of the action seems to be taking place. are clippings from newspapers. an MPLA guerrilla fighter. in a discourse fraught with lusotropicalism. telling him that coincidences do not cancel out differences and that history does not repeat itself but rather evolves: . following Camões’s example. Sebastião is not a sovereign destined to create a myth. In this way. is an anti-colonialist resident of Luanda. which Sebastião reads to keep up to date.41 Similarly. but in a different mode. Miguel de Noronha and other names associated with the battle of Alcácer Quibir – are reincarnated as protagonists in another fatal battle. She is the one who confronts him with his unsustainable double position. He seeks a precarious grounding in textual quotations from poets and novelists. destined to write a different chronicle. Manuel Alegre’s African Journey repeats the book previously written by Jerónimo de Mendonça. while self-identifying as an Angolan woman and member of the MPLA. the writer Jerónimo de Mendonça. Bárbara. Portugal. is the sister-in-law of the writer Jerónimo de Mendonça who introduces Sebastião to the world of Angolan poets and explains to him the position of whites in Angola. with whatever Portugal designates as barbarous – to draw again on the onomatopoeia which in Greek tradition signals sub-humanity. personal and national identities are interrogated and are confronted by the experience of lived realities. as a member of the colonial army and an anti-colonialist. The narrator undertakes a voyage from self to Other. 45 giving meaning to Sebastião’s mission. Europe. the daughter of empire. through its alchemic power. Asia. but also their different memories of a history in common. the time in which they live and over which they have no control is still one of division. Long live the great Lusiad journey. However. That power shows both the fragility of the Portuguese forces. Camões’s cativa (captive). only the greatest of mixing could achieve such beauty. Through the narrative. giving ‘understanding to things that did not have it’. to draw on Helder Macedo’s interpretation of Camões’s lyrical poetry. However. might bring the sign of a new time. Bárbara was the Other. sought by both – a transnational time. The deep meaning of the love between Bárbara and Sebastião is a symbol of the lesson for all humanity learnt from the conflict. Only the son of Sebastião. Bárbara will leave for exile and Sebastião for Nambuangongo/Alcácer Quibir. saving him from his doomed position. was fighting for a country. which determine the different centres of their identities. Bárbara’s desire was not realised against the troubled backdrop of a war between opposing sides.’42 Manuel Alegre refashions in his MPLA member. is blatantly confronted with his position as a lieutenant in the fascist colonial army. Sebastião is a European Portuguese. in the middle of Luanda. now more or less adrift in this conflictridden land – Bárbara’s love is transformed into hope for a possible regeneration. the love of Bárbara. despite being anti-colonialist. In their dialogue. and the exit to different destinations imposes itself. amputations. Africa. came to transform ‘appetite’ into ‘reason’. desired by Bárbara. Bárbara emerges as the symbol of Sebastião’s confrontation with himself and with his own history. love and . ‘Our culture is a culture of miscegenation.44 as Bárbara writes in her last letter to Sebastião. But in the time frame within which Sebastião insists on recuperating her for himself – the time of Sebastião the rebel and fighter against the dictatorship. who. However. Through it. not only are the political and geographical camps of both of them defined. Sebastião thinks. allowed themselves to be penetrated by the enemy represented by her. and leading him to transpose the lack of logic underpinning a futile war into the logic of a war for liberation. Bárbara wanted to create such a time in the midst of the barracks where Sebastião was on duty – a barracks she invades with her love and her subversive power. In wartime. inducing him to write the verses cited by Sebastião. In another strategic echo of Camões. Bárbara. and a call for reconciliation. the last chance to save Sebastião and. who fought against the regime. persecutions and departures in this ‘time to which we are condemned’. Sebastião. who centuries before had seduced and rendered cativo (captivated) the poet Camões. and also the greater subversion of wartime by love. in Alegre’s novel love is the guide to knowledge.43 As they discuss their identities in the their first encounter. which immediately interrupts them with more deaths. Bárbara. along with him. the country seems to be denied.Between Europe and the Atlantic:The Melancholy Paths of Lusotropicalism 225 Mixed blood. in Portugal. only love will bring about. of emptying rather than replenishment. a nation that. of guilt and remorse instead of exaltation and heroics. against a backdrop of violent physical. of loss and not discovery. post-colonialism is intimately linked to post-Salazarism.49 .48 This transformation provided the necessary foundation to redeem Portugal’s young democracy as. psychological and social rupture inflicted on all sides: Portuguese and African. following Camões. ‘Guinea has disappeared. where we can read ‘For me. ‘Angola has ceased to exist’.47 Europe and the Shadow of Former Empire The literature of the colonial wars that appeared after 25 April 1974 is a literature of return and not of departure. lovelessness and war. language was no longer just one colour From Barbara a being herself she was the Other Lady of ours sacred blackness Before Barbara Europe was so little We are the captive. that made the Portuguese sea the mare nostrum. This explains the obsessive recourse by some poets and prose writers to issues of personal identity and the rediscovery of the Portuguese subject. when the Portuguese exorcised the loss of one empire (Brazil) by recourse to another (Africa). as Alegre later wrote in Com que Pena – Vinte Poemas para Camões (Twenty Poems to Camoens): From Barbara came that missing difference After her. Unlike the nineteenth century. not Barbara. god knows in the direction of what’. But as the poet continues ‘There is still the sea (Dom Sebastião will appear in a large boat behind the islet in Vila Franca do Campo)’. Contrary to the time of Camões’s Bárbara. After 25 April 1974. an intransitivity that echoes the zeitgeist into which the characters were born and the war that separated them haunts the diversity of literary relationships. This new image of the nation quickly found expression in the first post-Revolution works on the colonial wars. Portugal is over’.226 Margarida Calafate Ribeiro peace. The image of Portugal emerging from this literature is one of Portugal disintegrating bit by bit in Africa.46 It is on this sea. the birth of the democratic process and Portugal’s European dimension. the inability to consummate relationships between African women and Portuguese men is the dominant note in the literature of this period. Likewise. that the imaginary of the future nation will be constructed. ‘Mozambique is finished’. It has been wiped off the map’. and to oppose division. as indeed was inscribed in The Lusiads: Camões had clearly shown that it was Tethys’s love for Vasco da Gama. We learn in the novel that Sebastião ‘entered alone deep into the forest. which unites rather than separates. the key image of the 25 April movement was the end of Portugal as an imperial nation. Portugal changed from a ‘colonising nation to a country that created new nations’. and not conquest. exhibitions (such as Expo98 in Lisbon). our own historical experience. Portugal projected a European identity. It was also the political mechanism through which Portugal could quickly pass into the European. became the founding myth for this particular ‘post-lusotropical’52 European democracy. As Sousa Santos emphasises. architecture. that is the special singularity of our identity and of our culture. the concept of lusophonia. the names of new developments and shopping malls all register the memory of the Portuguese seaward drift and of the contacts to which it led. to be the first European empire. and the great richness we have – our culture and our extraordinarily special relationship with other peoples and other continents – and we are going to take to Europe a conceptualisation that is open to the world. the Portuguese were able to sit comfortably at the table of European nations. post-colonial era. cultural and economic periphery of Europe. By changing the direction of the search. in the sixteenth century. promoted by the Ministry of Education and financed by the European Community. Concomitantly. manifested in the Community of Officially Portuguese-speaking countries and in Portuguese official discourse. At the end of the day. it neutralised the vague dream of reconnecting with that emotive.53 This is ‘lusotropically’ embodied in the ‘particular aptitude of the Portuguese to contact with the tropical peoples’. Manuel Alegre sums up well Portugal’s position as a country with no empire and on the geographical. in the late 1990s. that respects others. rather than being Eurocentric. Literature. Entre Culturas (Between Cultures).50 Europe nurtured Portugal’s fledgling democracy.54 Portugal’s peripheral geographic position led it. along with the capacity to understand the differences of others. The famous slogan of the time – ‘Europe With Us’ – highlights this subtlety. art. cultural geography linking Portugal to the image of its former empire. Europe had also arrived in Portugal. a difference seen as a value based on a unique imperial experience: We have something to take to Europe too. which for centuries had originated in the periphery and been toward the centre. Lourenço has noted that it was not merely a case of the Portuguese going into Europe.Between Europe and the Atlantic:The Melancholy Paths of Lusotropicalism 227 Portugal’s entry into the European Economic Community. would other dreams remain suspended between the image of that distant empire and Europe? After Portugal’s integration into Europe. may initially have been viewed as the volte-face necessary for rapid relief from imperial traumas. That position could be sublimated by emphasising the nation’s different relationship to Europe. as the hallmark of Portugal in Europe. European cultural programmes established in Portugal.51 If this sublimation were to be realised. ensuring that it followed the Western model. as evidenced in the exemplary legal text that instituted the school inter-exchange programme. which it reconciled with its nostalgia for the empire. a society like those in Western Europe’. that is the contribution that we must take to Europe. This frontier geography had been poetically . in 1986. the slogan contained the promise that Portugal could ‘construct a democratic and stable society. in what was the first European modernity. ‘Love as Knowledge. 9. 1: 50. as metaphorically encapsulated by José Saramago in Jangada de Pedra (The Stone Raft). one with a markedly Iberian flavour. here 51. 3: 20. Boaventura de Sousa Santos. in A Memória da Nação. ‘without the remotest recourse to lusotropicalism’. 52. Luís Camões. ‘Endechas a Bárbara Escrava’. 7. Um Retrato Singular. sought to defend the fiction that Portugal was a centre. ‘O Estado.. unless otherwise indicated. 10. Taking up a suggestion advanced by Eduardo Lourenço. and as Isabel Castro Henriques argues.. Portuguese Studies 14 (1998): 51–64. Macedo. 6. which imagines Portugal and Spain splitting off the European landmass and drifting toward the South Atlantic. Gomes Eanes de Zurara. 8. Ibid. eds Francisco Bethencourt and Diogo Ramada Curto (Lisbon: Sá da Costa. ‘Da Cruzada ao Quinto Império’. ‘Africa becomes a mirror in which the unspoken and undisguised face of Portugal is reflected. Cf. one can wonder whether. 61. 2. 5. shining as both fantasy and phantom in Portuguese souls. All translations from the original Portuguese are my own. ed.’55 Therefore. in Portugal. the historic image of a conquered Africa and of Portuguese love for the continent.57 The future would be a politically. The Lyric Poetry of Camões’. 1993). 17–56.228 Margarida Calafate Ribeiro elevated to an identity in Camões’s famous verses. 60. 82 and 85. . to which this peripheral condition led Portugal and its empire. Ibid. 81–164. But in fact. continues to raise its head among us in the space between the fantasy and phantom of an empire under whose shadow the Portuguese still live. Its peripheral position in Europe from the 1950s to the 1970s allowed it to be the last European empire. 4. at the same time. To quote the ‘Lamentations for a slave called Bárbara’. which put the Lusitanian kingdom at the head of Europe. 3.56 Bárbara. Os Lusíadas (Lisbon: Instituto Camões. something that alters the past. 1992). 1991). as relações salariais e o bem-estar social na semiperiferia: o caso português’. Helder Macedo. here 20.. Boaventura de Sousa Santos (Porto: Afrontamento/Centro de Estudos Sociais. the war would also undo the fiction and initiate the journey home to Portugal and to Europe. Luís Camões. 1992).R. However. ‘Ca da ua parte nos cerca o mar de outra havemos muro no reino de Castela’. in Lírica (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores. Thomaz and Jorge Santos Alves. while sketching out the future. for the Portuguese of today. lusophonia might not be the new Portuguese ‘Rose-coloured map’. Crónica da Tomada de Ceuta (Mem Martins: Publicações Europa-América. 1: 3. economically and culturally European one. The colonial wars. but historically and culturally anchored in the South Atlantic. Ibid. Notes 1. socially. ‘Love as Knowledge’. the consequences of the colonial enterprise can never expunge the demands of prolonged cohabitation. See also Luís Filipe F. Ibid. 1980). 10: 145. where all of the real empires of the past continue in Portuguese dreams.. 23. Percursos e Discursos da Identidade. António Ennes. ‘Salazarisme et lusotropicalisme. She was born a slave and became one of the country’s richest women by marrying a slave trader. presented by Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Ana Olimpia Vaz de Caminha was a late nineteenth-century Angolan woman of the Creole bourgeoisie of Luanda. Lusotopie (1997): 361–372. eds. 2003). aclimação e pureza racial em Germano Correia’. 5 (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores. here 26. Gilberto Freyre. Formacion de la familia brasilena bajo el regimen de la economia patriarcal. 1892). ‘O Império Colonial Salazarista’. 2–3 (1998): 415–432. Through my contact with the Portuguese Orient and with Lusophone Africa. See Euclides da Cunha. ‘Tristes Trópicos e Alegres Luso-Tropicalismos’. Bastos. Lusotopie (1997): 211–226. Yves Léonard. Boaventura de Sousa Santos. 20. Casa Grande y Senzala. and disenchanted Moorish girls through women of colour. n. in Entre Ser e Estar – Raízes. Bastos. Raça. Bastos. in História da Expansão Portuguesa. 10–30. with a Portugal that from Trás-osMontes to Minho. Quoted ibid. here 230f. Cláudia Castelo. Aluísio de Azevedo. ‘Entre Próspero e Caliban’. Cf. n. Das notas de viagem em Lévi-Strauss e Gilberto Freyre’. 24. ‘Um lusotropicalismo às avessas. 192. Garnier. 17. ‘Tristes Trópicos e Alegres Luso-Tropicalismos. Portuguese Studies 11 (1995): 15–61. here 61. Cultura e Política da Identidade (Oeiras: Celta. Sugestões de uma Viagem à Procura das Constantes Portuguesas de Carácter e Ação (Lisbon: Livros do Brasil. Gilberto Freyre. Aventura e Rotina. 21. 18. ‘O Modo Português de Estar no Mundo’. 12. Quoted in Clive Willis. ‘Um lusotropicalismo às avessas’. 50th ed. with some of the main Portuguese islands in the Atlantic. in their realization of a vocation that has in its sights the destiny of an entire transnational civilization: the lusotropical civilization of which Brazil is a part. I was able to confirm a reality that I had only guessed at years ago. vol. especially the chapter ‘Um Parênteses Irritante’. Os Sertões. 19. nos. Colonialismo científico. ‘Le lusotropicalisme comme discours de l’amour dans la servitude’. ‘Tristes Trópicos e Alegres Luso-Tropicalismos’.d. 16. dossier in Lusotopie (1997) (Paris: Karthala): 195–478. dreams of the tropics. with the Algarve which is almost Africa. See also on the same page: This is the aspect of Portuguese greatness that particularly attracts me: they are almost an entire nation of precursors to the French Rimbauds. 23–85. Christian Geffray. and predicted in some studies and contemplations.Between Europe and the Atlantic:The Melancholy Paths of Lusotropicalism 229 11. Meteorologia-Climatologia-Colonisação (Lisbon: Typographia do jornal ‘As Colónias Portuguezas’. Expedição Portugueza ao Muatiânvua 1884–1888. Colonialismo. quoted in Santos. Castelo. or the American Lafcadios or even the German Humboldts. Prologue and Chronology by Darcy Ribeiro (Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacucho.). 10. Yves Léonard. Formação da família brasileira sob o regime da economia patriarcal. 427. Casa-grande e senzala. eds Maria Irene Ramalho and António Sousa Ribeiro (Porto: Afrontamento.d. and Gilberto Freyre. Armelle Enders. 1999). eds Francisco Bethencourt and Kirti Chaudhuri. not to mention the Beiras. 14. 1957). (São Paulo: Global Editora e Distribuidora. On lusotropicalism see Déjanira Couto. Um Mar da Cor da Terra. Angola. 13. histoire d’une appropriation’. Campanha dos Canudos (Rio de Janeiro: Francisco Alves. ‘O Modo Português de Estar no Mundo’ – o Lusotropicalismo e a Ideologia Colonial Portuguesa (1933–1961) (Porto: Afrontamento.. 1946. with the Alentejo which is half-Moorish. ‘Lusotropicalisme. . pós-colonialismo e inter-identidade’. ‘Entre Próspero e Caliban. Henrique Augusto Dias de Carvalho. 67. Commentaries and Translation)’. of the sun and the heat. 15. She is the main female character in the novel Nação Crioula (Creole) by the Angolan writer Jose Eduardo Agualusa. 2005).). Cristiana Bastos. See Cristiana Bastos. and Yves Léonard. eds Margarida Calafate Ribeiro and Ana Paula Ferreira (Porto: Campo das Letras. O Mulato (Rio de Janeiro: H. Ibid. 244. 1977). 2. 22. Miguel Vale de Almeida. Análise Social 33. 227–253. 1998). Idéologies coloniales et identités nationales dans les mondes lusophones’. 2001). 2001). ‘The Correspondance of Camões (with Introduction. in Fantasmas e Fantasias no Imaginário Português Contemporâneo. or the British Lawrences of Arabia. ed. respectively. 7: O Estado Novo (1926–1974). respectively. After the 1975 independence. ‘O fim do ciclo africano do império’. 27. in Dicionário de História do Estado Novo. M. here 335. He was an important exile in Paris and Algeria. He was also the first army official to be arrested by the Portuguese secret police (PIDE) as a result of a failed uprising in Angola. failed to live up to early expectations of reform and was overthrown by the military coup of 25 April 1974. Manuel Alegre was the first student from Coimbra University to articulate a public discourse against the Colonial Wars. Quoted in Castelo. 297. 26. An almost 30 year civil war started soon after independence. Cf. the poems in the sections ‘Nambuangongo meu amor’ and ‘Três Canções com Lágrimas e Sol para um Amigo que Morreu na Guerra’ from Praça da Canção. 34. M. in Portugal na Transição do Milénio. História de Portugal. 36. who had been condemned to war and to exile. Marcello Caetano. Brandão Brito and Fernando Rosas (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores. eds J. directed by José Mattoso. . José Caeiro da Matta was a diplomat and a minister in Salazar’s regime: Minister for Foreign Affairs from 1933 to 1935 and from 1947 to 1950. 1415–1825 (Oxford: Clarendon Press. ‘Aspectos da ideologia na época das descolonisações’. for example. with UPA (Union of the Peoples of Angola). In these poems that were read. See. Furthermore. which includes interviews with women who experienced such a situation. he was the only Portuguese person to speak at the funeral of Amílcar Cabral. Ana Calapez Gomes. Fernando Rosas (Lisbon: Editorial Estampa. 1996). 327–355. vol. After a peace agreement and particularly the death of Jonas Savimbi in 2002. vol.. 1963) and recently Boaventura de Sousa Santos showed in ‘Entre Próspero e Caliban’. 37. In 1960. and in charge of all publications regarding the event. Ibid. eds J. 1996). he was an irreverent Socialist Member of Parliament. in the memory of most of his generation. 33. These considerations are based on a study the author is undertaking about the presence of Portuguese women in Africa during the years of the Colonial War. 32. we find an accentuated rhythm and the sense of an epic. in Manuel Alegre. he was the director of the Commemorations of Henry the Navigator. As mulheres portuguesas e a Guerra Colonial’ and ‘Depoimentos: a presença e a participação feminina na Guerra Colonial’. However. Vértice 13 (April 1989): 70–75. one of the three liberation movements in Angola. It had been a charismatic call to arms from a poet with outstanding credentials as an opponent of the fascist regime. M. As the British historian Charles Boxer pointed out in the 1960s in his book Race Relations in the Portuguese Colonial Empire. 1999). eds J. the MPLA was internationally recognised as the representative of the Angolan people. Brandão Brito and Fernando Rosas (Lisbon: Fim de Século. 249. from O Canto e as Armas. Salazar died in 1970 and his successor. 1989. here 41. Quoted by Irene Flusner Pimentel. in Dicionário de História do Estado Novo. At the time Manuel Alegre published African Journey. he was the poet who had published Praça da Canção (1965) and O Canto e as Armas (1967). 30. Brandão Brito and Fernando Rosas. ‘Congressos e conferências culturais’. ‘África no Feminino. Bastos. and the poems in the sections ‘Continuação de Alcácer Quibir’. 35. 191f. 250. 38. 639. 29. where he ran ‘Rádio Liberdade’. 1994). 37. 31. Colóquio Internacional. ‘Movimento Nacional Feminino’. 125–136 and 173–183. here 70. the MPLA shares power with UNITA in the government. 2 (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores. later FNLA (National Front for the Liberation of Angola) and UNITA (National Union for Total Independence of Angola). See Castelo. Obra Poética (Lisbon: Dom Quixote. Margarida Calafate Ribeiro. copied and chanted by so many Portuguese. ‘Um lusotropicalismo às avessas’. and Minister for Education from 1944 to 1947. See António José Telo. ‘O Modo Português de Estar no Mundo’.230 Margarida Calafate Ribeiro 25. Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais 68 (April 2004): 7–29 and 129–166. 1998). The MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) was. which was fought between the MPLA government and UNITA. the voice of a collective sense of national damnation that the poet tried to reverse. 28. Because of her. This strategy was already used in Manuel Alegre’s poetry in ‘Crónica da Tomada de Ceuta’. O Social e o Político na Pós-Modernidade (Porto: Edições Afrontamento. Álamo Oliveira. 199. even if I am anti-colonialist. Camões. enriched by the wandering of a people set in a search of its whole dimensionality . Boaventura de Sousa Santos. Jornada de África. 1979). ‘La guerra coloniale tra genere e tema: Jornada de África. Roberto Vecchi. Ibid. in História da Expansão Portuguesa. Angola 61 – uma crónica de guerra ou a visibilidade da última deriva (Lisbon: Contexto. Alegre. 41. 605. Here. 1995). the experiences of damnation lived by the poet in the ambushes between Quipedro/Nambuangongo are juxtaposed to the damnation of the Portuguese army on the beaches of Alcácer Quibir. 42. 1986). in Dalle Armi ai Garofani. Macedo. Até Hoje. Alegre. Notícias do Interior (July 1991). 26. Alegre.’ ‘That is a problem among the Portuguese. the understanding of the Other and the universal embrace of the particular. 53.’ Sebastião could not contain himself ‘That captive who has captivated me’ ‘Without doubt. Fado Alexandrino (Lisbon: Dom Quixote.’ ‘Angolans are not just struggling against a regime. we even have a Chinese grandmother. my father called me Bárbara’… ‘It’s all the same chronicle’ Sebastião replied… ‘I am Angolan. The dialogue continues: ‘Our father was Goan. 52. 1999). 51–58. eds Manuel Simões and Roberto Vecchi (Rome: Bulzoni Editore. Suplemento 10 Anos de Democracia (24 April 1984). For a long historical perception of this question see Francisco Bethencourt. 382–387 and 414–418. our mother was Cape Verdean. António Lobo Antunes.’ Cf. 73. 498. The quotation continues: Portuguese culture. Studi sulla letteratura della Guerra Coloniale. in which a personal account of his departure for Angola is juxtaposed next to the departure of the Portuguese for Ceuta at the beginning of colonial expansion. Um Mar da Cor da Terra – Raça. Alegre interviewed by Brito Vintém. Sebastião’. Eduardo Lourenço. 5 (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores. Memória de Cão (Lisbon: Ulmeiro. 1989). Ibid. Obra Poética. Alegre. 442–483. 49 and 58. Augusto Abelaira. and on our father’s side.’ ‘Victory or death’. 156f. and 162f.Between Europe and the Atlantic:The Melancholy Paths of Lusotropicalism 231 39. The expression is from Almeida. ‘Da ficção do Império ao império da ficção’. Pela Mão de Alice. 45. Rocha de Sousa. 40. in ‘Crónica de El-Rei D. and the liberty of Angola will be won by Angolans. and I tell you that there will be no liberty in Angola while there is no liberty in Portugal. 47. 43. 51. vol. ‘A Memória da Expansão’. characterised by a deliberate universalism and by the multiple civilisational encounters which allowed the welcoming of the diverse. eds Francisco Bethencourt and Kirti Chaudhuri. 61. They are struggling for the right to independence. Sem Tecto. di Manuel Alegre’. 49. respectively. 54. 19. Jornada de África. 1996). 198. ‘Love as Knowledge’. 462.’ ‘And a resister. Lírica.’ ‘I am Portuguese. Entre Ruínas (Lisbon: Sá da Costa. Obra Poética. Similarly. here 55. 48.. Diário de Notícias. 46. 16. is an open and miscegenated culture. Cf.’ ‘You are a soldier.’ ‘MPLA. you are part of the colonial army. 1999). 44. ‘Sou um filho da língua de Camões’. 551. 50. Bárbara replied ‘And I am the enemy. here 156.232 Margarida Calafate Ribeiro beyond its borders … Having achieved a fascinating pilgrimage of centuries. David Bevan (Amsterdam: Rodopi. ‘The Vision of Colony and Metropolis in Portuguese Colonial wars Literature’. Ministry of Education. here 177. vol. in Literature and War. 56. in História da Expansão Portuguesa. Ideologias. 1999). eds Francisco Bethencourt and Kirti Chaudhuri. Despacho Normativo n. here 274. Eduardo Lourenço. David Robertson. . 1990). ed. 57. quotidianos’. ecumenical Europe. 1999). contributing with its worldliness to the construction of an open. Isabel Castro Henriques. Portugal returns to the folds of the European continent and integrates itself in its original cultural space. 55. 119–140. 216–274. 63/91. 5 (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores. ‘A sociedade colonial em África. hierarquias. A Nau de Ícaro seguido de Imagem e Miragem da Lusofonia (Lisbon: Gradiva. the handing over of territories in the wake of the Versailles Treaty and the loss of the German colonies were all lamented in post-war discourses on the ‘national narrowness’ by almost all of the political camps. Ernst Jünger (1895–1998). as the historian Dirk van Laak has recently shown. whereas most of the other commentators described Germany as a conquered nation and as a defence community. for instance geopolitics. in the conservative and National Socialist use of the concept of Raum and Lebensraum. put it this way: ‘In our time the borders have become so narrow in every sense.4 Furthermore. who was then heard throughout German society. The front-line soldier of the First World War and main author of the ‘soldierly literature’ of the Weimar Republic. The most obvious indicator of this perception was the success of the book Volk ohne Raum (People without Space) published in 1926 and written by the colonial author Hans Grimm (1875–1959). respectively. Race and Sexuality in the Weimar Republic SANDRA MASS In the aftermath of the First World War.’2 Jünger formulated an active and aggressive attitude toward the border question. that everywhere one has the desire to blow them up. the synthesis of Raum and Volk (people) only became widely recognized publicly in the Weimar Republic. On its publication. the concept of Raum (space) gained new importance in both German literature and political debates. the East Notes for this section begin on page 246.3 Its title became a political slogan of everyday life and an exceptional semantic carrier in all of the fields that concerned themselves with the question of Raum. Although it had already been present in the geopolitical and colonial planning for the ‘imperial infrastructure’.1 The geographic position of Germany. this book about the former German colony Deutsch-Südwestafrika (German Southwest Africa) gained a public beyond the author’s usual readership. for example.CHAPTER 1 2 The ‘Volkskörper’ in Fear Gender. . to illustrate the loss of space. respectively non-legitimate forms of sexuality. the former became a distinct sign to differentiate between oneself and the other. whose authors represented almost the entire political landscape of the Weimar Republic. this essay shows how the texts under review here can be understood as attempts at creating an ‘imagined community’ in post-war Germany.6 These border territories were described and illustrated in a substantial body of propaganda literature. to mark the ‘alien’ and the menace emanating from it for the nation. directed against the stationing of African colonial soldiers in the territory under French occupation.9 The concept of the Volkskörper (imagined community of bodies) contained . The propagandist literature and practice concerned with the national narrowness in the Weimar Republic focussed mainly on three border territories: firstly. one dealt with the propaganda that became known as the campaign against the ‘Black Horror’. apart from the far left. rather. Secondly. Thirdly. in the Rhineland. the revisionist colonial literature reached its climax in the Weimar Republic where overseas colonies envisaged as middle-term goals literally became ‘fantasy empires’. novels.’8 The analysis of official and semi-official propaganda and colonial and martial remembrance literature offers insights into the relation between the nation seen as a body and gendered and racial concepts of sexuality. as Ann Laura Stoler notes: ‘It was a fundamental class and racial marker implicated in a wider set of relations of power. They were written to tell the reader where the border of the nation runs. They were high-ranking civil servants and military men. there was the East. it used gendered and sexual images of space and border to represent the political aim so widespread in the Weimar Republic. This mindset of eternally looking backward was to become a fundamental problem of the Weimar Republic. sexuality did not just serve as a metaphor. or better.7 Beside the political claims made by the propaganda. representing dominance and colonial rule. where it should be. where marauding German Freikorps – paramilitary organisations – continued to fight against first the advancing Red Army and then against the Baltic nationalists. Nevertheless. This function of the propaganda was hardly made explicit. This essay concerns itself with the analysis of all three geographical frontiers. as more progressive and democratic forces did not seriously fight against this mentality and ideology. newspaper articles and autobiographies.5 Alongside the nationalist fixation on one’s ‘own’ borders and spatial limits. The racist connection between Volk and Raum could be established in the course of the Republic’s history and became one of the key concepts of the National Socialists. officers as well as generals and members of the Women’s movement and the Colonial movement. there existed a political and mental clinging to the old monarchic and imperialist system. the ‘bleeding border’. With the use of the allegory of sexuality.234 Sandra Mass signified the representation of Slavic and Bolshevik threats toward the German people. and stresses the phantasmagorical differences next to the similarity in their lamentation of the loss of territory. inter-racial sexuality caused pollution and degeneration of the Volkskörper. Whereas the discursive use of sexuality in the sources under review here were to fix the images about who is virile. he compared the loss of territories with ‘unhealed burns in the outer skin of the Volkskörper’. gave a very lucid impression of the contemporary use of the analogy: in 1927. as ‘colonisers’ or ‘colonised’ are only supposedly fixed and stable. ‘Black Horror’ In the course of the French occupation of the Rhineland. They regarded it as a slap in the face at the hands . The concept stressed the necessity to defend itself against attacks from ‘outside’ and ‘inside’.11 The three discourses on the national narrowness used different forms to talk about contagious infections of the Volkskörper in the realm of a frontier. While the common interpretation acknowledges the assumption that women are seen as the ones who posed the threat to the imagined community. This essay shows the different ways in which the relation between the categories of gender. they did at the time lead to an intermingling of these dualistic patterns. for example. In the interpretation of contemporary racial-hygienic authors. In 1920. African soldiers were stationed in Germany. Karl Haushofer (1869–1946). Thus. functioned as images and representations of national borders and its transgression. the men coming to the Rhineland were primarily from North Africa and Senegal and were made up of about 30 per cent of the French occupation troops. sexuality and race were constructed and contested. respectively Slavic. manly and white. Race and Sexuality in the Weimar Republic 235 an analogy between an individual body and a social body of a community – a transfer of physiological descriptions of the individual body onto the imagined image of the nation or the people. feminised and black. this essay enquires about the discursive forms in which these identities of the self were in danger and argues that sexuality itself caused the irritations and failures in the discursive attempt of masculine subject formation. sexuality and especially inter-racial sexuality. following up on the results of feminist historians who have shown the link between the nation’s body and the female body. but widely accepted in the Weimar public and political sphere.10 Its use was not limited to the far right. inter-racial sexuality represented the most severe assault on the virility and health of a people as it is interpreted as contagious infection. a well-known geopolitician. this article underlines the importance of the concepts of male subjectivity and masculinity for the negotiation of post-war stability. that racial or ethnic identities as ‘Whites’ or ‘Blacks’. On the side of the Anti-Versailles Coalition. this was interpreted as an especially humiliating aspect of the conditions dictated to them by the treaty. In the contexts of colonialism and occupation. In accordance with the common assumption in Postcolonial Studies.The ‘Volkskörper’ in Fear: Gender. or weak. The body of the colonial soldier was the primary criterion of distinguishing and separating him from the ‘White’ man. Africans were thought of as a primitive people and as creatures driven by instincts. the propaganda did not succeed in denying the fact that the African soldiers had not always been met with hostility and fear in the Rhineland.16 and were constructed as a ‘race’ inferior to European civilisation: all representations stressed the instinctive nature of the colonial soldier. where France was named as the cause of the ‘German narrowness’. the uncertain political future of the Saarland and above all with the occupation of the Rhineland. immoral creatures’. because they see things differently from us’. ‘The sexual drive of the Black soldier is simply devoid of all inhibition and doubly dangerous. German citizens are outraged that a large number of women and girls have demeaned themselves by embarking upon intimate relationships immediately after the last German troops had left. by publishing pamphlets and organising public protest rallies against the ‘Black Horror’. At the centre of the texts about the ‘Black Horror’. animal-like. Thereafter.18 This much was also clear to various government bodies. With the ceding of Alsace-Lorraine to France.’19 These women were described as ‘wenches forgetting their honour. writes Bruno Stehle in his brochure Die farbigen Fronvögte am Rhein (The Coloured Socage Bailiffs on the Rhine). References to instances of consensual relationships between German women and the soldiers were too obvious.17 The threat this represented was primarily projected onto German women.13 The ‘Black Horror’ campaign was particularly effective because it could rely on an acceptance of an inner disjunction among the German people and on the limitation of the geographical space.21 They were then integrated into the campaign under the header of the ‘white shame’ .20 as women who followed ‘their over-heated senses into sexual depravity’. The Governing President of Düsseldorf.236 Sandra Mass of the victorious French. numerous groups and individuals took part in propaganda. one can find the racial and colonial perceptions of the character of the African male. affairs and marriages between African soldiers and German women are testimony to an at least heterogeneous standpoint of the female population in the occupied areas.14 as ‘savages’. who were said to be the much-desired victims of the colonial troops. wrote to the Supreme President (Oberpräsident) of the Rhine Province in 1921: ‘The growing proximity between the female youth and members of the occupation has started at the outset of the occupation.15 as ‘Barbarians’. his sexual energy and the necessity to keep these energies in check. Love relationships. as ‘devoid of culture’. France was said to have seriously reduced the territory on which Germans were to live. However. concerned with female morality. The rape of white women seemed to be the logical conclusion to draw from the unbridled sexuality of the Africans.12 It was especially through pamphlets and in the daily press that groups closest to the government launched the campaign on a massive scale. the so-called ‘white shame’ was used on the political left as an argument where it was levelled at those accusing the colonial soldier of having a violent character. and. Here. thus said the propagandist August Eberlein. Whereas right-wing newspapers and political formations thereby wanted to illustrate the downfall of the ‘white people’. consequently.’24 While the condemnation of inter-racial sexuality alluded to the imagined threat to the racially conceptualised nation and can also be seen as an attempt to control female sexual behaviour. the historian Gerhard Ritter said the German Reich would thereby be degraded to a ‘brutally exploited colony’. was not able to safeguard the German women. The assault on the female body in the texts therefore metonymically stood for the political situation and the generally prevalent idea of crisis and threat. partners of African men and mothers of Afro-German children were therefore excluded from the national community. as a ‘shameful rape’. Race and Sexuality in the Weimar Republic 237 and ‘white disgrace’. the behaviour of the German women in the Rhineland was viewed as a threat to the Volkskörper. two threats had to be faced: the presence of the Africans in Germany and the behaviour of German women. Germany was seen as a ‘humiliated people’ with ‘a slur on its honour’. thus the Rheinische Frauenliga (Women’s League of the Rheinland) wrote in 1923: ‘Every country knows women who forget their honour. the ‘total fragmentation of Germany’27 was imagined. the German nation. respectively.29 The women’s rights activist and nationalist Käte Schirrmacher went so far as wanting to discuss the situation in the Rhineland at the Anti-Slavery Congress . Whereas the Africans were regarded as a danger per se. The ‘humiliation’ of the nation was described in anatomical metaphors. where the loss of certain German territories was compared to ‘the foreign powers tearing pieces out of the body of the German Reich’. Prostitutes.25 The obsession with inter-racial sexuality and the sexualised language by which acts of rape and non-respectable sexuality were described. using the same phrases for the rapes of women as for the description of the national situation. The German man. who barter their female dignity for money … We have every right to refuse to recognise as German women those women from which the blacks have to be protected. Sexual relationships with African soldiers were seen as an indicator of their treason.22 This ‘fraternisation’ was lamented by all of the political groups of the propaganda movement and even by its opponents. the task of national education had to be expanded into controlling sexuality.The ‘Volkskörper’ in Fear: Gender.26 As a final stage. were found in the semantic and allegorical analogies appearing in speeches made about the threatened Volkskörper. inter-racial sexuality was at the same time regarded as an indicator for the decline of the white man. thus the propagandists.28 Evaluating the signing of the Versailles Treaty. Individual sexual behaviour ultimately constituted Rassenschande (racial desecration). The Versailles Treaty was interpreted as a ripping apart of the community.23 In the minds of those instigating the ‘Black Horror’ propaganda. by pointing out the endangered unity of Europe – endangered by France.238 Sandra Mass in Rome (1921): ‘One would now be inclined to believe that an “Anti-Slavery Congress” would have to regard the occupation in the Rhineland by coloured troops as the intolerable slavery of white.31 It was in particular the US upon which the propagandistic attention focussed. a betrayal of the feeling of solidarity among white races. Frankreichs Schande: ‘If the whole civilised world does not stand up soon and demands the withdrawal of the coloured troops. in 1921 in the anonymous propagandistic text Was droht dir. as written by the Berliner Börsen-Zeitung in 1921: ‘That coloured troops are employed as institutions watching over whites is indeed a cultural crime. Europa? (What is threatening you. Joseph Lang published his apocalyptic vision of the descent of the ‘white race’ in his brochure Die schwarze Schmach. and a continuation of the politics of England and France that had already been started during the war.35 His warnings were directed to a European audience: ‘For the European democracy.’33 In mirroring European whites. the propagandists tried to overcome national restrictions and asked for international support. did not arouse public suspicion as a right-wing propagandist. But also the colonial powers of England and Italy became the target of such propaganda campaigns. But far from it!’30 The propaganda against the African occupation soldiers mainly concerned the geographical space of the nation. Christian Germans. the propagandists combined images of individual and collective bodies and connected them with the loss of Raum in the West. the British Labour representative. On a second level. the day will come where the rolling avalanche cannot be hold. With the allegorical representation of the ‘raped nation’ and the reference to the ‘tearing away of pieces of the national body’. His publications on the so-called ‘Black Horror’ gained full support by the German propagandists. France was accused of having gone against the ‘solidarity of the white race’ by stationing colonial soldiers in Germany. the German propaganda groups attempted to increase their influence by appealing to the ‘solidarity of the white race’. especially because Morel. In 1921. held a similar position. as a socialist.’32 With the prognosis that the arming of African men and the experience of superiority toward the German population would cause a destabilisation of the European colonial system in the nearest future. In their brochures. for example. Edmund Dene Morel. The ‘Black Horror’ campaign explicitly charged France of being a traitor of the attempt to create a community based on the White race that transgressed national borders. Europe?). this … introduction of African troops upon European soil is a terrific portent. the propaganda presented a space where the disruptions and divisiveness of war could be overcome as long as France was excluded from this community.34 He had already been popular for his engagement against the Belgium colonial politics and slavery in Congo. as done. the propagandists aimed to widen the debate toward the European level. which were frequently translated into other languages and spread by diplomatic representatives in the respective countries.’36 . even though they.000 to 40. they. too. Furthermore. In their books. created a ‘different world’. an anarcho-fascist ideal state. At the same time. authors and Freikorps soldiers. Male and female authors used the gender order to strengthen this racist imaginary. This war was represented in an enormous quantity of memory and propaganda literature written in particular by fascist men in the 1920s and 1930s. the nature and landscape was riddled with dirt and diseases. it was incontestable: belonging to the German nation meant being White. as the soldiers now called the former Ober-Ost.000 soldiers crossed the border into the Balticum. field marshal during the war and. Race and Sexuality in the Weimar Republic 239 For the propagandists. which was seen under threat by the stationing of African soldiers on European ground. After the retreat of the Red Army.37 In the period following the armistice. the relation between being German and being White included the belief of belonging to the community of the ‘White race’. were permeated with sexual imagery. the Freikorps also turned against the national movement of Lithuania and Poland.38 The way the soldiers depicted themselves. a community of a superior civilisation. the campaign was used to implement a discourse about legitimate forms of sexuality. On the other hand. Freikorps soldiers remained in the area of the former Ober-Ost. that was the exact opposite to bourgeois life.The ‘Volkskörper’ in Fear: Gender. The multitude of functions of the propaganda could be interpreted as one reason for the encompassing support of the campaign in the early Weimar years. which has been described so clearly by the historian Vejas Gabriel Liulevicius in his book on the perception of the Eastern front. can be traced back to the mindscape of the East as developed during the war. boredom and the fight against the enemy.41 In their war memory books. though. with thousands of civilians dying in the process. such as Ernst von Salomon or Rüdiger von der Goltz. and tried to regain their former power by staging coups d’états. Approximately 20. This link was not only valid in the views of right-wing politicians in the propaganda. but also left-wing authors supported the idea of a common European heritage. from 1925 .40 In German descriptions. their conception of the soldierly man. Balticum The post-war fantasies of Germany’s eastern border were of a different kind. After the end of the war.39 This mindscape consisted of images of an endless and hostile nature. at the request of the government and with permission of the Allied forces. this period of conflict between armed militias resembled a civil war. sharing a bed with a Black occupation soldier could lead to an exclusion from the national community. on the one hand. as is prominent in the works of Ernst Jünger. fought against leftist rebels within Germany. they were to ensure the retreat of German soldiers at the eastern frontier and to slow down the advancing Red Army. which the German army had occupied and administrated during the war. Paul von Hindenburg (1847–1934). Additionally. these descriptions of the other women are ambivalent: the sensuality and the sexual prowess imputed to them are seductive and tempting. built by African colonialists. symbolised ‘a horror’ that ‘had no name in the language of the soldierly man’. Directives told German soldiers to make themselves homes in Ober-Ost and thereby render visible German culture.48 The texts display an intense feeling of revulsion against Communist women. The depictions of their executions are bloody. President. wrote the Freikorps author Thor Goote. gun-toting women’ one received ‘the longest death …. all shared the characteristics of ‘eternal soldierhood and onward-pressing spirit of colonisation’. and Erich Ludendorff (1865–1937).46 The visions the soldiers had were manifold: nevertheless. wrote about the ‘uncivilised country’ in Ober-Ost. some of the Freikorps had colonial plans for further German peasant settlement in the Balticum. The landscape was seen as ‘a landscape of gentle and treacherous loveliness’. The literature provided the reader with an encompassing image of the male Volksgemeinschaft (community of the people). published in 1929. which finally led to the existence of the soldierly man.44 Descriptions of nature constructed the images of the space for which they were fighting. others directly characterised the civil war in the East as ‘an expedition in the interior of Africa’. chief of general staff. These women took a very active part in the ‘butcheries’. the goal was to import German culture and to remove the ‘dirt’ from a piece of earth described as rich and promising. and the task of cleaning it fell to the German soldiers occupying it. countless autobiographical texts were published in which these mostly right-wing men transfigured the battles in the Balticum into a personal process of maturing. soldiers.50 At the same time.240 Sandra Mass onward. The women of the enemy army are described as savage and uncivilised female warriors. And in fact. In the post-war period. as both tempting and repulsive. Freikorps and the male youth. according to Klaus Theweleit’s psychoanalytical study of the Freikorps-literature. the most bitter and the most cruel which one could suffer’.42 Dirt was a most prevalent synonym for Russia. united in the yearning for more space. Propaganda campaigns.43 From the perspective of German military and cultural politics. orders and directives warned soldiers of visiting the brothel and of venereal diseases. cruel and .45 This ambivalence toward the place where the soldiers lived and fought for at least one year can be interpreted as a colonial trope. anti-Semitism and a distinct hate for the other woman characterise these texts. thus wrote Georg Heinrich Hartmann in his description of the time he spent in a Freikorps. So-called ‘dirty literature’ was to be eliminated by the occupation army itself. as a ‘lovely landscape’ where one seemed ‘always in fact to be standing on swaying swamp-ground’. who.47 Anti-Bolshevism. Communist and Latvian women are desired but at the same time mutilated beyond recognition. The way in which these descriptions are placed in the texts illuminates their function as a legitimisation for the following violent excesses.49 ‘At the hands of seductively smiling. as it transpired from the colonial memory literature after 1918. were located in a space that was to contain the possibility of individual improvement. where it was still possible to be a self-determined master possessing all attributes of power’. Ernst Jünger. The war in German East-Africa became the most prominent public example for Africa’s ability to create ‘manly heroes’.The ‘Volkskörper’ in Fear: Gender. with regard both to the landscape as well as to the rape and slaughter of the population. Beyond the frontier. but also offered possibilities to lose oneself in it. the soldiers imagined the East as a space of boundlessness. who went to Africa with the Foreign Legion in 1913. were not only indicators of the colonial act itself. to me. which revealed itself when talking about the uninhabited areas. kept on writing about the love they had developed for their second Heimat: ‘ardent love’ had replaced the violence of colonisation. the epitome of wildness and of the original.51 As can be read in the memories. I had to go there. The alleged namelessness of the landscapes and the German ignorance of the local population. and which also offered a space that could be individually shaped. To the mind of the Freikorps. where parts of Africa’s landscape are coded as the . be it in a novel or in the allegedly dispassionate representations of a battle. Every memory and every description of the former colonies. Africa Africa also offered the possibility of boundary transgression. the descriptions of the ‘love for Africa’ are interspersed with motifs of sexual encounters. This trope was not new in colonial literature. dreams and experiences were possible that could not be experienced in a Germany ‘impoverished in dreams’.53 Frequently. offering men and women more possibilities of self-development. both national and subjective. in which the landscape was subjugated to the German order. where the influence of the individual was still noticeable and actions would have consequences. many soldiers laid down their weapons to return to Germany only with a ‘heavy heart’. Race and Sexuality in the Weimar Republic 241 sadistic. they refer to the dangers of desire.’ Elsewhere. Sexuality here uncovers the instable process of the construction of borders. he wrote that Africa appeared to him as the place ‘in which one could move without coming up against a brick garrison or a prohibitive sign at each step. as soon as I was free to do so. German colonialists. imagined in Das abenteuerliche Herz the expansion and the possibility of Africa in connection to the narrowness of Germany: ‘Africa was. There. and it was clear that. the loss of limits and the battles along the frontier were to be used fruitfully to establish a vision of Germany’s national future.52 The ‘love for Africa’ was bound to the perception of Africa as a country that could be shaped. especially the soldiers of the colonial army. to transcend one’s own boundaries. The Freikorps literature stressed the loss of borders. the only conceivable space for a life on the scale that I had planned to live mine on. 58 The colonial landscape became ‘a place of desire and longings. At the same time. as in the remembrance novel by the mostly unknown colonial author H. When the breeze floats around the temples like silk. to display their level of education. the (sexual) encounter with nature transported narrowness and deadly embrace. when thousands of glow-worms dance a marriage gig. The colonial landscape stood for Ur-mother and vampire at the same time. Fully aroused at touch. whose soft texture flushes as if alive. the most untouched nature.’56 The colonial author De Haas remembered Africa as ‘the maternal earth. as the historian Birthe Kundrus put it. as space for personal development. Furthermore. drained of all their juices and resistance. clung to and strangulated until death occurred.and twentieth-century German middle-class. The abundant female landscape sucked dry. who gave man enough room for contemplation. Consten: Firm liana-arms embrace and strangulate the inclining tree giants. when the primitive roar of the lion tears asunder all that is peaceful. who feeble and tired and exhausted by the strangulating embrace.54 Sexual and sexualising representations of ‘Africa as nature’ made flesh its spatial expansion. in the infinite peace of our eternal mother nature. in particular for soldiers.55 One can find the image of the ‘ever-growing mother’ also in the work of Ludwig Deppe in the description of a war burial: ‘the hero’s grave is completely covered with clinging plants and blossoming flowers: thus our comrades rest in the African jungle. and makes the loving woman shudder and lean against the man’s chest.61 . when nocturnal birds and crickets sing the ceremonial tune and then. an aesthetic emotion’. surrender to death at the hands of this female vampire of the jungle. which for a moment over-ruled female modesty: Blissful days and nights! African nights! What may you at home know of the magic of holding a dear wife in your arms in the midst of the wildest. which was diametrically opposed to ideas of the modern society as a space of acceleration – as genuinely anti-modern modernity. especially when they used the well-known middle-class descriptions of nature as a model.57 The image of ‘Mother Nature’ was associated with both ahistoricity and authenticity. so that he may be reminded that he has from the beginning of time been connected to her bosom as to nothing else. other lianas.59 a stage also for sexual encounters. like a woman’s succulent thighs. these descriptions of nature offered an opportunity. which spoke to him and in him’.242 Sandra Mass bodily shape of a woman. the image as welcomed by colonialists. enabling them to put into words their longings by harking back to romantic descriptions of nature and the cultural pessimism of the nineteenth. These representations underscored its ‘virgin character’ and saw therein unlimited possibilities for male fantasy: ‘Thus I ponder and I dream’. which were endowed with a particular ‘magic’60 and in which wild beasts became metaphors for orgiastic unions. as if put to sleep by a mother. cling to the trees … Red blossoms quiver like ever-thirsty woman’s lips! … Thus I ponder and I dream. they ran high fevers and were weak. But it was this ambivalence that created the colonial man.66 It was this .64 In the interest of colonial propaganda. All of these represented the counterpart to the romanticising view of the ‘magic’ of Africa. longing and violence seemed to lie closer together than on the European continent. Furthermore. etc. In the colonial literature on the World War in Africa. Colonial expansion. the unimaginable number of its victims and the yet to be ascertained number of physically and psychologically damaged people do. The huge popularity of stories about the ‘African adventures’ and the ‘colonial heroes’ also stem from the experience of the European World War. who could at the same time feel love and prove himself in the face of danger. as an effect of the hegemonic position that rendered some whites unable of self-control. thus. which Africa represented as well. This offered him a so-called multitude of being: in Africa. the destruction of lives.62 The memories also tell of an increasing occurrence of psychological illnesses. the romanticisation of Africa was used to deflect attention from the war in Europe. The mythological idea of the Europeans and their paradise in Africa seemed to have run its course by the end of the war.63 The Tropenkoller was the transferral of the neurasthenic debate into the colonies. the narrowness of home. the war had increasingly become an existential strain on the Europeans as well and had lost the attraction of adventure. colonial critics above all had pointed out the psychotic manifestation of the colonial project. the sense of the war. indeed. The bloody repression of rebellions and the torturing of the indigenous population were denounced under the name of Tropenkoller (frenzy of the tropics).The ‘Volkskörper’ in Fear: Gender. The unprecedented violence. vampire-like lianas likened to women’s legs.65 As the colonial forces returned to Germany in 1919. The white soldiers had lost the feeling of a sense of all of their ‘wanderings’. At the end of the nineteenth century. Race and Sexuality in the Weimar Republic 243 The description of Africa’s landscape rarely managed to do without pointing out the violence: lion’s roar. then appeared to the medical doctor Ludwig Deppe as a dream image of the Heimat. as a fantasy of free sexuality and a place to escape from middle-class morals. What formerly had been dismissed. But still. they found there a society defined by military defeat and marked by the experiences of the war. beyond cultural pessimism about the mechanisation of war. it was stipulated not to write too often or in too much detail about wartime violence. the ‘nervous metropolis’ became the opposite of the calm wide space of Africa. became medication for ‘nervous Germans’. indicate a ‘historically unprecedented amassment of death and destruction’. an eventual ‘returning’ of the German colonies was after all connected to the civilising abilities of the Germans. The physical condition of the soldiers became critical. From the point of view of colonialism’s defenders. one can deduce from most of the memories and descriptions that in the last two years of the war. the threat of the Ur-mother. not without the constant referral to the dangers generated by the ‘Heart of Darkness’. wildfires. and from the crisis of valiant masculinity. ideas and landscapes. for example. as.244 Sandra Mass tremendous experience of killing that produced an audience for further colonial fantasies.67 Furthermore. protect us from the dreadfulness. they did find a common ground with the propagandists railing against the Rhineland occupation and the Freikorps literature. the internal intellectual and political space was said to be marked more and more by disorder and to have been taken over by Communists. which . All three of them also stood for the defence against the ‘Bolshevik or Slavic threat’. Racist imaginations and expansionist conceptions of space were established in the two propaganda campaigns as in the colonial memory literature. though of course not colonised. an occupied country. the former General of the Schutztruppe (Colonial Army) in German East-Africa and a leader of Freikorps soldiers after the war. who came back to us over the sea. this analysis suggests that the Balticum and the Rhineland should be discussed in the sense of colonial spaces. which seemed increasingly to be filled by the Left. help us. The German case is particularly interesting and unique for the political conditions after the First World War. in an article in the Post: Berlin’s second major Reicke said: “You. when both lamented the narrowness of Germany. The demise of the monarchy and the dissolution of the old Wilhelminian order left behind a political and mental void. You are men.68 Numerous press articles commented on Lettow-Vorbeck’s return to Berlin in 1919 and described the political character of the march through the Brandenburg gate. metaphors and allegories still shaped public discourses and political ideas after the German Empire had vanished. was made into a colonial hero who still carried with him the signs of the ‘old world’ and was seen as capable of winning back the geographical space and reinstating the intellectual and political hegemony of the Right. But colonial images. as Germany had to give up its colonies with the signing of the Versailles Treaty and it became. It was within this political climate that Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck (1870–1964). While it was the exclusive domain of the colonial authors to fantasize about the vastness of Africa. Conclusion This essay suggests not limiting the analytical tools that have helped research in colonialism to the colonial times. you are our last hope. Although it remains important to maintain the fundamental differences between a colonial system and colonial imaginations. the essay shows that new results can be gained concerning the continuity and discontinuity of colonial mentality if one sets aside a rigid definition of colonialism. Whereas the geographical space had become ever smaller because of the cessation of territories. creating African spaces as a romantic and beloved landscape. But was Germany a post-colonial society after 1918? In the strict sense of the definition – referring only to the existence of overseas colonies – it was. to Lettic and Latvian women. whereas the ‘East’ was represented via the German man being active and raping the female inhabitant. The female German victim.” No socialist spoke. was repeatedly acknowledged as a threat to the White and European culture. threatened to endanger the ‘soldierly’ of the Freikorps male soldier. But whereas the speaking of the rapes in the Rhineland were told as the story of the national ‘narrowness’. The landscape in the Colonial literature is illustrated with fantasies of romantic love and beautiful nature. and that was good … The “International” was not sung. who with their ‘man-murdering sensuality’.The ‘Volkskörper’ in Fear: Gender. instead it was “Deutschland. the literature used the colonial trope of the Tropenkoller to point to the threat that the ‘heart of darkness’ posed to the male subject. also included dangers for the construction of masculinity.70 The Freikorps literature presented what happens. then as a blood-sucker – is currently preparing to accomplish. The texts all deal with men moving in lost spaces. when. Deutschland über alles”. after the retreat of the Red Army. the German passive male and the virile African occupation soldier represented the Rhineland. was an ambivalent concept. the Rhineland space illustrated the fear of what would happen when German men were not allowed to move: the other man started to enter the space. the imaginations of sexual threat were related to the Red Army soldiers and later. rather. Translated by Karen Diehl . At the same time. Sexuality. especially inter-racial sexuality. the frontier that was to be transgressed. In a way similar to the Rhineland. the killing and the raping of Communist women were described as if representing spatial expansion and border crossing. in the process of expanding space. though. the borders were transgressed. The frontier. The texts about the Baltic battles pointed less to the fact of a spatial shortcoming. if we follow here Klaus Theweleit’s analysis of the Freikorps literature in Male Fantasies. they stress the concept of the border. In the case of the Eastern border. it integrated both desire and repulsion. Race and Sexuality in the Weimar Republic 245 that monster of Russian origin – once depicted as a hyena. however. though dangerous. Whereas the East and the Colonial space appeared to be open. Vastness and border crossing. The propaganda used forms of illegitimate sexuality to illustrate the danger that the Rhineland occupation meant for the image of the German Volkskörper. speaking about the conquest of the space and the conquest of the women became interchangeable. ‘Africa’. could thus be interpreted as a place for male catharsis. described as female. The propagandists used an image of a White man’s community that was presented as a space where inter-racial relationships between Africans and Europeans were eliminated.69 The identification of the colonial hero as male underlines what the analysis made clear from the three propagandistic spaces: the identification of Germany as a nation too narrow and stripped down was illustrated with gendered and sexual allegories and metaphors. Die Rede über den ‘Raum’. Sandra Mass. 1992). 4. I would like to thank them. Horst Carl (Berlin: Akademie. 8. ed.g. Jahrhundert). and Jakob Vogel (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. ‘Der Körper der Nation’. 1926).. Birgit Kletzin. Karl Haushofer. 1919–1933. ‘Der Frontsoldat und die Wilhelminische Zeit’. Die Standarte. Fallstudien zum 19. “Von Wilden aller Rassen niedergemetzelt”. Alfred Rosenberg. Afrikanische Kolonialsoldaten in propagandistischen Texten. 7. 1995). for example. Vanessa Conze. Deutschland und Frankreich im Vergleich (19. Grenzen in ihrer geographischen und politischen Bedeutung (Berlin: Vowinkkel. no. Die nationalsozialistische Idee der Neuen Ordnung. 2nd ed. 3 (1994): 374–397. Hans Grimm. 2003). eds Peter Weingart. For an overview concerning the history of geopolitics and geography see Jürgen Osterhammel. 1880–1960 (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh. und 20.. Prejudice and Prurience’. ‘Die Grenzen der Niederlage. ed. Erfahrungen und Erinnerungen. ‘Volk ohne Raum’. Ernst Jünger. Cornelie Usborne.246 Sandra Mass Notes 1. A Study in Propaganda. 2. Sally Marks. . Der Zukunftsweg einer deutschen Außenpolitik (Munich: Eher. Klaus Heller. Deutsche Planungen für eine Erschließung Afrikas. 2002). Blut und Gene. eds Etienne François. no. Neue Politische Literatur 43. 2002). Zur semantischen Karriere eines deutschen Konzeptes (Heidelberg: Synchron. 5. Ein Beitrag zur Disziplingeschichte der Geographie (Berlin: Reimer. ‘A Black Watch on the Rhine. 20 September 1925. between colonisers and colonised take place and in which inclusion and exclusion are negotiated. 163–184. 10. 168f. ‘Die Wiederkehr des Raumes. ‘Instrumentalisierte Erinnerung an den Ersten Weltkrieg. Die Diskussion um die Verwendung von Kolonialtruppen in Europa zwischen Rassismus. Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power. Volk ohne Raum (Munich: Langen. L’Homme 12. Imperiale Infrastruktur. Politische Publizistik. (Münster: Lit. Wissenschaft und Lebensraum. 1927). Birthe Kundrus. ‘Das Trauma des weißen Mannes. See. The editors of this book and Christina Benninghaus (Universität Bielefeld) were helpful critics of the article. und 20. 1914–1923’. Jürgen Kroll. ed. Frontier should not be understood as a fixed border. and Kurt Bayertz (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp. Grenzen. 9. Werner Köster. Kriegsniederlagen und territoriale Verluste im GrenzDiskurs in Deutschland (1918–1970)’. Christian Koller. Dirk van Laak. in which encounters. Ann Laura Stoler. Geschichte der Rassenhygiene und Eugenik in Deutschland. 2004). 2004). eds Helmut Berding. Zur Funktion des Rassismus’. 93–111. 3. 6. 2003). in Kriegsniederlagen. Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (Berkeley: University of Calilfornia Press. Heike Wolter. Lebensraumvorstellungen im geopolitischen. Europa aus Rasse und Raum. Until 1935. for an overview concerning racial hygiene and eugenics in Germany see Rasse. for the National Socialist use of the concept of Raum see Mechtild Rössler. 81. here 106. 2002). Inge Baxmann. 1927). It therefore belongs to the twenty ‘most sold books in Germany of the first half of the twentieth century’. Eine Untersuchung auf der Basis von Fallstudien zu Leben und Werk Karl Haushofers. 2000). Geohistorie und historische Geographie’. Zur Kulturgeschichte des deutschen Kolonialismus (Frankfurt am Main: Campus. Geschichte und Gesellschaft 11 (1985): 37–58. in Krieg und Erinnerung. 1990). in Nation und Emotion. Hans Grimms und Adolf Hitlers (Hamburg: Lit. literarischen und politischen Diskurs der Weimarer Republik. XIV. The Politics of the Body in Weimar Germany (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Hund. 45. e. Jahrhundert. 1992). 12. Geopolitik. ‘“Fremdkörper und Volkskörper”. Gisela Lebzelter. and Winfried Speitkamp (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Vorurteile – Propaganda – Mythos’. Phantasiereiche. Hannes Siegrist. 11. Wulf D. 2001). European Studies Review 1 (1983): 297–333. Hans Grimms “Volk ohne Raum”’. but as a contact zone with a moving border.350 copies were sold. Sven Olaf Bergötz (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta. See Annette Gümbel. quoted in Conze. 315. 353–365. reprinted in Jünger. Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 42 (2002): 345–359. 1 (2001): 11–33. ‘Die “Schwarze Schmach”. Eine Tragödie (Munich: Privately Published. Der blaue Schrecken und die schwarze Schmach. no. 2nd ed. no. ‘Deutsche Schmach’. 145. 57. Franzosen. 10. Eberlein. 2nd ed. The Tirailleurs Senegalais in French West Africa. weil sie über die Dinge anders denken als wir. Grenzlandkorrespondenz. Thesis. (Flugschriften des Bundes Neues Vaterland. La honte noire. 1997). WerkstattGeschichte 11. 1921). 32 (2002): 44–57. no. 1922). Beveridge. in München (Munich: Gmelin. Wilde Frauen. Schwarze. Ibid. 25. Alfred Brie. ‘Sind die schwarzen Besatzungstruppen eine besondere gesundheitliche Gefahr für das deutsche Volk?’. Schwarze Schmach und schwarz-weiß-rote Schande (Berlin 1921: Neues Vaterland). Anon. Wilhelm von der Saar.The ‘Volkskörper’ in Fear: Gender. 15. 14.W. Die weisse Schande (Hamburg: F. (Stuttgart: Curt Winkler. 1993). 35. 2001). Adolf-Viktor von Koerber. Rosenberger. 18. ‘In jedem Land gibt es Ehrvergessene. Jean-Yves Le Naour. 28. intime Beziehungen anzuknüpfen. 6 (December 1922). 1921). 17.’ Von Keudell to the Supreme President of the Rhine Province. die Frauen. Wie die farbigen Soldaten in den besetzten Gebieten wüten (Leipzig: Graphische Werke. Farbige Franzosen am Rhein. ‘One of the French goals is the fragmentation of Germany. Nr. 21 January 1921. August Eberlein. Sabine Schülting. Ibid. (Berlin: Engelmann.. Ray Beveridge. Die schwarze Schmach. Was droht dir. 16. 1922).D. Die schwarze Schmach. Colonial Conscript. Universität Tübingen. 87. Schwarze am Rhein. for a detailed analysis of this argument see Mass. Ein Buch der Anklage gegen die Schandherrschaft des französischen Militarismus (Minden: Köhler. Afrikaner im Bewußtsein und Geschichte der Deutschen (Hamburg: Junius. Eberlein quotes a Norwegian newspaper. ‘Von der “schwarzen Schmach” zur “deutschen Heimat”. It has. 403.und Militärpolitik (1914–1930) (Stuttgart: Steiner. 1920–1929’. Hugo Ferdinand Sigel. Schwarze. 1921).. Fremde Welten. Die Rheinische Frauenliga im Kampf gegen die Rheinlandbesetzung. 2003). die ihre weibliche Würde um Geld verschachern… Wir haben alles Recht. 1857–1960 (Portsmouth: Heinemann.’ Frauenliga. ‘Der Geschlechtstrieb ist bei den Farbigen eben bar jeder Hemmung und doppelt gefährlich. ‘Die Annäherung der weiblichen Jugend an Angehörige der Besatzung hat mit Beginn der Besetzung eingesetzt. Bruno Stehle. 15 June 1921. 13. Denkschrift über die Seuchengefahr infolge der Besetzung europäischen Gebietes mit Farbigen. Ein Notschrei deutscher Frauen. however. Eberlein. 22.. Ein Weltproblem (Davos: Schroeder. Es hat die deutsche Bürgerschaft ganz schön empört. Joseph Lang. 57. 20. Edle Mohren. 67. Rademacher. 1914–1945 (Paris: Hachette.. Kolonialisierungsgeschichten aus Amerika (Reinbek: Rowohlt. sittlicher Schädigung durch die Besatzung (Files concerning the moral risk of the occupation). Trauma. Die farbigen Fronvögte am Rhein. (unpublished) Ph. For the history of the Rheinische Frauenliga see Sandra Mass. 24. Skizzen aus der mißhandelten Westmark (Munich: Deutscher Volksverlag. in ‘Frankreich und die schwarze Schmach’. 1991). Süddeutsche Zeitung. Für den ‘Deutschen Notbund gegen die Schwarze Schmach’ e. Peter Martin.und Treuhandgesellschaft. Echenberg. L’Allemagne et les troupes coloniales françaises. 27. Lilli Jannasch. 19. 13464: Akten betr. Myron J. 1923. uns zu weigern. 1921). vor denen die Farbigen geschützt werden müssen. 18/21). Schwarze Teufel. 26. 4th expanded ed. Fr. 17: ‘Certainly there also exist among the Germans – as with any other people – such elements that will fraternise with the enemy for their own personal gain. 1923). Notschrei. Schmach. Schmach. Landeshauptarchiv Koblenz. 21.’ Stehle.’ 23. Europa? (Munich: Gmelin. achieved the opposite: the German people has been bound together stronger than ever in its hate of the arch enemy’. . 1921). als deutsche Frauen anzuerkennen. 1922). The topos of the ‘over-abundant sexuality of the savages’ already surfaces in the contemporary writings of the colonial expansion of the early modern period. Frauenliga. Rheinische Frauenliga. Race and Sexuality in the Weimar Republic 247 Kolonial. Das deutsche Leid am Rhein.V . Geschändete deutsche Frauen. 1923). 1921). Cf. Bestien im Land. Lang. Ibid. Fronvögte. 19. 13. Frankreichs Schande (Berlin: Neudeutsche Verlags. Heinrich Distler. daß sich eine große Anzahl von Frauen und Mädchen sofort nach Abmarsch der letzten Deutschen dazu hergab. Edmund Dene Morel. no. 96.. For Morel see Adam Hochschild. von Salomon. 1938).The Free Corps Movement in Postwar Germany. 32. 1918–1923 (Cambridge. Gümbel. Das Buch vom deutschen Freikorpskämpfer (Berlin: Limpert. 1920). 42. 33. Liulevicius. wird der Tag kommen. 1920). 1935). 35. Wilden. Die Geächteten (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann. Quoted in Christoph Cornelißen. 1918–1920 (Boppard: Boldt. The Black Man’s Burden (Manchester: The National Labour Press. 1919–1933’. Rüdiger von der Goltz was the leading general in the Balticum after the war. one can also find the interesting remark that Grimm had the idea for his novel Volk ohne Raum after having met Morel. ed. 2 (2004): 241–272. 29. 237–258. The Horror on the Rhine (London: Union of Democratic Control. here 237. ‘“Schuld am Weltfrieden”. ‘Die Wahrheit ins Ausland! Die schwarze Schmach’. 37. 31. 222.. an dem sich die rollende Lawine nicht mehr aufhalten lässt! ’ Lang. 39. See. Schmach. Vossische Zeitung. 1920). 12 May 1921. See Liliana Ellena. who recruited demobilised soldiers. ed. Gerd Krumeich (Essen: Klartext. Politische Kommentare und Deutungsversuche deutscher Historiker zum Versailler Vertrag. 40. 1919). 1998). Ibid. ‘Ein Lügenkongreß’. 1917).. 1969). Robert George Leeson Waite. National Identity. See Hagen Schulze. 138. Erinnerung.’ ‘Hamburg und die Schwarze Schmach’. 151–175. 30. Deutsche Arbeit in den Verwaltungsgebieten Kurland. ‘Political Imagination. The stationing of Black troops makes a mockery of the feeling of solidarity of the community of the white race. Europa. on Salomon see Jost Hermand.’ ‘Protest gegen die schwarzen Besatzungstruppen’. in Versailles. 2. War Land on the Eastern Front. Freikorps were volunteer associations.Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa (Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Aus meinem Leben (Leipzig: Hirzel.Wandlungen eines Nationalrevolutionärs (Leipzig: Hirzel. 220. as personnel checking papers. 2000). Edmund Dene Morel. Ernst von Salomon. A Story of Greed. Hamburger Nachrichten. .’ Erich Ludendorff. 34. Sexuality and Love in the Eurafrican Debate’. 41. left to itself it will cave in to Polish-ness. Eberlein. Ernst von Salomon. 89. King Leopold’s Ghost. 2001). Freikorps und Republik. See Paul von Hindenburg. ed.. 16. The following part of the essay is mainly based upon Vejas Gabriel Liulevicius. 11. 43. 287. In Gümbel’s essay on Hans Grimm.. who are unable to communicate with the population. 1952).248 Sandra Mass 28. Rüdiger von der Goltz. however. and German Occupation in World War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Meine Sendung in Finnland und Baltikum (Leipzig: Koehler. 14 April 1921. MA: Harvard University Press. Oberbefehlshaber Ost (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt. 24 February 1921. are regarded as ‘splendid soldier material’ (prächtiges Soldatenmaterial). Further examples of an unlimited number of such comments: ‘The German government must categorically refuse that the population of the territories occupied by the Entente has to suffer the ignominy of a coloured occupation … The occupation of the left Rhine German territory does not happen as a hostile act of war but peacefully. etc. Anon. ‘Merely by itself. 2002). Litauen und Bialystok-Grodno. the totally mixed population will not create a culture. 1920). quoted from Koller. the Russian soldiers. Ziele – Wirkung – Wahrnehmung. Edwin Erich Dwinger. ‘Wenn nicht bald die gesamte zivilisierte Welt geschlossen aufsteht und die Zurückziehung der farbigen Truppen von europäischem Boden verlangt. on the basis of a signed treaty. In a less dramatic way the landscape was characterised in Freikorps literature by its greyish and overall dull atmosphere. in Berliner Börsen-Zeitung. Culture. 1930). Morel’s arguments fit with the contemporary ideas of some European socialists about a ‘supra-national control’ of African colonies. is perceived as a serious threat to the population. here 245. e. Vanguard of Nazism. as guards.g. ‘The employment of these coloured people. Deutsche Zeitung. 3 December 1918. War. Die letzten Reiter ( Jena: Diederichs. European Review of History 11. Meine Kriegserinnerungen (Berlin: Mittler. Das Land Ober-Ost. 38. 36. Schwarze. The expression ‘magic’ (Zauber) can be found often in the memories of the African colonial period. the immersion in the vast wilderness.. 1925). 11. Quoted in Dirk Blotzheim.. 1926). 60. and if there is enough water. quoted in Birthe Kundrus. who all-giving and omni-potent. e. The descriptions call to mind the dreamlike journey described by Joseph Conrad in Heart of Darkness. 139. and such. to be free of the revolting teeming of the masses of your cities! … No smothering police force to bother about. 3: Planmässige Durchwanderung Afrikas (Frankfurt am Main: Frankfurter Societäts-Druckerei. Geächteten. …und ich weine um dich. 3. in Curt Hotzel. 52. 1 (1928). 454. ed. 55. Reiter. 1927). 18. Die Revolution des Nachkrieges (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Erlebnisse und Eindrücke auf den Zügen Lettow-Vorbecks durch das östliche Afrika (Berlin: Scherl. War.g. Ernst Jüngers ‘Heldenverehrung’. 1934). 49. Lettow-Vorbeck’s description of German East-Africa before the outbreak of the war: ‘It must be mentioned that on my ceaseless travelling I fully enjoyed the magic of the tropics. 191–208. 286. 1: 81. 1990). 46. Leo Frobenius. 1992). 12. one also takes a bath. ‘Nachwort’. Kriegs-Safari. Hermann Consten. War. the archaic mother. fled the Foreign Legion and was arrested in the desert. War. 27. Der Wilderer von Deutsch-Ost (Berlin: Scherl. which left a longing in the soul that was forever unsatisfied’. It was not necessarily a sexual connotation. 1929). No watch is necessary … And a most wonderful advantage. 1920). Deutscher Aufstand. quoted in Luilevicius. Salomon. 57. in Joseph Conrad. 152. which prior to that had also been talked about (in a surprisingly similar metaphor). 48. in general. ‘Zum Geleit’. 2000). to the mother. Begegnung. See also F. 133. sitting on a horse and not fleeing through the landscape in a train. 48. 58. e. Richard Wenig. i. Georg Heinrich Hartmann. 51. in Der Kampf ums Reich. Kundrus. Ernst Jünger (Essen: Deutsche Vertriebsstelle ‘Rhein und Ruhr Kampf ’.. Dwinger. 56. 1: 77. Kolonial-Post 22. See. 240f. And how simple one’s desires become! No need of theatre. Ludwig Deppe. quoted in Todt. quoted from Theweleit. Quoted in Herbert Todt. Bild eines Deutschen Soldaten (Braunschweig: Westermann. no. Friedrich Wilhelm Heinz. vol. to the women.’ Franz Henkel. Rudolf de Haas. the nights spent under the sparkling . (Reinbek: Rowohlt.’ Urs Widmer. 238. 2. 2 vols. who explicitly calls Africa ‘his Africa’ and effusively and tenderly speaks of its ‘sisterly-motherly hand’ that he again and again seeks out and has to take. ‘Erinnerungen aus der Kämpfenden Baltischen Landeswehr’. 53. Der Kampf um Südwestafrika (Berlin: Paetel. far removed from all culture. Urs Widmer has termed Marlowe’s journey a ‘journey to the mothers’. der ‘unvergleichliche Franke’. newspapers are obsolete! One washes oneself now and then. the glorious chase for dangerous beasts. 47. Race and Sexuality in the Weimar Republic 249 44. 1919). Quoted in Luilevicius. Mit Lettow-Vorbeck durch Afrika (Berlin: Scherl. thus. ‘in a metaphorical as well as a very concrete sense. Klaus Theweleit. Only after his father’s intervention was Jünger released and then returned to school to finish his final examination. 6. here 203. 45. 50. 134. Erlebte Erdteile. a journey into that “dark continent”. however. their mysterious sexuality. 234f. 59. Adolf von Mecklenburg. Imperialisten. Herz der Finsternis mit dem Kongo-Tagebuch (Zurich: Haffmanns. Deutsch-Afrika (Stuttgart: Strecker und Schröder. ‘Der deutsche Vorstoß in das Baltikum’.) How marvellous. who had been strange and sweet. See also Leo Frobenius.g. 1937). Behn. Die deutsche Begegnung mit Afrika im Spiegel des deutschen Nachkriegsschriftums (Frankfurt am Main: Blazek & Bergmann. 1939). Moderne Imperialisten. 468. 54. concerts. is everything to the child. Kamerad Berthold. Thor Goote.The ‘Volkskörper’ in Fear: Gender. 1908). Das Kaiserreich im Spiegel seiner Kolonien (Cologne: Boehlau 2003). See also Luilevicius. See also the excerpt from a soldier’s letter from German South-West-Africa: ‘I have now seen more of the country of Africa than I have of Germany (but really seen.e. Zu Facetten in seinem Frühwerk (Oberhausen: Athena. a journey into a “dark continent”. Sigmund Freud. as do sinners against God’s beautiful nature. Männerphatasien. a journey. who described the longing for Africa as ‘the mourning of a lover. Jünger. Männerphantasien. See. Thomas Schwarz. 68. zu vollbringen sich anschickt. Zur Geschichte kolonialer Männlichkeit in Deutschland. For a definition cf. Masculinities in Britain since 1800. die Ihr über’s Meer zu uns zurückgekommen seid. . ‘to the African nature with her people and animals und her freedom’. helft uns. ‘Die Eskalation des Tötens in zwei Weltkriegen’. On Lettow-Vorbeck and the construction of colonial heroes cf. Hugo Erdmann. Mein Leben (Biberach: Koehler. 1995). quoted in Adjai Paulin Oloukpona-Yimon. 101. later on. 64. Lettow-Vorbeck. 2000). 67. here 268. 3 March 1919. 1: 77. Helmuth Stöcker. 411–429. Hans Paasche. pointed out the ‘naturalness’ of the place. see Kundrus. 1919) 16. Deutschland zwischen Bismarck und Hitler (Munich: Hanser. 62. ed. 70.. Lawrence of Arabia. in Die Erfindung des Menschen 1500–2000. on ‘magic’ as a topos in colonial literature on German South-West-Africa.. eds Michael Roper and John Tosh (London: Routledge. Weiße Helden. Cf. 1918). (Berlin: Akademie. 85–102. ‘Die Kultivierung des kolonialen Begehrens – ein deutscher Sonderweg?’. 2nd ed. in Manful Assertions. ‘Das Streben nach kolonialer Restitution in den ersten Nachkriegsjahren’. 65. ‘Berlins zweiter Bürgermeister Reicke sagte: “Ihr. und das war gut. to which ‘many of us had lost their hearts’. 292. Joachim Radkau. an opponent of colonialism. Benjamin Ziemann. 21. Männerphantasien. das bald als Hyäne. a liberal defender of colonialism and. Das verlorene Afrika (Berlin: Neues Vaterland. quoted in Adolf Rüger. 61. 2. Das Zeitalter der Nervosität. 2002). Sandra Mass. 1957). 113–144. Nicht die “Internationale” wurde gesungen. Kolonialismus. 1998). Richard van Dülmen (Vienna: Boehlau. Deutsch-Ostafrikaner. eds Alexander Honold and Oliver Simons (Tübingen: Francke. Imperialisten.’ Die Post. Literatur. Imperial Adventure and the Imagining of English-British Masculinity’. bedeutet unsere letzte Hoffnung. 262–283.250 Sandra Mass stars to the deep roar of the lion a-hunting. Die deutsche koloniale Expansionspolitik und Herrschaft in Afrika von den Anfängen bis zum Verlust der Kolonien. 1918–1964 (Cologne: Boehlau 2006). 66. Also Hans Paasche. Theweleit. 87. ‘The Blond Bedouin. 121. Ihr seid Männer. 1998). 414. ed. schwarze Krieger.’ Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck. Unter deutschen Palmen. Deppe. Jürgen Osterhammel.” Kein Sozi sprach. 1991). similar readings of Lawrence of Arabia in England 1919/1920: Graham Dawson. 1991). sondern entblößten Hauptes “Deutschland. 69. 63. Deutschland über alles”. Geschichte – Formen – Folgen (Munich: Beck. in Kolonialismus als Kultur. in Drang nach Afrika. bald als Blutsäufer dargestellt wird. Wissenschaft in der deutschen Gründerzeit des Fremden. 407–421. bewahrt uns vor dem Fürchterlichen. 147. Medien. Die ‘Musterkolonie’ Togo im Spiegel deutscher Kolonialliteratur (Frankfurt am Main: IKO. Ein Tropen-Roman (Berlin: Scherl. das jenes Ungeheuer russischen Ursprungs. and not as a possible refuge from it. small unit of exchanging and producing ideas. or the anthropology of emotions of war times. or stopping it. that I want to explore is that of women from the intellectual elite. and thus to diminish the immeasurable dimensions of war. Congo. and means defining possibilities of controlling a space (site) in everyday mobility requirements of a human group settled there.CHAPTER 1 3 Anica Savic. Edith Stein Love in the Time of War* SVETLANA SLAPŠAK I do not want to theorise on love as a counterpart of war. compared to any other human and social activity – or worse. Cambodia.) On the contrary. etc. which were aimed at stopping the war(s) in the warring areas (Vietnam. I want to reflect on love as one of the civic activities. usually over a one-day span. The opposition war-peace. while hard political and public work was necessary in organising the anti-war movements in many countries. pertaining to collective identity and citizenship. the expected and the ‘natural’ one remains in the field of public discourse and politics: the shift should be to thematise the history of emotions. My use of the term underlines limited communication frameworks – in this case Notes for this section begin on page 267. Angola. each of them in their well defined. Rebac. a kind of site-catchment. Olga Freidenberg. Anyone remembering the 1960s and 1970s could ponder on how love was merely an often unsuccessful rhetoric gimmick appealing to underlying cultural layers of the discourse of Christianity. Site-catchment is an archaeological term. and to follow a gender divide in it. . A rather narrow space. approximately at the same time – during the Second World War. to fall into the trap of naive and blurring stereotypes on love preventing war. and therefore one of the fields of public discourse and activity that can oppose war on equal terms of public concern and aims. like war and opposition to war. the culture of Greek polis of the classical period. Feminism and gender studies of modern times have done a lot first to ‘mythify’ women’s ‘innate’ opposition to war. as a kind of hypo-text. Reinterpreting Antiquity in Search of Love Theories By choosing three women that opposed the war through thinking and writing on love. There are only two moments in European history in which love is defined as a public affair. examples. history. there is also a third text to be read – the meta-text. . have to be seen in such a multi-level division. Women against the war remains a powerful narrative. and much contested but almost lasting as much as the ‘golden era’ of Athenian democracy. Women theorising on love during war. especially the Athenian one. is hardly mentioned. still ‘workable’ in war zones and in grassroots activism. and then quite a lot to deconstruct and de-mystify this construct. folklore. quotations. or the explanatory hints in the choice of topics. I position the philosophy of love in women’s culture. If all of the three texts have some same narrative units. Beside the hypo-text (life during war) and the core text (scientific discourse in this case). trivial as resistance to highbrow and false discourse on sacred goals.252 Svetlana Slapšak siege. nor war prose. but a reading-in the war through a basic anti-war procedure. and in order to put forward an unexplored but convincingly justified European invention of Antiquity. in the times of war. opposes both mainstream gender-genre conventions. pertaining to citizen’s identity: more largely confirmed. such as philosophy. and women’s writing during (or on) war. or sub-genre. everyday and common as meaningful and even subversive. as scarce a phenomenon as it is in Europe during the Second World War. from which immanent poetics can be construed. polemography. then we could even speak of a genre. in order to celebrate these women’s breach into the field of man’s privileged reflective. Further re-semantisation of the term goes into the texts: war. the pain and the toils of everyday life are generally omitted and they cannot be read from the core texts that firmly reside in theory – philosophy. the 1968 revolution in understanding.. acting and presenting love. etc. exclusion and eventually concentration camps. This clear division allows for reading biographical data as part of the hypo-text. spiritual and intellectual competence. ethics. in which some features of women’s writing can be seen more clearly against a gloomy background: life and living as the only sense bearers. the continuation of writing just as if there still were peace and normality. patriotism and necessity of violence. Standard textual procedures of a scientific discourse in humanities. war zone. which is not historiography. and the expansion of theorising under such restrictions. all three of them writing during the Second World War. The needy male citizens on both sides consent to peace after a number of comic twists and turns. of proposing a liberal sexual life as a foundation of civic fulfilment. and on how sexuality formed political space by the use of women and homosexuality. Instead of preparing civil war and tyranny. military discipline/imperialism. hence confirming family values. a stable motive of Ancient Greek literature. living together. Furthermore. However. The male sexual suffering is a public affair. the courtesans.1 Interestingly enough. who proclaim a sexual strike until the peace treaty between Athenians and Spartans is concluded. friendship. give themselves a credit of keeping dangerous philosophers’ minds away from concocting revolutions and instability by keeping their bodies sexually satisfied. We cannot deny that our ways of making love. more precisely utopias in modern Europe. from the Classical period to the late Hellenistic times. Social stability and stability depending . the courtesans prevent male folk from incestuous relationships and from adultery. there have been several intellectual projects. can be easily traced back to Lysistrata and Aristophanes. Lysistrata’s carnivalesque plot is about women of Athens. choosing partners and presenting sexuality have radically changed ever since 1968. the male sexuality and its phenomena and divergence (patriotism. was the simultaneous performance of Aristophanes’ Lysistrata in more than 300 places all over the world. does not occupy much space in the book. that of the dangers of male sexuality for the stability of the state. The ‘Make love not war’ slogan can also be understood as re-vindicating the public space for love as a civic activity in the context that I try to limit and define in this chapter. without special attention to female sexuality and its role in the society. and they gain the support of the Spartan women for the strike as well.2 The argument that social stability depends largely on satisfied male sexual desire. Aristophanes’ upside-down comic world is conditioned by genre and context – and an exclusively male theatre public. seeking solutions in confronting or negotiating women’s refusal of sex as their own public and political intervention: women were not citizens. Edith Stein: Love in the Time of War 253 Of course. and it becomes a standing motive in writings of Alciphron3 and other late ‘re-inventors’ of the Athenian Golden Age: hetaerae. Rebac. It was not surprising that one of the most successful global cultural activities in March 2003. Olga Freidenberg. and the one invented by François Rabelais is particularly evocative. But there are many other aspects that point to the Ancient understanding of love and sexuality as a public matter. most visibly in the popular culture and in the media. philosophers are somewhat too tired to get up early and go to exercise politics after a night of love. The recent study by Paul Ludwig sheds a new light on Ancient understanding of desire and power. aiming at preventing the war in Iraq.Anica Savic . But it reappears in different literary genres later. with deep traces in almost every section of culture and everyday life. public nudity) remain the main topic of Ludwig’s debate. or that the male sexual desire can de-stabilize the state. On the one side. or Philosophers at the Feast. The absence of women might be explained with a new and different mentality. present in Athenaeus’ group. In Aristophanes’ Women in Parliament (Ecclesiazousae). condiments. which did not allow for hiring expensive sexy entertainers (their role was always multiple). techniques. who developed a concept in which gender and genre are related. of which half of the text is preserved. which is one of the most expanded modalities of sexual satisfaction today (sex-prone phone industry). They also do not have women entertainers. Athenaeus is interested in everything and anything: his guests at the imaginary (or real?) symposium debate on history. political. When they refer to tacky. because they reflected aristocratic behaviour and the threat of aristocratic conspiracy against democracy. more comfortable and a less risky way of enjoying oneself. which in Plato’s case serves more as a simple equation of women = (means) irony. though secret. always constructed as power relations (younger and older lover. teacher of rhetoric. executed by Socrates’ pupils). love. architecture. are Epicureans. The connection with wit and irony. or maybe a new social status. art. mythology. food. where Socrates produces an ironical theory that Aspasia in fact wrote Pericle’s speeches. Athenaeus’ group looks like an old boys’ club. especially Menexenes. actual or anything concerning power games. and make the Parliament vote to delegate the power to women. That fear was well confirmed by history (Harmodios’ and Aristogeiton’s tyrranoctony). and that she is an excellent. literature. and on the other. as was customary for men-only symposia – at least in earlier times. which bears the title On women. hard sciences. His Deipnosophistae. but whatever the reason. The contextual scenery of Book XIII can be understood fully only when we compare it to the complex setting of the Ancient symposium seen by today’s historic anthropologists – readers of images4 – and also to the changed .254 Svetlana Slapšak on a good sexual life? Male sexuality as a natural threat to the stately order and democracy? The Athenian democracy constantly feared the destructive force of male sexuality in its more political form – the homosexual relations. Alciphron’s ironic arguments follow a long line that can be seen in Plato’s dialogues. travel. women easily steal their husbands’ language. and by more recent events in Athenian democracy (the tyranny of the Thirty. clever Alciphron’s argumentation. geography. philosophy. never two consenting adults). Some of the philosophers’ schools. which does not include the real fear of anti-democratic conspiracy. the case of Athenaeus. Athenaeus’ intellectuals discuss women and love. or overtly obscene narratives. In Book XIII. animals. chronologically close to Alciphron. they seem to enjoy it acoustically. thus familiar not only with women’s presence. plants. went through a more subtle change after the death of democracy and deep cultural transformations in the Hellenistic era. but avoid any allusion to the local. is a curious work. Feasting intellectuals do not have a single woman-guest among them. but also with their participation in philosophic and academic activities. being cheaper. The cultural and performative aspects of love . or hetairai. which we could define as the disciplinary expansion. Athenaus is the inventor or the first user of the term we know of. new options for dealing with complexity appeared. historians and polyhistors. but he does a much more remarkable job of connecting gender and culture. Again. are the class of women that serve as a screen for projecting this gender specificity. which is accepted as a general framework – is a theoretical precondition today for all the gender studies area. apart from comedy. and the ancient alterity has been replaced by a much more responsible and intellectually challenging process of inventing new (textual/discursive) spaces for women’s identity. The literary genre is pornography. or the oral genre. which is obviously understood as a form of prose. using and re-narrating the plots of the so-called Middle Comedy – collections of anecdotes. boldly compared and arguable through today’s technologically advanced but anthropologically parallel practice. which is very much like the gender itself used to be presented. Hetaerae are given a literary genre and a discourse. Edith Stein: Love in the Time of War 255 context of Hellenistic symposium: it is definitely miserable when it comes to gentlemen’s delights. By treating gender concepts in this way. and having a genre/discourse to do it properly. by quoting. muffled into ‘nature’. Rebac. butchers. Athenaus’ old boys’ club did reflect on women as secondary. soldiers or kings. Olga Freidenberg. They typically outsmart men. be it philosophers. That gender is conceptualised – and realised in culture. the work of memory is masterly displayed. especially when their charms do not work any more in their old age. and whores. interdisciplinary cooperation and looking for a definition between genre and discourse. Athenaeus proposes not only a new strategy of dealing with complexity. and the textual tradition which is defined as pornography. In fact. bits and pieces of many authors. appears as the main semiotic code of Book XIII. But from this position. and the discourse. The hidden complexity of gender relations is thus deconstructed and re-classified. is the joke (Witz). The debate about women and love moves from the anthropological situation of alterity of women toward the integration of women into the world – even if it is the virtual world of memory – allowing for women to excel in the same privileged art of commanding the memory. all the jokes cited by Athenaeus’ participants (the old boys’ club) are about the intellectual superiority of hetaerae. Athenaeus’ strategy of complexity can be read as a good example of epistemological experiment. or strategy of complexity.Anica Savic . with an innovative solution to the problem of self-expression and intellectual emancipation of hetairai. an impressive endeavour coming from the neglected part of the past in which we should certainly invest more of our attention. Rediscovering the Ancient politics about love (with all of the conceptual differences) unveils indirectly the still functioning contemporary censorship and re-naturalisation of love. The acoustic aspect of enjoyment. or writing on whores. from the position of power and a restrained acoustic command of sexuality. both in terms of chronology and evaluation. for instance. namely. who ‘unearthed’ Menippos. more toward universal anthropological and folkloric lineage or parallels (paligenesis+polygenesis). Novi Sad and Beograd intellectual circles at the peak of the activities of these circles to invent/imagine a new society and its culture. wrote a treaty about beauty. when he constructed a relevant literary theory around Menippos’s work. which would not use ‘origin’ as a tool.256 Svetlana Slapšak become especially challenging and inspirational when theorised by women authors before and out of great places. Laza Kostic. a nearly forgotten Hellenistic author. not only as if their works were mere reference treasures. again against the model of origins and appropriation. In the case of Olga Freidenberg. seasons and jargons of theory on gender. approximately at the same time as Savic. When a new interest in Athenaeus. Same Time. Different Places My point about this topic is that it was already presented. Rebac. but the whole generation of students of Antiquity from the region were well aware of Laza Kostic. Rebac. in which he relies on Heracleitos’ teaching. but repeats in fact many of Athenaeus’ statements: a large portion of this treaty is in fact on love.’s godfather and mentor. To do this.’s experimenting with the translation of Homer into the Serbian epic decameter.’s attempt to bring closer the Balkan cultures and the Antiquity. including Kostic. researched and used in public discourse for defining a certain anti-war intellectual attitude and the philosophical relation to the Ancient views on love and public sphere long before 1968 and Ludwig’s book. Chronodistopia: Three Women. nothing of this ‘peripherial’ European tradition was mentioned.6 Looking at issues treated by less known Hellenistic authors.. This interest was local and responded to the local needs. In this case. who wrote in the very heart of Western (Ger- . Anica Savic. or any of the known tools of the European appropriation of Antiquity. the Yugoslav society and culture. Rebac and Freidenberg were working on similar operations of re-reading. emerged just a couple of years ago.5 Not only Anica Savic. his theory of theatre originating in Balkan ritual performances and so on. but in cultures less resonant and hardly recorded in what we might understood as the collective (Western) European memory. love and sexuality. occurred far from academic centres and produced original theories. I am referring to the case of Anica Savic. a poet and a theoretician. the ‘classical’ was less interesting to research than pre-classical or post-classical. who was educated in quite a unique social-cultural context of Viennese. the early revolutionary energy in her circle of Petrograd intellectuals was also translated into a re-interpretation of Antiquity. as well. it was necessary to construct a code of interpretation of Antiquity and to establish a certain intimacy between Balkan/Yugoslav and Ancient.7 Even in the case of Edith Stein. No better parallel could be presented than Michael Bakhtin. fluctuating ethnic and religious positioning and the eventual closure inside the institutions of the Catholic church. Before them. Rebac. Olga Freidenberg. Women in philosophy. All three women were functioning in such closures. but also for less theoretical purposes. which immediately stresses her distancing from this tradition. patterns of behaviour and ruling discourses in their variety (all of the guests at the symposium). Another European feature in this case can be a model of intellectual closure – monasteries. Diotima. and certainly not limited to Europe. The three authors that I am interested in analysing belong in different degrees to liminal cultures. while in the case of Stein. history and anthropology of intellectuals. In the cases of Freidenberg and Savic. is also a European feature: Olga Freidenberg is mostly known today through her correspondence with her famous cousin. Rebac’ thematic approach to ‘pre-platonic erotology’ (the title of her Ph. pushing women where they belong. but neglecting non-Western European achievements in humanities. Anica Savic. violence-based closures were formed. and a remarkably ambitious project of exploring its unrecognised sources. which is the first attempt at confronting contemporary sexual practices. languages and disciplines. is a recognisable – and questionable – European feature.Anica Savic . and the gender constraints that are of a more universal nature. The ignorance of these data lies in the (Western) European cultural colonialism. both arts and academia. whenever love and beauty come to the field of vision of philosophy. we see that the intensity of the first can easily cover the absence of the latter by its sheer intensity. There is a strong European tradition of interpreting Plato’s dialogue (together with Phaedros) over the centuries. Rebac). How European is Theorising on Love? Three aspects of the politics of love in Europe at the same historic moment of the Second World War are to be explored in this chapter: gender.D. the overall notion of ‘European’ should be addressed: what is European about these three women and their work? The tradition of theorising love starts with Plato’s Symposion. (revolutionary) salons. who in fact ‘translates’ an absent authority in the matter. A clear reference to this can be seen in Anica Savic. universities. thesis). the European cultural supremacy the other. with all of the difficulties of affirmation. into literature. and the need to theorise them critically (Socrates). Rebac – for those who . Boris Pasternak. like a crypto-defence of homosexuality. there is a veil of oblivion woven from different aspects of her otherness: gender. intellectual circles. neither is feminist networking (the case of Rebecca West and Anica Savic. gender instigated censorship is one side of the problem. while other. Communicating under such conditions is certainly not specifically European. a kind of longue durée feature. Rebac. They are outsiders in humanities and academia today as they were outsiders in their lifetimes. Edith Stein: Love in the Time of War 257 man) philosophical tradition. which deteriorated radically during the war. In their work. it is a proposal for a public civic attitude. Her position seems to be much more interesting in the secular culture after her letter to the Pope Pius XII was recently released by the Vatican and published. not purged or punished. and it is not escapist. but social and political action that is openly against the romanticising of love in its Western intimate/bourgeois context. However. along with constant translation and terminological invention. Olga Freidenberg and Edith Stein. Rebac. Hannah Arendt and especially Simone de Beauvoir. Jean-Paul Sartre. the political move is clearer. to underline the synchronicity and last but not least. In fact. In the cases of the three women I am presenting. Adorno. choice of narrative – in one word. intentionality. does not invoke personal human happiness and consolation. and ‘hailing’ its political energy. The three women. I chose Edith Stein as tertium comparationis because she. of course. quite close to a high emotional exciting. both by her writing and her public role. the example of Carl Orff ’s Catulli Carmina (1943) should suffice in this sense. such as Anica Savic. who saw the double victimisation of human and women. my intervention regarding choice of data. they do not send a political/civic message. although love and sex are the principle topics of Orff ’s musical and theatrical work. Rebac’ erotology for the philosophy of love. whose reflections on love remained unknown for a long time. Their insisting on love affecting upon and originating from public life – be it historical. The aspect of gender difference is thematically situated: conceptualising love in theoretical terms. love is not a symbol of hope or human values. There is. became well known in the Catholic Church culture (as a Jewish woman who turned to Catholicism. after the war. continuing. in order to illustrate the context. Such political tension. thus slightly masked as a message.258 Svetlana Slapšak recognize the coded name Militsa – from her presence in Rebecca West’s travelogue. This contribution should serve to fixate. Multilingual capacity is another European feature. epitomisation of data. I will have to go to the biographies of the three chosen women. even for a bit. also because it is not backed up by any state institution. be it an open call to the Pope (as in the case of Edith Stein). The only message that could have been constructed in reception of his work was on the ‘universal’ level. to establish a hypo-text: their life stories as conforming-confirming texts of their core texts. Parallels for such intellectual behaviour can be found in war-torn Europe. date and put the name of the author on this very useful neologism. can be found in the texts of Western intellectuals who felt compelled to explore the horrors of the just finished Second World War – Theodor W. I would like to put . although addressed to different recipients and thus differently presented. in spite of circumstances. could be perceived today as almost prophetic figures. stirring a new controversy over the position of the Vatican on the genocide of the Jews. or at least very early birds in thinking love in terms of public responsibility. who was killed in a concentration camp as a nun and eventually was sanctified). The three women ‘exemplifiers’ are Anica Savic. she met Hasan Rebac.D. we are much safer than we suppose. In the meantime. he said. They married after the war. hosting the best of Serbian intelligentsia at the time. a Serbian Jew and multi-talented Stanislav Vinaver. Rebac Anica Savic. (married Rebac) was born in 1894 in Novi Sad (former Yugoslavia). probably one of the intellectually most exciting cities in Europe around 1910. who is one of the wisest of men. which was one of the liveliest intellectual focuses of the city – then under Austro-Hungarian Empire. Italian and Hungarian. into a wealthy family of intellectuals of mixed Greek and Serbian origins. a Muslim of Serbian origin and a well-known guerrilla fighter for the Serbian cause in Bosnia and Herzegovina against the Austrian rule. upon meeting. Anica is described as ‘Militsa’ in Rebecca West’s book on Yugoslavia. The little girl published her first translations from Ancient Greek (Pindarus) at the age of 10. although she brilliantly defended her Ph. By the age of 18. This is where Rebecca West. thesis at the Beograd University. but she received the maximum of attention and the best education at home. Rebac consequently lost most of her social support in Novi Sad. dreaming about destroying the Austro-Hungarian Empire and constructing a new. mainly with Ancient and Anti-Christian motives. she commanded Ancient Greek and Latin. She had to flee back home before she presented her Ph. in the following terms: ‘Once I showed Denis Saurat. today Macedonia. This Wunderkind was accompanied by her mother to the University of Vienna. The couple settled in Beograd.D. They were soon both employed by the state in Skopje. As a girl. democratic. she as a teacher in a girls’ high school. and studied there the crown discipline of academia of that time – Ancient Studies. German. because of the outbreak of the First World War. Black Lamb and Grey Falcon (1941). fostered by students coming from different parts of the Balkans. and to their socialist ideas. “She writes from Skopje. English.9 travelled to meet Anica. Edith Stein: Love in the Time of War 259 it even more bluntly: it is a clear intention of feminist solidarity by telling a she-story. Olga Freidenberg. multiethnic state(s) in its place. alarmed by the French philosopher Denis Saurat8 and by her Beograd ‘informer’ and guide. where she could not get a post at the University. the two women forged a lasting friendship. he as a teacher at medressa (Muslim religious school): this unprivileged position was due to the couple’s staunch opposition to the monarchy and its right-wing government. I see”. and Anica Savic. “Really. French. Rebac. Hypo-text: Anica Savic. her pioneer translations of Emile Verhaaren’s poetry at the age of 12 and she wrote her dramas.Anica Savic . at the age of 13. If there are twenty people . a letter that I had received from Militsa. She was also involved in the Yugoslav movement. she could not attend the high school reserved for boys. the cradle of modern feminism in the Balkans. guided by her new friend. Heinrich Leisegang. a Militsa. civilization will not perish”. Denis Saurat had been among the people she addressed when researching Christian and Jewish mysticism. West’s critical eye tries to spot internal signs of collapse in the Yugoslav society and culture. when I go through a town of which I know nothing.12 Anica Savic. Goethe. and her professor in Vienna. Ludwig Radermacher. Now. Black Lamb is a figure that denotes internal violence and its irrational motivation in the Balkans. was published. because of her sympathies for the Serbian royal house of Karadjordjevic. while they were hiding in a deep Serbian province. a town which appears to be a waste land of uniform streets wholly without quality.260 Svetlana Slapšak like this woman scattered between here and China. While one of the letters.’11 It is with Anica-Militsa that Rebecca West visits a sacrificial site in Macedonia. Njegoš (who was both the religious and political ruler of Montenegro in the early nineteenth century) into English and German – this translation was published after her death in Harvard Slavic Studies. Ironically enough. and this is where she formulates her predominant metaphor of useless sacrifice (black lamb) in the Balkans. Thomas Mann). the work of Rebecca West was silently neglected and prevented from translation for many years by the Yugoslav authorities after the Second World War. Rebac finally got a position at the Beograd University in . P.13 Anica Savic. she also translated the mystic epic The Ray of Microcosm by the Montenegrian romantic poet P. she translated his three novellas (Tonio Kröger. Shelley. They are pillars supporting that invisible house which we must have to shelter us if we are not to be blown away by the winds of nature. others remain unknown to the public. In order to clarify her position. An excellent translator (Pindarus. an active cultural memory far from today’s Western – and European – stereotypes on the Balkans. where she describes the horrors of war and her and Hasan’s successful attempts at escaping Serbian nationalist paramilitaries (tchetnik) to get them. whom she asked several questions about Kaballa. Der Tod in Venedig and Tristan) in 1929.’10 Or. Lucretius. and these translations are still considered the best in Serbo-Croat. Rebac exchanged letters with Rebecca West before and after the Second World War. that was the main reason for her decision to visit and research this part of Europe – the fear that it will vanish soon in its cultural diversity. I look on it in wonder and hope. In fact. she translated much of her work to German. a little further in the book: ‘Yet these two are steady as pillars. who is an excellent authority in matters of Balkan rituals. She also had a rich exchange of letters with the people that she was consulting with about her ideas and research: Gershom Sholem. since it may hold a Mehmed.i. while she was convinced that Yugoslavia was an easy prey of the rising Nazi-fascist coalition around it. And she was right in her prediction. He in return included her definition of love in his Joseph und seine Brüder. and she followed his work with a keen critical interest until the very end. Her relation with Thomas Mann was remarkable: she was the first one in Yugoslavia to qualify him as a great European writer. Anica Savic . her diaries (more than 2. and her anti-fascist convictions were well known. as a student of then influential linguist. Spanish and Portuguese languages.15 was a brilliant young woman with the knowledge of Ancient Greek and Latin. as her socialist ideas were considered relatively acceptable by the new communist authorities. and obtained a unique chance to form a new department of Classical studies.500 pages) and her studies were discovered. of the automatic telephone switch. In fact. who received the opportunity to study at the University of Petrograd after the revolution. German. since Shelley’s socialism was the topic whose political reflection was contained in a shortened Lenin’s (or Stalin’s) interpretation of Marxism. In 1953. Since she was a convinced feminist before. she had to pay the consequences of being connected to him when he fell out of grace: her major study on poetics of Ancient literatures was refused to be published in the 1930s. Swedish. cut off not only from Western developments in the discipline. Anica committed suicide after the sudden death of her husband. A victim of petty intrigues at the department she founded. Edith Stein: Love in the Time of War 261 1945. favoured by the regime. She retired. most of her work was never published. Shelley’s socialist ideas in a public lecture in 1945. Her brother died a prisoner in Siberia. Her first public appearance might not have been the most popular among political leaders. and she wrote a number of articles for a periodical of university educated women. But this was more a sign of political solidarity on both sides. was an ingenuous inventor – among others.14 Olga Freidenberg. and then died in 1955. and by translating folk partisans’ song (most of them women’s songs) into English.16 Although she did not share Marr’s rather fantastic linguistic theories. English. also a good friend of Pasternak’s father. her mother was the sister to Boris Pasternak’s father and her father. During the siege of Leningrad. French. and she at least was not punished for it. Hypo-text: Olga Freidenberg Olga Freidenberg (1890–1955) was born into a Jewish family. based on semiotic theories and the study of folklore. but also from access to sources in her own surrounding. she did not have real collegial support. She refrained from any public support for the new authorities later on. and her health was ruined.B. Nikolai Marr. She endured teaching and researching in almost total isolation. thus becoming a forerunner of Claude Lévi-Strauss and Michael Bakhtin. or students-followers. Olga Freidenberg. her situation did not get better. Rebac. she taught courses to her students and languages to privates for bread. whose life is known mostly through her correspondence with her cousin Boris Pasternak. the new turn toward feminism was nothing new to her. her correspondence with Pasternak. She introduced an innovative approach to the study of Antiquity. She contributed to the new socialist and Marxist ideological concepts by presenting P. More than 15 years after her death. After the war. . working toward the toughest and most authoritarian disciplines and academic circles – Ancient studies. Rebac’s and Olga Freidenberg’s work is saved thanks to their feminine friends and relations. and two women took care of preserving. those of Anica Savic. positions of Anica Savic. Rebac and Olga Freidenberg. Anica Savic. with an energy that we could define today as deconstructive. Rebac’s colleagues in Revue internationale des études balkaniques (RIEB). Rebac in her link with RIEB and Olga Freidenberg in her avant-garde formalist surrounding have several common features in researching Antiquity: interest in folklore and comparative insight. and the individual intellectual histories are striking. Rebac. Anica Savic. writing about forgotten feminists from her native region. was almost obsessed in tracing Ishtar. translated into Serbo-Croat in 1987 and into English in 1997. . Polish classicist Theodore Zielinski. and. Olga Freidenberg. literary theory. separately. Curiously enough. published her manuscript on Ancient aesthetics a year after her death. Thus. religion and folklore. Olga Freidenberg). they may have had a common influential predecessor. her student. thematically. where her archives are still kept. with a ‘zing’ of hidden pro-communist sympathies added to that). Rebac and Olga Freidenberg The parallels between the two contemporary lives and works. Edith Stein. I refer to a position of taking for granted women’s equality in everyday life and careers. the Mediterranean goddess of fertility. that is why I am adding the tertium comparationis. and taking part in Association of Women Academics after the Second World War. a woman. Rebac took an active attitude. opening and handing over Olga Freidenberg’s work for publishing. philosophy. two women (I was one of them) took care of publishing her complete works in 1984–1988. and linking Ancient phenomena to their own contemporary situation. Rebac and Olga Freidenberg had similar conclusions about the double nature of Phaidra (from Euripides’ play Hippolytos) as a possible ritual memory of the old goddess. semantic and semiotic analysis. clear political investment (against traditionalism. Rebac were classicists. who cooperated with Anica Savic. both Anica Savic. with a strong anti-fascist and pro-Yugoslav orientation. Core text: Anica Savic.262 Svetlana Slapšak The collection of her main studies on Antiquity was first published in 1978 in Russian. in many rituals and texts. Rebac’s friend happened to be the Director of the University Library in Beograd. By ‘feminist practice’. both Anica Savic. published in Beograd in the 1930s by Milan Budimir and Petar Skok (1932–1938) as a playground for the innovative approach to Antiquity and Balkan history. the editor of RIEB and colleague Milan Budimir) and by women (Anica Savic. Both Olga Freidenberg and Anica Savic. including a certain ‘feminist practice’ represented both by men (for instance. living in a new culture in which the feminist ideas were at least proclaimed popular in the early revolutionary days. favoring democratic aspects and values. Anica Savic. there is the example of her imaging of what art could be like had Plato’s aesthetic model ever come to life: it would be most similar to Piet Mondrian’s paintings. up to the concept of love in the mystic poetry of P. or against ‘barbarians’ and other non-Greeks. against other Greeks. ending in two forms (dual Eros): Eros. Rebac’s discussion. at the same time. has in fact a distinctive anti-war political meaning. since she cannot deny that war was conceived as one of the activities of the Athenian democracy – any war against enemies outside. and military and gymnastic friendship protector (homosexual). Rebac’s approach relies on semantic history. In fact. the civil war. Olga Freidenberg. Anica Savic.18 She attributes this development to Euripides and Socrates and their influence in Athens. That is why she needed interpretations of Milton’s Paradise Lost (and one of the contemporary interpreters happened to be Denis Saurat) and of Kaballa. is considered the ultimate evil for the . erotology. Eros. that is. the one that provides for civic values. enlarging the picture to mysticism and Judaeo-Christian folklore. be it male or female. This double or multiple nature of Eros goes through a serious political modification in the Athenian democracy. Rebac and Olga Freidenberg But the most fascinating facet of both women’s work is their synchronous work in theorising love in Antiquity. Eros. and the line of equal Athenian heavy pedestrians (hoplites) is its main visual presentation (isokephaleia. be it for reasons of colonial expansion and supremacy. presented in the model of a minimal education for Athenian citizens in her book on Ancient aesthetics. the wisdom master. Rebac calls them. P. which might be attractive even today. Edith Stein: Love in the Time of War 263 Meta-text: Anica Savic. As a taste of her way of thinking. to bogomils of Bosnia in the Middle Ages (a dualistic heresy that was extinguished by Serbian kings. but continued in Bosnia). Rebac’s work is more complex and theoretically refined: she forged a term to denote the philosophy of love.D. folklore elements connected to rituals and the history of ideas. Anica Savic . And. but worked on the topic throughout the 1940s. and.Anica Savic . the erotic passion as a danger for the inner state’s stability. making war is one of the basic democratic activities of a male citizen.17 This Eros takes care so that the uncontrollable sexuality does not create stasis. Her civic Eros. in the situation of hyperproduction of terms and jargon. She invigorated her interpretation of Eros and the state in her book on Ancient aesthetics. or all of the heads in the same line). Rebac. This is the most delicate part of Anica Savic. stasis. Njegoš. which contains an outline of the erotology of Plato and Aristophanes. along with the ‘classic’ European philosophical practice. or ‘social virtues’ as Anica Savic. as it is quite clear from Pericles’ speech over dead Athenians killed in the Sicilian expedition during the Peloponesian war (as rendered by Thucidides). She published her Ph. thesis on erotology in 1932. Rebac discusses different phases and different forms of Eros in the god’s ritual varieties – diverging and converging gender constructs and social functions – from the cosmic egg (feminine) to wind and fire daemon (masculine). the civil war. irony and mystical conviction. but with a ‘shining divinity’ inside him. living in impossible conditions (hunger. in which she had to oppose openly Croce’s negation of such theorising in Antiquity. Preparing for the war remains in the area of sports. originated from restricted/censored thinking. while the state-constructive Eros is his opposite. at the same time. incorporated in her study on Ancient and earlier (in her terms folkloric) times. then it is possible to make a linkage in interpretation. imposed by an otherwise invisible enemy. who can combine distance and passion. She was undoubtedly in favour of the latter. philosophy. and a single-minded enemy of constraining ideology within. As a master-obstetrician of truth (maieutike techne). defined by irony and parody. The stateconstructive Eros invented by Anica Savic. Rebac’s later work on Ancient aesthetics. Rebac had to take care of the inner instability in order to resist the danger coming from the outside. music and swimming. Olga Freidenberg’s analysis of Eros is more fragmentary. Her work on aesthetics in Antiquity. the war Eros in her case. Olga Freidenberg was living in an unpredictable situation with denouncers following the moves of the power. Let me plunge into an anthropological aspect of their position on Eros: during the war. the stateconstructive Eros invented by Olga Freidenberg had to destabilise the paranoid . as in his comedy Ecclesiazousae – and ridicules Athenian male citizens as obsessed with war and power. Many years later. Rebac insisted on the apparent simplicity of a citizens’ education: little grammar. In Anica Savic. If the Eros in the state is ‘controlled’ by double-minded thinkers. lyrics. geometry. that is.264 Svetlana Slapšak polis. has respect for the sexual needs of women – even older women. To bypass this problem. relates as a meta-text also to the situation in war-torn Yugoslavia. competition and rites de passage. the relation of peace-love is easily integrated into her reading of immanent aesthetic theories contained in different Ancient texts – epics. who is a partisan of peace. Anica Savic. done during the war and published after her death in 1953. drama. This Eros is adapted to the case of war through which Olga Freidenberg had to live: an invisible enemy outside. Rebac was surrounded by people who could turn into killers without any previous notice. This ambivalence allowed her to focus her interest on the first cluster of civic education.20 the one who can exclusively reflect on the double nature of Eros. cold. which can be fought only with a double sense and irony. Pierre Vidal-Naquet and Alain Schnapp19 researched this ambivalence in detail and came out with groundbreaking results on complex practices and representations of identity-construct in Antiquity. danger and disease). Socrates must have a female double (Diotima) and must operate in a specific genre. The passionate and destructive Eros. A good portion of Schnapp’s seminal work is about the anthropology of love. and. forming both fascist and anti-fascist coalitions. and was also in a precarious situation of foreign occupation. a dissimulator. Anica Savic. She constructs Socrates (in Plato’s Symposion) as a ‘mask’. where different nationalist groups were fighting each other. No wonder her favourite author in this study is Aristophanes. Hypo-text. but is deprived of any relation to sexuality and desire. civic construct and the state. in February 2003. She was beatified in 1987. trying to connect phenomenology with different Christian philosophies. even in their own discipline. this aspect of Christian love is highly politicised. but there was a synchronous turn in thinking of the two women in the same discipline and in a similar context. She fled to Holland in 1938 because of the Nazi threat. After reading the autobiography of Saint Theresa d’Avila. written in 1933. and if the other is not protected. and in order to regain its civic qualities. We are not far from the concept of love in her thesis. and then among Carmelites in Cologne. but was taken from the monastery into Auschwitz in 1942. Core Text and Meta-text: Edith Stein How does Edith Stein fit into this equation? While Olga Freidenberg and Anica Savic. but also a simulacrum or projection of an imminent political desire. Olga Freidenberg. which can be done. in 1891. Her letter to the Pope Pius XI. with ritual roots and imaging. She was born into a Jewish family in Breslau. thesis concludes in proposing empathy as a specific form of knowledge. she converted to Catholicism. Edith Stein continued her philosophical writing. and it could be re-established as such in the time of need. First among Dominicans. and also to try and link phenomenology to semiotic and anthropological approach. exemplified in the book on woman published after her . in the two cases. From Edith’s letter to the Pope. studied philosophy and was Husserl’s assistant in Freiburg. Her Ph. implicating the responsibility of the Catholic church if it does not react politically to Nazism: if Christian love toward the other – the Jews. just as many years before Husserl turned from Judaism to Protestantism. which is public and state-related. Edith Stein is globally known: she is a saint. and proclaimed a saint in 1998. is neglected. In both cases. of course. was released from the Vatican archives to be published immediately. Rebac. One line of research would be to follow the empathy in her writings. for instance. Edith Stein: Love in the Time of War 265 ideological unity in order to win over the outside danger. and it will not be tackled here. The necessary corrections in the concept of a citizen diverge. but Edith Stein would follow a different path. in the massive catastrophe of the world war.D. where she was gassed with her sister that same year. which is by definition related to public domain. a public and social construct. it may cease to function as the motor of the Catholic teaching. There is another thin thread to follow in the work of Edith Stein. the Ancient Eros was considered the affair of the state. The other line of research is somewhat awkwardly obvious – and that is the concept of Christian love. like in the case of Ernst Cassirer. This private LoveEros was for both of them something public in the distant European past. Rebac remained unjustly unknown.Anica Savic . Changes of churches and religions are certainly a distinctive European feature when it comes to the history of intellectuals. Edith Stein operates within the framework of sustainable and obtainable truth – Christian truth – while the other two operate in the unmapped territory of knowledge. in the public discourse. The historic link with rituals. Edith’s book is a seminal work in what we today call feminist theology. Rebac historicises less. which also includes gender. anthropology and history of love. but could also politically cooperate in favour of peace and against the war. Rebac’s and Olga Freidenberg’s explanations of the Ancient Greek stately Eros. in order to conceptualise anthropological features of love in Antiquity into a system of thought. there is a lot of debate on women’s career. the positive and the citizenforming one. Although remaining on different sides of the stream. following the model of the his- . Restrictions for Stein come only from organisational hierarchy. Anica Savic. never wrote to each other and probably never even heard of each other. In fact. The three women never met. of course. using love as the central notion. which can be read through their hypo-. but also the most clearly structured and the most politically efficient relation between peace and love. Whichever way we think today of her theorising and the practice of Christian love during the war. They both postulate love as a cultural and social construct. not only ‘translatable’ into. This. women’s choices and women’s institutions. The three women reflecting on love at the time of (the same) war. which includes many aspects of civic and state construct of values still in use today in the overall pacifist thinking and rhetoric. Their point of convergence is. The contextual narratives can be used in interpreting Anica Savic. core and meta-texts. however.266 Svetlana Slapšak death. Rebac and Olga Freidenberg. with the most tragic of consequences. But their point of convergence can be easily reconstructed – and functional – in modern gender studies and feminist theorising and practices today.21 Although the woman’s love can be only motherly love according to Edith Stein. while for Edith Stein it represents an area of possible/controlled invasion. but is not the very subject of their reflection – while love certainly is. has opened some still relevant epistemological questions pertaining to philosophy. is secured by a different epistemological status of their respective objects of theorisation – love. Edith Stein’s example is the one of acting on behalf of love and performing love against the war. which for the two academics always remains in the domain of desire. she presents a necessary mirroring counterpart of the openly atheist approaches of Anica Savic. but also pertaining to gender studies and feminism. from which one of them did not survive. does not turn toward ‘nature’ as explanation. The contexts of communist. but originating from ideologies and accommodated politics. enlightened Catholic and socialist ideologies of their social and political environment conditioned their ‘feminist practice’ or self-understood feminism. but serves as one of the tools to build a convincing framework of anthropological features (‘structure’ avant la lèttre) in order to read super-positions or chronology of Ancient concepts of love. the academics and the nun could not only easily communicate if given a chance during their lifetimes. in the case of Olga Freidenberg. Therefore. also appearing in the letters). Aelian and Philostratus (Cambridge. They both do not include a psychoanalytical or symbolic approach to Eros. and Florence Dupont. Greek Vases. Olga Freidenberg. Osnove lepote u svetu s osobitim obzirom na srpske narodne pesme (Novi Sad.. 3. Anica Savic. Edith Stein’s love does not connect to democracy. proposes a clear and direct concept of (Christian) love as a political tool. challenge philosophy and humanities in general to rethink one of the least debated and largely minimised topics. . cultural. 4. restrained by the clerical context and by its recipients. Laza Kostic. an innovative approach in reading Athenaeus as an author. Rebac. Athenaeus and His World. Eros and Polis. is proposed. See Claude Mossé. Benner. David Braund and John Wilkins. placing them in the fourth century BC. La femme en Grèce antique (Paris: Albin Michel. See Allen R. Anica Savic. Edith Stein: Love in the Time of War 267 tory of ideas. 2001). The Athenians and Their Images (New York: Riverside. 2. 6. Notes * The reason I wanted to analyse how reflecting on love in a theoretical framework is done in the situation of war was due to my personal experiences during the war in Yugoslavia. Olga Freidenberg and Edith Stein. not only as a reference.. 1989).Anica Savic . with a Special Attention to Serbian Folk Songs). Reading Greek Culture in the Roman Empire (Exeter: University of Exeter Press. For both women authors. ed. but at the same time following a clear line of critique of ideological and ethic inconsistencies within an uncontested conceptual framework in the intellectual history of Europe. Both of their Erotes have democratic spirits of expanding political and civic practices beyond the limits defined by present politics and ideological narratives. L’érotisme masculin dans la Rome antique (Paris: Belin. This second-century AD Greek author wrote fictitious letters of courtesans. 1983). or condensed lemmata in an imaginary dictionary of ideas. Rebac. symbols present phases of semantic/semiotic history. 2001). Anica Savic. as exemplified by Luther’s or even Trotsky’s ‘believer’s criticism’. but to inside rules and proclaimed principles. 1. In the foreword by Glenn Bowersock. love. Paul W. Desire and Community in Greek Political Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. All three. fishermen and peasants. MA: Harvard University Press. gender-defined and linguistic. Rebac in a way precedes new historicism. but insist on social and political aspects of love. 2001). parasites. If Olga Freidenberg precedes structuralism. 5. Edith Stein. Rebac and Olga Freidenberg seem to have had a hidden agenda of deconstructing their contemporary ideological narratives by introducing a new and quite paradoxical political narrative – that of love in the distant past. François Lissarrague. 1880) (Foundations of Beauty in the World. The Letters of Alciphron. Ludwig. while their personal life stories invite us to look at many tragic aspects of otherness – geographical. they propose a subversive side-plan that would enlarge the space of civic consciousness and action. Motives are taken from the socalled New Comedy (Menander as the representative author. on the other hand. Addressing ideological and intellectual circles that seemed to accept the idea of constant innovation and change. 2002). 2001). 21. The translator. Die Frau. in fact. 13. Rebecca West. 1982). See Elliot Mossman. The Black Hunter. Image and Concept. 11. 1959). He appears as ‘Konstantin’ in West’s book: avant-garde theoretician. A Journey through Yugoslavia (London: Macmillan. and committed suicide in 1996 in the Serbian para-state in the region. no. ‘Thomas Mann in Jugoslawien’. eds Nina Braginskaia and Kevin Moss. translator – among others of Rabelais’ works. Ibid. See Robert Bracht Branham.. 1984). Mythopoetic Roots of Literature. with a foreword by Vyacheslav V. Anica or Rebecca? 9. and that is who.268 Svetlana Slapšak 7. 3 (1976): 385–393. Alain Schnapp. 90. In her book. 8. X.. 15. fostering a very pro-Serbian version of the work. Image and Concept. On the reception of Thomas Mann and translations by Anica Savic. 1997). 18. 14.. 19. A lame. 10. 107. Freidenberg. 2002). Le chasseur et la cité. was the first to communicate with him. ‘Anica Savic. 1997). Chasse et érotique en Grèce ancienne (Paris: Albin Michel. Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Universität Jena 25. was a close collaborator of Radovan Karadžic. See Olga Freidenberg. Rebac. critic. The Divided City. One thing remains unclear in the information about Saurat. 12. Nicole Loraux examines the case of statis in the Athenian democracy. Image and concept. former university professor and specialist in English literature. The Correspondence of Boris Pasternak and Olga Freidenberg 1910– 1954 (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Ihre Aufgabe nach Natur und Gnade (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder. On Memory and Forgetting in Ancient Athens (New York: Zone. See Nicole Loraux. 809. Nikola Koljevic. heavily cut and censored version of her book appeared at the beginning of the crisis in Yugoslavia. Edith Stein. Ivanov (Amsterdam: Harwood. Black Lamb and Grey Falcon. Rebac’s work. linguist. 1998).. Forms of Thought and Forms of Society in the Greek World (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. 807.. published earlier in French. Predplatonska erotologija. Freidenberg. Rebac i Tomas Man’. Rebac. Književna zajednica (Novi Sad: Književna zajednica Novoga Sada. Pierre Vidal-Naquet. Zbornik Matice srpske za književnost i jezik 27.. See Anica Savic. 1 (1979): 81–90. on Mann’s quotation of Savic. see Tomislav Bekic. Bakhtin and the Classics (Evanston: Northwestern University Press. 16. 1982 (1942)). in Bosnia. ed. . see Tomislav Bekic. poet. 17. 20. no. ed. propped up by French racial policies that ‘endorsed’ Islam and endorsed these marriages as an ideal of assimilation and racial regeneration. love?’1 Some of the most salient questioning of the acceptance of Franco-Maghrebi Muslims into France has centred on the physical and emotional coupling of members of the two communities.4 Studies that have attempted to recover the ‘muted’ Maghrebi feminine subject have yielded how resistant she could be to France’s liberating ‘overtures’. Alain Ruscio launched a study of French colonial discrimination in the Maghreb in which.3 The primary object of the politics of regeneration. discussing mixed marriages. to come to know each other better through the most natural of relations. despite the strong efforts by feminist groups to address the situation of colonised Muslim women. while the success of a mixed mar- Notes for this section begin on page 286.CHAPTER 1 4 Secular Couplings An Intergenerational Affair with Islam RUTH MAS In 1995. promoted under the guise of mixed marriages. he provocatively asks. forced marriages and polygamy. especially after the term entered common parlance in the 1980s in order to subvert its racial connotations and to render French notions of universalism more complex. . was the feminine Algerian Muslim subject who needed to be saved from the restrictions of oppressive and patriarchal Islamic law. ‘Are the two communities at least able to encounter each other. However. the latter did not all welcome French forms of liberation.2 Mixed marriages were de facto métissage-in-action.5 Arguments made about the emancipatory promise of métissage and of mixed marriages persist in contemporary France. its claims for the ‘liberation’ of the Maghreb have gone hand in hand with mixed marriages in order to ensure the control and ‘equality’ of its colonised people. Since at least France’s colonial project of assimilation. 270 Ruth Mas riage embodies a pluralist imaginary about the coexistence of different cultures within the nation state, the colonial resonances of such an imaginary in France continue to focus on the liberation of Muslim women. In order to approach the continued significance of the question of métissage in contemporary France, I will focus on the work of Fethi Benslama, a practising psychoanalyst whose clinical study of the trauma of exile for Franco-Maghrebis both informs his sociological and anthropological academic work and contributes to the growing body of scholarship by Muslim Franco-Maghrebi intellectuals. Métissage emerges as a particularly salient site of reflection for Benslama, especially in La demeure empruntée (The Borrowed Dwelling, published in 1995), a case study of Samia, a young Franco-Maghrebi woman who married a nonMuslim French man. Through it, we can analyse the ordering of the social, historical and political relations between France and the Maghreb – themes that run through Benslama’s La Nuit brisée (1988), Une Fiction troublante (1994) and La Psychanalyse à l’épreuve de l’Islam (2002). Benslama puts forward a complicated analysis that stems from the displacement of a post-colonial writer, in which the story of colonial violence behind exile can be retrieved to examine how it rearticulates the differences in citizenship, religious affiliation and ethnicity in the historical coming together of (post-)Christian and/or the dominant majority French and Muslim Maghrebi cultures in France. Using Benslama as a platform, I question the usefulness of mixed marriage as an ideal that mitigates the impact of a history of colonisation on the postcolonial feminine subject. Of course, this is not to deny the subjectivity and agency of the (post-)colonised whose relationship to the politics of the coloniser (with regards to the forces of power that structure the Maghreb’s relationship to France) are in a sense paradoxical. My point is to emphasise the inherent inequality in the distribution of power between coloniser and colonised, which is sedimented into a post-colonial context instead of presenting an image of the fully submissive colonised subject as delivered to the overwhelming and allpervasive power of the colonialist, which not only controls the colonised, but moreover seems to be fully in control of the effects of his political strategies. The figure of Samia in La demeure empruntée allows us to trace the re-elaboration of the French colonial project of assimilation back into the métropole through the colonial tropes of métissage6, which are now being elaborated as part of the French post-colonial project of integration. In this regard, La demeure empruntée should be read in relation to Robert Young’s argument (through G.C. Spivak) that when sex is set up as the heart of race and culture, ‘hybridity suggests the necessity of revising normative estimates of the position of woman … who only becomes a productive agent through an act of colonial violation’.7 Doing so positions the (post-)colonised Muslim Franco-Maghrebi woman as the primary subject of this inquiry into métissage and establishes the ethico-political boundaries of ‘mixed unions’ as the enactment of hybridity. Secular Couplings: An Intergenerational Affair with Islam 271 It is the Story of Samia… The ambivalent status of le couple métissé is a metonymy for the ambivalence of métissage in an environment whose consistent resistance to the integration of its Maghrebi immigrants crosses both liberal and conservative anxieties about the presence of Franco-Maghrebi Muslims in France. La demeure empruntée evokes the development of Benslama’s thinking and his position on the particular problematic of Franco-Maghrebi Muslims in France. After summarising Benslama’s case study with special attention to his interpretation, I will discuss it in terms of his theorising of métissage in order to draw out how Benslama, in supplementing métissage with the concept of intersigne, makes exile a condition of integration. I then turn to a discussion of the utility and value of Benslama’s analysis and the post-colonial reading that it enables. In such a reading, Samia’s ‘mixed marriage’ stands as a prototype for the historical coupling of Algeria with France – a model of le couple métissé – in which the interplay between ‘mixed marriages’ and the integration of Maghrebis into France continues to be structured by a colonialist discourse on race and sexuality. La demeure empruntée was published as an article of the same name.8 Because of its 1995 publication and some of the references it contains, we can assume that the case study Benslama recounts took place in the mid 1990s, probably between 1993 and 1995. It tells of a family of Franco-Maghrebis, who have come to see him in a public clinic that Benslama describes as located ‘in the heart of one of the distraught housing projects in the northern suburb of Paris’, and in which Benslama has been working as a psychoanalyst for over a decade. Samia figures within this case as a young woman of Algerian extraction who runs off against her parent’s will and marries a French (i.e., non-Franco Maghrebi) man. La demeure empruntée reflects the struggle of Franco-Maghrebi Muslims against the constraints of French assimilation, and Benslama has published his study to analyse the effects of forces of globalisation on the postcolonial processing of Maghrebi Muslims into France. Benslama’s argument about the socio-political stakes involved in ‘constraining subjectivity along ethnic lines’ is developed in a context where the totalising nature of the nation state is in conflict with religious, ethnic and cultural totalities. In La demeure empruntée, his argument is directed against the currency given to ‘l’âme de l’étranger’ (the psyche of the foreigner), which has been constructed out of the relativisation and essentialisation of culture in current French theories of ethno-psychiatry. What Benslama objects to most specifically is the ‘increasing ethnicisation of psychological uniqueness (singularité), such as the idea of an ethnic unconscious … which is always concerned as if by chance, with Africans and Maghrebis, but never Europeans’. ‘You would think’, he continues, ‘that the latter are endowed with a universal unconscious, or with the universal as unconscious’ (78). The problem that this poses for the immigrant, according to 272 Ruth Mas Benslama, is that s/he is ‘no longer the object of discovery in her or his singularity, but of re-cognition (re-connaissance), in other words, of a postulate whose truth is anticipated by well established anthropological knowledge’ (78). Benslama argues that, moreover, faced with ‘horrifying ruptures of transmission, [parents] are sometimes prone to make their children find again, at all costs, the fiction of the community body of their origin … [The] children of the foreigner who are born in the exile of their parents … are sacrifice[d] in order to find once again the originary metaphor supposedly lost to the generation of the parents’ (79). Benslama challenges normative and essentialising understandings of ethnicity on the grounds that they erase (sacrifice) the singularity of the FrancoMaghrebi subject, and that such erasure ignores and thus renders meaningless the trauma and pain of their exile (especially the second generation) who are consequently deprived of the capacity to ‘metaphorise’ it (79). Benslama sets La demeure empruntée in three movements of what he terms as a ‘genealogical billiard game’. The first movement began when Samia was about sixteen years of age, two years before Benslama actually meets her. Samia’s parents, Mr and Mrs K., had been living in France for twenty-five years, have Algerian citizenship and were fostering French (i.e., non Franco-Maghrebi Muslim) children within the context of a ten-year collaboration with an association for the protection of children.9 Benslama describes them as a ‘modern couple whose four children were brought up with little reference to the Islamic tradition, which had hardly taken into consideration religious holidays’ (81). Benslama does not provide any additional details about the family’s economic situation or milieu in either Algeria or in France, or about the parents’ profession. After a serious car accident almost costs Peguy (one of the children whom they have fostered since babyhood) her life and she falls into a coma, the parents, who have been by her bedside night and day, vow to adopt her if she survives. Benslama states that Peguy’s eventual emergence from the coma was considered to be a ‘renaissance’. After getting the consent of Peguy’s elderly grandparents, whom they have also brought into the family and support, Mr and Mrs K. eagerly start their proceedings for adoption. However, after a lengthy process of application, Mr and Mrs K. are refused the right to adopt Peguy, who is a French citizen, on the grounds that as Algerian citizens, they must conform to the prohibition of adoption by Algerian law. Peguy continues to remain a ward of the State placed with Samia’s parents. Peguy’s age is not mentioned and we can only assume that she is an elementary school child when Benslama recounts: ‘Peguy, who had been placed at the K’s home since she was a baby, considered herself as their child to the point that, at school she refused to answer to her original family name. She finally found this subterfuge, to write on her books: Peguy B. (her patronymic) family K. It is in this way that this child, even though she knew her natural genealogy had herself constructed a montage, a fiction that permitted her to face her situation.’ Benslama describes how Peguy begins to resemble the other children Secular Couplings: An Intergenerational Affair with Islam 273 physically, to speak Arabic like them and to ‘melt completely into the family landscape’ (81). Mr and Mrs K. are assigned to Benslama as soon as the administrators inform them that it will be impossible to pursue the adoption. Benslama describes how Samia’s parents do not take the news well at all, how they are utterly and completely devastated, are crying and overcome by a complete sense of injustice. In reference to the second time he sees them, one month later when they present themselves at his practice, Benslama states, ‘I noticed the drastic change in their attitudes, in their speech and even in the way they dressed. I couldn’t help noticing that Mrs K. was wearing a scarf that covered her hair.’ Mrs K. then promptly informs Benslama that they had just discovered that Islam prohibited the adoption of Peguy and that even if the time ever came when they would be allowed to adopt her, they would refuse. Benslama states, ‘It is true that not only does Qur’anic law not recognise adoption, but it prohibits … changing the name and the genealogy (filiation) of the child’ (81).10 ‘Then’, Benslama states, ‘their discourse becomes religious, very conservative, and one day a closure, a withdrawal suddenly took place, which subsequently did not stop from hardening; it was to the point that we began to ask ourselves whether we should continue collaborating with them, [even though] they fostered, moreover, two other children with the service’ (81). Samia appears in the story a year and a half later. Having reached the age of majority (18 years of age), she decides to acquire French citizenship, which, despite the fact that she was born in France, she can acquire only as an adult. Her parents, whom Benslama describes as having ‘rapidly converted to religious tradition’, are hostile to her holding anything but Algerian citizenship. Samia, who has not adapted well to the conservative pressures of parents who now control her every move, refuses to go to school and even disappears for two weeks. Benslama describes Mr and Mrs K. as living through ‘unspeakable anguish’. When she finally returns, she agrees to visit Benslama on her parents’ suggestion. When Samia enters his office, Benslama remarks that physically, she looks no older than fifteen years of age, and that later on he realises that her emotional maturity was not far from that level. He describes her as ‘an adolescent in great difficulty, sad, who couldn’t look anybody in the eye, and wouldn’t stop fidgeting, not comfortable in her own skin, who didn’t know where to stand and [who was] in a permanent state of anxiety’ (81). She promptly asks Benslama for the name of a church because she ‘felt Christian’, wanted to practise Christianity and has only come to see Benslama to tell him so. Benslama quickly ascertains that she has no knowledge of Christianity. Faced with his realisation of this, Samia breaks out into an ‘abusive tirade against Islam, about her hatred of the religion, about how she doesn’t consider herself an Arab and how she wants to change her first name. And how sorry she was she hadn’t done it when she could have’ (82). Benslama assumes that she is referring to the opportunity to do so afforded to her by French citizenship and wonders about 274 Ruth Mas the significance of the effect that the proposal to ‘de-baptise’ herself must have had on a candidate applying for French citizenship. She violently condemns ‘her parents, their religious attitude, their national belonging’, and, at times, Benslama fears that she is going to storm out and slam the door. When Benslama turns the conversation around by asking her if there is something that she enjoyed doing that had nothing to do with her parents or her family, Samia responds that she wants to be a writer like George Sand. After being able to engage her on the topic of Sand, Benslama realises that she will probably return to see him. He states: The figure of this writer remained thereafter, for more than a year that the sessions lasted, present between us, like a pact that represented an essential cloud that obviously had identifying value for Samia and it was an identification that I accepted – that rendered possible the transference – and that permitted to put into work a metaphoricity of étrangement for her … an entrance through fiction that writing represents of literature in the body of the Other. It is the possibility of identity that is no longer caught in the dilemma between faithfulness to the ethnic body and its betrayal in entering the glorious body of an other-nationality (nationalité-autre). From the identitarian cry of one identity to another, toward an identity that writes itself, that is the … solution that Samia chooses, the importance of which I would only fully come to grips with later. (82) Benslama worked with her throughout the next nine months as she slowly began to ‘untangle the web of hate in which she felt enclosed, where confusion reigned between the national, the ethno-linguistic and the religious’ (82). Together, they sorted out the differences between being an Arab or Algerian and a Muslim, and how having French citizenship does not exclude being a Muslim. Benslama states that: These simple differences were not simple for her, because her parents themselves had set the categories at odds … It is obvious … that for an identity to constitute itself in its singularity, readability is required, and thus, distinct lines and spacing outs. But wasn’t it necessary that she first be able to accept herself and to be accepted in the ideal of writing in the French language in order to tolerate such or other identitarian representations of her parents? Samia was beginning to assume her origin without passing through the reactive faith or the religiosity of her parents. The choice of this feminine figure that surpasses the position of the traditional woman, as much by her name (George) as by the trajectory of her life, was not a coincidence either. (82) However, Benslama assesses that ‘as Samia advanced on the path to autonomy and self-affirmation and that she liberated her autonomy as a theologico-sexual identity, the hatred of Samia for her mother grew’ (83). Benslama recounts how she became increasingly sexually provocative and spent more and more time with boys, into whose arms she would throw herself whenever she saw her mother. The worried parents visit Benslama and relay the humiliation they feel before their neighbours and the rest of the family. Samia’s mother is especially vigilant about her daughter’s virginity and states, ‘The dresses she wears Secular Couplings: An Intergenerational Affair with Islam 275 are rape dresses’ (82). During the summer holidays, Samia is raped. Benslama reports that her mother dramatically lived the loss of her daughter’s virginity. Feeling that they have reached the depths of humiliation and indignation, her mother asserts, ‘Samia has done everything to us – nationality, the rejection of religion, rape – what else can she do?’ (83). However, it was the father, Benslama recounts, who surprised him the most because of the compassion he demonstrated toward his daughter. Samia later told him, ‘I had to be raped and to lose this piece of skin in order for my father to take interest in me and to tell me that he loves me’ (83). Because for the family there is nothing else to do and ‘the irreparable had been committed’, the atmosphere relaxes and Samia is sent off to Bretagne to train as a librarian. After six months, she decides to live with Eric (a non-Muslim youth from Bretagne) and eventually becomes pregnant. When her mother finds out, she faints and decides to cut off all contact with Samia. ‘However’, Benslama states, ‘at the eighth month of her pregnancy, Eric wrote a letter to Samia’s mother in which he told her he wanted to give the baby an Arabic name’ (84). The very same day, without consulting her husband, Samia’s mother hurries off to her daughter’s house and ‘returns with Eric’s promise to marry Samia and to convert to Islam, at least for appearances sake’ (84). They eventually get married with both families in attendance, but the conversion of Eric, Benslama tells us, is sincere and not a ‘simulacra’. During Samia’s last visit to Benslama, where she shows him the baby, Samia sardonically comments, ‘It had to be me, a non-believing Muslim, who ends up with the only Breton capable of becoming a practising Muslim’ (84). She goes on to tell Benslama that Eric’s mother and his sister were increasingly interested in Islam, and that they were finding many points in common with Christianity. Benslama concludes, ‘Long ecumenical conversations brought the two families together. And throughout this time, in the middle of them, Samia continued to entertain her passion for George Sand’ (84). L’entre-deux and the Debris of Colonisation My aim in what follows is to provide a contrapuntal analysis to that of Benslama’s language of metaphor in his psychoanalytic reading of La demeure empruntée. As such, I propose a reading that is undergirded by an understanding of subjectivity whose constitution can be understood in relation to the continued materiality and discursivity of power and the sedimentation of historical ontologies through which colonial structures endure.11 In such a reading, the colonial context of mixed marriages surfaces in the European political imaginary that has structured ‘le couple métissée’ at a time when efforts are being made to efface colonial memory along with its subjects.12 The allegorical significance of La demeure empruntée in relationship to this debate lies in how the people involved in Benslama’s case study revive and illustrate France’s past and often in the clinical field. In what follows. Benslama argues. or more respectful of others.14 Métissage risks. I want to examine how Benslama approaches this issue in his description of European fascism and Islamic intransigence as the double hegemony within which Franco-Maghrebis are caught. which feeds into the culture of globalised markets. In other words. The extremity of the ‘hyperparadoxical’ qualities of métissage posited by some scholars worries Benslama because of their potential to swing over to what he terms a delimitation. especially at the heart of transmission between generations. which. and the points of divergence and convergence between the Maghreb and France. the subjectivity of Muslim Maghrebi migrants whose genealogies and histories are lost in the free-floating relativistic plurality of identities evoked by theories of métissage.16 Exile for Franco-Maghrebi Muslims is thus not only an exile into another world. ‘does not open the doors into the paradise of subjectivity.. the danger of ‘dis-affiliation. My attempt is thus to exploit the representational qualities of La demeure empruntée in order to then highlight their historical sedimentations at the same time as I maintain the primacy of subjectivity throughout the analysis.15 Benslama has further qualified this condition as the interplay of disinheritance between territory and psyche that takes its toll on the subjects of exile. ‘where anything can coexist with anything and ally itself with anything else’. that of the West. a struggle for and against the internal colonialism of Franco-Maghrebis in France. according to Benslama. Ultimately. is usually the correlation of psychic suffering and sometimes catastrophes. the problem with notions of métissage is that they do little justice to the question of subjectivity.276 Ruth Mas continuing relationship with Algeria. namely. i. thus erasing the subjectivity of the latter. I will examine Benslama’s discussion of exile in relation to métissage in order to emphasise the importance of the historical sedimentation of the power of empire for the consideration of Benslama’s liberal reading of Franco-Maghrebi subjectivity in relationship to Islam.’13 For Benslama. Consumable alterities’. but also stems from the violently imposed exile into . I am referring here to the children of migrants … (Métissage) does not suffice in order to be creative.e. to become more free. Samia’s marriage to Eric is grounded in the history of France’s project of assimilation of its ex-colonies. I take distance from metaphorical readings of the subject in order to avoid the trap of analogy. the body of Samia becomes the site for the recognition of the violent interplay between Algeria and France. Métissage. it is only after forcing ‘violence’ to be acknowledged that Samia is free to marry Eric. and de-localisation that submits them to market logics … of consumption. Through Samia’s rape. which would collapse colonial history and the post-colonised subject. the mixed marriage continues to speak its colonial ontology in a context where the social marginalisation of Franco-Maghrebis is refracted into the contemporary debate on mixed marriages in France. de-institutionalisation. the location of thought’.17 Benslama analyses the symptoms and effects of exile with respect to the Franco-Maghrebi Muslim subject as having both physical implications and characteristics as well as psychic ones that stem from the displacement of the religious from their existences. Benslama argues. Their initial decision to adopt her transcends the political history of conflict between them resulting in part in their own disaffiliation from France. and the way in which they are disrobed by the economic ideology of development’. are in ‘antagonistic and violent rapport’ with their ‘location’. the Franco-Maghrebi Muslims in La demeure empruntée provide the subjective ground of l’entre-deux (between-two). which Benslama describes as ‘the location of the sign of love and death. the devastating rapidity of the processes of transformation. never fully located in either France or Algeria. they are the by-product of the link between France and Algeria.’20 The individuals in La demeure empruntée illustrate Benslama’s identification of Franco-Maghrebis Muslims as ‘movers between worlds’. When read against the theorising of métissage. Peguy evokes the potential for the ‘adoption’ of France by her Algerian parents. .21 subjects caught between diasporic movements of mass displacement and the lived exile of their lives in France. and it simultaneously disrupts the acceptance of Peguy’s Algerian family in France. they do not have the right to French citizenship and are consequently still bound to Algerian law.18 Supplementing the notion of métissage with intersigne opens up the discussion of métissage to incorporate the experiences of those who are marginalised in France. Both are products of repudiated Algeria (encapsulated most vividly by their mother). with which France refuses to ‘hybridise’. such as Samia and her family. in order to carve out a space in the present for the historical recognition of the binary and violent logic of the relationship between France and the Maghreb within which Muslim Franco-Maghrebis have been trapped. Given the fact that Samia’s ‘Frenchness’ is not as concretised as Peguy’s. the effects of the ‘dislocation of Algeria’ are also nefarious to her. who. The impossibility for Peguy’s/France’s adoption is not an isolated incident. Benslama’s work is useful in setting up the problems that Franco-Maghrebi Muslims encounter in France against the background of the hegemony and violence of French colonial power.22 La demeure empruntée delimits the tensions in the spectrum of co-belonging in France. ‘(T)he rapport of co-belonging is designated as the illegitimate product of the coupling between Islam and the West and is caught between the horrified interpellations of the two. Peguy represents the ultimate limit of their affiliation with France.19 Benslama’s entre-deux puts a finger on the Orientalist dichotomies of East/Islam and West. La demeure empruntée provides a point of departure for Benslama’s theorising of ‘disconnection and dispersion’ implied by métissage and its effects on the subjectivity of Franco-Maghrebis Muslims. positioned at the intersigne. Samia’s fate can be read as being intertwined with that of her sister’s.Secular Couplings: An Intergenerational Affair with Islam 277 the economic processes of modernity set into motion by empire and ‘marked by colonial violence. More recently. Benslama contends.’25 Due to the large-scale post-colonial Maghrebi immigration of the last decades. first via the aftermath of France’s/Peguy’s inability to be adopted by Algeria/her parents. Samia is doubly dislocated/exiled. The social violence in France that has affected Samia and that has resulted in the exclusion of Samia’s mother/Algeria from its body politic has been a contributing factor in the transposition of ‘race’ as a contemporary category of exclusion. through a historically continuous line that goes from colonialism in Algeria whose natives were nationals without citizenship or rights. the French have struggled over which ‘French’ to consider ‘French’. ever since then. her dislocation is reflected in the need for her to ‘apply’ to be ‘located’ in France when she has to apply for French citizenship despite the fact that she is born in France. Samia’s ‘dislocation’ is sedimented as the historical debris of Algeria’s status as a legal French territory after Algerian Independence in 1962. but laws requiring children of Algerian born parents to apply for French citizenship were also implemented. the stories of mariages blancs – ‘fake marriages’ – whose .278 Ruth Mas Ultimately. which severs her affiliation with her mother and which impedes her integration into France. ‘has gone against its principles. The law declared that children born in France of Maghrebi parents (some of whom already had French identity cards that were eventually withdrawn) no longer automatically acquired French citizenship. Fascist discourse has fragmented to such an extent that it no longer can be identified solely with Le Pen’s party and followers and attached as it currently is to fears over the naturalisation of those not covered by state birth. Secondly.’23 Benslama compares France’s passing of the 22 July 1993 law to the Vichy regime’s withdrawal of French nationality from its Jewish citizens: ‘The Nation of laws’. [it] uses the immigrant [as] its subject as well as its vehicle. the anxiety over mixed marriages as the objects of métissage (as the model for the encounter of ‘Islam’ and ‘Europe’) is now being extended to the issue of immigration. to the situation of migrants today. Plans were also made for the mass deportation/repatriation of Franco-Maghrebi Muslims and provoked the social dismemberment of the millions who have since been marginalised economically and culturally to the banlieues. Not only were many Algerians expelled and their identity regularly policed.24 ‘The ability of fascist discourse to prey on the present condition of Franco-Maghrebi Muslim immigrants has been facilitated by their exile from their homelands. In France. France’s attempts to cease immigration have caused Benslama to blame the French state for the mass-denationalisation of Franco-Maghrebis by passing the 22 July 1993 law. and passing through Vichy’. The racial categories and discourses of exclusion that figure in France’s public discourse have enabled Benslama to critique the French nation state on the grounds of citizenship: ‘Three processes of the destitution of immigrants are being produced for twenty years under our eyes: the discourse of the naturalisation of a common (comme-un) body from which they are ejected. masse de-nationalisation and legal de-legitimisation. to the fiction of the community body. In other words. The nationality laws passed on 27 July 1993 and the restrictions on entrance and stay introduced on 24 August 1993. postponed or legally annulled after the fact. consequently. and which considers Samia and her family strangers. in the host country’. and now. many precautions have been put into place in order to discourage those who intend to marry solely to acquire citizenship.27 Not only are marriages found to be fraudulent delayed.28 The present context grounds Benslama’s suspicion of what he terms the ‘fiction of the common body’ of the host country. which is presently being compounded by the internationalised fears of Islam. especially post-September 11.31 suggests that for Benslama. the subjectivity of Samia cannot be fully integrated because the relational lines between Samia and her mother/ Algeria are disrupted.Secular Couplings: An Intergenerational Affair with Islam 279 aim is only to obtain residency papers for one member of the couple. harshly reinforced control. Samia figures within it as the prime example of those who are caught between what Benslama calls the ‘fiction of community bodies’. which run into conflict with that of the French nation state.26 In line with its intention to curb public fear about the invasion of France by Maghrebi immigrants. For example. in that year. a residency card can only be obtained one year after marriage as long as the couple is still living together. there are grounds on which the possibility of an extra-nationally defined body-politic in France can be problematic. ‘the social discourse of assimilation and identitarian claims’ and ‘religious and communitarian proselytism’. which are believed to be on the rise. namely. the applicant can be deported at any time. to which access and belonging is assured through the principle of nationality. Yet the mixed marriage of Samia to Eric has not overcome the problem of violence so long as Samia has been completely cut off from her mother/Algeria. the French government has done everything it can to curtail ‘fake marriages’ by denying many mixed couples the right to get married unless both partners have met official residency requirements. I want to suggest that the association of Islam with the extra-national forces that have oppressed Muslim women in Islamic countries circumscribes the idea of Islamic community in France and. introduced ‘fraud’ clauses into the legislation and rendered the status of the partner applying for residency even more tenuous than it had been before. Those grounds extend beyond Benslama’s initial concerns in La demeure empruntée .29 Benslama also resists the idea of ‘other fictions of common bodies’. the possibilities for the Franco-Maghrebi Muslim subject enabled by Benslama’s discussion of La demeure empruntée. the 1993 laws and those since have provided more categories under which that can happen and citizenship applications have also tightened to allow for the revoking the citizenship of those not found to be properly assimilated.30 His description of La demeure empruntée as being based on the “tryptic” of identity-nationalityintegration (that) shows the crucial stakes in assigning the foreigner to the identity of her origin. have filled the pages of popular newspapers and overshadowed (if not been conflated with) discussions of mixed marriages. Benslama’s anxiety about the hegemonic potential behind unified notions of Islamic community is transposed into La demeure empruntée and results in a few tensions within Benslama’s work. What Benslama has done here is dichotomise modernity and Islam – modern couples. Muslim. ‘French’. Benslama’s anxiety also surfaces within the shift in descriptions of Samia’s mother before and after her ‘conservative hardening’: first. Islamically) defined community and the hegemonic potential that they carry for the Muslim feminine subject.280 Ruth Mas about immigrants being restrained within totalised prescriptions of ethnic and religious community in the field of anthropological psychology. as a Muslim woman. paradoxically. especially with regard to his attempts to safeguard the Muslim FrancoMaghrebi subject. The resistance to Islamic extremism that directs Benslama’s thinking about Islam. Samia’s mother can be easily understood as a woman besought with extreme religious conservatism. it is only when Samia rejects Islam altogether and runs off and marries a French man that she is ‘liberated’ from her mother. After all. However. Such a conflation also permits Benslama to speak of the categories such as ‘Arab’. Benslama never fully explores her resistance to Samia’s mixed marriage. but that he somehow ignores in his claim that Samia’s parents had set at odds what it meant to be Algerian. in other words. the onus is on Benslama to establish how that is so – has he not been arguing at the same time that those categories are also in conflict under the weight of France’s imperial ambitions. can garner him accusations of having constrained and essentialised the question of Franco-Maghrebi subjectivity along Islamic or religious lines. are those who have little reference to religious traditions – thus ignoring the very many modern Muslims around the world whose adherence to the Islamic tradition is conservative. who. a violence that Benslama does emphasise throughout his work. Samia’s mother is a ‘modern’ parent who brought up the children ‘with little reference to the Islamic tradition or even to holidays’. this reinforces the French state as necessary to the control . which Benslama rejects as much as he does the force behind French nationalism. coldly narcissistic with regards to her daughter’s rape. What gives me pause in this scenario is how easily readers of La demeure empruntée can couple the ‘liberation of Muslim women’ with the ‘violence of Islam’ and ignore the very clear association of violence with the French nation. who cuts off her daughter completely and who tries to force Eric to convert to Islam. They centre on the political possibilities for religiously (read. ‘Muslim’ and ‘Algerian’ as being brought into conflict by Samia’s parents. French society and French government? This conflation also enables Benslama’s relative silence around the subjectivity of Samia’s ‘extreme’ mother. Instead. Arab and. serves as the image of violent Islam through her association with Algeria. By relaying the question of violence against Algerian women back to the French context. who wants to control her with the weight of Islamic custom and tradition. the malevolent forces of ‘Islam’ are kept outside of France’s political structures. Such silence actually speaks to the fact that Islam bears the responsibility of its compatibility with liberalism. loyalty. the image of Samia’s mother brings the Islamic tradition closely in line with ‘hegemony’ and risks inflating Islam to such despotic proportions that the ‘genealogical de-legitimisation’ that Benslama so decries is rendered legitimate. which is born into a union that qualifies in significant ways the binary logic that puts métissage into motion.33 To accept this. ‘a non-believing Muslim’. where the key role that France plays in Algeria is left completely silent. The salient point that emerges from the consideration of Franco-Maghrebi subjects as Muslims is how their subjectivity is configured by the apparatus of power put into play by a modernising liberal state such as France. he contends. signifiers that speak to the ambivalent positioning yet intersecting of ‘Muslim’. What I am trying to emphasise is how easily her subjectivity is kept within the confines of the French nation and circumbscribed to the extent that it is obscured. is not to deny that the processes of power accompanying the liberal state do disclose other types of subjecthood for Franco-Maghrebis that intersect heterogeneously with Islam as a religious tradition. Benslama’s discussion of métissage. again. ‘serves to question the inevitability of the absolute nation-state – of its demands to exclusive loyalty and its totalizing cultural projects’. especially post-September 11. whose authority is internationally unquestioned as are the hegemony of its political ideals and salvific capacities. exposes other possibilities of Muslim subjectivity in relation to secular workings of the liberal French state. ‘French’ and ‘secular’. the embodiment of l’entre deux. within the regenerating mechanisms deployed by the secular liberal nation state.Secular Couplings: An Intergenerational Affair with Islam 281 and limitation of both an internal and external Islamic terrorist threat.32 In this case.35 The vitality of such intersections for the Muslim Franco-Maghrebi subject is put into play through the baby with a Muslim name. when brought in relation with the issue of mixed marriages. as in the case of Samia’s disavowal of Islam. in her own words. That the subjectivity of Muslims is kept within the confines of the French nation and the link to the Maghreb serves only to amplify the international stakes that pit Islam against the West is consonant with Talal Asad’s argument that adherence to an ‘imported’ religious tradition is the pivot around which such loyalties are often tested with regards to immigrants in a post-Christian secular West. These include. exclusive loyalty to the liberal ideological unity of the French nation state functions as the precondition to the ‘liberation’ of the Muslim Franco-Maghrebi feminine subject by severing authority from her own religious traditions understood to be located in the Maghreb. ‘liberal’. How severely this vitality is mitigated by the fact that in . so that her agency is derived only from the failure or rejection of Islam writ large. unexplored. ‘The politicization of religious traditions by Muslim immigrants’. Such a reading is enabled because.34 In this regard. however. Yet I maintain that Benslama nevertheless leaves the experience of ‘Islam’ open to the Franco-Maghrebi Muslim subject. somebody of Muslim culture or. 37 However.39 Cast in this way. which sought to transform colonial subjects into more progressive secular beings by conceiving of culture as of a common way of life. within which former religious orthodoxies are subsumed’. Here. I want to begin by heuristically considering religious conversion as another agentialised form of métissage so as to locate Benslama’s liberal reading of Muslim subjectivity within it. Conversion. Eric’s conversion to Islam does not directly link the question of subjectivity to religion and ethnicity. The undoing of the binary logic of métissage that would antagonise the categories of ‘Muslim’ and ‘French’ is activated by and figured in Eric’s conversion to Islam as well as Samia’s definition of herself as a non-believing Muslim. which also does not escape a colonial construction. but also reflects how the ‘conversions’ of Samia and Peguy can figure differently as assimilation or adoption into a community. Gauri Viswanathan. which may be understood as an aborted attempt at conversion into what Benslama terms as the culture of Islam. Modernity and Belief. However. is still. Islam and the nation state.36 I find intriguing Viswanathan’s interlacing of conversion with the notion of ‘dissent’ to argue that conversion can ‘unbuckle the consolidating ambitions of the secular state. in which nation and ethnicity are contiguous. seems to echo an ideal of tolerance and the ‘finding points . here functions not only to define the parameters of the intersection between subjectivity. La demeure empruntée is replete with the ‘oppositional gesture’ of conversions in an age of religious intolerance: Samia’s conversion away from Islam.282 Ruth Mas Benslama’s narrative. in Outside the Fold: Conversion. the conversion of Eric to Islam can easily be interpreted as a destabilising of secular power that undermines the fixed boundaries of both the nation and the subject – a ‘conversion’ seen as trumping all of the others in the story of Samia and that forces religion onto the public sphere of the French state despite its very rigid advocation of laïcité. has argued for understanding conversion as an ‘oppositional gesture’. Benslama’s take on Eric’s conversion. a question. and even France/Peguy’s stubborn insistence on being affiliated to the family (to Algeria). In comparison. neither of which are religiously defined. as being followed by ‘long ecumenical conversations that brought the two families together’. I would suspend the categories of ‘resistance’ and ‘dissent’ and provisionally replace them with ‘reconfiguration’ in order to more aptly address the possibility of ‘oppositional gestures’ to the French state without giving undue emphasis to the effectivity of the subject. but it may reconfigure the colonial heritage of the intersections of ethnicity and the nation because of the way it situates the issue of religion within the post-colonial French state.38 despite her parent’s difficult ‘reconversion’ to Islam. the baby with a Muslim name remains nameless. It is useful to recall Asad’s discussion of the concept of culture as part of the totalising project of the liberal modernising state and empire. nevertheless. which ‘in an era of religious tolerance functions an expression of resistance to the centralizing tendencies of national formation’. Secular Couplings: An Intergenerational Affair with Islam 283 in common’ between Islam and Christianity that can be comfortably contained by secular structures of power. of . for the moment. But. However.. any conclusion that Benslama is leaving room for the subject’s experience of Islam only as a privately defined religion is at least partially undermined by his reporting of Samia’s ironic comment that as a non-believing Muslim she married Eric. In this regard. This issue perhaps may be approached more directly through Samia. the only Breton capable of becoming a practising Muslim. What strikes me here is Benslama’s featuring of ‘the ideal of writing in the French language’ within which he claims Samia had to be accepted in order to ‘tolerate the identitarian representations of her parents’. he continues.e. I suggested above that Benslama’s discussion of the ‘conversion’ to Islam of Samia’s parents facilitates a reading of Islam that can be read more like a ‘reversion’ to or of Islam (i. Benslama privileges the French non-Muslim body of writing in so far as it enables the subject to ‘engage and become active in her own future … open a rapport of debt to the Other of all identity (l’Autre de toute identité) – the metaphor of a borrowed dwelling’. it is difficult to see how Benslama would justify his support of Eric’s relationship to the Islamic tradition over that of the parent’s of Samia and this may very well have to do with the ability of Eric to not overtly challenge the state’s secular ordinances. a range whose outermost boundaries simultaneously engage and eschew the normativity of Islamic textualities that accompany Islamic practice. Juxtaposed. I want to turn to how the question of the possibilities opened to the FrancoMaghrebi Muslim subject is raised when Benslama ‘revives’ the integration (politically and psychoanalytically) of the feminine Muslim Franco-Maghrebi fragmented subject through his description of Samia’s fascination and identification with the nineteenth-century female novelist George Sand.’ ‘The remarkable value’. ‘given to self-fashioning through a particular kind of individualized reading and writing is entirely recognizable to Western middle-class readers of literary novels but not to most Muslims in Britain or the Indian subcontinent’. especially in relation to how ‘Islam’ has been foreclosed as violent. especially with regards to how he links the question of subjectivity to the ‘religious’ or the ‘metaphysical’. retrograde Islam) than a conversion. The analysis of Eric’s religious conversion to Islam begins to hint at how Benslama’s liberal reading of métissage yields a range of relationships that the Franco-Maghrebi subject can have to ‘Islam’. but instead as pointing to the employment of literature in the larger project of modernising ‘unprogressive subjects’.40 I will return to this point below.41 Asad is writing from the context of the reaction by Muslims in Britain to the Rushdie Affair and should not be read as prescribing a normative definition for all Muslims or of the Islamic tradition that stands in opposition to the secular West. known for her many love affairs and for her idealisation of love. Asad. I want to consider Asad’s argument that: ‘The emergence of literature as a modern category of edifying writing has made it possible for a new discourse to simulate the normative function of religious texts in an increasingly secular society. this does not preclude the fact that some Muslims would agree with them and that they might even do so in ways that reconfigure the power of the French state. the questions of the identitarian ‘obligation’ to Islam as defined by a dogmatic reading of the Qur’an – a reading that looms behind Samia’s subjectivity in the image of her mother – are really questions of the obligation of Muslim citizens to the French state in which the Islamic religious tradition is represented as contradicting its totalising cultural and political project. my query is not whether Samia’s fragmented self should or should not be integrated in interaction with French texts or if it would be better integrated in relation to the Qur’an. other than to relate to France through the body of texts considered to be properly European? The answer to this question depends on the manner in which texts attributed to an ‘ethnic origin’ or. whose attempts at marginalising Islamic religious practises from the public sphere increasingly reflect their hegemony over what constitutes ‘community’ in a liberal nation state such as France. etc. readings of the Qur’an cannot enable the ‘integration’ of the female Muslim subject? Such a ‘choice’ is driven by prescriptions of the modern appropriateness of the religious texts of Islam (Qur’an and Hadith) for the feminine subject. My aim is to pose a different question – to ask what choice has Samia been given? Would the French state. whether we attribute such power to the French state or to putative assumptions of what Islam is. Thus. which is disavowing its colonial history with Algeria. to a ‘religious origin’ are allowed to reveal other spaces of identitarian articulation and engagement within the French state. would this very same state encourage Samia to define herself in relation to Islamic textualities. more accurately. can Franco-Maghrebi Muslim women in France try to define themselves by way of Islamic textualities or have we already decided that pious. What possibilities are there for Samia. would not deny the fact that while most Muslims in France (or elsewhere) might not welcome refashionings in which they have no say. Samia’s identification with . The consideration of such possibilities beg the following questions: has the French nation state put the categories of French and Islamic at such odds for Samia that for her to ‘choose’ one is for her really to reject the other? And.284 Ruth Mas course. What I am pointing to here is the manner in which Benslama’s advocacy for the fiction of literature also raises questions about the limits of the type of ‘literature’ that enables the integration of the Franco-Maghrebi Muslim subject in a socio-political context. from which the practices that emerge challenge the hegemonic norms of secular liberal governance? I do not doubt that Benslama’s analysis of Samia’s reading of Sand could enable other possibilities for the feminine Franco-Maghrebi Muslim subject. orthodox. traditional. for example. This is not so much a statement about the psychological usefulness of (French) literature as opposed to religious texts for subject formation as it is a question about the subject’s relation to power. In this way. which resists granting either her or her parents citizenship and which encourages her to change her ‘ethnic/Muslim’ name. Within such a liberal reading of Muslim subjectivity. and her challenge to normative assumptions about gender and sexual identity) would provide an intriguing point of entry into the analysis of the potential that a Sandian version of France holds for the accommodation of the religious as well as cultural or ethnic differences of France’s many Samias and the limits of such an accommodation to the centralisation of state power. positioned at the margins and yet at the pinnacle of French modernity and the Romantic movement. the subject is situated in a complex web of power relations that she is subjected to. Thus. what I am interested in is how the implied preclusion of certain practices and ways of being Muslim in France from normative definitions of what constitutes French literature – namely. that Benslama’s thinking. .42 This line of questioning assumes Asad’s critique of the ‘regenerating’ machinery of modernity and the asymmetry of power that exists between nation states and between the states and their subjects. Instead. despite the tensions in his work. complicates any notion that such a positioning of the feminine Franco-Maghrebi Muslim subject or subject of Muslim culture is uniformally aligned with the interests of the French nation state. within such processes. those practices identified with traditionalist interpretations of the Qur’an – speaks to how Benslama’s emphasis on subjectivity is tied to the secularising and hegemonic project of the liberal modern nation state. suggests does not presuppose the marginalisation of religious practices of collectivities and the texts that accompany them in liberal states. hidden in his statement that the subject can ‘open a rapport of debt to the Other of all identity (l’Autre de toute identité) – the metaphor of a borrowed dwelling’ is the fact that Benslama is very much working from the perspective of the ever-reformability of a transcendental Other. as well as whether the relations between states can be equitably reconstituted. in order to simultaneously advocate the unboundedness of the nation and of Islam. however variegated that positioning may be. As I have argued elsewhere. I do not want to be taken as saying that Benslama is prescribing only certain ‘French’ choices for the Franco-Maghrebi subject – I am not.44 Benslama’s liberal reading of the Franco-Maghrebi subject is consequently productive of a kind of plural thinking of the relationship between Islam and liberalism. In this regard. The role that the state plays in enacting what Asad has called the hegemonic political goals of modernity highlights the inevitability of the primary position that ‘the ideal of writing in the French language’ holds in Benslama’s work.43 I have used Benslama’s work to explore how.Secular Couplings: An Intergenerational Affair with Islam 285 the status of the almost revolutionary and visionary figure of George Sand (a simultaneous insider and outsider noted for her courageous stance against the violence and fear of France’s Revolution of 1848. To do so would be to maintain the rigid dichotomy between Islam and France that I am arguing Benslama is working against.45 The success of such an endeavour ultimately depends on whether the reconfiguring of ‘Islam’ to the ‘West’ and of their relationship. Samia’s refashioning into an idea of the French nation through her engagement with the image of Sand. Jean Dejeux. Alain Ruscio. Ruscio. such as Islam. In Le Maghreb à l’épreuve de la colonisation (Paris: Hachette. It was a regenerating of the local justice system that took as its object the ‘liberation’ of women from Qur’anic dictates. Jean-Loup Amselle. 3. Ibid. Daniel Rivet argues against the oppositional understanding of colonialism in the Maghreb. To allow for such reflections would enable a radical reconsideration of the secular. where the two. Affirmative Exclusion. might have their own resources for imagining such an ethic that respects dissent and honours the right to adhere to different religious or non-religious convictions’. my aim in discussing what constitutes the Muslim subject in France (or how such a subject is constituted) has been to avoid advocating the dichotomous aspects of métissage. 2003). 2002). To that end. both secular and traditionalist. and of the repositioning therein of the feminine Muslim subject. Le Credo de l’homme blanc. Image de l’étrangère. which conceives of accommodating the multiplicity of changing traditions and accompanying modes of being and practices of Europe’s new Europeans in order to transcend civilisational or modern and pre-modern dichotomies. 1989). which would polarise traditional Islamic subjectivities to liberal secular ones. . but to see them both as inter-relatedly functioning within the same grammar of political possibilities. liberal politics of the French state sedimented in the ambitions of French empire and colonialism. I have provided all of the translations in the text. the feminine Franco-Maghrebi Muslim subject is allowed to ‘reflect [on] whether other traditions. co-exist by being intimately connected and located at the interstices of the webs of power of the liberal state. While Muslims were permitted to practise Qur’anic law. I have been asking if. the project to ‘regenerate’ the Muslim populations of Algeria into French citizens involved imposing rational legislation whose purpose was to annihilate religious and cultural traditions. What a reading of La demeure empruntée yields is that the historical mutability of and violence toward the feminine subject that scholars such as Young and Spivak so decry will not be dissolved so long as her possibilities of subjecthood are dichotomised between violent Islam or liberating France. Le Credo. 5. To this end.286 Ruth Mas Within such a fashioning of a religious and political project. 70–74. Cultural Pluralism and Rule of Custom in France (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. within the interconnectedness of Islam and secularism. Unions mixtes franco-maghrébines (Paris: La Boîte à documents. 1995). 72. 175.46 As Asad has shown. 36. 4. Notes 1. 6. Regards coloniaux français (XIX-XX siècles) (Paris: Editions Complexe. Thus. the limits of the possibilities for the Franco-Maghrebi subject that Benslama opens up in relationship to ‘Islam’ are met most forcefully with regard to the feminine subject. 185. 2.. such reflections may and do function within a secular project of modernity. they did so only at the expense of their local customs and through the French colonial surveillance of its application that prepared the ‘necessary invasion’ of their own. In other words. ‘La demeure empruntée’. 76. 266. 11. was based on the lack of empirical grounding of his theorising of métissage and how it ignored ‘analysable identities’. Fethi Benslama. Ibid. ‘L’enfant et le Lieu’. 19.Secular Couplings: An Intergenerational Affair with Islam 287 7. Fethi Benslama. 106f. 1995. Ian Hacking. ‘Pour un pensée métissée’. Benslama’s engagement with the discourse of métissage is most succinctly spelled out in his response to François Laplantine. Fethi Benslama. 1: ‘Entre Psychanalyse et Islam’ (1990): 5–8... Thus. Ibid. in Fort-de-France from 5–10 December. 7. Cahiers Intersignes. this is what Benslama terms a genealogical de-legitimisation. 21. 49-51. The Muslim World 5.. ‘Métissage de l’inconscient’. it is not clear how many children they have. recognised in the law passed on 4 March 1958 the right of a child to be adopted if abandoned. Ibid. 49. a French ethnologist who lectured at a conference entitled ‘Psychiatrie. and Benslama’s response. for example. Benslama. for example. Transeuropéennes. langue... ‘Majida Khattari. here 250. Benslama’s concern lay beyond the scientific criticism of the void absolutes of philosophy. However. Benslama. 20. ‘Recent Demographic Developments in France’. 8. Art Press 18 (1997): 107–109. Benslama. Liberté. Culture and Race. 2002). Ruth Mas. 18. France Proulx. 15. ‘Présentation’. 91f. 31. Réponse à l’exposé de François Laplantine’. Égalité. 30. 13. ‘Métissage de l’inconscient’. MA: Harvard University Press. here 51. Ibid. 1998). and the continuity and interconnectedness with which these different spheres adhere to the Islamic tradition. 10. 250. 1999. 16. . 2002). 96 (October 2006): 585–616. hereafter cited in text. Genealogies of Religion. Memory as Postcolonial Violence and the Public Performativity of “Secular and Cultural Islam”’. 27. no. 25. 7. Laplantine’s lecture. 76. figures suggest that the number of marriages between French citizens and non-French citizens is rising more quickly than the number of non-mixed marriages. Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Population-E 58. 73f. Hybridity in Theory. no. Image de l’étrangère. Colonial Desire. here 109. even though it has been accused of going in contradiction with Qur’anic principles. Franco-Maghrebi Muslims suffer from being cut off from their culture. La Psychanalyse à l’épreuve de l’Islam (Paris: Aubier. here 5. society and family. Une sociologie du couple mixte (Paris: Anthropos. 28. 6/7 (winter 1995/96): 76–84. ‘Le Métissage de l’inconscient. culture’. From the case study. Family law in Tunisia (the Majalla. 4–5 (2003): 525–558. no. See Dejeux. however differentially defined. 1993). no. Cahiers Intersignes 3 (1991): 51–68. ‘La demeure empruntée’. Although French statistics do not officially differentiate between the religious or cultural origins of its citizens. 12. Benslama. Fethi Benslama. Fethi Benslama. Claudine Phillipe. ‘Compelling the Muslim Subject. here 77. 3) of L’information psychiatrique. were published in the March 2000 edition (no. Lignes 31 (May 1997): 69–77. Ibid. Historical Ontology (Cambridge. 22. 9. 14. Benslama’s objection to scholar François Laplantine. L’Information Psychiatrique 3 (March 2000): 249–251. Ibid. 175. and Gérard Neyrand. 250. Fethi Benslama. Gabrielle Varro. 32. 29. Robert Young. La Psychanalyse. Talal Asad. Mixité… Conjugales. Fethi Benslama. ‘Il est naturel…’. family law in Algeria (Qânûn al-usra) forbids adoption according to article 31. 17. 26. Hyperbole du féminin’. ‘Présentation’. 19. 24. codified after Independence in 1968). London-New York: Routledge. 23. ‘Rushdie or the textual question’. ‘Compelling the Muslim Subject’. Ruth Mas. 1998). which also had a strong impact in France and to which Benslama also reacted. . The colonial agenda of the liberation of the Muslim feminine subject was most carefully executed by the Bureaux Arabes. unpublished Ph. See Fethi Benslama.288 Ruth Mas 33. 50.D. Christianity. Formations. supported by the crypto-Catholicism of St. and Benslama. 585f. here 778. Une Fiction troublante. 34.. thesis. 13. See Talal Asad. Liberalism and the Discourse of Plurality in Contemporary Islamic Thought. For a discussion of the intersections between liberalism and Islam see Saba Mahmood. De l’origine en partage (Paris: Editions de l’Aube. Benslama. The prominent St. 248–253. Ibid. ‘Questioning Liberalism Too’. Asad argues: ‘The difficulties with secularism as a doctrine of war and peace in the world is not that it is European (and therefore alien to the non-West) but that it is closely connected with the rise of a system of capitalist nation-states – mutually suspicious and grossly unequal in power and prosperity. 43. Gauri Viswanathan. Conversion. in For Rushdie. articulated the hope of fusing the races through its promotion of mixed marriages. 19. Islam. Asad is writing in the context of the reaction to the Rushdie Affair in the UK. so that French Muslims also were the ones who assured the control over their Maghrebi subjects in function of French imperial aims. ‘Questioning’. converting to Islam and eventually introducing and developing the concept of a ‘French Muslim’. Modernity and Belief (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Modernity (Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1994). 2 (April/May 2003): 18–20. Genealogies. 39. Genealogies. Asad. Simonians in the Bureaux took the belief in the fusion of races to heart by marrying Maghrebi women. Mas. Critical Inquiry 8 (Summer 1982): 777–795. Mahmood.. 7. no. Outside the Fold. Simonian ideas. in which he discusses understanding modernity as a project and the role that ‘imaginative literature’ plays within it. Anouar Abdallah (New York: Braziller. Boston Review 28. Michel Foucault. Ibid. 45. 35. 46. Margins of Tawhid. each possessing a collective personality that is differently mediated and therefore differently guaranteed and threatened. 84. 12–14. University of Toronto. 41. 42. 37. 36. 47.’ 44. Essays by Arab and Muslim Writers in Defense of Free Speech. Asad. 82–91. 1994). ‘La demeure empruntée’. 287f. 2006. Asad. ed. 40. which. emphasis added. here 19. ‘The Subject and Power’. Formations of the Secular. 2003). 38. and Atlantico periferico. from the University of Turin. Liliana Ellena teaches Women’s and Gender History at the University of Turin. and women and war. the history of the Portuguese Empire. La fortuna di un’immagine tra cultura e politica (2002). Il postcolonialismo Portoghese e il sistema mondiale (2008). eds Shaul Bassi and Andrea Sirotti (2010). University of Coimbra. has edited the new Italian edition of Frantz Fanon’s I dannati della terra (2007). Portuguese literature and literature from Portuguese-speaking countries. Moçambique. whose testimony she gathered and edited. She is the coauthor of Il Quarto Stato. Her research interests include postcolonial studies. Império. she is completing a monograph on competing representations of modernity in interwar Italian cinema. Italy and has been a Fellow at the Kulturwissenschaftliches Institut in Essen.Contributors Margarida Calafate Ribeiro is Researcher at the Centre for Social Studies. Her latest work was on the Portuguese colonial wars and the experience of wives of war veterans in Africa. Un’introduzione. her research has focused on the memory of colonialism in European cinema. Portugal. Das palavras escritas (2008). During the last few years. concentrated on the fields of gender and cultural history. Lendo Angola (2008). As mulheres portuguesas e a Guerra Colonial (2007). . She completed her master’s degree in Gender and Ethnic Studies at the University of Greenwich (UK) and received a Ph. Currently. colonial wars. has explored links between visual sources and new objects and approaches of research including post-colonialism and transnational history. Her work. and has co-edited a monographic issue of the journal Zapruder on transnational women’s movements (2007). Guerra Colonial e Pós-Colonialismo (2004) and África no Feminino.D. She is the author of Uma História de Regressos. She has also co-edited Fantasmas e Fantasias Imperiais no Imaginário Português Contemporâneo (2003). Her most recent publication is ‘“White Woman Listen!” La linea del genere negli studi postcoloniali’ in Gli studi postcoloniali. and has held Eduardo Lourenço’s Chair at the University of Bologna since 2008. Wunder. Her most recent books are Gender and Modernization in the Spanish Realist Novel (2000). He has held various long-term fellowships at the University of California in Berkeley. The Theft of History (2007). Raum und Kommunikation im 19. and on cuisine and the culture of flowers. Esposizioni in Europa tra Otto e Novecento. the edited volume Constructing Identity in Contemporary Spain (2002). organizzazione. John’s College. the German Historical Institute in London. and Imagining Outer Space. from the European University Institute in Florence. the Near East and Metals (forthcoming). Fleeting Cities. She is currently coauthoring Cinema and Everyday Life in 1940s and 1950s Spain and A Cultural History of Modern Spanish Literature. European Astroculture in the Twentieth Century (forthcoming 2011). Poetik und Politik des Staunens im 20. and Spanish Literature. 1970–2000 (2001). domination as . and Europe. the Internationales Forschungszentrum Kulturwissenschaften in Vienna. later in India (Gujarat) and in China. Orte des Okkulten (2003).T. Jahrhundert (2010).D. and a Ph. Seoul/Republic of Korea. At present. as well as a monograph. the Bagre myth of the LoDagaa.290 Contributors Alexander C. rappresentazioni (2004). A specialist in nineteenth.The Great Debate (2004). Italy and Germany. His most recent works are The East in the West (1996).and twentieth-century Spanish cultural history. A Very Short Introduction (2010). The Eurasian Miracle (2009). Publications include numerous articles and six (co-)edited volumes: European Ego-Histoires. und 20. He undertook fieldwork in Ghana. Renaissances. Islam in Europe (2003). the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales in Paris. The foci of his research are the history of work and of working people. Cambridge. During the Second World War. he is working on a comprehensive history of outer space and extraterrestrial life in the European imagination of the twentieth century. The One or the Many? (2009). Jack (John) Rankine Goody was educated at St. He received master’s degrees from Johns Hopkins University and Georg-AugustUniversität Göttingen. Jack Goody has written extensively on literacy. the Kulturwissenschaftliches Institut in Essen and at Harvard University. Ortsgespräche. Geppert directs the Emmy Noether research group ‘The Future in the Stars: European Astroculture and Extraterrestrial Life in the Twentieth Century’ at the Friedrich-Meinecke-Institut of Freie Universität Berlin. Historiography and the Self. Imperial Expositions in Fin-de-Siècle Europe (2010). Spazi. she is founding editor of the Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies. Alf Lüdtke is Honorary Professor at the University of Erfurt and Distinguished Visiting Professor at Hanyang University. Jo Labanyi is Professor of Spanish at New York University and a Fellow of the British Academy. Capitalism and Modernity. and co-editing Europe and Love in Cinema and A Companion to Spanish Cinema. Jahrhundert (2005). he was stationed in the Near East. the family. and is one of the founders of the journals Historische Anthropologie and WerkstattGeschichte. He has founded and co-edited the journal Sozialwissenschaftliche Informationen (SOWI). Memory and the Public Performativity of “Secular/Cultural Islam”’. Staatliche Gewaltsamkeit und innere Verwaltung in Preußen. Universität Bielefeld. eds Jens Elberfeld and Marcus Otto (2009). into French 1993. Ruth Mas is a Fellow at the Society for the Humanities at Cornell University. Jahrhundert’. schwarze Krieger. trans. (Post)Colonial Violence. and has been a Fellow at the Kulturwissenschaftliches Institut in Essen. Her publications include Weiße Helden. Her current research project concerns the history of capitalism and focuses on the cultural and everyday history of money during the nineteenth century. Currently. Arbeitererfahrungen und Politik vom Kaiserreich bis in den Faschismus (1993). Zur Geschichte kolonialer Männlichkeit. Viadrina University. Die DDR im Bild (2004. and ‘Transnational Politics. Polizei und Festungspraxis. . and Fellow at the Freiburg Institute of Advanced Studies (FRIAS). Alltagsgeschichte. English 1995 and Korean 2002). She has received visiting fellowship at Cambridge University. and The No Man´s Land of Violence. trans. as he is a co-founder of the book series Selbstzeugnisse der Neuzeit. Historische und sozialanthropologische Studien (1991. His publications include: Gemeinwohl.). Sandra Mass is Assistant Professor at the Department of History. Jahrhundert’ in Das schöne Selbst. Recent Accounts of Muslims in France’. 1918–1964 (2006) and articles on racism. ed. Extreme Wars in the 20th Century (2006. She is also one of the editors of L’Homme. Fabrikalltag. Zur Rekonstruktion historischer Erfahrungen und Lebensweisen (1989. co-ed. into English 1989). Herrschaft als soziale Praxis. Zur Genealogie des modernen Subjekts zwischen Ethik und Ästhetik. The Politics of Love in the Thought of Malek Chebel’. development aid and gender in the twentieth century. 1815–1850 (1982. Eigen-Sinn. Boulder. She is an Assistant Professor of Contemporary Islam and Critical Theory in the Religious Studies Department at the University of Colorado. entitled ‘Kinderstube des Kapitalismus: Geld. her publications include ‘Love as Difference. European Review of History (2004). Her most recent publication is ‘Mäßigung der Leidenschaften. ‘Compelling the Muslim Subject. Kinder und monetäre Lebensführung im 19. Kinder und ökonomische Erziehung im 19. Journal of Middle Eastern Women’s Studies (2010). Irvine. her scholarly focus is on the production of secular Islamic intellectual traditions in France and their engagement with post-structuralist thought. She has also attended the School of Criticism and Theory at Cornell University and the Seminar in Experimental Critical Theory at the University of California. Europäische Zeitschrift für feministische Geschichtswissenschaft. co-ed. In addition to editing two special issues of the journals European Review of History and Nations and Nationalism.).Contributors 291 socio-cultural practice and process (especially policing). notions and perspectives of the history of the everyday. and the visual in history and historiography.). Muslim World (2006). as author: Europe in Love. A Framework for the History of Emotions (2001). film theory in the digital age and visual sociology). Mobility and Belonging in Contemporary Europe (2007. Among her recent publications are. Gender. from the European University Institute in Florence in 1997. as editor: Across the Atlantic. and The Navigation of Feeling. with Ruth Mas). His publications include an article in Contemporary European History entitled ‘Royal Photographs. He is currently finishing a post-doctoral research project on the cultural history of twentieth-century monarchies at Universität Zürich. a biography of the most famous Swiss scientist. Lithuania. Currently. and. Both biographies have been translated into French. Laprade Professor of History and Professor of Cultural Anthropology at Duke University. and the social and cultural history of Soviet cinema. Bi-Textuality and Cinema (2003. Renée Schwarzenbach-Wille und ihre Familie (2004). Imagination and Politics Between the Wars (1999). and Women Migrants from East to West. Das verschmähte Genie. and Belarusian Format. Gender Histories in Eastern Europe (2002. Images and Myths of Europe (2003). Ioanna Laliotou and Enrica Capussotti). Figures d’Europe. Florence. Cultural Exchanges between Europe and the United States (2000).The Primacy of Intersubjectivity (2007). Radici antiche per nuovi simboli (2002). Paradoxes of Interpretation (2000). Honor and Sentiment in Postrevolutionary France (1997). Fuori della norma. Sogno di Europa (2009). The Invisible Code. studies of gender representations in visual arts. and the history of romantic love. William M. Memory and Utopia. Love and the Idea of Europe (2009). Her research interests include theories of visual culture (in particular. with Nerina Milletti). Storie lesbiche nell’Italia della prima metà del Novecento (2007. she is working on a monograph History and Representation. and a biography of his great-grandmother Die Geborene. Reddy is William T. ed. Alexis Schwarzenbach studied modern history at Balliol College in Oxford and received a Ph. with Dawn Lyon. ed. Invisible Reality (2008). His published works include Money and Liberty in Modern Europe (1987). Her main publications include Umberto Eco.D. methodological approaches to the history of emotions. Cinematic Images of the Soviet. Il mito d’Europa. Luisa Passerini is Professor of Cultural History at the University of Turin and External Professor of History and Civilisation at the European University Institute.). Gender and Transgression in Visual Arts (2006. .). Love in Europe.). His current research interests include theories of culture.292 Contributors Almira Ousmanova is Professor of the Department of Media at the European Humanities University in Vilnius. a special issue of the European Review of History on ‘Europe and Love – L’Europe et l’amour’ (2004. co-ed. Emotions for the People’ (2004). Visual (As) Violence (2007). Albert Einstein und die Schweiz (2005). ski’s Holocaust memoir The Black Seasons. Balkan Women for Peace (2003). Her current project is on ‘Wrongdoing in Spain. and the translator of Michał Głowin. Representations and Reactions’. 1800-1936: Realities. and the Vicissitudes of Self (2001). where she teaches European intellectual history and carries out research on poetic milieus. Her published works include The Deceived Husband. Alison Sinclair is Fellow of Clare College. . She is the author of Caviar and Ashes. an account of Eastern Europe’s grappling with its memories of totalitarianism at the century’s end. Her research as a classical philologist and anthropologist has mainly focused on women’s cultures in the Balkans – from ancient Greece through romanticism to the conflicts of the 1990s and the present day. and Little Black Dress. A Warsaw Generation’s Life and Death in Marxism. Essays in Anthropology and Feminism (2007). Her main publications include War Discourse. Sex and Society in Early Twentieth-century Spain. and The Taste of Ashes. Women’s Icons of the Twentieth Century (2003). intellectual exchange and the cultural history of totalitarianism. gender and literary history. Hildegart Rodríguez and the World League for Sexual Reform (2007). Uncovering the Mind. a quarterly for women’s culture and feminism in Belgrade.Contributors 293 Marci Shore is Associate Professor of History at Yale University. an examination of the central European encounters occasioned by phenomenology and structuralism. the Unknown. Svetlana Slapšak is Professor of Anthropology of the Ancient Worlds and of Gender Anthropology. Svetlana Slapšak has been the editor in chief of the journal ProFemina. Cambridge and Professor of Modern Spanish Culture and Intellectual History at Cambridge University. 1918–1968 and articles on Jewish. Since 1994. Women’s Icons of the Antiquity (2006). Studies and Essays on Wars in Yugoslavia and Russia (2000). She has also done work on sexual reform and the comparative history of eugenics in Europe. 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Stearns. 241–4 Euro-African romance in Congo 77–83 in First World War. 223–4. 277. de) 223–5 L’Airone (Cipolla. Dr. 147. 230n38. Constance 200 Arendt. 230n36. 153 anti-Bolshevism 240–41 AntiEuropa 200 Apollinaire. 84. Anne 50 Ambedkhar. 150. 84. 225. B. A. M. Michael 34. Theodor W. 231n39 Alciphron 254 Alegre. J. Dino 94n56 Alfonso XIII 200 Algeria 230. 230n36. 225. colonial literature on 243–4 German East Africa. 118. 119. 200–201 adoption 272–3. 258 Africa 5 Central Africa 8 colonialism in 7–8 East Africa 89. 78. 286n3 Ana the Kalunga (Raposo. H. 282. 287n10 and France. 128. 269.) 223–6. 245 white colonial romance. 198–9 Adam and Eve 26–7 Adams. 286n4 citizenship of 272. Prince 150 Alcácer Quibir 223. 230n37 anti-Americanism 144–5. de) 11. 133 Archibald. Don Juan and conquest of 204 Amicucci. past and continuing relationship between 275–86 independence for 278 people of Algerian extraction 271 Allison. 230n36 African Journey (Mendonça. Libero 81 Action Française 13. 83. 152–3 Amselle. 229n14. Hannah 258 . 277. 224. 223–4. 121. 223–6. 231n39 Alfieri. Perry 72n13 Angola 15. 221–2. 40. Guillaume 117. 129. 227. 52n7 admiration 37. 96. adaptation for Fascist times 83–7 see also Angola. 155n53. 274. 226. 149 Acción Española 199 Acerbi. Ermanno 94n56 De Amore (Capellanus) 37 L’amour et l’Occident (Rougemont. D. Jean-Loup 93n35. 29 American empire. boundary transgressions in 241–4 Heimat in 16 love for 90–91 sexual representations of 242 soldiers from. overseas Europeans African Journey (Alegre. R. 85.) 77–9. 287n10 Adorno. fear of 235–9. 71. 85 Albert Victor. Manuel 15. 251 Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) 15.Index abdication 145. 273 family law in 272–3.) 219 Anderson. religious beliefs of 207–8 Baartman.302 Aristogeiton 254 Aristophanes 16. 188 Asia 5. 142–3. 282. Giraut 36–7 The Borrowed Dwelling (Benslama. 129. Giulia 90. 225 liberation movements 220 literature of. Hillaire 201 Bely. Walter 59. 104. R. 127 Authority. Ruth 83 Benjamin. Liberty and Function in the Light of War (Maeztu. 264 Armani. 261 Baldwin. 248n32 Berrios. Ulrich 34. politics of mass participation 62 Boothe. 167. 288n34. 282 Ateneo de Madrid 179. Dirk 249n53 Blum. F. 123. 245 Black Lamb. 51 Aspasia 254 aspiration 34. case study of 271–5 genealogical de-legitimisation 272. Ray 247n13 birthday wishes (and cards) 163. Léon 147 Boccaccio. 269–70. 212. T. physical 23–4. multiplicity of 286 ‘common body’. 22. 253–4. 287n18 . 140. 187 Atze. de) 201 auto da fe 207–8. 170 Bis zur letzten Stunde ( Junge. Marian 125. possibilities for 284–5 France and Algeria. Edoardo 92n15 Bakhtin. 94n59 Balkans 14. Cristiana 219. 52 Index Beck-Gernsheim. 44. fiction of 279 conversion in age of religious intolerance 282–3 diasporic movements 277 disinheritance 276–7 experience of ‘Islam’ 281 feminine Franco-Maghrebi Muslim subject. 262 Balticum 239–41. Shaul 93n53 Bastos. 94n65 Barthes. Caroline 18n2. 276. Michael 132. 270. 220 Baxmann. 256. Norma 155n42 Bassi. Fethi 17. 176n27 betrayal 78. Inge 246n9 Beauvoir. 256. 190. Saartjie 86–7 Baccari. Simone de 258 Beaverbrook. 39. 164. 75 As Good as It Gets ( James L.) 259–60 Blotzheim. 173n2 Berlin Wall. 99. Giovanni 43 Bogatko. 285. 263. 56n61. 65 disillusionment and 99 assimilation 87. Elizabeth 34. 121. 60 Benninghaus. 165. 244 Freikorps in 239–41 Barrera. 256 Athens. golden age of 253–5 attraction. German E. 286. 288n43 asexual love 24. 107. 279. 52 Beigbeder. John 43–4 Baldwin. 235–9.) 270. 281. Christina 246n1 Benslama. 31. 209 autoeroticism 96 avant-garde 118. Clare 144–5 de Borneil. 79. 259–60. 132 Bolshevism anti-Bolshevism 240–41 love for state. Stanley 138. 271. effect of fall 96–7 Berliner Börsen-Zeitung 238. 133 Azorín ( José Martinez Ruiz) 198 Aztec societies. 118. 194n4 Athenaeus 254–5. 275–86 changing traditions. 283. 82. 126–7. Roland 2 Basch. Talal 281. Grey Falcon (West. Frédéric 47 Belloc. 274 Beveridge. Étienne 88. 275–86 Berghof 158–9. Andrei 103 Ben-Ghiat. 148 Balibar. Brooks film) 46 Asad. 287n32.) 158–9 ‘Black Horror’ 234. 271–5. Luigi 92n16 Arni. 128. 238. 143 Beck. Lord Max Aitken 142. Marcel 174n7 St Augustine 10. love in 2–3 South Asia 6–7. 132–3. 199. R. 271–5. past and continuing relationship between 275–86 Franco-Maghrebi Muslims in France. Richard J. Kevin 54n24 Brüne. 276–9. hegemonic potential of 280 Islam and liberalism. 129. 174n11 Buñuel. 171. Vittorio 82. 43 Carbajosa. 132 ‘Bronze Horseman’ (Pushkin. 226. exile and 278–80 Muslim subjectivity 281–2 Qur’an and religious texts of Islam 284. Władysław 118. 123. 265 Castro Henriques. 176n29 Bottai. Lila 129 Brodsky. 169. 173–4n6. José 221 Café Ziemian. 43 Chesterton. Bertold 130 Brie.) 258 Cavallo. 230n36 of Hitler. 93n33 Boudet. Andreas 37. Geoffrey 41. 172–3 Boxer. 176n27 Celestina (Comedy of Calisto and Malibea) 197. Isabel 228. 287n14. 27 Catulli Carmina (Orff. A. 286. 127–8. 199. David 267n6 Braunschweiger Tageszeitung 163–4 Brazil 6–7. 173 political charisma 169 Charles. 29 Budimir. Josef 103 Broniewska. 221. Mónica and Pablo 211n5 Carey of Clifton. notion of 269–70. Prince of Wales 35 Charles d’Orléans 41 Charles V 204 Chaucer. David 158. relationship between 285 métissage. 219–20.K. 106. 209. 212n37 Channon. 229n20 Brecht. C.B. 122. 201–2. Milan 262 Bühmann. John 44 Camões. 17. 125. 120. Mary 152 Cantale. Michel 3 Bynum. 209 Chacel. Willy 169 Branham. Charles 217 Boysen. Benjamin 38 Brandt. 120. Jean-Patrice 41 bouleversement 105 Bowie. Henning 174n7 Bundesarchiv 162. Margarida 15. Giuseppe 199 Bottego. 125–6. 219 Carmelites 265 Carvalho. Rosa 180. 51. Robert Bracht 268n7 Brantlinger. Caroline 23 Caeiro de Matta. 225–6. 223. 173–4n6 charismatic leadership 13. Gianbattista Primo 81. 232n57 Cathars 22. 121. Luis 105 Bureaux Arabes 288n39 El burlador de Sevilla (Tirso de Molina play) 201 . 201 Chevalier de la Charette (Chrétien de Troyes) 43 China 260 ‘incoming-daughter-in-law marriages’ in 24 love poems 28 Chrétien de Troyes 43 Christianity identity-nationality-integration 279–80 Islam. Dipesh 94n58. Ernst 59. 281–2.) 103 Brownlee. 124. 285 religious intolerance 282–3 resistance to Islamic extremism 280–81 social violence in France 278 Bosworth. 224. 182 Chakrabarty. Mevlana 26 celebrities 168.Index 303 Butor. Henry (‘Chips’) 142 charisma 160. Mieczysław 118. 132 Broniewski. Janina 123. 121 Braund. 92n21 Capellanus. 283. 228 Canning.ska 117–33 Calafate Ribeiro. 127–8. Henrique de 218 Casanova’s Cloak (Alexander Galin film) 98–9 Cassirer. Lord George 35 caricature 104–5. Martin 176n27 Buddhism 23. G. Luís de 215–16. Patrick 92n13 Braun. 57. 287n20 migration. Adolfo 40 Celaleddin Rumi. Adolf 160. 130. 215–32 Calvin. Alfred 247n13 Brik. 91 Cipriani. Gaëtan Gatian de 168. 181. S. B. Joseph 121. Benedetto 264 culture 33. 238. love in time of 223–6 Europeanness and 76–7. 87–9. 50 courtship 23–4. Hermann 242. 51 Congo 8. 251 Europeans. 80–82. Arnaldo 7–8. Galeazzo 90. 274 acquisition of 279 of Algeria 272 of France 273. 4 culture shock 105 cultured elites 178 cultured readership 182 . 277. 44–5. 278 Civilisation and its Discontents (Freud. 9. 27 Reformation 44. competition for 84 The Coloured Socage Bailiffs on the Rhine (Stehle. 46 Crime and Punishment (Dostoevsky. 270. 76. 40. 251. 274. 249n55 consolation. 86 family colonisation 222 Italian discourse 89 modern colonialism. 227. 54n31 religion and love 21–3. 236. Lidio 87. 41–2. Victor 6. 225.304 Christian and Aztec societies.) 180 Clark. Don Juan as prototype 202–5. 253. 125 Cousin. 169 Cosmopolitan 47 courtly love 5–6. 93n47 citizenship 16–17.) 236 Coming of Age in Samoa (Mead. 209–10 Conrad. Gianbattista Giraldi 87 Cipolla. 86 Index trust in Europeans 85 see also overseas Europeans conquistador. 148 Ciano. 41–3. de) 201 Critica fascista 199 Croce. Eleanor 152 Coppock. 249n54 construction of borders 241 of dyad Europe-love 7 of emotional links 151 of Europeanness 4. Winston S.) 103 The Crisis of Humanism (Maeztu. Herbert 149 Correia. 176n26 Collège d’Europe 200 colonialism colonial war. 76–7. 43. 83–6. 101–2 communism collapse of 97 communism-in-power in Poland 126–8 compassionate love 24 concupiscentia 38. imaginary of 179–80 Consten. religious beliefs of 207–8 ‘Christian European roots’ 3 Christian marriage. 80–81. Pamela 153–4n1 Clérambault. M. lure of 107–8 conversion in age of religious intolerance 282–3 Conze. Vanessa 246n1 Cooper. 256 Balkan cultures 256 Bronze Age cultures 29 Catholic culture 258 Christian culture 25 civilisation and 119 codes of ‘love’ 60–67 coexistence of cultures 270 cultural differences in love relations 14–18 cultural studies 3. 27 virtue in 38 chronodistopia 256–7 Churchill. Germano 219 Il Corriere della Sera 80. 91 of gender difference 184 of gender relations in society 187 historical reconstruction 70–71 of masculinity 245–6 of self 34 of sexual desire 47–8 consumer society. Fascist interpretation of 84–5 romance. 77–9. 94n64 cinema in post-Soviet era 95–9 Cinzio.) 47 communal apartments. experiences in 79–80. R. 36–8. 221. F. life in 99–100. 81–2. advocation of 203–4 in Europe 5 European Christianity 22–3 Judeo-Christian values 25. Stalin dictatorship 13. S. Vasco 216. 59. 100– 101. Primo de Rivera. 287n18 miscegenation of East and West 204–5 Muslim culture 281. 49. R. Wilhelm 72–3n21 DeJean. 3. Søren 107. 194. 102–3. Hitler. Belinda 72n20 Dawson. Isaac 117. 209–10 cultural danger point 193 decadent rather than romantic 194 hedonism. Juan 182 Davis. 145 Daily Mirror (New York) 139–40 Daily Telegraph 143–4 Daily Worker 142 Dal Congo (Cipolla. 197. 38 Dantín Cereceda. 210. 192. 225 La Difensa della razza 87 Dinzelbacher. 106. de) 206 Don Juan Tenorio ( José Zorrilla moral play) 201 Don-Juanism or Six Don Juans and a Lady (Salvador de Madariaga radio play) 206 dissemination of 178 ‘Feminine Culture’ 185. 104. 22. 201. 82. 206 conquistador. 191 Russian culture 103. 282 national cultures 88 oral cultures 27 popular culture 34. 109. 255 German culture 240 indigenous cultures 77–8 institutions of 21 Islamic culture 25. 189 feminism and 262 French culture 104 gender. A. Mussolini. 209 . 111 print culture 190. Shashi 3 Deutsche Zentral-Zeitung 66–7 Deutscher. 86. 105–6. 109. 209 modern egoist 200–202 ‘Notes towards a biology of Don Juan’ 187–8 political readings of 197–205 ‘rake’ and danger to himself and others 45 sexual prowess 203–4 Don Juan and Don-Juanism (Madariaga. 161.Index 305 Defence of Hispanic Values (Maeztu. Heinrich 247n13 divine love 21. 23. 124. Ludwig 242. Sergei 112n14 Dobson. 99. 179–80. 109. embodiment of 13. 146. 177–8 Distler. 112n27 Dante Alighieri 6.) 81 dalliance 23–4 Damkjaer. 105. 226 Dages Nyheter 147. 200–201. 121. 211n6 universal culture 205–6 Western (and European) culture 23. 253 Portuguese culture 231 in post-Soviet Russia 96. 106. 111 secular culture 258 Soviet culture 100–101. Salazar. 26 Dobrotvorsky. 99. 148 Daily Express 142. love and 130–32 decadence 7. Jean 286n5 Denmark 147–8 denunciations 62–3 deportation 278 Deppe. 245 women’s culture 252 written cultures 28 Yugoslav society and 260 da Gama. 132 dictators see Franco. Karin 177n33 Doerr. de) 209 Deipnosophistae (Athenaeus) 254–5 Deist. 28 Italian culture 89 liminal cultures 257 Maghrebi cultures 270. society and 192–3. 205. Margarete 68 domination 58–60 Don Juan 2. 243 Deshpande. Peter 36 disinterested love 105–11 dislocation 129. Andrew 194n2 Doerr. 104. Joan 56n57 Dejeux. 109 Spanish culture 208. prototype of 202–5. Graham 250n65 De Clérambault Syndrome 168 death. 210. 200. 38. 6. (Eucker. 247n18 Edward VIII 10–11. 4. 30–31 Erbe. 137 abdication of 145. August 237. 155n43 Eisenstein. Joseph 155n42 equality and love 28–9. 18. de) 199. Gomes 215 earthly love 21. 16. 181. 208.) 161–2 emotionality 17. 9. 264. 274. 5. Sergei 121. R. Sergei 128. 86. 267 Esenin. restraint on romance of 146–8 letters from public to king in love 148–51 love. 45. 3. Liliana 7. 222. William C. 265. 2. 266. John 52 Dörner. 6.306 Don Quixote. 138. love story between 151–3 silence in British media on romance with Mrs Simpson 142–5 value of love for 143–4 ‘World‘s Greatest Romance’ 137–8 see also Simpson. Wilhelm K. 272. media and role in Britain of 143 media reports on Mrs Simpson and 139–41 morganatic marriage proposal 145 people and king. 70 construction of emotional links 151 emotional disparity in regard for Hitler 160 role in politics 59–60 sexuality and 76 work of being German and 63–5 Enlightenment in Europe 1. 149 criticism from Europe on romance of 147–8 European media. 176–7n31 Erdmann. 251 Ellena. 207. Bernward 72n16 Dostoevsky. Hugo 250n61 Eritrea 89 Ermler. 215. René 112n24 eugenic vision of society 187–8 Euripides 262. 282 ethnic background 35 ethnic conflict 107–8 ethnic difference 285 ethnic identities 235 ethnic origin 284 ethnic positioning. 221. Poland Eberlein. Friedrich 104 Eros 263. fluctuations in 257 ethnic stereotypes 209 multi-ethnic states 259 ethnographic remarks 80–81 Étiemble. Fyodor 103 double love 3 Dumont. 27 Eastern Europe 16–17 see also Balticum. 178–9. 201–2 Donne. 199 Eleanor of Aquitaine 37 elites 36. 92n30 Eanes de Zurara. 69–70 emotionology 70 emotions articulation of 60. 72n18 Eiseman. 280. Essays in Collective Sentiment (Maeztu. 130 España 178 El Espectador 178 Esquire 47 Estado Novo in Portugal 220. 160 Index modernity and 59. 7. Louis 28–9 Dunn. 88 ethnicity 15. Don Juan and Celestina. Wallis Egypt 5 love in ancient Egypt 28 Eintopfsonntag (Nazi call for nationwide sharing) 63. 227 Europa 129 Europe belonging to 1 ‘Christian European roots’ 3 courtly love in 5–6 . Myron J. 247n13 Ecclesiazousae (Aristophanes) 264 Echenberg. 44. 210 Ennes. Kevin C. 78. Selse E. 270–71. 222 Ethiopian War 85. 263 Euro-African romance in Congo 77–83 Eurocentrism 2. António 218 Epicurus 254 Epstein. 75. Ida 170–71. 68. 18n5. 75–94 elopement 44–5 Emker. 23. 16. 200. notion of 17. 276–9. 52. 4–5. 189 love in time of war 252. 179. 235–6. 21–23. 62. Orlando 112n22 Filesi. 7–8. 18n7. 33–35. 283. 194. Cesira 92n17 First World War 6. 47–48 Russia and. 127. 44. 91 divisions within 18 exclusion from and meaning of 96 paradigmatic Europeanness 12–13 Polishness and 121 of Spain 193–4 whiteness in Fascist Italy and 87–91 Evans. 67–8. 88. 9–10 media in. 266 fiction 45 Une Fiction troublante (Benslama. 3. 46. 237. Rita 193 ‘Feminine Culture’ 185. 277. 72n10. encounters in postSoviet cinema 95–9 European Economic Community (EEC) 227 European Union (EU) 9 Europeanness 1. Western tradition of 46 Versailles Treaty 83. 269–70. 210 Europe in Love project 1. 92n28. 249n53 Foucault.) 202 exile Europe as place of 97–8 for Franco-Maghrebi peoples 278–80 overseas Europeans 82–3 exotic landscapes 83–4 face 34. colonial literature on 243–4 love for state. 274. Frantz 90 Fascism 59 Italian Fascist Declaration of Empire 85 love for state. 288 Figes. F. 274 . 40. 286. 133. 84. 61–3 feelings. 10. 86–7. clash between internal forms of 90 peripheries of 14–18 Portugal between Atlantic and 215–16 racial differences in 18 romantic love.Index 307 Falange Española 199 family colonisation 222 Fanon. mass participation and 62. 63–4 romantic love. 195n31. 187. politics of mass participation 62. 78. F. 287n20 ‘racial anarchy’ in 87 criticism on romance of Edward VIII from 147–8 cultural differences in 18 cultural differences in love relations 14–18 Eastern Europe 16–17 Enlightenment in 1. 275–6 mariages blancs (fake marriages) 278–9 métissage. Western tradition of 6. Scott 47 Foreign Legion 241. 288n44 Fragment of Empire (Friedrich Ermler film) 104 France 14 and Algeria. 194 in Russia 105 feminism 3.) 270. 3. 8–9. 70–71 Felski. Michel 47. 261. 259. 8. Richard J. 59–60. 4. 64–6. past and continuing relationship between 275–86 citizenship of 273. 2. 86 construction of 4. 207. 208. 189 femininity Revista de Occidente (RO) on 184–5. 217 faith 22. E. 67. 198 Africa in. 118. 45. 144. 9. presence and impact of 58. 244 Fitzgerald. 194n1 exile in 97–8 imperialism of 14 Islam in 17 love in 1–2. notion of 60. 281–2. 9. 233. 287n14. 17 colonialism and 76–7. 6. restraint on romance of Edward VIII 146–8 migrants to. 80–81. 278 French ‘liberal’ colonialism 84 le couple métissé. 67–8 ‘Father State’. 72n11 Exaltation of Marriage (Giménez Caballero. ambivalent status of 271. cultural roles of 3 nexus Europe and love 9–14 Orientalism and. 208. T. 209–10 . 120–21 Gabrielli. 205. 149–50 George VI 143 Geppert. 206. 263–5 see also gender difference/love in time of war Freikorps 15. Robert 72n15 gender 16–17 Index discussed in Revista de Occidente (RO) 179. 204. 191–2. 188. 158–73 Office of Military Government for Germany (US) 162 see also Weimar Republic Gerner. 181–2. 180–81. 281. 256. Octavio Victoria 211n9 Giménez Caballero. fiction of 279 conversion in age of religious intolerance 282–3 diasporic movements 277 disinheritance for 276–7 feminine Franco-Maghrebi Muslim subject. 160. 287n18 identity-nationality-integration 279–80 Muslims in France. Christian 218 Gehrmann. Sheldon 49–50 Gasteiner. 186. 166. case study of 271–5 religious intolerance for 282–3 resistance to Islamic extremism 280–81 Frank. 172 Nazi regime in 9. 207. 164. Alexander 98–9 gallantry 45 Gandhi. Gianluca 94n61 La Gaceta Literaria 199 Galin. 193–4 relations in society. 167. Don Juan and conquest of 204 Christian marriage. 171. Hans 174n7 Gertsen. 163. 145. E. Greta 203 Garon. 158–77 Germany 14 German engagement with work 65–7 Germanness 66 National Socialism 160. 11–12. 73n24. 165. (Mahatma) 29 Garbo. T. 173 futurism 118–20. 191. 210. 255. Kimberley A. 11–12. multiplicity of 286 ‘common body’. 281. 229n20 Führer 63. 172. 165. Andre Gunder 182 freedom of choice 23–4 Freeman. 266–7 reflections of love in wartime 261–2. Olga 16. 245 Freud. 72 Giddens. 190. 192 Freyre. 183–5. 212n29 American empire. 161. Sigmund 47. 187. 266 Genealogies of Religion (Asad. 171. 288n41 genealogy of ‘colonial intimate regime’ 90–91 genealogical de-legitimisation 272. 182. Anthony 33–4 Gil. Gilberto 219–22. 205 Franco-Maghrebi peoples 17 changing traditions. Alexander C. Alexander 112n21 Gestapo 62. 244. 190. Mohandas K. 198. Suzanne 82 Gellately. advocation of 203–4 cultural miscegenation of East and West 204–5 Don Juan as fascist superman 202–5. Olga gender studies 252. construction of 187 gender difference construction of 184 love in time of war 258 see also Freidenberg. Kristian 112n25 Gerth. 210 geopolitical romance 76–7 George V 137. Elio 93n52 Geffray. 199–200. 155n43 Freidenberg. 211n6. 257–8. 248n37 Weimar Republic and 234.) 202. Francisco 199. 194. possibilities for 284–5 genealogical de-legitimisation 272.) 287n32. 287n18 Genius of Spain (Giménez Caballero.308 social violence in 278 see also Paris Franco. 170. 159. 209. Ernesto 13. 200. Adolf 147. 260 Gogol. Thomas R. 57n80 Hindu society 5 Hippolytos (Euripides) 262 historicization of love 4–9 history of notion of love 24–5 Hitler. 246n10 Hearst. 196n39 Gloucester. 249n50 Greece 12 Grimm. Mary Ann 155n43 Glick. Leo 202. 44 Goebbels. 168–71 motivations of writers of letters to 166. Rüdiger von der 239 Goodall. William 140. 49. 171. 49. Thomas F. 143 Heart of Darkness (Conrad. Joseph 159. Paul von 239–40 . 184 Heimat in Africa 16. 249n48 Harvard Slavic Studies 260 Haushofer. Richard 155n49 Goode. 177n32.F. Alexander 103 Herzog. 195n33. 174n11 Herbst. Dagmar 160. 103 Goltz. 226 Hacking. J. Jan 121. 47 human sacrifice 207–8 Hund. 175n18 Hoffmann-Curtius. Lucie 166. 173–4n6 Hill. Wulf D. David M. 201. Ludolf 174n7 Herder. 50–51 Glendon. addresses to 166–7 Hitler.H. Johann Wolfgang von 184. 246n3 grotesque narrative of Window to Paris 100 Guinea-Bissau 221. 161–2. Franz 249n58 Henry. Isabel 44. Danièle 34 Herzen. 21–32 Goote. 199 absurdity of letters to 169 archive of personal love letters addressed to 161–2 ardent love letters to. 201 human nature 45. 122 Henckel. T. 209 Hegel. 222. disparity between 160–61 seduction by 160 social background of authors of letters to 164–5 sovereignty. 53n13 Harmodios 254 Hartmann.) 83–4 Hebraeus. 39. 241–4 Heinz. Georg Heinrich 240. Don Juan as embodiment of 13. 172. Chien-shan 24 Hull. 30. form and length of letters to 165 imagined intimacy with 167 importunings 167. 246n9 imperial violence. 141. Hans 233. 56n61 Hulme. Johann Gottfried von 184 heroic love 46–7 Hervieu-Léger. 82 The Heart of the Continents (Cipolla. Prince Henry. A. 28–9. 174n8 Goody.) 79. Nikolai 100. Jack 4–7. 171. 33. racist apology for 204 Gitagovinda ( Jayadeva) 6. Friedrich Wilhelm 249n47 Hempel. 172–3. 171 love letters to 11–12. Karl 235. 177n34. Thor 240. Alice Mabel 199 Hindenburg. warnings against 167–8 charisma of 160. William Josiah 161. Ian 287n11 Hadewijch 23 Halperin. 199 Goethe. 50–51. Georg W. 203 hedonism. Duke of 148–9 God 36. Heinz 174n13 Henkel. 170–71 number and distribution over time of letters to 163 as object of passionate desire 161 occasions for composition of letters to 163–4 personal circumstances of authors of letters to 164–5 personal presence imagined by writers of letters to 170 public and private concepts of. 162–8. 173 De Clérambault Syndrome 168 educational heterogeneity of authors of letters to 165 effect on followers and power of 158–61 emotional disparity in regard for 160 frequency.Index 309 Hindu love 23. Kathrin 173–4n6 Homer 256 Huang. 310 Huschko. Ernst 233.ski. 237–8. 22. 87. 253 India 6. J. 27 Judt. 88 Europeanness in Fascist times 87–91 Fascist Declaration of Empire 85 genealogy of ‘colonial intimate regime’ 90–91 manliness in. 27. 150 Jornada de África (Alegre. A. 241. 256 conjugal intimacy 31 intimate relationships. 50. de) 200. 77. 124–5. 29. 29–30 see also Franco-Maghrebi peoples Itacker. 181 intersigne. 29. 283 individualism 13. Erna 165. 218. 132–3. 217. 77. 224. 246n2 . 235. 152 Italy 12. 245 inter-racial sexuality 86. 75.) 204–5 imperialism 14. 215.R. 147 colonial discourse 89 Ethiopian War 85.) 124 I from One Side and I from the Other Side of My Pug Iron Stove (Wat. 120. Edmund 265 Hutton.) 118–19 Ibn Gabiral 24 Ibn Hazm 25 iconography of romantic love 39–41 identity collective identity. declaration of 86–7 racial membership. Tony 134n2 Jung. 219.) 15 Juan see Don Juan Judaism 5. 222. 227. 239. 125–6. M. 173n2 Jünger. 49. 81. 129. 14. 271. 39 Joachimsthaler. Lilli 247n23 Japan 6. 182. 190–92. citizenship and 16–17 crisis in Russia of 108–9 ethnic identities 235 nationality and integration for Franco-Maghrebi peoples 279–80 immigration see migration El Imparcial 178 Imperial Circuit (Giménez Caballero. Traudl 158–9. 88. Roberta 211n4 Jones. 83. 270. Wilhelmine 164. 210. 277 intimacy 10.) 124 Jesus Christ 23.ski. 167. Betty 145 hybridity 87. 162. 167. 86. 285 role of love in 25–7. 175n15 Husserl. 206–9 Jainism 29 Jampol’sky. 29 in Turkey 21–2. 107. 77. 147 practice of love in 33. 245 Intergirl (Petr Todorovsky film) 97–8 internationalism 104. 210 infantile sexuality 47 inheritance of love 52 integration 221. B. 205. 278. 219. 202–3. 50–51 Je brûle Moscou (Morand. formation of 181 inter-racial love 218 inter-racial marriage 84. 270 colonisation and 218 I Burn Paris ( Jasien. 206 inter-racial relationships 1–2. Fred S. Anton 175n14 Johnson. vulnerability of 90 miscegenation. nationality and 279–80 intellectual autonomy 122 intellectual circle. 180. 221. E. 255. 24–5 Judeo-Christian values 25. relationship between 285 Qur’an and religious texts of 284. 206. public function of 76 sexuality and 76 spiritual intimacy 38 Index Islam 5 in Europe 17 experience of 281 hegemonic potential of 280 and liberalism. P. 220. 201. concept of 271. S. vulnerability of 90 whiteness in Fascist Italy 87–91 Jacques de Lalaing 40 The Jade Heart (Madariaga. 45–6. 25. 283. 49–50 Jasien. 284 identity. 175n17 Junge. Carl Gustav 13. 24. 131 Jayadeva 6. Mikhail 112n26 Jannasch. Bruno 119. 192–3 Jung. Nicole 268n18 Louise. 232n56 love absence of conception of. 215. 21–2. Maurice 36. Jo 12. Krzysztof 97. Victor 74n41 Knappen. Janina 122. Bruce W. 249–50n60 Lev. Achim 71n7 Lang. 100 Lebensraum 233 . Margarethe Marie 166. relationship between 285 liberal reform. 193.. 168–71 from public to king in love 148–51 Lettow-Vorbeck. 194. 3–4 Libera. Michael 96 Kershaw. 191 Krüger. 46. Henry Ansgar 41 Kempowski. Immanuel 6. Sigrid 176n28 Kretschmer. Laza 256. Irena 121 Kundera. George. Jan 117 Leeson. optimism for 193 libertines 2. Oleksandr 127.. Adolf-Viktor von 247n13 Koljevic. 194n3 Kabanova. Feliks 134n6 Lincoln. 175n19 Lourenço. Walter 173n4 Kennedy. Elena 113n30 Kalinowska. 246n1 Labanyi. Werner 246n1 Kostic. 194 Khrushchev. 84 Lepsius. Vladimir Ilyich 104. Eva 167. Gerd 73n24 Krzywicka. Marco 94n57 Lenin. Paul von 244–5. Ernst H. 3–4. 110 King’s two bodies 61. Hermann 182. Heinrich 260 Lenci. Marie Madeleine de 2 Laak. 277 see also dislocation LoDagaa. 189. 231n48. Ola 121–2. Robert George 248n37 Leisegang. 247n13 language and love 110 Latzel. Rainer 174n7 Lessing. King of the Belgians 79–80. 127 Kierkegaard. Claude 261 Leyla and Majnun (Nezami Ganjavi) 2–3 Les liaisons dangereuses (Laclos) 2. 98. 176n23 Koerber. 267n5 Krampitz. 242. David 148 Löbmann. Izabela 98 Kant. Margaret 149 Landra. 161–2. Alain 53n20 liberalism and Islam. Doris 13 letters to Hitler 11–12. Gisela 246n12 Lechon. Evelyne 181. 241–3 Junta para Ampliación de Estudios ( JAE) 179. Pierre-Ambroise-François Choderlos de 2. Rebecca 176n27 location 15. 124 Lévi-Strauss. 174n13 Lichodziejewska. 184 Kantorowicz. 120. 228. Anna 97–8. Otto 182. 261 Leopold. 154n28 The Knight of the Vermilion Robe 42–3 Koch. 13–14. Ian 173n3 Keyserling. 71–2n9. Peter 41 London Evening Standard 142 López Campillo. Vejas Gabriel 239. Ghana 5. François 267n4 The Literary Monthly (Miesiecznik Literacki) 124. 246n6. 197–212 Laclos. 130 Liulevicius. 249n58 Kun˙ zanka. Guido 93n51 Landwehr. 27–8 Loew. 167 Klemperer. Milan 47 Kundrus. 133. Christian 246n12 Korneichuk. Klaus 74n36 laughter 171–2 Lawton. 194n6 Loraux. Eduardo 227. 112n20 Lissarrague. assumption of 81 for Africa 90–91. 3 Laidlay. 175n21 Keen. 167.Index 311 Lebina. 248n39 Lloyd. Marshall M. M. 131–2 Köster. Birthe 174n7. 164n11. 132 La Fayette. 81. Nikita S.. 128–9. 109. 18n1 Library of Congress 162. 40 Kelly. Natalia 112n19 Lebzelter. Nikola 268n12 Koller. 162–8. Dirk van 233. Fritz 66–7 Logos 185 Lombard. Joseph 238. Søren 182 Kieslowski. sexuality and 76–7 religion and 21–31 rule of love 34–5. idea of 35 unrequited love 96. political implications 26 neo-Platonic amor-intelectualis 203 nexus Europe and 9–14 opportunity and political experience in Russia 98–9 people and king. 70 emotions. 64–6. 36–8. 70 order. 7–8. 27 emotions. 40. 3. 23. romantic love Love Dialogues between Laura and Don Juan or Fascism and Love (Giménez Caballero. public function of 76 Japan. 9–14 racial boundaries. notion of 60. practice of love in 33. 61–3 feelings. 68–9. modernity and 59. 67–8 ‘Father State’. politics of mass participation 58–71 and lust as ‘desire’. 70–71 First World War 62.) 205 love for state. 62. nature of 187 centrality in medieval period 37–8 collective identity. presence and impact of 58. 76 social order and 3–4 stages of love’s conquest 43–7 theorising on. 161–2. 69–70 emotionology 70 emotions. 67–8. 161. 75–6 disinterested love 105–11 divine love 21.) 199–200. longing for restoration of 62–3 . 168–71 love for state. 202–4 Love for Catalonia (Giménez Caballero.312 ancient politics about 255–6 ardent love letters to Hitler. 63. European nature of 257–9 ‘triumph’ of love in industrialised West 33. 51–2 same-sex love 34–5 sexuality and 17–18. 188 in Asian literature 2–3 by association. 99. 68. warnings against 167–8 asexual love 24. E. 162– 8. 59–60. 63–4 German engagement with work 65–7 Nazism 59–60. tradition in Europe of 2. 41–2. 3. 26 double love 3 earthly love 21. 44–5. 9–10 heroic love 46–7 historicization of 4–9 inter-racial love 218 inter-racial relationships 1–2 as intercultural exchange 110–11 intimate relationships. citizenship and 16–17 compassionate love 24 contradictory nature of 208–9 courtly love 5–6. role in politics 59–60 emotions. 8–9. 4–5. 23. love story between 151–3 Platonic love 24 Index political union via romantic love 205–9. work of being German and 63–5 Fascism 62. 167. 170 value for Edward VIII 143–4 vocabulary of 76 see also religion and love. theorisation of 47–8 media and role in Britain of 143 metaphor of love. 34–5 universal nature of. E. 49–50 language and 110 letters from public to king in love 148–51 letters to Hitler 11–12. 62. politics of mass participation 58–71 Bolshevism 62 cultural codes of ‘love’ 60–67 denunciations 62–3 domination 58–60 Eintopfsonntag 63 emotionality. 210 as public affair 252–3 public and private loves 7. 50 cultural differences in love relations within European borders 14–18 discourse. sexuality and 76 in Europe 1–2. articulation of 60. 43. ritual baptism in 124 self-actualisation through selfannihilation 120–21 snobbism 119–20 terror in Soviet Union 125–6 Young Poland 119 love in time of war 251–67 alterity of women 255 ancient politics about love 255–6 Athens. 65–7 work of destruction. Erich 240 Lüdtke. 209 Mafarka le futuriste (Marinetti. 210 religious beliefs of Christian and Aztec societies 207–8 secular rationalism in writing of 205–8 Maeztu. 228n7 Machiavelli. 41–3. 261. 215–16 amour dans la servitude 218 donna angelicata 216 lusotropicalism 216–22 Other as independent identity.Index 313 social stability. reinterpretation of antiquity in search of 252–6 men-only symposia 254–5 polemography 252 pornography 255 Savic. 256. 129. 258. 266 Freidenberg’s reflections on 16. 133 betrayal 118. 257–8. 200 on contradictory nature of love 208–9 human sacrifice. Martin 44.ska 118–20 polyglot poets 117. 63–5. Helder 216–17. L. 253–4 MacDonald. 118–19 prison. Curzio (Kurt Erich Suckert) 199 Mamin. 127 Madariaga. 266. de) 15. 121. 210 critique of Don Juan as modern egoist 200–202. 128. 103–4. 267n1 Lurvey. love’s dark partner 38. 132–3 Mayakovsky and the revolution 120–26 poets of Café Ziemian. 198–9. 123. Salvador de 13–14. 198. 262 theorising on love. parallels drawn between 207 political union via romantic love 205–9. 120–21 intellectual autonomy 122 intimacy 132–3 Marxism 120. European nature of 257–9 Lucifer Unemployed (Wat. 194. 266–7 gender difference 258 gender studies 252. Alf 7. engagement in 68–9 love in time of revolution 117–33 ashes of Warsaw 128–30 avant-garde 118. 132–3 capricious nature of revolution 133 communism-in-power 126–8 death 130–32 futurism 118–20. 253. 225.T. Saba 288n33 Maimonides 25 Malaparte. golden age of 253–5 chronodistopia 256–7 feminism 252. 267 Lysistrata (Aristophanes) 16. Yurij 8. male sexual desire and 253–4 Stein’s reflections on 16. Niccolò 10. 266 love as public affair 252–3 love theories. A.) 78 Mahmood. F. love for 217 lusophonia 228 lust (concupiscentia). 58–74. Ramiro de 13. Paul W. 255. auto da fe and 207–8 negative depiction of Spain 208 Old World and New. 257–8. 259.) 122 Lucretius 260 Ludendorff. 267 sexual strike 253 site-catchment 251–2 . 176n23 Ludwig. 209. 51 Luther. 256–7. 108 Manchester Guardian 143 princely authority 61–2 rationalisation 58–9 Second World War 62 self-will (Eigensinn) 62 sentimental love 60 Volksgemeinschaft 63 work and 60. 121. Rebac’s reflections on 256. Ira 155n43 The Lusiads (Camões. Ramsey 148 Macedo. Louis 71–2n9 Marinetti. Susan 18n4 Marx. 134n1 Milton. 212n39. 18n6. 210 Mommsen. political implications 26 métissage. Filippo Tommaso 10. 233–50 Massis. 220. 129. 283. Ina 107. 27 Manifesto degli scienziati razzisti 90. 271. advocation of 203–4 ‘incoming-daughter-in-law marriages’ in China 24 mixed marriages 17. 71n2.314 Manicheaism 23. 287n14. 88 metaphor of love. 128. 180. 209. 271. Paolo 75 Marañón. John 263 miscegenation 3. 281. Sandra 15–16. Piero 176n29 men-only symposia 254–5 Mendes Correia. 120–26. Czesław 130. 133 Mead. Jerónimo de 223–4 Menexenes (Plato) 254 Menippos 256 Merkel. 169. Timothy 67 Mass. Henry 94n60 Matsuda. 193 Marglin. 288n39 modern egoist. 86–7. Ruth 17. 120 Marxism 10. Hans 72n17 Mondrian. 113n28 Il Messaggero 85. 187. 243. Vladimir 10. 269–88 Maschmann. 275. 245 concepts of 11. 92n11. 275–6 Michael. notion of 17. 280. Tirso de 201. 118. ambivalent status of 271. Matt K. 268n13 Mantegazza. 276–9. 275. 86–7. 281–2. 94n66 Mann. António 219 Mendonça. 184. 204. J. 194. sexual activity and 186–90 medieval accommodation of love and sexual regulation 33. Karl 58–9. 35–41 medieval woman mystics 23 Melograni. S. vulnerability of 90 Russian studies in 113n29 Mason. 185. 269–70. 78. Sally 246n12 Marr. 278–9. Robert 177n33 Mickiewicz. 88. 225 The Mission of the University (Ortega y Gasset. 286. Nikolai 261 marriage celebration of 34–5. Kingsley 143 Martin-Marquez.) 189 mixed marriages 17. 149–50 construction of 245–6 manliness in Italy. Adolf von 249n51 Index media reports on Mrs Simpson and Edward VIII 139–41 and role in Britain of love 143 medical science. 13. 276. 77. 261 love in time of revolution 120. 182. 287n20 le couple métissé. 235. 206. 117 Marks. 130. cultural roles of 3 ‘sausage migration’ 107–8 ‘sofa emigration’. 91n4 A Matter of Time (Deshpande. 43 Marin. 117. 193. Nicolás 178 mariages blancs (fake marriages) 278–9 Marie de Champagne 37. 45 Christian marriage. Don Juan as 200–202 Molina. Walter 197 migration 222. Adam 121 Middle Ages 6 Mignolo. 201. 121. 269–70. 280. 186–90.) 3 Mayakovsky. 108–9. Frédérique 51 María de Urgoiti. 260. Gregorio 13. 278 of dissenters from Soviet Union 108 European migration to Brazil 220 exile for Franco-Maghrebi peoples 278–80 Italian migration to Congo 80 migrants to Europe. Melita 68 ‘Masculine and Feminine’ 183–4 masculinity 14. 132–3 Mary of Teck 150 Mas. phenomenon of 113n29 Miłosz. 288n39 morganatic 145 Martin. 173n1 Mann. 278–9. 276. Thomas 47. 281. Piet 263 . Heinrich 158. Margaret 47 Mecklenburg. 92n28 Franco-Maghrebi peoples 269–70. Jürgen 250n67 Oushakin. 248n34 morganatic marriage 145 Morning Post 143 Morocco 3 Morris. 33. Baron Giuseppe 79 Njegoš. J. Paul 124 Morel. P. 189. 205 My Poetic Friendships (Broniewski.) 270 Ober-Ost 239–41 obsessions 50. Paul E. 205 Mozambique 221. 155n42 ontology 183. Claude 267n2 Mossman. Sir Isaac 45 . 6. Algerian or. 227 Nostalgia (Andrei Tarkovsky film) 97 Nouailles. 171. 90. Alfred R. 68–9.Index 315 Nezami Ganjavi 2–3 Nietzsche. 211n12 New Statesman 143 New York American 140–41 New York Times 140 Newman. 90.) 204. competition for 84 Congolese trust in Europeans 85 ethnographic remarks 80–81 Euro-African romance in Congo 77–83 Europeanness and whiteness in Fascist Italy 87–91 exile 82–3 exotic landscapes 83–4 Montpellier Codex 39 Moodysson. 263 nostalgia 13. Elliot 268n15 Mother Rome (Giménez Caballero. 179. 211n12 order. 111. 70 Nelson. 11–12. Jean-Yves 246–7n12 Narveson. 49–50 Muslims Arab. 165. 222. 176n27 Münchner Neueste Nachrichten 172 Münkler. 161. 30. 212n39. Benito 12. Carl 258 Orientalism and Europe. 48. Sylvia Jukes 155n45 Mosley. 237 Obst. Franco-Maghrebi peoples and 281–2 see also Islam Mussolini. 287 Orringer. 95–113 Outside the Fold. 169. Francis 5 News Chronicle 143 Newton. Lord 149 neo-Platonic amor-intelectualis 203 Neue Zürcher Zeitung 146 The New Age 199. 204. 63. Friedrich 119. 256. Piroska 53n21 Le Naour.) 130 Nagy. Oswald 148 Mossé. 284. Nelson 195n14 Ortega y Gasset. 82.-J. 3 La Nuit brisée (Benslama. 170. 163. Ana de 184–5. 260. 184. 178. W. 200–201 Nisco. Almira 8. Lukas 112n7 moral economy 63 moral disintegration of ‘decadent’ West 106 Morand. G. Conversion. 203 Osterhammel. 280 subjectivity of.) 282 overseas Europeans absence of conception of love. 259. 184–5. 158–73 politics of mass participation 59–60. 226 Muggeridge. José 13. parallels between 207 O’Neill. 186 Nouvelle Héloise (Rousseau. clash between internal forms 90 origins 5. 187. 102. 169. F. Horatio. longing for restoration of 62–3 Orff. Malcolm 154n29 Mullen. Kate 57n87 National Socialism 160. Herfried 71n8 Murasaki Shibiku 2–3. 193. 201. Dieter 72n17 Office of Military Government for Germany (US) 162 Old World and New. Sergei 113n29 Ousmanova. 97–8. 131. 186.) 2. 90. 182–3. 172 Nazism in Germany 9. 180–82. 169– 70. Modernity and Belief (Viswanathan. difference between 274. 86. William L. assumption of 81 colonial romance. E. 192. 62. 41. 275–6 open concealment 38–9 Orage.P. Edmund Dene 238. Konstantin 128 People without Space (Grimm. 86 French ‘liberal’ colonialism 84 geopolitical romance 76–7 indigenous population. Fascist interpretation of 84–5 Orientalism. sexuality and 76–7 self-reflection 78 sleeping sickness 78. Ciro 89. 182. A. 94n62 Poland 9–10. Antonio 89. Spain Peter the Great 102–3 Petersburg (Bely. 257. 91n1. 231n39 colonial war. 38–9 Petrucci. 51. 211n12 passion Hitler as object of 161 romantic love. 52. 49. Loredana 87. 253 female 62 love partnerships 6. 260 Pirandello. Western tradition of 45 Pasternak. Michele 176n27 Index St Paul 44 Paustovsky. 52 male 170 sexual 6. 210 Pollard. Sydney 73n22 polyglot poets 117. H. 186. 94n63 Phaedros (Plato) 257 Philosophers at the Feast (Athenaeus) 254–5 ‘Philosophy of Fashion’ 183 Phule. 224. 261 Pathé. 13. clash between internal forms of 90 racial association of ‘white’ with ‘European’ 89–90 racial boundaries. 79 white colonial romance. 68–9 communism-in-power in 126–8 Polishness and Europeanness 121 return home to 98 Young Poland 119 see also love in time of revolution polemography 252 Polezzi. Rene 150 Pagine africane di un esploratore (Cipolla. A. 225.) 233 Pericles 254.) 103 Petrarch 6. 153–4n1. 185. Mahatma 29 Pilsudski. 263 peripheries of Europe 14–18 see also Portugal. 81–2. 35. 189 Plato 254. S. 180.) 84 Palacios. Luisa 56n65. 53 Passerini. Hermann 73n23 paradigmatic Europeanness 12–13 Paradise Lost (Milton) 263 Paris misadventures in 106–7 refusal to return from 100 see also France Parker Bowles. 28. 192. 15 Alcácer Quibir 223. enforcement of European civil code on 80–81 modern colonialism.316 experiences in Congo 79–80. 230n38. Asin 22 Pamela (Richardson. Gustavo 13. love in time of 223–6 Constitutional Revision (1951) 221 Between Cultures (school interexchange programme) 227–8 .ska 118–20 Poggiali. Marshal Jósef 118 Pindarus 259. 145. 263 Platonic love 24 Playboy 47 A Poem for Adults (Wa˙ zyk. 93n54 political readings of Don Juan 197–205 political union via romantic love 205–9. 279 choice of 23–4. 53n19 Ozment. Camilla 35 Parliament of Fowls (Chaucer) 41 partners 44. Hans 249–50n60 Page. Boris 257–8. 46. A.) 45 Pankow. adaptation for Fascist times 83–7 whiteness. Steven 44 Paasche. 36. reassertion along gender and racial lines 86 Ovid 39. 196n51. 118–19 Pope Pius XI 265 Pope Pius XII 258 Le Populaire 147 pornography 255 availability of 34 Portugal 14.) 129 poets of Café Ziemian. Luigi 92n28 Pittaluga. 205. 170.M. J. 221 colonial racism 90 as cornerstone of colonisation 218. J. de) 218 post-Soviet era in Russia 95–111 post-war period of romantic love 46 Pratt. propaganda against 236–9 Soviet clichés about West 105–6 Propósitos (Ortega y Gasset. disparity between 160–61 emotions 12 loves 7.) 181. 199. 70. 201–2. 197–9. 234. 4.) 260 Rebac. 127 Provençal poetry 5. Don Miguel 13. M. 240. 166. François 253 racial association of ‘white’ with ‘European’ 89–90 racial boundaries. Alexander 102. H. colonisation and 218 lusophonia 228 peripheral geographic position 227–8 racism as cornerstone of colonisation 218. 130 The Queen of Spades (Pyotr Tchaikovsky opera) 103 Don Quixote (Cervantes) 3. 245 Reddy. 61. Climatology and Colonisation (Carvalho. 179 Prince Genji (Murasaki Shibiku) 2–3. 209 Qur’an and religious texts of Islam 284. 179. 205. Koen 113n32 rape 44. 218. 243. 241. 203 La Psychanalyse à l’épreuve de l’Islam (Benslama. 204. 103. 95. Mary Louise 83 Pretty Woman (Garry Marshall film) 48 Primo de Rivera. 33–57.Index 317 concepts of Hitler. Ludwig 260 Radkau. 76 Reformation 44. 6–7. 239. 73. M. 86. 88. 126. 9–14 spaces in Russia.) 199 Proulx. 221. Europe and shadow of 226–8 hybridity. 219 romance and empire of 216–22 Salazar regime in 221–2 A Portuguese Expedition to Muatianvua. 171. de) 2. sexuality and 76–7 racial differences in Europe 18 racism 17. 237.) 181 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (Weber. 236. ritual baptism in 124 projection 60. 91. F. 64. 189 Red Army 15. Hipólito 219 rationalisation 58–9 Rauman. Marcel 10. Domnica 112n11 Raes. 207 The Ray of Microcosm (Njegoš. France 287n26 Proust. 13.) 270 ‘Psychological types’ 191–2 public and private boundaries between 172 . 285 Rabbi Aqivah 22 Rabelais. 88. Eugene 92n18 Purcell. 3 prison. 49–50 princely authority 61–2 La princesse de Clèves (La Fayette. 234. allegory of 238 Raposo.P. Rosemary 176n27 Purgatorio (Dante) 38 Pushkin. P. 276. 192. 6. Joachim 250n64 Radulescu. 280 ‘rape dresses’ 274–5 ‘raped nation’. dissolution of 101–2 unity of 10 Pujarniscle. Metereology. William M. 54n31 religion and love 21–31 Adam and Eve 26–7 democracy and transformation in 226 disintegration in Africa of 226–7 EEC entry (1986) 227 Estado Novo in 220. Hasan 259 The Rebellion of the Masses (Ortega y Gasset. Emilia 200. 127. 172. 222 between Europe and Atlantic 215–16 family colonisation 222 former empire. 103. 265 propaganda 12. 244–5 black soldiers in Rhineland. 219 scientific racism 220 sentimental racism 79 Radermacher. Victor 91n3 Rocca. 50 elopement 44–5 First World War 46 gallantry 45 heroic love 46–7 human nature 47 . 27 LoDagaa. 33–52 centrality of love in medieval period 37–8 Christian virtue 38 courtly love 36–8. 27 compassionate love 24 courtship 23–4 dalliance 23–4 earthly love. 25–7 Remembrance of Things Past (Proust. 194n3. 195n13 Reuth. 29 Islam in Turkey 21–2. 181–2. Joachim von 11 Richards. role of love in 25–7. 195n23 Richardson. ‘incoming-daughter-in-law marriages’ in 24 choice of partners 23–4 Christianity 21–3. 187. 27–8 medieval woman mystics 23 metaphor of love. Gerhard 237 ritual dance 51. political implications 26 secular and divine love. Gino 92n28 romance and empire of Portugal 216–22 romantic love. 30 history of notion of love 24–5 individualism and love 25 Islam. 191–2.) 127 repatriation 212n39. optimism for 193 love by association. formation of 181 internationalism 181 Jung and the 190–92 liberal reform. search for 181 elitism of 178–9 eugenic vision of society 187–8 Europeanness of Spain 193–4 ‘Feminine Culture’ 189 femininity 184–5. sexual activity and 186–90 ‘Philosophy of Fashion’ 183 Pittalunga in 189 ‘Psychological types’ 191–2 Second Republic and 192–3 selectivity in 180–81. 24 Spain. black soldiers stationed in 235–9. 41–2. Dominik 72–3n21 Riley. Western tradition of 6. intertwining of 26 secular love 21–2 sexual love 24. 44–5. 43. 24–5 Judeo-Christian values 25. Samuel 45 Richert. Glenda 155n42 Ritter. 40. 190. Marañón’s model of 188–9 Revue internationale des études balkaniques (RIEB) 262 Rheinische Frauenliga (Women’s League of the Rheinland) 237. 29–30 Jainism 29 Judaism 22. Michael 193–4. 193–4 intellectual circle. 193. 28–9. 247n13 Rhineland. 193–4. Ralf George 173n3 Revista de Occidente (RO) 13. 278 representation of love in Russia 109–10 Rerum vulgarium fragmenta (Petrarch) 38–9 Residencia de Estudiantes 178–9. Islamic culture in 21–2.318 asexual love 24 Buddhism 29 Cathars 22. imaginary of 179–80 contemporary reality. M. 194 Index gender discussed in 179. nature of 187 Marañón’s work in 186–90 ‘Masculine and Feminine’ 183–4 medical science. Ghana 21–2. 183–5. 191. 26–7 socio-economic perspective 30–31 Song of Songs 22. 203 biological and social difference 184 consolation. 27 China. 245 Ribbentrop. 187. 57n81 El Rivadaria (Patagonia) 141 Robinson. 30–31 European Christianity 22–3 freedom of choice 23–4 Hindu love 23. renunciation of 23 equality and love 28–9. 186. 185 Simmel and 182–5 utopian vision of society 187–8 ‘Woman in Europe’ 192 woman in society. celebration of 34–5. Eric 47 Rosenberg. 258 iconography of 39–41 individualism 45–6 infantile sexuality 47 inheritance of love 52 The Knight of the Vermilion Robe 42–3 love and lust as ‘desire’. Jean-Jacques 2 Rovito. 35–41 natural nature of. collapse of 97 consumer society. profitable exchange or 105–11 Europe and. availability of 34 post-war period 46 Reformation. 35–41 spiritualised eroticism 47–8. shift of norms 44 rule of love 34–5. 101. 99. Teodoro 93n37 rule of love 34–5. disillusionment and 99 Berlin Wall. 45 medieval accommodation of love and sexual regulation 33. 102–3. Denis 11. encounters in postSoviet cinema 95–9 exile. 283. 48–51 spiritualised love 40–41 spiritualised sensuality 36–7 stages of love’s conquest 43–7 sublime love. José 228 Sartre. 182 . Georg 71n7 same-sex love 34–5 Sand. 99. 67–8. Bertrand 180. theorisation of 47–8 lust (concupiscentia). 109. disciplining of 44–5 sexual love and divine passion. George 274. 269. 51 marriage. Jean-Paul 120. Marquis de 14 Salazar. 111 symbolic order 101 Rycaut. 101–2 communism. 8–9 aspiration. 51–2 Ruscio. 275. António de Oliviera 220–21 Salomon. Wilhelm von der 247n13 Sade. 284–5 Saramago. idea of 35 see also Don Juan Romer. Alain 76. 105–6. connection between 38–9 sexual regulation 33. opportunity and political experience 98–9 love as intercultural exchange 110–11 moral disintegration of ‘decadent’ West 106 Paris. crisis of 108–9 language and love 110 love. lure of 107–8 culture in post-Soviet era 96. Phillip 47 Rothermere. effect of fall 96–7 bouleversement 105 caricature 104–5 cinema in post-Soviet era 95–9 communal apartments. 111 disinterested love. 34–5 universal nature of. Alfred 246n5 Rössler. dissolution of 101–2 representation of love 109–10 romantic love. 107–9. refusal to return from 100 post-Soviet era 95–111 public and private spaces. idea of 35 non-Western identification with 35 open concealment 38–9 passion 45 pornography. 51–2 same-sex love 34–5 sexual behaviour. love’s dark partner 38. 41–3. sexual ardour and 33–4 tapestries 40–41 ‘triumph’ of love in industrialised West 33. 104. 100–101. 286n1 Rushdie. Salman 283 Rusk. 248n38 Sälter. 12. life in 99– 100. Michael 73n24 Russell. Europe as place of 97–8 femininity 105 grotesque narrative of Window to Paris 100 identity.Index 319 Russia 3. misadventures in 106–7 Paris. 96. Harold Harmsworth. Viscount 143 de Rougemont. Ernst von 239. 152–3 Rousseau. Mechtild 246n5 Roth. longing for 111 St Petersburg 102–4 subject in post-Soviet era 95. Paul 24 Saar. 13. media concentration on 144 European media. 263–5 Schirrmacher. Frankreichs Schande 238 Schwarzenbach. 211n4 Sirone. Georg 13. 149–51. de) 205–6 Slade. 237–8. 150 divorces of. Christa 159. King of Portugal 223–5 Second Republic in Spain 192–3 Second World War 62. male sexual desire and 253–4 Sexuality. 251–68 Slaves and Masters (Freyre. construction of 47–8 sexual love 24. 160. Weimar Republic as 234–5 emotions and 76 infantile sexuality 47 inter-racial sexuality 86. Anica 16. G. 51. 137–57 Sebastião I. 188. 53 sexual prowess of Don Juan 203–4 sexual regulation 33. 260. Viktor 128 Shnaider. 251–2 secular love 21–2 secular and divine love. 26–7 and divine passion. State and Civil Society (Hull. Gerhard 169 Schroeder. 171. 276. 79 snobbism 119–20 Snobbism and Progress (Žeromski. sexuality and 76–7 social stability. 245 intimacy and 76 love and 17–18 medical science. S. disciplining of 44–5 sexual desire. August Wilhelm von 211n14 Schmitz-Berning. 262. Thomas 250n63 Die schwarze Schmach. Svetlana 16–17. Hugo Ferdinand 247n13 Simmel. 266. Denis 259.320 Sauer. 261 Shems-i Tabrizi (Shemüddin) 26 Shirer. 219. Wolfgang 72n14 Schlegel. Alain 264 Schröder.) 44. intertwining of 26 secular rationalism 58–9. 117–36 Siegel. connection between 38–9 sexual partners 6. 57n78. sexual activity and 186–90 racial boundaries. 278. Käte 237–8 Schivelbusch. 205–8 Sedgwick. 52. divorce-related 144–5. 137. Wallis 10–11. Edith 199 site-catchment 251–2 Sketch of Europe (Madariaga. 257–8. 173n2 Schulze. Marci 9–10. Hagen 248n37 Schwarz. 275. Eve 48 sedimentation 270. S. William L. 35. 235. Lee 56n77. Sir Adolphus 30 Slapšak. Margarete 168 Saurat. Alexis 10–11. Rebac. 173n5 Shklovskii. 256. Mikhail 128 Sholem.) 119 Social Democraten 148 social difference 184 . 187. 56n61 Shelley. Percy Bysshe 260. Gershom 260 Shore. 173 sex symbol 170 sexual ardour and sublime love 33–4 sexual behaviour. 159. 158. Claudia 174n7 Schnapp. 178–96. 57n80 Sigel. 167. Alison 12. 36. 35–41 sexual representations of Africa 242 sexual stereotypes 209 sexual strike 253 sexuality Index allegory of. 286 self actualisation through selfannihilation 120–21 construction of 34 self-reflection 78 self-will (Eigensinn) 62 sentimental love 60 sex appeal 109. 57n79. I. 263 Savic. 186. 182–5. Dennis 112n15 Schwarz. 151–3 anti-Americanism. 28. Cornelia 177n33 Schmölders. 189. 267 reflections on love in wartime 259– 61.) 219–20 sleeping sickness 78. restraint on romance of 146–8 media reports on Edward and 139–41 silence in British media on romance with Edward 142–5 ‘World’s Greatest Romance’ 137–8 Sinclair. 18. 191 Simpson. A Myth Revisited (Goody. 107–9. J. 100 Greek tradition 224 Hebraic tradition 122 Hindu tradition 29. post-Soviet era space (Raum) and people (Volk) 233–4. 73.) 123 St Petersburg 102–4 Stalin.) 27–8 Thomas. sexual ardour and 33–4 Svenska Dagbladet 148 Swanson. 245. Eduard 182 The Spring to Come (Žeromski. 49. 48–51 spiritualised love 40–41 spiritualised sensuality 36–7 Spivak. Gloria 145 Sweden 147–8 symbolic order 101 Symposion (Plato) 257. 90. Peter 47. 96. Charles 72n13 Times 143. Josef 126. 249n49 The Third Bagre. 264 Tales of Petersburg (Gogol. 270 Spranger. 120. multiplicity of 286 Christian tradition 27 cultural tradition 33. Andrei 97. 24 Sorgoni. possibilities for 284–5 Muslim subjectivity 281–2 subaltern subject 96 sublime love. Leo 23.Index 321 Steinbach. 144. S. 129. Eva 173–4n6 Stoler. Bruno 236. 25–7 negative depiction of 208 public and private love in 12–14 racial discourse in 212n39 see also Don Juan. 257. addresses to Hitler’s 166–7 Soviet Union 66–7 early Soviet cinema 104 propaganda clichés about West 105–6 Red Army 15. Pieter 72n10 spiritualised eroticism 47–8. 261 Stalinism 10. 75. 212n29. 129.) 228 Stroessner. 247n13 Stein. 17. 239. 131 Sternheim-Peters. 128. 84–5. 234. 228n1. 99. Henry Morton 82 Stearns. 238 Spain 3. Douwe 174n11 subject in post-Soviet Russia 95. Klaus 73n24. Lothar 173n4 Stern. 256–7. 4. 258. 3. 245 terror in 125–6 see also Russia. Anatole 118. male sexual desire and 253–4 social violence in France 278 socio-economic perspective on love 30–31 Socrates 254. 229n12 sovereignty. Edith 16. Petra 72n19 terror in Soviet Union 125–6 Theweleit. 126. Petr 97–8 Tolstoy. Boaventura 215. 240. Ann Laura 76. 78. Gayatri C. 202 Arab tradition 25 changing traditions. 59. Giovanna 93n54 tradition 2. 14–15. N. 263. 184. 50–51 social order and love 3–4 social stability. 106 Tchaikovsky. 262 love in wartime. 70 Stehle. 234. 119. Alfredo 199 Stuurman. 147 Europeanness of 193–4 Islamic culture of 5. 145 Todorovsky. 246n8 The Stone Raft (Saramago. 120 stalking 168 Stanley.) 103 tapestries 40–41 Tarkovsky. Barbara 93n49 Sosnovskii. Godfrey 148–9 St Thomas Aquinas 41 Thucidides 263 Tilly. 264 El Sol 178 Song of Songs 22. 111 subjectivity feminine Franco-Maghrebi Muslim subject. 217. 127. reflections on 265–7 . 101. 127 Tomasello. 21–2. Revista de Occidente (RO) Spanish America 13 Spectator 143 Spierenburg. Pyotr 103 Terhoeven. J. Pavel 97 Sousa Santos. 94n67. 133 Watowa. tradition in Europe of 2. 199. 240 Volkskörper 234–5. attitudes to romance of 139–41 unrequited love 96. Frankreichs Schande. 124. 121. 132. Emile 259 Versailles Treaty 83. 237. Poland wartime Freidenberg’s reflections of love in 261–2. 170 Usborne. 103. 211n11 Vinaver. 245 anti-Bolshevism 240–41 Balticum 239–41. 268n19 Viet-Nam 251 Villacañas. Roberto 231n40 Vehlewald. José Luis 201. 272 Trilogy of sex (Mantegazza. 283. 56n57 Twenty Poems to Camoens (Alegre. 127. Immanuel 94n59 Wandurski. 132. Miquel de 198 United States 13 anti-Americanism. 150 Library of Congress 162. 245 Trotsky. 244 Vidal-Naquet. 235–6. divorce-related 144–5. 237–8 love for Africa 241–3 Ober-Ost 239–41 ‘raped nation’.) 226 Ulshöfer. 200 Wehler. 126. 133 Weber. 121–2. 270. David M. boundary transgressions in German East Africa 241–4 African soldiers. Helmut 174n9 Unamuno. allegory of 238 Rhineland. 101. Wanda 122–3. 128–31. Max 34. 244. 130–31. Ola 123. 237. M. 58–9. Hans-Jörg 174n9 Vergani. ashes of see also love in time of revolution. fear of 235–9. 167. 124. 3. Leon 267 troubadours 1. Gauri 282 vocabulary of love 76 Volksgemeinschaft 63. 281. Cornelie 246n11 Utekhin. 125–6. Orio 169. Pierre 264. 160. 229n14 Vecchi. Rebac’s reflections on love in 259–61.) 75 Tropenkoller (frenzy of the tropics) 243. 122. Stanislav 259 violence imperial violence. Ilya 101 utopian vision of society 187–8 St Valentine 41 Vaz de Caminha. 127. 164n11. 287n18 love discourse. Diana 151–2 Wallerstein. 174n13 love in 10–11 Office of Military Government for Germany (US) 162 Wallis Simpson and Edward VIII. 263–5 Savic. Adam 118. 244 ‘Black Horror’ 234. 203 Turner. 120. 123. Aleksander 118–19. 106 Spanish tradition 204 see also romantic love. Western tradition of trauma 17. 131–2 Wat. 245 in Balticum 239–41 Heimat in Africa 241–4 inter-racial sexuality 235. 99. 262. 126–7. 227. Witold 120. 203–4 of royal intermarriage 141 Russian tradition 100. 274. 132 Warsaw. 133 Wa˙ zyk. 233. 245 border territories 234 Freikorps 234. 161. 75–6 Platonic tradition 16. P.322 Islamic tradition 280. 5. allegory of 234–5 . 284. Ana Olimpia 218. Hans-Ulrich 174n7 Weimar Republic 15–16. black soldiers stationed in 235–9. 71n2. 245 Die schwarze Schmach. racist apology for 204 Index social violence in France 278 virginity 77. 238 sexual representations of Africa 242 sexuality. 125. 263–5 Stein’s reflections on love in 265–7 Wasilewska. 275 Viswanathan. 235–9. 127. 128–9. 233–45 Africa. 245 Vreeland. 174n12 Verhaaren. adaptation for Fascist times 83–7 Wilermith. Margaret 152 Wilkins. 98. hate for 240–41 Wempe. Rebecca 257–8. Clive 229n11 Window to Paris (Yurij Mamin film) 8. 25–6. 268n10 Western Mail 144 White (Krzysztof Kieslowski film) 97. 267.C. Anne 183. 111. 91n5. 126–7 Zorrilla y Moral. 264. 259–60. A. 206. 30 Young. Marañón’s model of 188–9 The Women (Clare Boothe play) 144–5 Women in Parliament (Aristophanes) 254 work of destruction. 113n31. Susan 154n29 Willis. 105–11 as cultural palimpsest 99–105 Witz. 268n12 Zafrani. 245 Volksgemeinschaft 240 Volkskörper 234–5. John 267n6 Wilkinson. Robert J. Anna 168 Wenge. 196n34 ‘World’s Greatest Romance’ 137–8 Yalman. 195n16 Wolf. Barbara Dafoe 155n44 whiteness in Fascist Italy 87–91 white colonial romance. 238 Tropenkoller (frenzy of the tropics) 243. Simonetta Falasca 93n42 Žeromski. 28–9. 110 Whitehead. 259–60. 24 Wolf. 237. Theodore 262 Ziemann. 134n11 Zielinski. 189. Gertrud 168 Wenig. Richard 249n52 West. 123. Ellen 142 Williams. Mikhail 128 space (Raum) and people (Volk) 233–4. politics of mass participation 60. 95–6. 287n7 Young Poland 119 Yugoslavia 139. 245 women of the enemy. 109. 210 Zoshchenko. Stefan 119. 65–7 The Worker (Robotnik) 122 World League for Sexual Reform (WLSR) 186. Heike 246n1 . Arthur P. Friedrich 130 Wolter. 63–5. Benjamin 250n66 Žižek 110. hate for 240–41 medieval woman mystics 23 woman in society.Index 323 ‘Woman in Europe’ 192 women alterity of 255 of the enemy. engagement in 68–9 and love for state. Haïm 24–5 Zamponi. Nur O. José 201. 98.