!"#$%&"'()*+,-%.//"01/*02*#3.*401/#(1#"1"(1*5%"$6-3 7$#30%8/9:*;(//.<*=>*?3.-3.%@A*B%> ?0$%'.:*C$6D(%#01*E(F/*G(-.%/A*H0)>*IJ*8JKLM9A*-->*NMOMP G$D)"/3.@*D<:*C$6D(%#01*E(F/A*5%$/#../*20%*=(%Q(%@*R1"Q.%/"#< ?#(D).*RS!:*http://www.jstor.org/stable/1291258 7''.//.@:*TLUTIUITTK*TV:NT Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=doaks. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Dumbarton Oaks Papers. http://www.jstor.org LITURGICAL EXPRESSIONS OF THE TRIUMPH CONSTANTINIAN MASSEYH. SHEPHERD, JR. .This paper was read at a Symposium on "The Age of Constantine: Tradition and Innovation." held at Dumbarton Oaks in May I966. 48-67. Shepherd. I8-20. 9. Vita Constantini." Yearbook of Liturgical Studies. E. Ward Perkins. 29-43. I886-I955). I953). 1955). Ecumenical Studies in Worship. J. 58.. Stern. I947). I. H. Monumenta eucharistica. Vita Constantini. Historia Ecclesiastica. 48-53. Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture. 44-49. L. H. Z 24 (Baltimore. introduction et commentaire. III. ses origines et son caractere. Fragments of the Alexandrian Liturgy of St. Mark. The Sermon of Eusebius of Caesarea at the dedication of the Cathedral of Tyre (before 320): Eusebius. Le Liber Pontificalis. St. The decisions of the Council of Nicaea (325) regarding the date of Easter: the Letter of the Council to the Church of Alexandria (Socrates. ed.I T falls in the center of a century in the history of the Church for which we have scant information about the development of its worship. M. 6 (London-Richmond. 4. the reignof Constantine singular passage in the Syrian Didascalia Origen. also edited with commentary in Quasten. coincident with his conversion to Christianity. 4. Etude sur son texte et sur les illustrations. trans. Historia Ecclesiastica. the years 306-337.. Io-II. Botte. 1960). pp. La Tradition Apostolique de Saint Hippolyte. 8 pp. III. 55 (Paris. Journal of Theological Studies. and bibliography in idem. The texts of Hippolytus are illuminated by scattered references in the writings of Tertullian. R. W. pp. 1951). I70-I87). 22 (I954). Connolly (Oxford. Duchesne. laud. 3. Monumenta eucharistica et liturgica vetustissima. II9-124.. but almost nothing about new ceremonials that might reflect the imperial favor for the Christian faith. 3 (Utrecht-Westminster. Theodoret. and the Apocalypse. From the middle of the fourth century the liturgical documents become increasingly numerous. pp. 9. 2 The principal texts are: Eusebius. and for the many problems of its origin and reconstruction. 155 (Rome. 489-515. pp. Quasten. 1929). Socrates. Brightman. 88-113. F. I. pp. "The Sacramentary of Serapion of Thmuis. published by M. One should not overlook the canons of the various Councils of the fourth century. Jr. and none of them illuminates directly the effects of Constantine's political and military triumphs." The pp. The Calendar of the Roman Church (336) preserved in the Chronographyof 354: see L. PP. Patrology. Theodoret. I (I900). Texte. 363-367. I. Andrieu and P. Le calendrier de 354. pp. 8 (1928). 82-84. "Constantine and the Origins of the Christian Basilica. B. J. Bibliotheque arch6ologique et historique. See F. 3 vols. son titulaire. pp. 1-44. H. M. pp. Florilegium Patristicum (Bonn. Shepherd. Essai de reconstitution. 4 (1963)." Papers of the British School at Rome. Orat. Danielou. Tertullianus en de Geschiedenis der Liturgie (Brussel-Amsterdam. IV. and the Letter of Constantine to the Churches (Eusebius. Hanssens. de Const. 39 (Miinster i. La liturgie d'Hippolyte.. I." Revue des sciences religieuses. W. Cross. 8). James of Jerusalem: M. 9). See the edition of B. I have attempted to show that this sermon reflects an early stage of the Liturgy of St. See infra. The Pelican History of Art. page 6I. 9. Jr. texts with commentary also in J. and the catalogue of Roman churches and their endowments in Liber Pontificalis (ed. H. pp. 28-40. See E. R. The Paschal Liturgy Apostolorum. Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen. For general surveys of the monuments. Duchesne. Mitchell (New York. 1960). Md. I. and the AKEN in its broadestlimits. Dekkers. I965). cf. Krautheimer. Cyprian. I963). 48-III. Between the first half of the third and the second half of the fourth centuries very few liturgical texts are extant. 5I (London. X. Collomp. 247-277. "Eusebius and the Liturgy of Saint James.. see J.1 For the period under review we depend chiefly upon literary texts and surviving monuments relating to ecclesiastical buildings.2 These tell us much about the new splendor that began to surround the worship of the Church in its external setting. and Origen. Historia Ecclesiastica. "Fragments sur papyrus de l'anaphore de saint Marc. 2. Historia Ecclesiastica. 109-123. pp. (Paris. Texts for Students. Ses documents. 69-90. vI-vI.3 1 For the early third century the primary text is The Apostolic Tradition of Hippolytus. Historia Ecclesiastica. For the reign of Constantine we possess: i. I935-37). 58-60. Orientalia Christiana Analecta. I959). Cyril of Jerusalem's Lectures on the Christian Sacraments. I. beginning with the Mystagogical Lectures of Cyril of Jerusalem and the Sacramentary of Sarapion of Thmuis. 59 . provided the Church lived in peace from persecution. The toleration edict of Gallienus in 260 had been more generous. VII.5 The record of the Church's growth in numbers. and economic crisis of the Empire. JR. if not so openhanded as that of Constantine and Licinius in 313. The sameonly fragments is true of Lucian. the decade between Diocletian's first edict of February 303 and Constantine's reversal of it in February 313 appears to be a sudden and dramatic turning point not only in the history of Christianity but indeed in the history of western civilization. de Ste. The Diocletian persecution was not a novel experience for the Church. mystical philosophy of Neoplatonism on the other. . E. 47 (I954). without the special benefactions and interventions of a converted Emperor with his impressive religious ideology of political power and sovereignty. A half-century earlier it had undergone a similar trial for a decade from Decius and Valerian. 5 Of Origen's great pupil. It is possible to argue that the process of change. 26-VIII. in 303. M. and one should not minimize its significance.4 The long generation of peace between the Valerian and the Diocletian persecutions is the most poorly documented of all periods of Church history. From our present perspective. The Diocletian persecution was endured with much greater intensity and suffering in the Eastern than it was in the Western provinces. we possess of his writings. Bishop of Alexandria (248-265). than that of Galerius in 3II. and influence is confined largely to the generalities of Eusebius' history. PP. The Roman state religion had no apologist who could match the character of Tertullian and Cyprian among the Latin Fathers." The Harvard Theological Review. innovation. From this half-century no writings of a major theologian or exegete are extant. Croix. Dionysius. and enrichment would have taken place in any case. More especially. Yet it was a time of crucial preparation for the Church's experience with Constantine and his immediate successors. And Plotinus and Porphyry had their match in Origen and Dionysius of Alexandria among the Greek Fathers. resources. at least in economic reward. founder of the Antiochene school. Innovation built on tradition. military. "Aspects of the 'Great' Persecution. The extant works of Methodius of Olympus and Arnobius of Sicca hardly deserve rank in the catalogue of foremost Fathers of the Church. including all that it had by force to abandon. 4 G.6 One suspects but cannot prove that this period of expansion between Valerian and Diocletian is related in some way to the political. 75-I13. Moreover the persecutions of Decius and Valerian had affected the Church generally with equal severity in all parts of the Empire. See infra. One need not. and almost nothing of his successors Theognostos and Pierius. The Church took up in 313 a life continuous with all that it had. over against the increasing official favor of cultic monotheism in the worship of the Unconquered Sun-god on the one hand.60 MASSEY H. and the monistic. note 27. I. Yet the historic revolution in the Church's fortunes was an historic evolution. 6 Historia Ecclesiastica. it is connected in a real but indefinable way with the emergence of Christianity as an intellectual and spiritual "third force" of monotheism. SHEPHERD. I937). pp. 8 Eusebius. "Refrigerium interim. 76-III.10 Archaeological evidence makes it clear that the Christian observances in connection with the commemoration of the departed were modelled in form.7 Institutionally. Le "Refrigerium" dans l'au-deld (Paris. note i. Death and Burial in Christian Antiquity. (New York. Parrot. A. Theophaneia. I957). in their composition. to the Emperor Aurelian) to enforce ecclesiastical decisions. 2. 87-II118. as early as the late second century. Tertullian. Papers from the Eranos Yearbooks. A.0-45I. O0 Justin Martyr. and the wider geographical representation of their participants.. Frend. haer. C. ologia Cristiana. and Origen.ll It is erroneous to suppose that Christian worship. the Paschal. though not basically in conception. procedures. between 264 and 268. But the councils held in connection with the heresy of Bishop Paul at Antioch. pp. 337-369. and the review of this last work by L. the Church developed a viable structure of episcopal synods within provincial boundaries to deal with theological and disciplinary issues. and unstructured spirituality to one of complex formalism and elaborate ceremonialism. 70. 9 See supra. or the martyr-anniversary celebrations-were established by the early third century. 2 vols.9 These patterns derive in most of their substance and detail from Christian transformation of a Jewish liturgical inheritance. pp. H. and canonical decisions. Elaborations appear not to have begun before the middle of the fourth century. 1904-1905). were all based on precedents of the third century. 1941). 66. What was new about them were the personal interest and involvement of the Emperor himself. Refrigerium interim." Rivista di Arche- (New York. Stuiber. trans. established new precedents. both in their inter-provincial character and in their final appeal to the State (specifically. The evidence for North Africa is James Moffatt. The basic patterns of the liturgy in structure and outline." The Mysteries. Rush. I955).. under the protection and promotion of Constantine. XXX-2 11 A. see H. Apol. Studies in Christian Antiquity. pp. i (Washington. spontaneous. Rahner. Indeed we have no evidence for any ceremonial innovations in the liturgy during the reign of Constantine himself. VII. II (Bonn. . C. Tertullian. 4o-both of whom relate the sacraments to the Mithra mysteries. 1952). I. suddenly changed its character from a simple. in ritual theme and ceremonial accompaniment-whether for the Sunday. E. A Movement of Protest in Roman North Africa (Oxford. Die Vorstellungen von Zwischenzustand und die friihchristliche Grabeskunst. De Bruyne. De praescr. The Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries. 24. On the whole subject. H. developed in detail in W. Stational processions on the great holy days to the sacred places were organized in Jerusalem during the episcopate of Cyril (348-386) for the edification of the 7 The basic study is A.CONSTANTINIAN TRIUMPH 61 During the forty-year period of peace in the late third century Christianity became the dominant religion in North Africa and in parts of Asia Minor. One may note the same continuity in the development and adornment of the Church's worship. The Donatist Church. upon contemporary non-Christian religious custom. as is evident from the writings of Hippolytus. But well before the third century Christian apologists could see analogous themes and practices in the rites of mystery-cults in the pagan Graeco-Roman world. 27-30. the financing of them by the State.8 Thus the councils called by Constantine. 34 (1958). Dial. Harnack. Bollingen Series. and it made considerable gains in Syria and Egypt. "The Christian Mystery and the Pagan Mysteries. 4 (Philadelphia. and J. XVI. 52. and notably his privilege granted to them to hear cases at law. 239). Peter's. XIV.. E.16 The adoption by the churches of ceremonial customs associated with the imperial court cannot be attested before the reign of Theodosius I. the Roman Rite: Its Origins and Development. pp. I. Vita Ambrosii. cf. 17 Cof. next to St. 54-63. ed. G. Early Roman Monasteries. at a dramatic time of crisis between the Bishop and the imperial court. says that the custom was in vogue in all the churches (written ca. Braun. I. io. I962). I74ff.14 Ambrose introduced it to the West at Milan in 386. but she speaks of them only as "filling the basilica with perfumes. 23 (Citta del Vaticano.). in antiphonal structure. 2 gischen Instituts. I. for the performance of the Office in the basilica (ibid. Augustine. Sirm. p. 3I7-320. Cod. A History of the Use of Incense in Divine Worship. with the more positive explanation of E. with the singular ecclesiastical mark of a brooch in the form of a cross that holds together his paenula over the dalmatic and tunicle. 1955). Telfer. note 14. "Encens. G. Verwendung und Symbolik (Freiburg i. I32. Abt. Volbach.) The varying interpretations on the introduction of incense in the liturgy may also be noted in Gregory 1945). Duchesne. Chrti. Salmon. De eccl. 337. Theod.13 It was a notable feature of the daily worship of the church in Jerusalem towards the end of the fourth century. SHEPHERD. Cod. 375). 5.15The custom was not introduced at Rome until the fifth century. 24. H. B." Mitteilungen des Deutschen ArchaeoloRom. Pope Leo I established the first monastery. The Shape of the Liturgy (Westminster. Dix. 13 Theodoret. 425-430. Constantine's and his mother's interest in the aggrandizement of these "holy places" no doubt greatly stimulated the custom of pilgrimage.. Const. Compare the negative interpretation of E. Basil. Ferrari. . 230). 50 ( I-93. A. 18 A. 28. during the episcopate of the semi-Arian Leontius (344-357). I-I12. JR. Etude sur les insignes du pontife dans le rit romain. I. Isidore.20 In Chris12 W. since it is attested as early as the beginning of the third century. Socrates. 10.. p. increasing numbers of pilgrims no less than of the local church. but these were undoubtedly for purposes of perfume. d'Arch. Cf. 1948). 27. ed. P. II. in Lucam. IX. cols.). Alcuin Club Collections. Ep. Early Christian Art. Helene Petre. und Orient nach Ursprung und Entwicklung. I3 (London. as distinguished from its utilitarian purpose of perfume.. Expos. and had no liturgical significance (Liber Pontificalis. Photography by Max Hirmer (New York. Klauser. 3. pp." Dict. Histoire et liturgie (Rome. ed. et de Liturgie. when the Bishop read the gospel of the Resurrection. I909). 195I-1955). cf." (Itinerarium. 20 Ambrose.19 The ceremonial use of incense. 7. i. p. F. Theod. VI. 7. XI. The honor accorded by Constantine to the bishops. Conf.18 The early fifth-century mosaic portrait of Ambrose preserved in the chapel of San Vittore in Milan shows him in the ordinary dress of an aristocrat of his time. 94-96. The Mass of vols. was first introduced to the public assemblies of worship in Antioch by Diodore and Flavian. Theod. Constantine's gifts to the churches in Rome included "censers" (tymiamaterium). The Library of Christian Classics. see supra. . 19W. pi. dated 382... on the dress of the senatorial class. . but the evidence is disputable. Sources Chretiennes.62 MASSEY H. I948).v. I66-172. Der Ursprung des bischoflichen Insignien und Ehrenrechte (Krefeld. 16 Pope Celestine I (422-432) introduced the use of the Psalms at the liturgy (Liber Pontificalis.. 5. od. 14Journal de Voyage. Etheria mentions the thymiataria brought in to the Anastasis of Jerusalem at the end of Sunday vigils. 207. Cyril of Jerusalem and Nemesius of Emesa. ed.12 The communal psalmody of monastic choirs. Atchley. C. 21 (Paris. naturally gave them a high social status in the class structure of the Empire. 19 (cf...0 . i. Th. J. pp. (935). . (New York. 1955). Studi di antichita cristiana. Jungmann. 1907). E.. s. off. 15 Paulinus. Alfoldi.17But the use of insignia of rank does not appear to have been associated with liturgical functions before at least the fifth century. "Insignien und Tracht der romischen Kaiser. Die liturgische Gewandung im Occident PP. I957). I. Fehrenbach. is commonly ascribed to Ambrose. but it did not initiate the practice. F. according to the escriptions of the nun ofpilgrim Etheria. Duchesne. pp. He says: It is beyond our powers to describe in a worthy manner the measure and nature of that honour as well as freedom which was accorded by all men. can be documented from many instances other than those he mentions. Yet many churches before the persecution could boast of prized possessions of manuscripts and plate.. VIII. pp. Eusebius' successor in the see of Caesarea. op." and that. 21 Acta (Migne. Lat.. Eusebius recounts the Emperor's order of handsomely transcribed and bound parchment manuscripts of the Holy Scriptures. Corpus Script. too. 26 Dix.. PG. 23 Theodoret. 25 V.. H. cit. H. from the church in Cirta (today.. Acacius accused Cyril of having sold it. II. 9. 465). it is first attested in connection with the funeral of the marThe inventory of Constantine's churches in Rome.25 Much of these benefactions were reparation for losses incurred during the persecution.. This reminds one of a similar charge against Ambrose (De off. Constantine) in North Africa.21 TRIUMPH 63 tian burial rites. fashioned with golden threads" which Constantine gave to Bishop Macarius of Jerusalem for use in the rite of baptism."26 Whatever the simplicities of Christian liturgy were in the pre-Constantinian era. Yet his exordium to the eighth book of his History. but its shape and character are difficult to describe. According to Sozomen. I2 (ca. records a dazzling endowment of precious ornament. the physical restrictions imposed by small house-church or cemetery-chapel arrangements. refers to the bishop putting on a "splendid vestment" for the liturgy. op. col. I86-I88. but these date from the seventh century. Bishop Acacius. Cf.CONSTANTINIAN tyred Bishop Peter of Alexandria in 311. II. this is evidence of his concern for the worldly splendor of his imperial religious foundations. E. Cyril sold church ornaments to relieve a famine. 28) for using church plate to redeem captives of the barbarians. IV.22 No doubt.24 it may be only a peculiar concern of Constantine for the ornament of his favored foundation at the Anastasis. Fehrenbach. 380).g. Atchley. 97ff. 25. note 2.23 This is a singular reference to liturgical vestments at so early a time. E. C. 18. furniture and plate. Ecc. 24 The Apost. op. One is always suspicious of the rhetoric of Eusebius. 34-37. cit. prepared by professional calligraphers and artists. The garment is obviously not one associated with ordinary dress. 23. for distribution among the churches. in which he describes the growing influence and affluence of the churches in the late third century. the relative freedom from fear of police surveillance or persecution. the intellectual and araesthetic talents and tastes of the leaders and people. 26. in "a small church in an unimportant provincial town. Const. These examples show the attitude of fourth-century bishops regarding the "sacral" character of church ornaments. I893]). . with only a token resistance from the clergy. cit. p. Dom Gregory Dix renarked that it "had a collection of church plate which few parish churches in England at the present day could rival. the size and affluence of the particular church.C. p. 22 See supra.. 26 [Vienna. extant in the Liber Pontificalis. col. See Gesta apud Zenophilum (ed.. whether by forced seizure of the police or voluntary traditio of apostatizing clergy. referred to a "holy robe.. they depended in large measure upon local circumstances: e. Ziwsa. We possess an inventory of property seized by the police in May 303. IV.. 255)."31 whose sympathy with or curiosity about Christianity induced him to apply to Eusebius. pp. 259-276. and the multitudes that gathered together in every city. i60-i68. pp. to that word of piety toward the God of the universe which had been proclaimed through Christ to the world.. Chronicum Edessenum is in Chronica minora. E.. 30 Quasten. SHEPHERD.. VIII. and the famed concourses in the places of prayer. I4. 496. a philosopher-theologian of eminence and a friend of King Abgar. W. "L'Anaphore Chald6enne des Ap6tres. to whom they would even entrust the government of the provinces.64 MASSEY H. cit. I2 (I939). H. And how could one fully describe those assemblies thronged with countless men. vol. and R. 19541.. H. in the late third century. "The Original Form of the Anaphora of Addai and Mari: A Suggestion. both Greeks and barbarians. 30 (1928). the Church of Edessa was adorned by Bardaisan. and would erect from the foundations churches of spacious dimensions throughout all the cities ?27 II Given favorable conditions of peace and recognition. pp. who allowed the members of their householdswives. For the Odes of Solomon. I422. 31Harnack. 540) records the destruction of a "temple of the Christians" in a flood of the year 201. col. among the Nestorians." Orientalia christiana periodica. Oulton [London. 950). Neerlandica. the Odes of Solomon. pp. children and servants-to practise openly to their face the divine word and conduct. E." The Journal of Theological Studies. et de Gdogr. the Church was always able to make its mark against religious competitors. J. Cf. H. I. Drijvers. d'Hist.29 In the same period. Orient. Janin in Dict. by reason of which they were no longer satisfied with the buildings of olden time. Eccl6s. by the work of St. Gregory the Illuminator.30 If we had comparable sources. Burkitt in The Cambridge Ancient History. B. An early example is furnished by the buffer Kingdom of Osrhoene in the late second century whose King Abgar IX of Edessa seems to have shown a special interest in Christianity. the Liturgy of Addai and Mari. Ratcliff. L.. J. op. 23-32. 1903). EC. (supra. F. and-one might say-permitted them even to boast of the freedom accorded to the faith ? . Studia Semitica 263-264. and the conversion of King Tiridates. 2. 3rd Ser. note 7).28 The Chronicleof Edessa (composed ca. Bardaisan of Edessa. Yet proofs might be forthcoming in the favours granted by the rulers to our people.. I. From this center stems the oldest collection of Christian hymns. 27 28 Eusebius has recorded a story of the Emperor Philip the Arabian (244-249). much the same story might be related of the impact of Christianity in Armenia.. 15 (i949).. . 4 (Paris-Leipzig. i (Utrecht-Westminster. I966). 29 The Md. Patrology. and what is perhaps the oldest liturgy of the Eastern Churches still in use. see Quasten. JR. Botte. Why need one speak of those in the imperial palaces and of the supreme rulers.. p. p. 345. Lawlor and J. 6 (Assen. Harnack was bold enough to say that "when Constantine recognized and granted privileges to Christianity he was only following in the footsteps of the Armenian king. p. as though it were a significant building. Patrology. Corpus Script. C. before the persecution in our day. i (trans.. Christ.. I929). p. Philip's leanings toward Christianity were in some measure a motive for Decius' persecution.33 Whatever may have been the religious aberrations of Philip the Arabian. One recalls Cyprian's complaint. note 37. albeit a Christian priest.CONSTANTINIAN TRIUMPH 65 Bishop Babylas of Antioch for admission to "the paschal vigil to share along with the multitude the prayers at the church. 55-56. There is no evidence to support the conjecture that Paul's election as Bishop of Antioch. Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniense. 30... 36. until the celebrant moved to the altar at the east end or sanctuary at the time of the Offertory. 32 33 34 Ibid. who was a procurator ducenarius of Queen Zenobia during the period when the Palmyrene kingdom controlled Syria. it may be noted. "The Formation and Influence of the Antiochene Liturgy. All these innovations indicate the beginnings of a more elaborate and aesthetically pleasing worship-at least in Antioch and Syria-that is prophetic of fourth-century developments. Bardy. He was a man of humble origin without inherited resources." Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum. [unless] he confessed and numbered himself among those who were reckoned to be in sins and were occupying the place of penitence. VI. for the conduct of the first half of the liturgy. He placed these choirs in the middle of the church where he set up his bema and lofty throne. the story of Eusebius suggests that the church in Antioch was not hidden in a corner. For the title. He introduced trained choirs to supplant some of the popular hymnody of the people. in which. 5 H. infra. see E.35 He did become a protege of Zenobia. 36 See the references in our paper. This arrangement is probably the origin of the custom known from later Syrian churches of a platform and episcopal chair in the midst of the nave. His intellectual polish was such that the bishops who sought to condemn him as a heretic had to employ a distinguished dialectician and rhetorician of Antioch. "Bischofsstuhl und hoher Thron. 35 G. ca. Etude historique. I5 (I96i). sophisticated tastes. . But he was certainly not the first successful man of business to occupy an episcopal throne. He had acquired a good education. p. Bishop Babylas was one of the first victims. Etudes et documents. 4 (Louvain. 260. Stommel. 39. note 60. 8. 34Ibid. pp. who by his wits and snse of opportunity had amassed a fortune in the practice of law and in investment business. One of the charges against Paul was innovation in the liturgy. Cf. 257ff.. but was not permitted to enter .36 Paul also encouraged the bishops and priests of his province to imitate his more elegant and rhetorical style of preaching. VII. the Church of Antioch had a bishop in the person of Paul of Samosata. Paul of Samosata was a "self-made" man. named Malchion. in the 260's. VI."32 According to Eusebius. was due to special influence of the Dux Odenathus of Palmyra. He was possibly the first politician to become a bishop of the Church. Indeed.34Paul's personality and character have been distorted by the odium teologicum of his episcopal opponents. and special gifts of eloquence." Dumbarton Oaks Papers. i (1958). Paul de Samosate. fasc. who was able to protect him in both his political and his ecclesiastical offices until her overthrow by Aurelian in 272. E. searching the markets for gainful merchandise. Just before his fateful end. that before the Decian persecution. LXVII. He was respectfully arrested by important officials. with torches and tapers. Ep. 3. (Note the reference to a procurator ducenarius in Cyprian. to seize estates by crafty deals.3 We know that Cyprian was elected a bishop within a very few years of his conversion. marked novel directions that were probably influenced by "a p p carry-over of ideas from Cyprian's pre-Christian past. and augment their gains by multiplying usury. pt.66 MASSEY H. p. and would have intervened more and more in the internal affairs of the Church. which overwhelmed him so shortly after his elevation to the episcopate. cxJII." The Journal of Ecclesiastical History. and that this election was resented by many who felt that he was too much of a neophyte to assume this office. op. wandered about through foreign provinces. CSEL.38 We know little about Cyprian's liturgical concerns over and beyond the customs already familiar in the North African church. and civic relations. 39M. De lapsis. and having forsaken their throne (cathedra) and abandoning their people. pp. but in a villa used by the proconsul. Cyprian. Given conditions of peace if not friendship from the temporal power. While brothers in the church were starving. and executed by beheading. 5 (ed. G. and the older work of E. The State could not in turn have ignored the growing numbers and influence of Christians. 149. Cyprian. 25 ff. eye-witness report of his martyrdom in 258. cit. "The Theological Legacy of St. anticipated the directions taken by the episcopate in the post-Constantinian period. A recent study has pointed out that his sacramental theology. not without exaggeration and generalization. 3. culture. specifically in respect to priesthood and sacrifice. Wiles. 6. His social status is evident from the authentic.40 The careers of bishops such as Paul in Antioch and Cyprian in Carthage underscore our assertion that Constantine's favor of Christianity was not a revolution. p..). 6. W. I25-I40. But they were also exasperated by the undercurrent of opposition and jealousy with respect to his swift and unprecedented rise to episcopal office. Hartel. but an evolution.. Benson. SHEPHERD. JR. the Church in the third century was producing bishops -men of education. worship. they wished to have money in abundance. The extraordinary difficulties of his episcopate were no doubt due in the main to the persecutions of Decius and Valerian. he charged his friends to give twentyfive gold pieces to the executioner. His disdain of money-making bishops possibly represents the prejudice of the affluent Roman upper-class against business. I897). (I963). His Life. and civic status-whose guidance in organization."37 Cyprian himself was a man of considerable wealth and status in society before his conversion. and detained not in a common prison. His Times. His corpse was carried in public procession by the faithful. for burial in the area of no less than the proconsul himself.) Acta proconsularia. p. His Work (London. "many bishops who should have provided exhortation and example to others had despised their divine charge to become agents of secular kings (procuratoresregum saecularium). . 14 37 38 40 Frend. as Aurelian did in enforcing the deposition of Paul of Samosata. F. cit. I. I9). Phil. pp. (1904). Pet. The Donatists made . 26-27). Contra litt. 530-532. despite his personal disposition to leave it in peace. I.. J. see also E. 311. Schwartz. 1954). I942)..44 III We possess no significant encomium of Constantine from Christian spokesmen following the victory over Maxentius.F. E. elected and enthroned in July 311 after the toleration edict of Galerius. Kl. (Tiibingen. i8 and 40. not religious. cf. see Optatus.46 The dates of the Roman pontiffs during this period are very confused. N. because they could not maintain unity and concord in the Roman Christian community. 473. Only two examples can be safely dated between 313 and 321. 5* 43The principal evidence is contained in the two epitaphs of Damasus. I. LXXIII-IV. 44 For Mensurius. H. much of Marcellinus' supposed lapse.. Cf. 92-207. 3I4. I Tim. though a small minority within the predominantly pagan city. II. 99-I00.41 Pope Marcellinus. nos. Epigrammata Damasiana. Geschichte des Papsttums von den Anfdngen bis zur Hohe der Weltherrschaft. . 23 (CSEL. Both summon the faithful to continual prayer for the pity of God in preserving His people in abiding peace and safety-very much in the vein of the liturgical prayers for Church and State that can be traced all the way back to I Clement at the end of the first century. Sussidi allo studio delle antichita cristiane. during the precarious alliance maintained between Constantine and Licinius. p. Professor Jacques Moreau has pointed out the close similarity of the two passages.. and died Jan. of "unhappy memory. Aurelian judged the question of Bishop Paul on the basis of a decision requested by him from the Bishop of Rome. 30. Beitvdge zur Religionsolitik des Maxentius und Constantin = Klio.CONSTANTINIAN TRIUMPH 67 Even the Churchin Rome. II. Ferrua. Lactance. I9. I. I930). I7 (CSEL. 30 (Leipzig." Nach- of Duchesne in his edition of the Liber Pontificalis.43 The conflict between Maxentius and Constantine was political. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gdttingen. both in content and tone. In addition to von Schoenebeck. 2 vols.42 Maxentius could not ignore the civic importance of internal disputes in the Roman Churchover discipline that followed after the persecution. 39 (Paris. Beiheft 43. richten von der Kdnigl.45Both passages ignore Constantine specifically and dwell on the marvelous mercies of God in overthrowing the enemies of the Church and bringing it peace. 2 vols. Moreau. 45 De la mort des 2. We follow the reconstruction of Hans von Schoenebeck. He presided at the council held in connection with the Donatists at the Lateran in October 313: Optatus. Augustine. Otherwise it is difficult to understand how Mensurius of Carthage managed to win his suit before Maxentius on a charge of treason. 2:1-2. or after the conference and settlement with Licinius in Milan. One is the exordium and peroration of Lactantius' De mortibus persecutorum. could not escape the notice and attention of the imperial administration. Most scholars place Marcellinus' death in 304. He banished both of the successors of Marcellinus.. 26. VII. could remain undisturbed and survive the crucial conflict resolved at Ponte Milvio the following year. See the discussion 42 41 Eusebius. p. cf. A. op. 2 (Vatican City. Miltiades was enthroned July 2. Popes Marcellus and Eusebius. Caspar. 162-63.the other is the peroration of Eusebius' sermon at the dedication of the new cathedral at Tyre. pp. 26. "Zur Geschichte des Athanasius IV. I939). Sources Chretiennes.-hist. pp. E. pp. 46 I Clement. 59-6I." met his fate in circumstances connected with the presence of Diocletian in the capital for his vicennalia in the fall of 303. or why Pope Miltiades. persdcuteurs. The inscription placed beneath the colossal statue which he set up in the basilica built by Maxentius in the Forum47is indicative of a subtle ambiguity that finds expression also in his official rescripts and letters and on his coinage. i6. as also in the decoration and dedicatory inscription of the Arch erected by the Senate and people to commemorate his victory. I. pt. the eastern ruler was tolerant of Christianity only out of expedient policy. was not genuine. Unlike the conflict with Maxentius. We do not mean to suggest that the conversion of Constantine. pp.50 Eusebius. JR. But they were not any less sincere simply because they were mixed with his political ambition and will to power.. The Conversion of Constantine and Pagan Rome. C. He refused to participate personally in pagan sacrifices of state. 39. cit. But the stress is laid on liberation from tyranny and the restoration of peace.51 This 47 48 aspirations. The reticence of Lactantius and Eusebius at this time. or that it was motivated by political opportunism. Cf. C.. 1948). C. pp. in the correspondence connected with the Donatist schism-but openly by what he did in disassociating himself from pagan worship. Its authenticity is guaranteed not merely by what he said-for example..68 MASSEY H. H. II trionfo della croce (Rome. C. The Church had seen persecutions come and go. He was shrewd enough not to alienate the pagan sentiment of the Roman Senate and people whose loyalty was necessary for the stability of his newly won power in the West. If the western ruler was indicating an increasing interest in Christianity and attachment to its God as author of his success. V. 9. 49 Eusebius. It is rather a realistic recognition of the ambivalence of the situation. 50 This is clear from the account of the conflict between Constantine and Licinius in Book II of the V. 1890). . Alfoldi. in his war with Licinius. I. I954). 19. trans. Eusebius. in the experience recorded by Lactantius and later by Eusebius. E. IV. was motivated by religious as well as by political The ultimate triumph of Constantine in the political arena. Alfoldi. I05-106. This is clear in the encomium attributed to Lactantius and attached as an addendum in some manuscripts of his Divine Institutes. is not an indication of uncertainty about Constantine's conversion to Christ. xxxII.49 And he arranged for and succeeded in bringing up his sons and heirs with a Christian education. at least in the public monuments set up to celebrate it. L-LI. 51 See the edition of S.. Cecchelli. 89. V. following the downfall of Licinius. i (Vienna. 73. op. SHEPHERD. cf. Even Constantine himself was reticent about the religious implication of his victory. See A. Mattingly (Oxford. Brandt in CSEL. V.48 He refused to allow temples dedicated to him to offer sacrifices to him as a divinity.. was understood at once by the Church as the triumph of Christianity. 40. of Eusebius. 668-669. certainly from the time of the celebration of ebhis decennalia in Rome in 3I5. 48. C. p. so far as Constantine is concerned. H. The motives of his conversion-assuming that we really know them-may not be satisfying to a theologian. the final power struggle. The references to the "salutary sign" or to the favor and "prompting" of the supreme "divinity" are unmistakable-indeed such religious sanction would have been expected of any imperial conqueror. if not from the morrow of his victory over Maxentius. The Empire was still divided. IX. 2 (I934). The universal peace. in arranging the condition of the human race. H. we have the great Oration of Eusebius prepared for the tricennalia. the Roman emperor. devoted to the true philosophy. and pursuit of holy things. 2. Orat. Annuaire de l'Institut de philologie et d'histoire orientales. is the Vicegerent of the Christian God. laud. concord.. de Const. self-denial.." Mdlanges Bidez. "Eusebius and the Christian Empire. the Oration of Eusebius outlines. in united worship of the one true God. therefore there must be on earth but one ruler and a single law. since you alone of all men could offer conspicuous example of virtue and holiness. 3. 1955]. who exhibit lives of purity. and expressive trophies of His victory.. the Divinity should use you as author and servant. The erection throughout the world of churches and buildings to the honor of the supreme God and Lord. dedicated to Christ Himself. It was therefore fitting that. and instruct the whole world in their doctrines.53 52 N. bestows on you a quiet and tranquil reign. 58 Eusebius. Baynes. and harmony of all peoples and nations. whom.CONSTANTINIAN TRIUMPH 69 appendix cannot have been written before Constantine became sole Emperor. indeed to remove wicked men from the State. exhibited in a common pursuit of divine wisdom.. whom He has wished to be the guardian of the world.) . 4. who derives it from the Hellenistic philosophy of kingship. four aspects of the Constantinian triumph that are exhibited in the life and worship of the Church: I. that you may be able with true piety to rescind the evil decrees of others. The powerful right hand of God protects you from all dangers."52 For our purposes here. being cast down by the highest power. I7. That ruler. The religio-political ideology of this panegyric has been admirably analysed by Professor Norman Baynes. that it may be evident to all what is true majesty. and in weekly assembly on the Lord's Day.. I3. (Reprinted in Byzantine Studies and Other Essays [London. To Him we supplicate in daily prayers that He may guard you especially. which confirm the truth of the oracles of God. in its concluding peroration. and inspire you with a will to persevere always in the love of the divine Name. Not undeservedly has the Lord and Ruler of affairs chosen you for supreme power. The testimony of the Holy Scriptures.. to correct sins. God has delivered into your hands. p. in fulfillment of prophecies of both the Old and the New Testaments. The existence throughout the world of choirs of ascetics.. Some of its crucial phrases are: The providence of the supreme Divinity has raised you to the principal dignity. to restore His holy religion. with the highest congratulation of all men. with its basis in "the conception of the imperial government as a terrestrial copy of the rule of God in Heaven: there is one God and one divine law. When we come to the end of Constantine's reign. to provide with paternal clemency for the salvation of men. "religious architecture" in the strict sense-was not suitable to the needs of Christian worship.. Any time. pers. Its association with communal order and activity was agreeable to the Christian ideal of an earthly society patterned after the heavenly City. "Constantine's Churches at Antioch. The bishop's cathedra or chair in the apse of the basilica corresponded to the seat of the magistrate in the civic basilica."55 To date all our information confirms the hypothesis that Constantine's architects were the first to provide the Church with structures modelled on the basilica. 57 De mort.. I9I-I96. 2. The exact architectural nature of these structures eludes us. pers. and the Church would not have been sympathetic to a form and style with obvious associations with pagan cult. In principle none of these four aspects of Christianity originated in the age of Constantine. Some were reconstructed houses. others were doubtless newly designed edifices. Theological Context of New Testament Worship. Jr. note 2. M. 36. Occasionally he uses the word ecclesia: De mort. Shepherd. IV The most obvious. as Lactantius said. a house of the Church. cit. The indwelling of God among men was manifested not in material things and places but in human minds and consciences. 274. 55 Young. The pagan temple was a domus dei."54Eusebius never calls them "basilicas. place.. inst. This association was under54 De mort. 48. and a new dimension and support. De div. op. Downey. 38 (1962). See the note of Moreau." Mdlanges de l'Universitd 56 See supra. V. We are today as much impressed by it as was Eusebius himself. (New York. was a place of God's presence. "meeting houses. pp. . JR.58 The adoption of the basilica was thus conformable to Christian principle. Terms)." Worship in Scripture and Tradition. But the Christian edifice was domnus ecclesiae. 12. SHEPHERD. visible result of Constantine's Christian allegiance was the new architectural setting provided for the Church's worship. I5. "The G. I963).56The plan of pagan temples . F.. or circumstance was sanctified by thanksgiving and prayer to God and by loving obedience to His commands. From the testimony of Eusebius and others we know that during the long peace before the Diocletian persecution the Church began to move out of its arrangements in loaned houses and rented halls to buildings specifically constructed for its liturgical and other needs. Christian faith removed the old distinction between the sacred and the secular in the created order. note 45). I . even as the Jewish Temple in Jerusalem. What Eusebius emphasizes is a new accent. The fact that the word "basilica" implied royal or imperial foundation gave it appropriateness in the context of Constantine's conception of the terrestrial realm as a copy of divine rule and law. 290 (supra. not in material walls. in its Holy of Holies. 58 Cf.70 MASSEY H. W. given by Constantine's intervention and beneficent promotion in the affairs of the Church. Lactantius calls them conventicula.. ed. For. pp. 48. 15. 34 (the edict of Galerius). the true temple of God is in men. Io.57 Christian aversion to temples was comparable to the disdain for idols. pp. Tyre and Jerusalem (Notes on Architectural Saint-Joseph. pers. 77-97. a house of the god or goddess. H. 60 The bishop was guardian of true doctrine and teaching. 63 G. P. i. The former type exhibited the on-going life of the pilgrim church in time. and their transfiguration and judgment both now and in the consummation of the world. Christ Himself takes this seat as Giver of e Law and Truth and Peace to His the and disciples-as in the mosaics of Santa Costanza and Santa Pudenapostles ziana. Sunday liturgy.. E. 3:2I. 30 (I954). cit. 33. a seat of presidency in worship. 62 H. 4. 84-85. Duchesne. teaching. It corresponded to God's throne in heaven. (see supra. 69-119. 1943). and judgment. note 17. the altar is the "throne of Christ. I9:28. H. and 2) the commemorative martyria. The same scene on the . Luke 22:30.63A late third-century sarcophagus in Santa Maria Antiqua in Rome shows a seated philosopher in the central panel. It testified to faith in the transcendence of Christ's kingdom over all temporal societies. I30. Art Forms and Civic Life in the Late Roman Empire (Princeton. a focus and symbol of the unity of the Christian community gathered about its bishop for the corporate. and in the upper central panel sculptured on the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus. of course. in Liber Pontificalis (ed. and tied to the idea of the Emperor as vicegerent of the supreme God and Ruler of the universe. see Matt." Rivista di 41-42." not the bishop's chair. L'Orange. Bovini. Perhaps the unprecedented magnificence of it gave offense. "Note su S. City. Archeologia Cristiana. 23:2 ("Moses' seat"). places of witness. the caveat of A. pls. where the community assembled on special occasions to celebrate the triumph of Christ and His saints over the powers of sin. pp. Cf. ivory casket of Brescia shows Christ standing: cf. i965). Note especially the description of the silver canopy over the altar of the Lateran basilica." the Lord'sbrother and the first Bishop of Jerusalem. Ippolito Martire. 8:I.59Yet this was only a new accent. 45. Matt. 79-85.CONSTANTINIAN TRIUMPH 71 scored by Constantine's extension to bishops of the right to hear civil cases at law. all these strands of association were combined. Amore. 60 64 See the good illustrations in Volbach. and is inscribed with a catalogue of his published work. Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana (Vatican 59 See supra. but cf. Sant'Ippolito dottoree martire del III secolo.64 Constantine's churches were of two types: i) the city cathedral. note 34). with its detail of Christ among the apostles and the angels. The mean and ordinary character of Christian meeting61 Stommel. 191). VII. In the great Constantinian churches. His chair also recalled the seat of the philosopher and the professor. though there is a close correlation between the two. In both places the liturgy was Eucharistic. etc. pp. g19. In Constantine's basilican churches. and death. pp. Eusebius tells us that the old house-church cathedral of Sion in Jerusalem had preserved to his day the "throne of James. The episcopal cathedraderived from the ruler's seat ("Moses' seat") in the Jewish synagogue.61 The "lofty throne" erected by Paul of Samosata in his cathedral at Antioch was thus not an innovation. cit. pls. 20:4. pp. Rev. 85-86. op.62 The well-known statue of Hippolytus in Rome exhibits the teacher-philosopher-theologian in his chair. evil. Heb. to Christ's throne as world-ruler and judge by God's dispensation. The dual dimension of time and eternity was unified by an eschatological understanding of man's existence. for the concept of thrones of Christ and of His apostles. Does this define the position and function of a bishop or presbyter in the Church? After Constantine. the latter type pointed to the supra-temporal reality of the age to come.. flanked by an Orans and the Good Shepherd. op. I72. III. because of the turbulent conditions of Church-State relations of Athanasius and his usurping rivals. Calderini. 36 (I936). But there is no indication of such a cathedral church." Dict.68 Many of Constantine's cathedrals were built in proximity to imperial palaces. in imitation of God Himself. "Stations 66 65 1653-1657. This was true in Milan. the administration of the world's affairs. The Church was exhibited not merely as a "colony of heaven" (to quote St. I." Byzantinische liturgiques. houses and cemetery chapels had reinforced this sense of the transitoriness of all things earthly. Possibly the same was true at Nicomedia and Tyre. 70 Athanasius. et de Liturgie. 327-34I. I4ff. C. d'Arch. For Nicomedia: cf. and Antioch. Larger urban centers with many congregations. or other churches of the West. de Const. pp." Zeitschri/t fur katholische Theologie. Chrdt. SHEPHERD. For Constantinople: A. 36 (I937).65a company of strangers and sojourners. I954). Schneider. . The old Sion at Jerusalem. Where the Christian community was small enough to form but a single congregation. and directs. ad Constantium. Constantinople. 69For Milan: A. such as Alexandria and Rome.. "Die vorjustinianische Sophienkirche. 2. where these existed. 68 Cf. Eltester. before Constantine. JR.M. Kempf. pp. "Fruhchristliche Funde und Forschungen in Deutschland. the palace known as Caesarion was destined to become "the great church. 61-72. after his victory over Maxentius. Eusebius.70In Rome the Emperor gave the bishop. For Antioch: WV. Trier. R. 5II-554. Jahrhundert. possibly also in Nicomedia.. the Lateran palace of his wife Fausta. pp. (written in 357). V.69 At Alexandria. I953). It was now revealed to be the visible reflection of an invisible dominion. 591-625.He performed peripatetic liturgical stations-a custom that was itself symbol of a pilgrim church that has in this world no abiding place. but a true image and copy of the eternal glory of the communion of saints. i. Phil. E. The temporal dimension was no longer a merely transitory stage of existence. laud. seem not to have had a fixed place for the bishop's cathedra. cols. I957). Studi di antichita cristiana. Zeitschrift. For Trier: Th. H. 3:20 (Moffatt trans. "Die Kirchen Antiochias im IV. but they added a stronger emphasis to the historical as over against the eschatological situation of the Church. Storia di Milano. for headquarters and residence. Apol. and the Palaea at Antioch (destroyed by Diocletian and rebuilt after 3I3)67 had made the institution known in the East. "Collecta und Statio." Actes du Ve Congres international d'archdologie chretienne (Aix-en-Provence." though its construction and dedication were delayed until after the middle of the century. Paul's perceptive phrase).72 MASSEY H. 67 Theodoret. Leclercq. Rome.)." 66 Constantine did not invent the idea of a cathedral church as a fixed locus of the bishop's presidency. Orat." Zeitschrift fiir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft. H. 60 (1936). which has received-to use Eusebius' phrase of the Emperor-"a transcript of the divine sovereignty. I5 (I95I). I (Milan. which would be caught up and transformed in the glory soon to be revealed. 77-85. at Alexandria. pp. pp. 22 (Vatican City. Hierzegger. 50. The monumental impressiveness and splendor of Constantine's churches did not alter this basic ideology.. there would have been need for only one place of assembly. . 73 See supra. ed. Paul. V. Konstantins Kirche am heiligen Grab in Jerusalem nach den altesten literarischen Zeugnissen. . 76 Liber Pontificalis. p. and a little later in North Africa. 25. trans. i. I942). Martyrium. Kirschbaum. in the center of the city. though often obscured by popular designations. Rh. E. were designed as Christian counterparts of the heroa of pagan heroes and saints. 74 A. the basilica maior. Kriegsvortrage der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat Bonn a.. 57ff. Thecla's.74Constantine. Recherches sur le culte des reliques et l'art chrdtien antique.71 The situation of Jerusalem was peculiar. I. Recherches sur les origines de la Rome chrdtienne. ed. has retained its original reference to Christ as the Holy Wisdom. Murray (New York. and in their architecture show analogies to pagan honorific and funerary structures." from the old custom of naming churches after the titulus-or later (as St. notes 67 and 72. a special foundation-festival of the Chair of Peter was fixed on 71 72 Eusebius. I96-200. Delehaye. again. close to the Forum and Palatine. Cf. 62 (Bonn. Wistrand. from its shape. The edifices known as martyria. C. civ-cvII. pp. Duchesne. Les origines du culte des martyrs. the trophies of victory. Antioch's cathedral was referred to as the Octagon. p. The martyria were named for the event or saint commemorated. 20 (Brussels. 25-40. see the bibliography in the new edition of C. We can trace it to the mid-second century in Asia Minor. Subsidia hagiographica. was observed on the anniversaries of their death. as it was not a place of imperial residence. yet a locale especially honored for its witness to the triumph of Christ and the historical origin of the Faith. Cf. The Tombs of St. Grabar. R. Male (Rome. Vogel (Paris. 142. who were not martyrs. Klauser. 2nd rev. Peter and Paul in 258.76About the same time the memorial of the bishops at Rome. martyr of the Decian persecution. The ideology is consistent and clear. ii. 1946). Peter and St. nearer to the urban area of the Subura. did not invent this devotion. Th. J. Here a new cathedral and martyrion (the Anastasis) were combined in a single architectural complex.72 All of Constantine's cathedrals were dedicated to Christ. (Paris. 1959). which had become more predominantly Christian in allegiance. 75H. p. in deference to the pagan officialdom of the City. by a fortunate circumstance of invention of the holy place of Christ's victory. I952). during the Valerian persecution. also named for the Saviour. John's). E. from the patron saint of the cathedral baptistery. III. 2 vols. Vom Heroon zur Martyrerbasilika. he did not establish a center for the Roman pontiff in the imperial center. It was given "apostolic" prestige by the institution of the Feast of SS.CONSTANTINIAN TRIUMPH 73 Significantly. 3Iff. In Milan. Acta Universitatis Gotoburgensis (G6teborg. 1957). Jerusalem's was called the Martyrion from its function. pp. Cf. to commemorate the double witness of the apostles as martyr-founders of the Roman Church.73The cathedral of Constantinople. Vielliard. 1933).75At Rome it appears to have been officially organized in the episcopate of Pope Fabian. reprinted with a preface by 1. I959). but as the Lateran or "Constantinian basilica. The cultus of the martyrs was well-established in the Church by his time. however. In addition. The Lateran was on the periphery of the City. Few would refer to the Roman cathedral by its dedication to Christ the Saviour. became known as St. 3.. J. ii . 80 See supra. 127-136. to attach these martyria to burial arrangements for the imperial house-first in Rome. October 28. H. 312.. hence it may be that the gift of their property was an act of retaliation. Petrus und Paulus Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte. "Natale 79 A notable contemporary example is the development of the memorial shrine by General Franco at Valle de los Caidos.78 Not all of them were due to Constantine's personal intervention. JR. 5 (1925). debate as to its origin revolves around the relation of it to the pagan observance of cara cognata. between his earthly pilgrimage from his capital at Rome to his capital at Constantinople. Lietzmann. where he erected a great mausoleum for himself and his family. beiden Apostelfeste Petri Stuhlfeier und Pauli Bekehrung im Januar. What is peculiarly interesting is the development in his own conceptions of his role with respect to the Church." Jahrbuch fur Liturgiewissenschaft. 335-338.49-57. and 2) the structures erected over the tombs of distinguished martyrs in the cemeteries of Rome. Batiffol. 81 E. this imperial tomb became the resting place of Constantine's mother. as the one in the preceding note. Giovanni in Laterano.74 MASSEY H.. Many rulers who consider themselves men of destiny plan their burial places long before they expect to depart from this world. 4I (I927). "La visita agli scavi di S. Studi di antichita cristiana. 26 (1925). pp." Atti del IV Congresso internazionale di archeologia cristiana (Vatican City. 2d rev. Kirsch.77 These martyria became centers of pilgrimage for a larger constituency than that of the local church. Excavations under the present nave reveal that it was erected over the caserne of the imperial body-guard organized by Septimius Severus. I940). They had fought with Maxentius against Constantine. Eusebius says that similar martyria were provided in Constantinople. later in Constantinople." in Rom. the martyria were to the simple cellae of the cemeteries. for Pope Miltiades was in possession of it a year later. P. The imperial family doubtless gave examples for other affluent Christians to follow. The sarcophagus was certainly not designed originally 77 This feast. Of particular interest is the Emperor's concern. Some were promoted by his mother Helena and his sister Constantia. SHEPHERD. Th. "Scoperte nella basilica costantiniana al Laterano. (Berlin-Leipzig. Ephemerides Liturgicae. 3-2. "Die (I934). pp.79 Constantine was no exception. . C. PP. i. Josi. note 44. also appears in the Calendar of 354. What the cathedral church was to the older house-church. 40-57. whose magnificent porphyry sarcophagus is now preserved in the Vatican." Rivista di Archeolopia Cristiana. pp. The resultant effect was to emphasize the historical testimony over against the eschatological hope. "Der Ursprung des Festes Petri Stuhlfeier am 22 Februar. Klauser. P. III. pp. pp. Today known as the Tor Pignattara. I927). Constantine's gift of the Lateran palace to the Roman bishop was made shortly after the victory at Ponte Milvio. 48-67.81 The Emperor also took over the guard's cemetery on the Via Labicana." The Journal of Theological Studies. We have details of two types of martyria erected in the reign: i) the monumental edifices built in Palestine at the sites of the history of salvation. Petri de cathedra. 48. the castra equitumsingularium. near Madrid. from the time of his victory over Maxentius. ed. and doubtless the same was true elsewhere. February 22nd. 78 V. I938). 399-404. I6 (Rome. ad duas lauros. when he presided over the first investigation of the Donatist schism.80The exact date of the building of the Pope's cathedral is unknowNn. is the key to the liturgical innovations of Constantine. Over their subterranean graves Constantine erected a large cemeterial basilica (martyrion). I964). XI-XLV.. if not for himself. through the Christian renovation of the Empire. 1948). built on the foundation of the apostles. He was no longer content to build his tomb in a Christian cemetery near the shrine of martyrs-outside the city walls. This complex must have been prepared while he was still Emperor of the West and before the break with Licinius. Erganzungsband tolicesimo. See F. Festschrift TheodorKlauser = Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum.. W. C. from two of whom it has its name of the Catacomb of SS. pp. 87 V. op. whose burial monuments were erected inside their capitals. I. "Zu Konstantins Apostelkirche in Konstantinopel. IV. In Eusebius' reflection. cit. cit. In their midst. Constantine made plans for the Church of the Holy Apostles. i (Miinster i. Calderone. See Volbach. 22-23.. On this church. V. Costantino e il CatI962). Krautheimer. Krautheimer. as Eusebius says. noted the According to the Liber Pontificalis. pp. Frihchristliche Kirchen in Rom (Basel. Maximus."87The Empire was now. V The sanctification of the temporal order. 174-I76. Studi e testi. as though with renovated life.. where he prepared twelve sarcophagi for the relics of the twelve apostles.83 After the capital was moved to Constantinople. Marcellinus and Peter. It has two other accents. 224-229. Deichmann. combined with an imperial mausoleum.84Thus in his last years. and retaining in his own name. the endowments. pp. pp. IV. I953).. like those of the Lateran. A similar complex of basilica-martyrion. was erected at Sant' Agnese on the Via Nomentana." Mullus. of the devotions which should be performed to their honor in this place. i (Florence. 83 85 V. controlling. Franchi de' Cavalieri."85 One sees here a change from Constantine's conception of himself as "Bishop of those (or of the things) outside" to a rank "equal to the apostles. op. 71. no less than the Church... with them. . cit. Augustus."86 The mission of Christianity was now manifest-historically as well as eschatologically founded. IV. "his body would share their title" and "become the subject. a universal dominion. It has been conjectured that Constantine planned the sarcophagus for his father. W. the Emperor "continued to possess imperial power even after death. the sovereignty of the Roman world. On the much disputed phrase in Eusebius. Constantine developed more grandiose ideas about his funerary monument. It will be recalled that Eusebius. see S. op. were all located in Italy and the adjacent islands. 41-44. I7I (Vatican City. with its sculptured scenes of military victories over bearded barbarians. 24-25. as Victor. pp. inside the walls of his new capital. as was the old Roman custom. 86 82 P. 60. Constantiniana. pls. 24.CONSTANTINIAN TRIUMPH 75 for her tomb. and conjoined it by an intervening narthex to the imperial mausoleum. C. He would emulate the deified Alexander and Augustus. 84 Grabar.82 The cemetery ad duas lauros was contiguous to a Christian catacomb where some of the distinguished martyrs of the Diocletian persecution were buried. C. 227-34. in his Oration for the tricennalia. either by Constantine's sister or by his daughter. see the recent study of R. . existence of ascetic companies devoted to the study of true philosophy and the pursuit of holy things as a major mark of the Constantinian triumph. We would suggest that a primary factor in their development may have come from the model of daily devotions in the imperial court. and he recommended them to his court. Marcora. Shepherd. op. his soldiers. Theod. H. which was denied him by reason of the delay of his baptism. He was especially insistent upon these devotions on Sundays and church festivals.90Whatever the source of these daily devotions. A. JR. C. note i). Pastoral Liturgy (New York. II. Later in the fourth century we have notices of the establishment in cathedral and larger churches of daily morning and evening psalmody and prayers. 17. E. IV. At the beginning of the third century. The uonastic movement was well under way before the tine of Constantine. 89 V. I954). they were for Constantine a necessary substitute for sacramental worship.92 There is no evidence that monks initiated them. C. I. i. I7.91 Conducted by the bishop and his clergy. Other associations of these hours had been suggested by the Alexandrian and North African FathersClement. Miller. Hippolytus had given them an ingenious link to a sequence of commemoration of the saving events of the Lord's death and resurrection. VIII. Const. and his subjects. p. for Sunday.. La vigilia nella liturgia. There is as yet no consensus among scholars regarding the origin and relationships of these winter-solstice feasts in the Church. Eusebius. 8. in addition to the sacramental Eucharistic worship of Sundays and feasts. H. or developed from vigil services held in conjunction with festivals of martyrs..88 Constantine made a daily office of prayer official in his palace. among others. SHEPHERD. 22.. 68-74. Fundamentals of the Liturgy (Notre Dame. Cod. 6 (Milan. J. Its primary concern was the cultivation of an intense prayer and daily meditation upon the Scriptures. 309ff. 298ff. he made Sunday a legal holiday.. Tertullian and Cyprian. Miller. 1962). cit. 90 V. cf. C. V. Origen. although day morning sessions for prayer and Bible study at the place of assembly. 34-39. these services gradually attracted the participation of monastic communities and the more earnest Christian public. V. 1959).. both in its eremitic and its cenobitic forms. 18-20. But the hours remained private and intethou some churches there had developed weekvoluntary in character.89 Eusebius does not say that Constantine drew his inspiration from monasticism. Jungmann. He gives the impression that thte Emperor christianized a custom of his father's court.. Socrates. Eusebius says that "he modelled his very palace into a church of God" by daily study of the Scriptures and regular prayers with all the members of his imperial court. The Paschal Liturgy and the Apocalypse (see supra. 92 C. 105-122. p. since there is no evidence of their general observance until the second half of the 88 . To this end. Another liturgical accent of the Constantinian era was the new focus of celebration of the Incarnation festivals of Christmas and Epiphany. Daily times of prayer (later known as the Canonical Hours) had long been recommended to all faithful Christians. comparable to the Easter festival. Archivio Ambrosiano. 91 Apost. J.76 MASSEY H. Most students of the history of the Daily Offices have assumed that these observances were a natural evolution from older practices of private prayer. pp. pp. IV. " Sitdes Epiphanienfestes. were observing January 6th (Epiphany) as a festival of the manifestation of the Redeemer Christ in the world. Die Marcellina-Predigt des Liberius und das r6mische Weihnachtsfest.95 On the other hand. XII.98 St. 2 (I952). F. 346-355. so the new creation of the world by the Incarnation of the Son of God must have begun on the same date. Fendt. . "Kleine Beitrage zur alteren Papstgeschichte. I9 (1917-1919). 123-154). pp. exactly nine months later. I932). pp. For older literature. Botte." Studies in the History of Religions pp. But this cannot be demonstrated. 103-109. note i. "Aion-(Kronos) to Numen). op.CONSTANTINIAN TRIUMPH 77 fourth century. 97 L. Lietzmann." Theologische 94 Clement Literaturzeitung. For the East." Archiv 78 (1953). For discussion of recent studies. 3. Augustine tells us that the Donatists observed Christmas but not the 93B. Textes et etudes liturgiques. 98 See supra. Boll. But these chronological speculations do not indicate a liturgical festival in the churches. (Paris. and the Apostolic Constitutions. III. (supra. "Der heutige Stand der Forschung uber das Geburtsfest Jesu am 25. 96 Botte. (I9I7). und iiber Epiphanias. 1954). and linked to the official date of the winter solstice in the third and fourth centuries-a date also observed as the festival of the Birthday of the Unconquered Sun by devotees of the popular. in the time of Clement of Alexandria. 271-272. Chronos in Egypt. 46 (I927). Duchesne. (Supplements i (Leiden. which definitely places it within the reign of Constantine.93 It has often been conjectured that Constantine himself had a hand in their promotion. The literature is vast. "Zu Holls Abhandlung fur Religionswissenschaft. 5th ed. Certainly if he had been instrumental in their origin. from their symbolic calculations. Aufsdtze zur Kirchengeschichte. "Friihgeschichte und Ursprung des romischen Weihnachtsfestes im Lichte neuerer Forschung. De virg. Caspar. cit. it is strange that Eusebius should have made no mention of them. pp.. VIII. 88-Io5. 62-63. Pettazzoni. The date selected is based upon an ancient mystery-cult festival in Egypt that celebrates the birthday of Aion from the heVirgin Kore. Altheim. Stromata. Engberding. if not in their invention. Etude historique. Les origines de la Noel et de I'Epiphanie. 35 (Hamburg. the Nativity (or Christmas) festival on December 25th appears to have been of western origin. Heidentum und Christentum. pp. Archiv fiur Liturgiewissenschaft. 402-438 (reprinted in Gesammelte R. pp. and at times official. pp. cult of the Sun. 21K. Der unbesiegte Gott. i.K Holl.97 The first clear indication of the feast occurs in the Roman Church'sCalendar of 354. Hence the conception of Christ (Annunciation) occurred on March 25th and the birth on December 25th. pp. 60-61. H. pp. Botte. "Der 25. pp. 2 [Tiibingen iber den Ursprung I90-191. L. cit. F." Archiv fur Liturgiewissenschaft. 95 zungsberichte der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften of Alexandria. I-24. Frank.. H. see E." Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte. The principal facts seem to be as follows: We know that Gnostic Christians in Egypt. the evidence is clear from sermons of Gregory Nazianzus and John Chrysostom.94But from the time of this singular notice we have no further information until the middle of the fourth century. Internal criticism of this document suggests a recension that goes back to the year 336. op. note 93). but contra. pp. Rowohlts deutsche Enzyklopadie. i (Louvain. The evidence for the West revolves around the disputed passage in Ambrose.96 Christian chronographers of the third century had already posited the theory that Christ was born on December 25th. 928. Origines du culte chrdtien. Dezember als Tag der Feier der Geburt des Herrn. I-Io. pp. 25-43. I. 171-179. 1925). Petrus und Paulus in Rom. Since the world must have been created at the spring solstice (March 25th). Etude sur la liturgie latine avant Charlemagne. when the Epiphany feast appears to be widely celebrated by orthodox Christiansboth in the Eastern provinces and in the Western churches such as those of Rome and Milan." 2 (I952). "Der Ursprung des Epiphanienfestes.. 33. I957). I77-I87.. A. or is he thinking of himself ? Is he reflecting the theophany granted to himself on the eve of the Ponte Milvio? merides liturgicae. He expressed himself in a kind of litany: There the Supreme God first appeared to Abraham. and conversed with him. III. op. io0-II. 15 (Westminster. however.103 On the other hand. There God first appeared to men. There first the Saviour Himself.. 103 Jahrhunderts. All the liturgical accents and The signibishops in Palestine for the erection of the church in Mambre. in that place. F." Ephe- 101For this period. Frend. 100 Cf. 202. those who consider the Incarnation festival as an evolutionary development of the Christian liturgy. 23-30. St. pp. some have thought that the celebration of Christmas must antedate the reign of Constantine. 7-26. T. pp. 6i ff. since it is unlikely that the Donatists would have adopted a feast of the catholic Church that was instituted after the beginning of the schism. English trans. B. There He foretold that he should be the father of a multitude of nations. pp. vouchsafed to Abraham a manifestation of His presence. "Aux origines du cycle de Noel. I. Sermons for Christmas and Epiphany. Der Sonnengeburtstag und der Geburtstag Christi am 25. J. 105 Eusebius.99 On the basis of this notice. from 347 to 361. Augustine. one of theophany." Antike und Christentum. ed. Is Constantine really thinking of Abraham. Epiphany.. Higgins (Philadelphia.102Those who stress the syncretistic character of Constantine's religious convictions tend to attribute to him major responsibility for the popularity. There He gave promise to Abraham concerning his future seed. whether directly or indirectly. with the two angels.105 ficance of this place was. North Africa (Oxford. in The Early Church.100It is possible.awlor. "Natalis Solis Invicti und das christliche Weihnachtsfest. I947). even if it was consciously inaugurated as a rival to pagan observances. J. of these festivals. JR.78 MASSEY H. p. 1956). 102 I952). C. " Serm. 60 (I946). Studies in Early Christian History and Theology. tend in this direction. Weihnachten in der alten Kirche (Basel. op. SHEPHERD. The Donatist Church. And the oldest liturgical formularies for the Christian observance suggest the same connection. Dezember nach Weihnachtspredigten des vierten und fiinften Cf. Dolger. J. if not the origination.104 There is no question that Constantine's deepest grasp of Christianity was in emphases that come into the Church through his influence. for Constantine. cit. 2. . 104 0. under Constantius II. cit. 6 (1950). C. Md. Ancient Christian Writers. His interest is best stated in his letter to the terms of theophania rather than of parousia. 53. H. C. give more weight to the impact of theological and dogmatic controversy concerning the Person of Christ as the primary key to the spread and acceptance of these feasts in the fourth century. V. A Movement of Protest in Roman pp.. see W. I952). Leclercq. pp. and to link them ideologically with his special interest in the observance of Sunday. that the Christmas festival infiltrated among the Donatists during the period of forced union with the catholics. and straightway fulfilled that promise. Frank. Cullmann. Botte. I7-36. There it was that the observance of the divine Law first began.101 Later Church Fathers of the fourth century certainly saw in the Incarnation festival a Christian rival to the pagan celebration of the Birthday of the Unconquered Sun.
Report "Liturgical Expressions of the Constant in Ian Triumph Shepherd)"