KIE HINGOA.docx

KIE HINGOA: MATS OF POWER, RANK, PRESTIGE AND HISTORYADRIENNE L. KAEPPLER Smithsonian Institution The most important and powerful objects in Tonga are kie hingoa „named fine mats‟ made of plaited pandanus leaves in “the long ago” by unknown hands. They are heirlooms passed from generation to generation as treasures, to'onga (such as vala to'onga or kofu to'onga), and are worn or presented during weddings, funerals, investitures, and commemorative events by members of the Tongan monarchy and aristocracy, who trace their ancestry to the god Tangaloa. That kie hingoa are still worn and used on the most important ritual occasions illustrates that the ancestors, whose essence is contained therein, are living presences in a very real way and that their ancestral mana (supernatural power) makes them tapu (“taboo” or prohibited) to ordinary people. What makes kie hingoa valuable is that they contain the reproductive power of Tongan society. Some of them circulate, while others have the status of crown jewels. They are not necessarily involved in reciprocal exchanges, they are not involved in sociability, nor are they connected with land. 1 They are objects of prestige and power involved with the bilateral inheritance of rank. People become attached to them and thereby intertwine their personal histories with those of their illustrious ancestors and events. Their circulation does not create obligations for direct return, but, rather, an expectation that when they turn up again, they will move along a slightly different route. The social life of kie hingoa as ritual objects validates Tongan societal concepts of rank and prestige. In an essay on inalienable wealth, Annette Weiner elaborated and extended a notion of Marcel Mauss—that certain objects “remained attached to their original owners even when they circulated among other people” (Weiner 1985:210). In a similar yet different presentation system, kie hingoa make their appearances at important events, and people become attached to them. Although these mats have some properties of inalienability in that some are considered the property of certain lines of descent, their importance lies in their use by specific people on specific occasions. Rather than giving priority to the people who possess them or once possessed them, I would give priority to the kie themselves and how people and lines of descent are attached to them. Like the Maori valuables and Samoan fine mats noted by Weiner, many Tongan kie can no longer be traced to their original owners. However, myths, legends, and historical events, people, or places are associated with - 169 many kie hingoa, and may be mentioned when recounting the circumstances from which their name derives, or during which they were used and by whom. Some kie hingoa, usually of the type known as ngafingafi, are of Tongan fabrication, while others originated in Samoa and have Samoan names. 2 The mats are rectangular, some as large as two to three metres long and ca. one-and-one-half metres wide. Some are so finely woven (as many as 30 strands to an inch) that they look like linen. Some named mats are not classified as kie but are treated and used in similar ways; for example,fala vala, mats worn by chiefly men when taking part in important kava ceremonies or kātoanga (festive occasions). A few mats have names that appear to be 'Uvean, although 'Uveans do not seem to have a tradition of named fine mats, and the names may simply record the persons or events from which they derived. Ideally, each non-Tongan kie hingoa has a story that explains how and why it came to Tonga, but these stories do not usually include the histories of the mats before they found their way to Tonga. In the Tongan social and cultural system, these mats seem to have an even greater value than their counterparts in other Polynesian societies, for in Tonga they are intimately involved in the reproduction of political power and social prestige. The purpose of this essay is to explicate this social involvement of these objects with power and prestige and to explore how the system works. The focus of this article is ethnographic and historical; it deals primarily with oral tradition and the use of objects in the present and traditional past. 3 Making the points to be stressed in this essay requires sometimes complex genealogies. Although the individuals attached to the kie were delineated by my Tongan friends and mentors who told me about specific mats, finding their genealogical links with others was considerably aided by consulting the genealogies in Elizabeth Bott's book based on discussions with Queen Sālote (Bott and Tavi 1982). “Fine mats” are often mentioned in histories and ethnographies of Tonga, but except for the reference in Bain (1955:38, 1967:77) to one kie hingoa, names of specific mats are seldom mentioned, so that I had little help from published works on Tonga. I became interested in kie hingoa and their histories in the 1960s when I resided with Halaevalu Maile [Mataele], a descendant of the last Tu'i Tonga, and during my friendly interactions with Lavinia and Atiū Kalaniuvalu, who lived a few blocks from me. I wrote down names of mats and copied information about genealogies and mats from their family ledger books. Over the years I asked countless Tongan women and men about these important objects, their names and their histories. Most Tongans could only tell me that they existed, but were affairs of the aristocracy. High-ranking individuals, such as Queen - 170 Mata'aho, went out of their way to help me and give me specific information on specific mats. The often disconnected stories of these kie kept confronting me in my fieldnotes. It is as if I became possessed by these powerful objects who wanted me to tell their stories. As an anthropologist interested in the arts and material culture, through these mats I have come to understand how objects are the ritual embodiment of social life. Kie hingoa embed these rituals and focus our attention on the centrality of genealogy in Tongan culture. The full history (and sometimes even the name) of a kie hingoa may be forgotten, just as full genealogies are often forgotten if they are not written down. However, even if the name or specific history are not known, they are still presented and treated in the same manner. Kie hingoa are the material, mystical manifestation of past events and genealogies, which can be remembered, forgotten, or adapted to the current situation. Kie hingoa activate genealogical relationships and cultural memory. Kie Hingoa, Koloa, and Social Structure Kie hingoa (i.e., kie „a kind of mat‟, hingoa „named‟) forms only one of several kinds of Tongan valuables which are known collectively as koloa, valuables or wealth. Koloa is the complementary domain to ngāue, products derived from agricultural work, fishing and animal husbandry. Koloa, products made by women, are, like women, prestigious. In contrast, products associated with men are considered “work”, and, like men, are powerful. The ngāue of men regenerates people physically, while the koloa of women regenerates people culturally. Both are necessary, and together they regenerate and reproduce society. Thus, koloa as the complementary domain to ngāue is not a complementary or contrasting domain to objects made by tufunga „craftsmen‟. The fabrication of koloa is not a craft, but a fine art that creates valuables, an important distinction in Tongan cultural domains (Kaeppler 1990:62-63). Kie hingoa, however, are no longer made, but are heirlooms of the sacred past. In their conceptualisation as to 'onga, treasures, kie hingoa have the most elevated status of all objects. An important distinction between ngāue and koloa presentations is that ngāue can be ritually presented to equals, while koloa, especially kie hingoa, like the prestige they embody, should move upward to someone of higher rank, or to someone whose rank should be recognised because of illustrious ancestral connections. An example was given to me by 'Eva Ve'ehala. When discussing the future investiture of her son to the Ve'ehala noble title, 'Eva told me that it was not necessary to present certain kinds of koloa (vala „chiefly clothing‟) because the Ve'ehala title is part of the Ha'a Ngata chiefs and there was no need for Ve'ehala “to make himself low”. It would be - 171 necessary to present an 'afio'anga „seat made of mats and barkcloth‟ ('Eva Ve'ehala, pers. comm.). For many investitures, however, both 'afio'anga and vala are presented, with kie included in the latter. This can also be done to indicate that the investee's personal rank is inferior to that of the King or simply to show faka'apa'apa (respect or deference) to him. Such a presentation is also an opportunity to record important events and previous occasions in which the individual and his relatives were involved. The history of the kie hingoa would be recalled in conjunction with the presentation and then held in memory to be recalled again when this kie hingoa made its next appearance. To understand how kie hingoa presentations work, it is necessary to summarise how rank operates and how it is acquired in Tongan society. The Tongan social system is based on three principles of rank: (i) in ego's own generation, sisters are considered 'eiki, high or chiefly, to brothers; (ii) in ego's parental generation, paternal kinsmen are 'eiki to ego, while maternal kinsmen are tu'a, low, to ego; and (iii) elder siblings of the same sex are 'eiki to younger siblings of the same sex. It is primarily by the principle that sister outranks brother that prestige rank is acquired; title, with its concomitant of power, is usually inherited patrilineally by males through the principle of primogeniture. The Tongan chiefly houses trace their origin to the first Tu'i Tonga, 'Aho'eitu, whose father, the god Tangaloa 'Eitumatupu'a climbed down from the sky on a casuarina tree and cohabited with an earthly woman who descended from an earlier population derived from a maggot. I suggest that this elevation of a woman from the lowly original population accounts, at least in part, for the importance of “sisterliness” and a sister's elevation and prestige. That is, the brothers of this woman would consider themselves inferior to their sister, who was the mother of the ruler, and, of course, to their sister's child—'Aho'eitu, the demi-god ruler himself. 'Aho'eitu could “please himself” with his mother's brothers and their descendants, to whom 'Aho'eitu was “above the law”. In succeeding generations, a systemisation of this concept would result in sisters outranking brothers. It is from this principle that the concept of fahu or “above the law” derives. A fahu is a man's sister's child or a father's sister's child—an important element for understanding kie hingoa, and to which I will return below. Through a series of collateral segmentations from the divine Tu'i Tonga line, a second line (Tu'i Takalaua) and a third line of kings (Tu'i Kanokupolu) acquired more and more power, while the Tu'i Tonga line became more and more sacred, aloof and prestigious. It was necessary for the lesser chiefs to present food and valuables to the Tu'i Tonga during yearly 'inasi, first fruits rituals, to preserve the fertility of the land and society. It is likely that the - 172 presentations of 'Uvea, Futuna, and Samoa during the overlordship of Tonga included mats and women to insure fertility of their islands, as this appears to be one of the most important functions of the sacred Tu'i Tonga. Only with the acceptance of Christianity did the sacred power of the Tu'i Tonga wane, but, as I will note below, the power of the Tu'i Tonga line over fertility has never disappeared. The warring chiefs of the 18th and 19th centuries managed to usurp power by guns and Christian backing, but only through marriage and fertile offspring could they acquire prestige. Symbols of Sacred Sovereignty In Tongan concepts of the body, the most important parts of the body are the head—especially the top of the head and the eyes, which are sacred— and the area between the waist and knees, the seat of fertility. As will be seen, the names of kie are often associated with these body parts and their coverings. These body parts were especially important for chiefs and their descendants, and were protected and decorated on important and dangerous situations, including war, investiture, weddings, funerals, welcoming and entertaining visitors, and commemorative events. The highest-ranking - 173 individuals had the most elaborate protective and decorative garments, and the materials from which they were made were difficult to obtain and time-consuming to work. Objects associated with the Tu'i Tonga line were the most elaborate and sacred. During the time of the visits of Captain James Cook to Tonga (1773-1774,1777), the highest ranking objects were (i) a feathered headdress (pala tavake), apparently worn primarily by the Tu'i Tonga, and (ii) a special kind of decorative garment, called sisi fale, worn by the Tu'i Tonga, his sister (Tu'i Tonga Fefine), the Tamahā (Tu'i Tonga's sister's daughter), and perhaps other descendants of an incumbent Tu'i Tonga and previous Tu'i Tonga. Sisi fale are overskirts made of small pieces of kafa (coconut fibre) intricately twined in a kind of basketry technique. These small pieces, in the form of circles, stars, half-moons or rectangles, were covered with red feathers, and incorporated shell beads, animal teeth and carved pieces of ivory (from whale's teeth), and were sewn together to create an overall design (Fig. 2). These materials, especially coconut fibre, red feathers and - 174 whaletooth ivory, were considered sacred materials throughout Polynesia, and their fabrication into chiefly articles was considered to be a sacred act known to only a few specialised individuals. The name sisi fale may derive from the fabrication of this intricate overskirt under a veil of secrecy, that is, in a house, thus sisi— decorated girdle—and fale—house. 4 It is significant that shortly after Cook's visits the manufacture of sisi fale ceased. These ritual garments were essentially replaced by kie, just as the power of the Tu'i Tonga was replaced by the Tu'i Kanokupolu. The reason may have to do with an event that happened during Cook's visit on his third Pacific voyage. In the mid-18th century, Pau—the Tu'i Tonga during Cook's visits—had a son, Fuanunuiava, by the high ranking Tupoumoheofo, who insisted that her son be invested with the highest privileges. 5 This was the 'inasi ceremony witnessed by Cook in 1777. It is said that in retribution, Pau conspired with chiefs of the Ha'a Ngata to give them more power and authority. The Ha'a Ngata chiefs descend from Ngata, a son of Mo'ungātonga, the sixth Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua (the second line of chiefs that had segmented from the Tu'i Tonga line at the time of the 23rd Tu'i Tonga— see Fig. 1). Ngata's mother was a Samoan, said to be the daughter of 'Ama of the Fale'ula 6 line from Safata on the island of 'Upolu. Known as Tohu'ia or Limapō in Tongan, she is said to have brought with her a Samoan fine mat known as “Maneafainga'a” 7 as part of her wedding dowry. Their son became known as kano kupolu, the 'flesh of „Upolu‟, the Samoan island from which Tohu'ia came. It is said that her fine mat was worn by her son on important occasions, including kava drinking ceremonies in which his kava was announced as Kanokupolu, thus linking the title with the mat. 'Ie tōga, the highest ranking part of a Samoan woman's dowry, have fertility connotations and were imported as such into Tonga. As ritual defloration was not practiced in Tonga, they became part of Kanokupolu-line ritual paraphernalia, and are still used to wrap the virgin blood for presentation (tūvai) to a bride's mother after a marriage has been consummated. Wearing a fertility mat as an investiture garment would give it a double symbolic role in ensuring an heir to the 'flesh-of-'„Upolu‟ line and the reproduction of the Kanokupolu political system. Kie are associated with the Tu'i Kanokupolu line, just as sisi fale were associated with the Tu'i Tonga line. Why the kie was called “Maneafainga'a” (or “Manea-o-Fainga'a”) is no longer remembered. It may refer to a ceremonial attendant (named Faigā) who accompanied Tohu'ia to Tonga and made the fine mat ritual presentations. It may refer to a falefā ceremonial attendant of the Tu'i Tonga line. It may refer to a custom (mane) of Faigā (that is, a custom associated with the Samoan chief Mālietoa Faigā). According to the Honourable Ve'ehala, “the mother of Tohu'ia was Soli'ai, the daughter of Maneāfaigā, - 175 the high chief of Tutuila”. However, the only correspondence that I can find in the genealogies of Tutuila is from Nu'uuli, the „black place‟ “known through its former cruel and cannibalistic orator chief Mageafaigā, also called Lagafuaina, who is often mentioned in the legends of Tutuila and Manu'a” (Krāmer 1994:442). In my view, the name refers to a mat associated with the descendants of the Ama ia Fiamē line who trace relationships to 'Ae Mageafaigā of Nu'uuli on Tutuila (see Krāmer 1994:318, 327). In the Samoan style, this name could be bestowed on any mat associated with this line of chiefs, as on the occasion of Tohu'ia's marriage to the Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua of Tonga. Naming it after a ferocious ancestor would give the mat a protective quality. A Samoan fine mat as an investiture garment for the Tu'i Kanokupolu would be a fitting replacement for a sisi fale, which I conjecture was the investiture garment for the Tu'i Tonga. After Cook's time, few sisi fale entered museum collections and the lack of any remaining in Tonga, or indeed even any knowledge about them, attest to their demise after the end of the 18th century. After the investiture of Pau's son, Fuanunuiava, during Cook's third voyage, only two further Tu'i Tonga were installed. These were Ma'ulupekotofa (Pau's brother who served for a few years) and Laufilitonga, who was engaged in warfare with the Tu'i Kanokupolu during much of his adult life and died in 1865. No traditions concerning their investiture seem to survive, and because of the unsettled times, it is unlikely that all the symbols of sacred sovereignty—especially those of extreme difficult fabrication such as sisi fale—would have been produced. The name sisi fale, however, does survive. This term now refers to the waistband that decorates the vala fakalala garment, which can be worn only by descendants of the Tu'i Tonga. Modern sisi fale are made of squares of fine mat folded into triangles and attached to a belt interspersed with the tail-feathers of the tropic bird (tavake) and especially the red-tailed tropic bird, tavake toto, a metaphor for a man of Tu'i Tonga blood line. In any case, both the investiture and the investiture garments of the Tu'i Tonga line became obsolete with the rise of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line and the Tupou dynasty. The investiture garment of the Kanokupolus became “Maneafainga'a”, the Samoan kie that came in Tohu'ia's bedding. Her son, wearing “Maneafainga'a” became the first Tu'i Kanokupolu 'flesh-of-„Upolu‟. The present King, Tupou IV, who also used “Maneafainga'a” during his investiture in 1967, is the 22nd Tu'i Kanokupolu. “Maneafainga'a” now has the status of the crown jewels, used on only the most important national events such as the investiture or death of the Tu'i Kanokupolu, i.e., occasions involved with the continuation of the Tu'i Kanokupolu system of government. - 176 The Naming and Histories of Samoan and Tongan Fine Mats There are numerous stories about the origin of important kie both in Samoa and Tonga as well as their naming and histories. The German researcher Augustin Krämer noted that one of the most important Samoan fine mats has a series of names: “Lagava'a”, “Pipi'imale'ele'ele”, “Moeilefuefue”, “Matāmaivai” and “Tasiaeafe”. 8 “Lagava'a” indicates that it was woven on board a boat from Pulotu (the afterworld) from Fiji; “Pipi'imale'ele'ele” indicates that it was stuck to the soil; “Moeilefuefue” indicates that its owner slept with it in the creeping plants at the beach; “Matūmaivai” indicates that it was worn for bathing but remained dry; and “Tasiaeafe” indicates that because it is from Pulotu, and therefore sacred, it is worth a thousand mats. 9 Eventually the mat reached Salamasina, then went on to others, but “by now the mat has long ago gone to pieces” (Krāmer 1994:31-32). But this is not how Tongans see it. Tongans have four separate mats named “Pipi'imale'ele'ele” (today usually known as Pipi'ima'ele'ele), “Moe'ilefuefue”, “Matu'umaivai” and “Tasi'aeafe”. All of these are very old and were listed as separate mats when Queen Sālote made lists from the Palace store of mats (see Appendix), and all four of these mats were used at Queen Sālote's funeral. A knowledgeable Samoan woman told me that “Pipi'imale'ele'ele” and “Moe'ilefuefue” are names that can be bestowed on mats in acknowledgement of specific Samoan chiefs and that it is likely that these chiefs gave fine mats during specific rituals in Tonga. These names have been retained over the generations as the mats have been used in Tonga. The original “Tasi'aeafe” is not considered to be extant in Samoa, but the Tongans believe that they have the original one, now part of the Palace mats. Tauese Sunia, an orator of Manu'a, Samoa, explained the Samoan way of naming mats to me as follows. He noted that the name of a Samoan fine mat is “rather like a praise name for the chief or orator who has the right to give it”. Tauese gave me several examples: When the paramount chief of Tutuila gives a fine mat, it is known as “Pulou o le ola”. There are eight orators of the Tui Manu'a line—four of these (including Tauese) can give mats that may be called “Puipui o le Fale'ula tangata” and four can give mats that may be called “Puipui o le Fale'ula tauaitu”. 10 Chiefs of Mālietoa's family can give mats whose names include “Lautamatafia”, “Lauao o Mālietoa", Lauao o Taoa” and “Lauao o Tupua”. The Tui Manu'a is associated with mats named “Matū-mai-vai” and “Alava-tua-lua”. Other mat names are used for specific occasions. For example “Nofova'a” is a mat taken in a boat when a woman elopes; however, even if a couple do not elope, one mat of the bedding is called “Nofova'a”. “Fusita” is a mat made by a woman to be worn at a ceremony when her son's tattooing is finished - 177 and then given to the tattooer (Tauese Sunia, pers. comm. 1994). Thus, in Samoa, there can be numerous mats with the same name. In Tonga, however, the name of a mat refers to one specific mat which is used in specific rituals, and people become attached to it. Each Tongan mat has its own genealogy of events during which it was used. The only way that more than one mat can have the same name is if that mat has been cut—each part might have a different history from that time on. Two such examples in Tonga are “Mata-o-Taone” and “Siukaufisi”. Besides this difference in the concepts of naming the mats, there are differences in use. For example, in both Tonga and Samoa, weddings are important events during which named mats are used. In Samoa, as part of tōga „women's objects‟ they are presented by the bride's family and, in the wedding exchange, they go to the groom's family. In Tonga, as part of koloa, they are presented by both the bride's and groom's families. As part of the wedding distribution, they find their ways to the families of both bride and groom. For weddings at the highest level in Tonga, some kie hingoa do not change hands. They may travel from the Palace for a specific event, but they immediately return. Although the mats themselves may be materially the same or similar in Tonga and Samoa, their uses are culturally distinct. Krämer cites a story from the Samoan island of Tutuila about the invention of the fine mat. There Tauoloasii, who was a granddaughter of Tuisamata in Lefutu, bore the taupou name Futa, and Tuisamata's wife Maofa is credited with the invention of the fine mat. Those mats were reportedly called fala o Futa after Tauoloasi'i Futa. It was she who was abducted by Tuitoga from her betrothed Fua'autoa at the time of the Tongan invasion and who brought the first fine mat to Tonga, where it aroused much attention and saved the life of mother and daughter. Fua'autoa however drove the Tongans out of Tutuila and slew them. Thus the fine mats were henceforth called 'ie toga (1995:343). An origin story of Tongan kie (POA/F13/2D) involves a woman, Fataimoeloa, from Felemea (in Ha'apai) who exposed herself to the Sun, became pregnant, and had a son whom she named Sisimatala'ā. He was extremely handsome and was chosen to marry the Tu'i Tonga's daughter, Fatafehi. After a series of adventures, he travelled with his mother and they brought two packages (given by the Sun, and called “monū” and “mala”) and a kie made by his mother, the first in Tonga. (Ko e me'a pe 'ae fa'e ko e kie Tonga na'a ne lalanga pe 'e ia pea ko e 'uluaki kie Tonga ia 'i Tonga ni.) Fataimoeloa used the kie as the top layer of Sisimatala'ā's wedding clothing. Since that time kie are worn for vala alafianga „wedding clothes‟ (pea talu - 178 ai tokua hono fai'aki 'i Tonga ni 'ae fungani 'ae Kie Tonga 'i he vala alafia). This mat became known as “Sisimatala'ā” and other stories have been related about it. It may be the kie hingoa now known simply as “La'ā”. It is significant that kie were not specifically mentioned in the journals from Cook's voyages. However, George Forster on Cook's second voyage notes “their elegant mats, which for workmanship and variety excelled even those of Taheitee” (1986:255). And David Samwell on Cook's third voyage, notes that “the finest sort they use for Cloathing & to sit upon on extroardinary [sic] Occasions” (Beaglehole 1967:1037). As kie were often old and full of holes, to a European they would not look valuable. None of these treasured fine mats are in Cook-voyage collections. This may be because they were not seen, their importance was not recognised, or they were too important to be given away. Kie Hingoa and the Tu'i Tonga Although the Tu'i Tonga probably wore sisi fale during his ritual investiture, that the Tu'i Tonga acquired and used both Tongan and Samoan named fine mats is certain—as a number of kie hingoa are historically associated with the Tu'i Tonga and his line. In addition, after the rise in power of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line, the ranking women of the Kanokupolu line, along with their kie, were traditionally brought to the Tu'i Tonga as moheofo „ranking wife‟ and mother of the next Tu'i Tonga (hence the metaphorical references to the Tu'i Kanokupolu line as Ha'a Moheofo— the lineage from which the highest wife of the Tu'i Tonga derives). Two kie hingoa said to have come directly from Samoa with the Tu'i Tonga are “Valatau oe Tuimanu'a” (war garment of the Tui Manu'a) and “Vā-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga” (the gulf between the islands of Ofu and Olosega in Samoa). These kie hingoa are said to have been acquired by the Tu'i Tonga Fatafehi during his tattooing in Samoa. The Tu'i Tonga's person was considered sacred and dangerous to touch by Tongans, and it was necessary to recruit outsiders for certain tasks such as hair cutting (the head of a Tu'i Tonga is particularly taboo and cannot be touched), preparing the body for burial, and tattooing. The falefā ceremonial attendants, who descended from the sky with the first Tu'i Tonga, did many of these tasks for the Tu'i Tonga, but Tu'i Tonga were usually not tattooed. Fatafehi, however, wished to be tattooed, and as no Tongan could do the work, Fatafehi made two trips to Samoa for this purpose. His first trip was to Manono Island, where the first part of his tattoo was done; and his second trip was to Manu'a, where the rest was completed. Fatafehi's nickname was Fakauakimanuka (twice, or second time, to Manu'a) to commemorate his tattooing trips to Samoa. On both occasions the tattooer's bodies are said to have swelled up and they - 179 ultimately died from “wounding” the Tu'i Tonga's sacred body (POA/11/ 2B). The kie hingoa associated with his tattooing trips to Samoa are “Valatauotuimanu'a” [“Vala-tau- oe-Tuimanu'a”] (POA/11/2B) and “Vaofumoolosega” [“Vā-'o-Ofu-ma-Olosenga”] (Queen Mata'aho, pers. comm. 1976). 11 As noted above, it is a Samoan custom for a fine mat to be given to the tattooer; here it appears that Samoans gave fine mats to the Tu'i Tonga, perhaps to commemorate the event. Halaevalu Maile [Mataele] (1899-1989), with whom I resided in 1964, was a granddaughter of Fakauakimanuka II, a son of the last Tu'i Tonga, Laufilitonga. She believed that the first Fakauakimanuka may have brought Samoan women with him to Tonga, although he was already properly married to the moheofo. Halaevalu felt that the Tu'i Tonga, one or more Samoan women, and the kie hingoa are all associated with each other, and that a metaphor for a high-ranking Samoan woman was a kie hingoa because this was the most important part of her dowry. The name of the second kie hingoa associated with Fakauakimanuka's tattooing in Samoa, “Vā-'o-Ofu-mo- Olosenga”, refers to two islands in the Manu'a group, Ofu and 'Olosega. Today this name is used as a metaphor for good relations between the traditionally-warring Samoa and Tonga resulting from intermarriages and their offspring. The metaphor was used by Queen Sālote (1900-1965) in her lament for the last 'Ulukālala Ha'amea, who died in 1960. She notes, IX. Pea tala ki he Tu'i Manu 'a And tell to the Tu'i Manu'a Kaufaki atu ai ki 'Uta Brought by sea to the land He Va- 'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga The Vā-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga Manono e mo 'Apolima Manono and 'Apolima (Samoan islands) To'o e kakapu 'o e Mo'unga Take away the mist/fog of the mountain 12 Fili ai hano ta'ovala Sorted out from his waist garment Kia Tungī mo Tu'ifaleua To Tungī (now Tupou IV) and Tu'ifaleua (Tu'i Pelehake) Ko e fua 'o e kie hingoa. The fruit of the kie hingoa (i.e.,Vā-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga) Queen Sālote presented “Vā-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga” to the funeral of the late 'Ulukālala. Two further kie hingoa are associated with the Tu'i Tonga line and the story of the supernatural turtle, Sāngone. A synopsis of the story is as follows: - 180 Hina of the underworld and a Samoan lived together in Tonga. The Samoan wanted to visit his relatives, and Hina gave him her mother, a turtle named Sāngone, to carry him home. Hina told him that the first thing he must do on his arrival in Samoa was to get a coconut-leaf mat and a bunch of coconuts for Sāngone to bring back to Tonga. The Samoan did not do as he was told but went off to visit his relatives. The townspeople cooked Sāngone and buried her shell. A boy named Lafai who saw where they buried Sāngone was told that he would remain small (pana) and on the day that Sāngone was found he would die. When the story reached Tonga that Sāngone's shell was buried in Samoa, the Tu'i Tonga, Tu'itātui, sent his brother, Fasi'apule, with a party to look for Sāngone's shell (Fig. 3). When they arrived in Samoa, they were served kava. Fasi'apule, speaking in riddles, asked for several items. The people asked Lafaipana, who by this time was quite old but still a boy in appearance, to interpret the riddles. He knew the references and Fasi'apule's requests were granted. Fasi'apule then sent for Lafaipana and asked him where Sāngone was buried. He showed the Tongan party the place and they dug up Sāngone. They wrapped the shell in two kie named “Laumata 'o Fainga'a” and “Hau 'o Momo”. After other adventures 13 the mats remained with the Tu'i Tonga line and were used at the 1917 wedding of Princess Sālote and Prince Tungī Mailefihi. After she became Queen in 1918, they went with Queen Sālote to the Palace and were used during the 1947 double wedding of her two sons. Tupouto'a-Tungī (now Tupou IV) wore “Laumata 'o Fainga'a” and Fatafehi Tu'i Pelehake wore “Hau 'o Momo” 14 (Fig. 4). The pair of sons 15 were the outcome of bringing the pair of kie to her marriage—thereby perpetuating the fertility of the Tu'i Tonga line and bringing this line into the three royal lines now intermixed in Tupou IV (Figs 1 and 5). The sons, like the hoā kie (hoā = pair), were themselves a pair in running the government as King and Prime Minister for many years. The outcome of their wearing these fertility garments at their double wedding has been numerous royal children and grandchildren starting with the Crown Prince Tupouto'a and Princess Siu'ilikutapu, the daughter of Tu'i Pelehake, both born in 1948. Princess Pilolevu also wore “Laumata 'o Fainga'a” for her wedding (1976); it did not become part of the ritual exchanges, but went immediately back to the Palace (Princess Pilolevu and Queen Mata'aho, - 181 personal communication). These two kie, descending through the Tu'i Tonga line are “Palace mats” (that is, they are now Tupou dynasty mats as presently constituted) and do not circulate. If Crown Prince Tupouto'a were to marry, these two mats would probably be used to ensure the continued reproduction of the Tu'i Tonga line in the blood of future Kings. It is significant that although the Tu'i Tonga line lost its political power, it never gave up the mats which gave this line its prestige. 16 The mana of the Tu'i Tonga line is a living presence at the Palace—in the person of Tupou IV and in his possession of these two mats. The names of the mats reveal the Tu'i Tonga association. “Hau” is a word used to describe a champion, victor or conqueror as well as meaning “honour, attention, service, presents, entertainment, etc., customarily rendered to a sovereign or a champion or other person due to receive such treatment” (Churchward 1959:213). Hau in “Hau 'o Momo” refers to the power of Momo, a Tu'i Tonga and father of Tu'itātui, on whose behalf his half-brother Fasi'apule went to Samoa to search for Sāngone's shell. Thus, the mat objectifies the power or mana of the Tu'i Tonga line.“Laumata 'o Fainga'a” means “eyelid of Fainga'a” (at least that is how it is interpreted in present-day Tongan). This Fainga'a may refer to one of the Falefā, ceremonial attendants of the Tu'i Tonga. Another kie associated with the Tu'i Tonga line is “Lilomomu'a” (the secret of Mu'a), which was used in weddings of women of the Tu'i Tonga line (see below). According to Niel Gunson, Nanasipau'u (Tu'i Tonga Fefine and half- sister of Pau) sent the mat “The secret of Mu'a” to Pau who was in - 182 exile in Vava'u. Gunson believes that the mat was associated with esoteric knowledge not passed on to Fuanunuiava (Gunson, pers. comm.). This mat may embed esoteric knowledge, but I would argue that it was the mat itself that was associated with the right to the title, and Pau did not want it to fall into the hands of Fuanunuiava before his own demise. This would also be an effort to keep this important mat within the Tu'i Tonga line, as Fuanunuiava's mother was Tupoumoheofo (daughter of Tu'i Kanokupolu Tupoulahi, who was herself Tu'i Kanokupolu for a short time). In Queen Sālote's poetry (see below) “Lilomomu'a” is used as a metaphor for the essence of the Tu'i Tonga line. Finally, various Tu'i Tonga received kie hingoa by virtue of their high rank when marrying daughters of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line (the Ha'a Moheofo) who brought them in their bedding dowry. (This will be dealt with in the section on weddings.) The Tu'i Tonga's sister, the Tu'i Tonga Fefine, and his sororal niece, the Tamahā, also received kie hingoa by virtue of their high rank and fahu relationship to the Tu'i Tonga, as will be noted in the next section on fahu. Fahu and Kie Hingoa Before we move on to wedding, funeral and investiture rituals, and the place of kie hingoa in them, it is necessary to explain how the fahu concept works. Fahu is still an important concept in Tongan social relations, especially those that deal with traditional rank and privilege. The concept derives from the social principles that sisters outrank brothers, and that the father's side is 'eiki or high. Thus, father's sister is 'eiki to specific kin and holds a kind of supernatural power over her fakafotu „children of her brothers‟. 17 Paternal aunts and their children are fahu, “above the law”, to ego and can (and should) appropriate any desirable food or goods from their fakafotu. This was institutionalised in the Tu'i Tonga line, resulting in the title Tamahā for the highest ranking child of his sister—the Tu'i Tonga Fefine. The Tamahā was fahu to the Tu'i Tonga. A fahu always derives from the sister of a brother-sister pair and, for an important wedding or funeral, genealogies must be searched for the highest ranking living descendant from a brother-sister pair. Today, the royal family derives their fahu status from Tupou I's half-sister, Halaevalu Mata'aho (Fig. 5). King Tupou IV does not have any sisters, nor did his father, Tungī Mailefihi, or his grandfather Tupou II, thus there are no fahu from sisterly descendants in these lines. However, the present King and his brother descend from a woman (Sālote) who descends from the sister of a brother-sister pair (Lavinia [Māhanga] 18 and Kalaniuvalu three generations back) whose father was the last Tu'i Tonga, Laufilitonga, whose wife was Tupou I's half-sister. This genealogy makes the King and his brother - 183 or their descendants fahu in almost any important genealogy. That is, Tupou IV's great-great-great-grandfather's [half] sister's ranking descendant is himself. Because of this relationship, the King, his brother, or one of their daughters (or occasionally a son) have been fahu for nearly every important ceremony in living memory. Another great fahu of the royal family was Tupou IV's father's mother, Mele Siu'ilikutapu. The fahu status is complex, but she was the fahu at the funeral of the father of Tupou II, and could have activated this status for Tupou II's funeral as well; she did not, however, in deference to her daughter-in-law, Queen Sālote. It is the fahu's prerogative, responsibility and duty to be given or to take the most important koloa at a wedding or funeral. Indeed, it gives dignity and importance to an occasion if the fahu is the King, his brother, or one of their children, especially daughters. If a kie hingoa is part of the koloa of a wedding or funeral, it is given to one of these fahu. Although some individuals were considered by some to outrank Queen Sālote, her descendants are considered fahu because of the complexities of past intermarriages and Sālote's own marriage with Tungī Mailefihi of the Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua line. Since Sālote's birth in 1900, almost all kie hingoa have circulated to the koloa of the Palace or to her descendants. These kie are often presented at a wedding or funeral of a high chief or aristocrat, especially if the individual or his ancestor was attached to one of them, but on the next important ceremony, they will circulate back again to one of the royal fahu and to the Palace, where most of them are today. - 184 The King's brother, Tu'i Pelehake, his wife Melenaite, and their children also use kie hingoa and have several of them. Some were worn for the coronation of the present King (see below). Tu'i Pelehake's third daughter, usually known as “Taone”, was named by Queen Sālote after the kie hingoa, “Mata-o-Taone”. One piece of this kie was worn by Princess Mata-o-Taone for her Christian wedding ceremony, and the Christian wedding ceremonies of Tu'i Pelehake's other children probably also included kie hingoa. As will be seen, kie hingoa appear only rarely. Their appearance marks the occasion as one of note, and is a way of recording the importance of the event which becomes attached to the kie. The kie hingoa then contains the essence of the event and the person who wore or used it. They become chronicles of history embued with lives of their own. Besides weddings and funerals of individuals of the aristocratic lines, such events include investitures, opening of Parliament, and greeting and entertaining important visitors. Such an occasion was the visit of Queen Elizabeth II in 1953, when Queen Sālote wore “Lālanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea”. The visit of Queen Elizabeth was a large state kātoanga „celebration‟, and Queen Sālote gave it the dignity it deserved by wearing this kie hingoa (Fig. 25). She also wore this kie at the official kava ceremony during which she received her title as Tupou III in 1918. Subsequently, Queen Sālote also wore this kie hingoa to commemorate her sixtieth birthday, and King Tupou IV wore it the first - 185 time he opened Parliament. According to Queen Salote, this kie was more than 600 years old and “the Tongan counterpart of the Coronation chair of King Edward I” (Bain 1955:78). It is named after (or made by or for) 'Ulukilupetea, the mother of Tupouto'a, father of Tupou I. She was a descendant of Malupō, chief of 'Uiha, a descendant of a brother of the 20th Tu'i Tonga, c. 1400 (Bain 1955:38). Ulukilupetea, known as “the woman with the ivory stomach” because she had so many important children, had at least five partners. The one of importance in this genealogy is Tuku'aho, a Tu'i Kanokupolu, grandfather in the Tu'i Kanokupolu line of Tupou I. A lakalaka text 19 used “Lālanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea” as a metaphor for joining the Tu'i Kanokupolu line to the Tu'i Tonga line (symbolised by the named flower girdle, sisi alamea): Lalānga 'a 'Ulukilupetea The weaving of 'Ulukilupetea Ke fungani 'i he hoko kumitea The top layer of chiefly clothing Li ai hao no'o fakaheka Climbed onto and became Ke fungani ki he sisi alamea. The top layer of sisi alamea. Kie Hingoa and Weddings Today, weddings are the most important rituals for the use and display of wealth and especially kie. If a family possesses a kie and especially a kie hingoa, it will surely make an appearance—either worn as the top layer (fungani) of the ritual wedding clothes, called vala to'onga, or ritually presented as the fungani „top layer of the bedding‟, called kofu to'onga. Not all kie are kie hingoa in the accepted sense of the term. Many families, however, have old kie which descend and circulate within their family in a similar way to what will be described here. For example, the family of Sister Mary Tu'ifua (a high-ranking descendant of the chiefs of old) has a very old and ragged kie known as “Kie Monumonuka” (kie that has been wounded). It was worn only for very special feasts and other occasions. Tu'ifua's brother wore it for his wedding, and Tu'ifua wore it at several feasts when she was a young woman. It derived from Tu'ifua's father's line because he had no sisters. As women usually inherit and look after the kie and their histories, the specific history of this kie was lost, except that it came from Tu'ifua's father's mother. The practice of wearing fine Samoan mats during marriages of the chiefs was well established by the time of William Mariner (1806-1810), but apparently they were worn only by women. At the wedding of Finau 'Ulukālala's son, his two Tongan brides were dressed in the finest Samoan mats (Martin 1827:110), but the only element noticed by Mariner for the groom was his donning of a white barkcloth turban ornamented with small - 186 red feathers (Martin 1827:111). In the wedding exchange, the groom, who also had a Samoan wife, presented fine mats (Martin 1827:113). Also, according to Mariner, at the marriage of the Tu'i Tonga to Fīnau's daughter, she wore Samoan mats “of the finest texture and as soft as silk. So many of these costly mats were wrapped round her, perhaps more than forty yards, that her arms stuck out from her body in a ludicrous manner; and she could not, strictly speaking, sit down” (Martin 1827:97). The bride had five attendants who were also dressed in Samoan mats. However, no mention is made of anything remarkable about the Tu'i Tonga's wedding clothing, and the presentation he made consisted of large pieces of barkcloth, a wooden pillow and a basket containing bottles of oil (Martin 1827:97). From this it appears that Samoan mats were worn only by women at marriage rituals. It also appears that women controlled them. When Finau sent a present to Mafi Habe [Hape], his contribution was a bale of barkcloth and strings of beads, while Finau's wife sent three valuable Samoan mats (Martin 1827:267). The Tu'i Tonga and the women of the Tu'i Tonga line were not usually associated with Samoan kie, except for those brought in the marriage dowry by women of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line. A kie brought in such a marriage, however, would likely then go to her daughter—who, of course, is also the daughter of the Tu'i Tonga and sister of the next Tu'i Tonga (the oldest sister being the Tu'i Tonga Fefine), who would probably give it to her daughter, the Tamahā. Thus, although starting from a Tu'i Kanokupolu woman's bedding, within two generations such a kie might end up with the Tamahā. Women of the Tu'i Tonga line (and the descent lines associated with the Falefisi) are associated with Tongan-made fine mats that were also named. The Tongan name for these mats is ngafingafi. They are very finely plaited of the top layer of kie pandanus and are named. Although they are also heirlooms made in the long ago by unknown hands, they are often associated with an historical person and/or a specific place or event. For example, in a story in which high-ranking visitors went to the island of Tungua where the Tamahā lived, she brought out her valuable old ngafingafi known as “Falatungua” (POA 11/2B). That non-Tu'i Kanokupolu women used Tongan named mats (ngafingafi) at their weddings is illustrated by the following three examples from a book of traditions that descended to Lavinia and Atiū Kalaniuvalu, the two sisters of the present Kalaniuvalu (the title that replaced the Tu'i Tonga), from their mother Sisīlia, the daughter of Melenaite Tu'itavake of a chiefly line from Ha'apai. After explaining a method of presentation, the author notes that the women making the presentation are chiefly women “low” to the person being married - 187 (e.g., they may be daughters of the brides's mother's brother, or daughters of the bride's brothers). These women are called “laufafa” and they can present only named kie. The author then proceeds to give three examples in which at least some of the named mats are Tongan ngafingafi. The first example is LātūTama, the daughter of the Tu'i Ha'ateiho, Fakatakatu (of the Falefisi line), when she married the Tu'i Kanokupolu, Ma'afu'otu'itonga. The laufafa presentation included seven mats, five of which must have been ngafingafi named after places (presumably where they were made) including “Falatungua” 20 (mentioned above), and six others: “Lālanga 'a Vaomotu” (“the weaving of Vaomotu” place name?), “Lālanga 'a Matuku” (place name), “Lālanga 'a Houma” (place name), and “Lālanga 'a'Utukaunga” (from Tu'anuku, Vava'u, see below). The other two mats were a palavalu (a fihu mat of a specific length), and a fihu tāua (also a fihu of a specific length). That is, a Falefisi line woman brought named Tongan mats (ngafingafi) to her wedding with a Tu'i Kanokupolu— not Samoan fine mats. 21 The second example is a Tu'i Tonga Fefine, Sinaitakala, whose wedding to Fā'otusia (a Tu'i Ha'ateiho) included a laufafa of five named mats: “Kie Tuku”, “Faka-hihina-o Savai'i-naea”, “Papaonāfanua”, “Papaanga o Sinaitakala”, and “Fala Lata”. From their names these mats appear to be a combination of Tongan and Samoan mats. 22 Thus, a Tu'i Tonga-line woman marrying into the Falefisi brought both Tongan and Samoan named mats, thereby including the essence of her mixed parentage (she was the daughter of Tu'i Tonga Pau and Tupoumoheofo, the daughter of a Tu'i Kanokupolu). The third example is a Tamahā, 'Amelia Fakahiku'o'uiha, whose marriage to Tuku'aho (a Tu'i Kanokupolu) included five named mats: “Fakate'ema”, “Aotapale o Tupou”, “Vakataukateaosi”, “Lālanga 'a Vaovao”, and “Lilomomu'a” (which we have met above and will meet again below). As in the first example above, a woman of a Falefisi line brought named Tongan mats to her wedding with a Tu'i Kanokupolu. 23 I make this point and give these examples because popular opinion suggests that kie hingoa are all of Samoan origin. My research shows that this is not the case. Instead, the appellation “kie hingoa” indicates that it is a mat of very fine texture made (usually) of kie (Freycinetia) pandanus, that is considered a treasure (to'onga) or heirloom, which has come from long ago (tupu'a), and is distinguished by a personal name which often derived from the place it was made, or on whose behalf it was made or presented, or an important occasion. The kie associated with the Tu'i Kanokupolu line and lines closely associated with it, such as 'Ulukālala and Veikune, are usually Samoan. Those associated with the Tu'i Tonga line and its offshoot Fale Fisi (which includes Tu'i Ha'ateiho), however, are (or were) often Tongan ngafingafi, sometimes named after a place—either in which it was - 188 made or was used on a memorable event—such as “Lālanga 'a Houma” (weaving of Houma) and “Lālanga 'a Vaomotu” (weaving of Vaomotu) presented at the weddings mentioned above. The intermixing of Samoan kie hingoa associated with the Tu'i Kanokupolu line into traditions associated with the Tu'i Tonga line derives from the moheofo status of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line. That is, the daughters of the Tu'i Kanokupolu were the marriage partners of the Tu'i Tonga and took Samoan kie hingoa in their dowry (whereas the daughters of the Tu'i Tonga were not originally marriage partners to the Tu'i Kanokupolu, but rather to the Fale Fisi 24 ). The daughter of a marriage between the daughter of the Tu'i Kanokupolu and the Tu'i Tonga would become the next Tu'i Tonga Fefine who would acquire the Samoan kie hingoa from her mother, who in the next generation would give it to her daughter who would be a Tamahā, thus intermixing Samoan kie hingoa with Tongan named ngafingafi, which would be presented by the laufafa of the Tu'i Tonga line. Wedding Mats of Halaevalu Mata'aho An example of the complicated histories of two named mats is the relationship of Halaevalu Mata'aho (half-sister of Tupou I) to two kie hingoa that were used at her wedding with the last Tu'i Tonga, Laufilitonga. One of these, “Lilomomu'a” (“secret of Mu'a”) was worn by the Tu'i Tonga Fefine, Fatafehi Ha'apai, as a kiekie or decorative overskirt on top of her oiled barkcloth skirt (POA/11/2B). (Fatafehi Ha'apai was another daughter of Tu'i Tonga Pau and Tupoumoheofo mentioned in the second example above, and see Fig.l.) On another occasion, “Lilomomu'a” was given by Kaunanga at the wedding of her daughter, Tupou'āhau, to Makahokovalu. Kaunanga was a granddaughter of Tu'i Kanokupolu Mumui. At this wedding Halaevalu Mata'aho was the fahu and she received it back. Halaevalu Mata'aho was an appropriate person to be attached to this mat; her grandmother was the Tamahā Lātūfuipeka, the ranking female of the Kauhala'uta, a large social grouping that includes the descent lines of the Tu'i Tonga and the Falefisi (see Kaeppler 1971:182). Figure 29 gives the genealogical history of “Lilomomu'a”. Halaevalu Mata'aho's second wedding kie hingoa, was “Feangaiotapu”, a name that probably refers to tapu relationships between brothers and sisters, 25 and is indicative of the close relationships of the partners whose weddings it records. “Feangaiotapu” had belonged to the Tamahā Lātūfuipeka and then went to her daughter, Tupou'ahome'e, and then to her daughter, Halaevalu Mata'aho, when it was used it at her wedding to Laufilitonga. It was then used by her daughter Lavinia [Māhanga], then Lavinia's daughter and son, Anga'aefonu and Kalauta, and then went to Queen Sālote. This complex kinship web illustrates that the male and female aristocrats of old had many partners to whom they were closely related and with whom they had children. These offspring would incorporate the essence or “blood” of certain lines from both parents and assure that certain offspring would have the highest possible rank within a certain line. 26 “Feangaiotapu” records this essence - 189 and these relationships—primarily among women who descend in the Tu'i Tonga line. From all this detail it should now be clear that wearing important kie hingoa with distinguished histories for weddings has a dual function. A kie hingoa graces the occasion and gives it dignity by its appearance (like a distinguished ancestor) and used as a garment or part of the bedding ensures the fertility of its wearer/user and hence the continuance of his/her line. Kie hingoa have supernatural associations with the continuity of the aristocracy. The choice of which kie hingoa is used on a specific occasion also reveals information by heliaki „veiled meaning‟. For example, “Hau 'o Momo” and “Laumata 'o Fainga'a” (the two kie used to wrap the shell of the turtle Sāngone when it was brought back to Tonga on behalf of the Tu'i Tonga), used by Princess Sālote at her wedding and at the double wedding of her two sons, communicated information about both prestige and power. In addition to the more obvious meaning of bringing the Tu'i Tonga line into the blood of the ruling Tupou dynasty, their use also illustrated that the power and prestige of the Tu 'i Tonga line has been completely enveloped by the Tu'i Kanokupolu line. The origin of these two mats was not part of a marriage dowry, but a wrapping for a symbol of power - 190 (the shell of Sāngone). “Hau 'o Momo”, the power of the Tu'i Tonga Momo, and “Laumata 'o Fainga'a” are now in the hands of the Tu'i Kanokupolu, and the likelihood that they will ever leave the Palace to be worn by anyone, except the royal children, is minimal. The Wedding of Princess Sālote (the late Tupou III) For her own wedding, Princess Sālote (later Tupou III) wore a vala to'onga comprised of ten kie hingoa, the top one being “Fangaifāia” (Fig. 8). The story goes that when the women came to dress Sālote for her wedding, her father King Tupou II asked Tupoumoheofo, Sālote's mother's father's sister (Fig. 7) if she brought “Fangaifaia”. She had. Sālote's father (of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line) and Sālote's grandaunt (of the Tu'i Tonga line) both felt that this was the most important kie for Sālote to wear—but why is, at the moment, unknown. Sālote's groom, Tungī Mailefihi, also wore ten kie hingoa, but no one seems to remember any of their names. However, we might conjecture that one was “Laulangiosivasevaloa”, a kie hingoa associated with the Tungī (Ha'a Takalaua) line. This kie became the fokololo „mat closest to the body‟, at Queen Sālote's funeral. - 191 The Double Wedding of Queen Sālote's Sons The royal double wedding of the sons of Queen Sälote and Tungï Mailefihi was a grand occasion. The two main events were the Christian ceremony that took place in the royal chapel where marriage vows were exchanged and the traditional tu 'uvala ritual that took place on the open mala 'e Pangai on the side of the Royal Palace. During the Christian ceremony, all four principals wore kie hingoa—the ritual paraphernalia sacred to the Tu'i Kanokupolu line (Fig.9). Tupouto'a-Tungï (the present King) wore “Laumata 'o Fainga'a” and Tu'i Pelehake wore “Hau 'o Momo”—the two kie which had wrapped Sängone's shell, and thereby encompassed the essence of the Tu'i Tonga line. Princess Melenaite is said to have worn “Lave” and Princess Mata'aho wore half of “Mata-o- Taone”—both of which descended from Lavinia [Mähanga], who combines the Tu'i Tonga and Tu'i Kanokupolu lines. According to Queen Mata'aho's sisters, LātūNiua and Kaufo'ou, the half of “Mata-o-Taone” worn by Mata'aho was the prize kie of their mother Heu'ifanga, who decided that this wedding would be the most appropriate occasion for its appearance. 27 Queen Sālote also had part of “Mata-o-Taone”, and was surprised at the 1947 appearance of another part with Mata'aho. In the wedding exchange it probably sent to Queen Sālote—so at one time she must have had both pieces. It was then worn during the Christian ceremony of Tupou IV's Coronation by Prince Tu'i Pelehake, and by his daughter (who is named after it) at the Christian ceremony of her wedding. “Mata-o-Taone” came to Heu'ifanga from her mother Vaohoi (a - 192 daughter of Siale'ataongo and Tupoumoheofo—a daughter of Lavinia [Māhanga] and 'Isileli Tupou, Fig. 10). Lavinia [Māhanga] was a keeper of “Mata-o-Taone”. It was also used by her daughter Anga'aefonu, 28 and at the funeral of Kalauta, Anga'aefonu's brother. According to Tangitopa Veikune, Anga'aefonu told Queen Sālote that it was cut by Vaohoi for her daughter, Tu'ifua to wear at a birthday celebration. “Mata-o-Taone” is a kie that is used on important occasions to illustrate and confirm the genealogical connections of the user to Lavinia [Māhanga], who is the essence of the mixing of the Tu'i Tonga with other important lines. Although I have not been able to find details about “Lave” it is said that it, too, belonged to Lavinia [Māhanga]. Melenaite had a similar, but different, genealogical connection to her (Fig. 11). For the traditional wedding ritual called tu'uvala, Tupouto'a-Tungī and Tu'i Pelehake did not wear kie hingoa but special ornamental costumes called fakalala with evolved sisi fale waist ornaments (Fig. 9). As noted above, these ritual garments can be worn only by descendants of the Tu'i Tonga line—their line through their mother, which was activated on this occasion. Mata'aho and Melenaite each wore several kie hingoa edged with white triangles of pandanus leaf (lou kie), a decorative element often added to enhance the rather drab appearance of the kie for celebratory occasions Mata'aho was said to have worn “Paeaema'opo'opo” in her vala to'onga. This kie is associated with a fahu of the Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua line who lived away from her family at the village of Ma'opo'opo. When she arrived at a funeral for which she was fahu, she chose the most important kie, whose original name is forgotten, but the mat is now called “Paeaema'opo'opo” because she came from distant (paea) - 193 Ma'opo'opo. It is said that this fahu used this kie hingoa to cover herself and her husband when they warmed themselves by a fire; its edges got singed, so it is now also known as “Kie vela” (burned kie) (POA/86/2B). Melenaite is said by some to have worn “Tokelau-o-Vaoto”, while others say that Tu'i Pelehake wore it and Melenaite received it in exchange. It is more likely that it was worn by Melenaite, because it is a Veikune-line kie (Fig. 12). It had been used by Siosāteki Veikune during his wedding. It was brought to Kalauta's (second) wedding by his wife Tu'ifua, who received it from Sālote MaumauTaimi (the daughter of her mother's sister). On that occasion it was taken by Anga'aefonu (Kalauta's sister). A high-ranking male, whose wedding records how he was attached to “Tokelau-o-Vaoto”, was Kalauta, Queen Lavinia's father's brother (Queen Sālote's granduncle, her mother's father's brother). Kalauta was married twice and each of his wives brought kie hingoa to their weddings. At his first wedding, to Tupousilia (his cousin), a kie called “Ūto” was brought by her mother, Temaleti Manakovi, and went to Queen Sālote. It was used again for the wedding of Sālote's son Tu'i Pelehake (and at Queen Sālote's funeral). For Kalauta's second wedding, his wife Tu'ifua (another cousin) brought “Tokelau-o-Vaoto”. This had previously been used by Siosāteki Veikune (son of 'Ōsaiasi Veikune, Fig. 12) at his wedding. Siosāteki was Tu'ifua's mother's brother (to whom she was fahu); and Tu'ifua's husband, Kalauta, was her mother's half-brother's son. At Kalauta's wedding, “Tokelau-o-Vaoto” went to Anga'aefonu, Kalauta sister. “Tokelau-o-Vaoto” and the “blood” of the Veikune line remained intact. “Feangaiotapu” (see above) was probably brought to this wedding by Anga'aefonu and this was the occasion when it went to Queen Sālote. Thus, a Veikune line kie remained with the women of the Veikune line, while the Tu'i Tonga line kie remained with the Tu'i Tonga line. - 194 “Tokelau-o-Vaoto” is also said to have been used at Kalauta's funeral (1946) (brought by Anga'aefonu?) and it may have been on this occasion that it went to Melenaite, because of her genealogical connections. Thus, if Melenaite wore it at her wedding in 1947, it would have circulated to Tu'i Pelehake's side and gone to the Palace. In 1967 it was worn by Queen Mata'aho during the coronation ceremonies. It was also worn by Lavaka/Ata at his wedding in 1982, where it was presented by an alternate name “Tongotongo le Tu'i A'ana” (see appendix). The Wedding of Princess Pilolevu The tu 'uvala ritual of aristocrats should include kie hingoa that are worn in their vala to 'onga, and kie hingoa that are presented as part of their kofu to 'onga „bedding‟. After the evidence of a bride's virginity has been revealed to the groom's aunts, 29 the blood is wrapped in a kie known as “kie ta'ofi taupo'ou” (kie that separated the bride's virginity), and taken to the bride's mother with specially prepared food (tūvai). The most elaborate wedding in recent memory was that of Princess Pilolevu (the King's only daughter) to Baron Tuita's son, Ma'ulupekotofa, in 1976 (Fig. 13). 30 Pilolevu's vala to'onga included several kie, as did her kofu to'onga (Fig. 14a). In addition to food, the groom's side also brings koloa. Although the groom's mother “can please herself”, the koloa can equal the koloa of the bride but should not exceed it. Ma'ulupekotofa's koloa was nearly as elaborate as that of the Princess (Fig. 14b), and several kie were included. One kie hingoa was called “Paepaeotele'a”, which was given by Luseane (the groom's father's mother). As this is not the name - 195 of a well-known kie, I suspect that the name was invented for the occasion— “Paepaeotele'a” is the name of a langi tomb of the Tu'i Tonga line and Luseane was the daughter of Afā of the Tu'i Tonga line. “Paepaeotele'a” may be a misremembered name for “Paeaema'opo'opo”. It appears that a number of names for kie were invented for this occasion by 'Olivia Peka who either had forgotten them or purposely gave them other names. From Pilolevu's side there were at least fourteen kie 31 used in the various rituals of fakalēlea (ceremony the night before the wedding), tu 'uvala (traditional wedding/kava ceremony, when koloa are exchanged), ma'utohi (obtaining the wedding license), and 'uluaki Sāpate (their appearance together at church the first Sunday after the ceremony). Two kie were “Palace mats” and went back to the Palace. The top layer kie (fungani) of Pilolevu's kofu to 'onga named “Fale'ula” went to Princess Siu'ilikutapu (daughter of the King's brother), the tauhi koloa, who received the koloa as the “chiefly sister” of the groom. One kie went to the groom, Ma'ulupekotofa. Five went to relatives of the groom's father, Baron Tuita—two stayed with Tuita and three went to his mother, Luseane (the groom's father's mother). Five went to relatives of the groom's mother, Fatafehi; of these three stayed with Fatafehi, one went to Tu'i Pelehake, and one went to Tu'ifua Carrick (Queen Mata'aho's mother's older sister). Kie “Fale'ula” was announced as “Puipui o le Fale'ula” (curtain of the Fale'ula), referring to Pilolevu's descent from Tohu'ia the daughter of the Samoan of the Fale'ula line, who was the mother of Ngata the first Tu'i Kanokupolu. Other named kie were “Feangaiotapu” (see above for other wearers) and “Va'a 'o Fonotī” (a kie - 196 associated with the Tapueluelu family, also known as “'Ao 'o Fonotī”, which was brought from Samoa by Leafā when she married the Tu'i Ha'ateiho). The names “Lau'ao 'o Pilolevu” (hair of Pilolevu), “Bonotiti 'o Tupouto'a” (the bonnet of Tupouto'a), “Lau'ao 'o Ha'a Kanokupolu” (hair of the Kanokupolu line) were probably invented for the occasion. “Laumata 'o Fainga'a”, which went immediately back to the Palace, may have been referred to metaphorically as “Lau'ao 'o Ha'a Kanokupolu” or because of its extreme importance and sacred character it may not have been referred to at all. - 197 The previous year Pilolevu wore a kie in quite a different way. For the 1975 kātoanga celebration of the centenary of the Tongan constitution, Pilolevu danced as the central performer of the lakalaka of her paternal village, Kanokupolu. At the request of Queen Mata'aho, a special costume was made for Pilolevu by 'Oto'ota 'Eva. The costume was called “Kie lālanga 'a Tu'i Tonga Fefine”. It was made of a kie from which scallops had been cut and was decorated with pule'oto „cowry shells‟ (Fig. 15). It is revealing that a mat with fertility symbolism was enhanced with pule'oto—which when worn around the neck by a virgin lie still, but turn over if the girl is not a virgin. Pilolevu also wore a pule'oto around her neck, which did not turn over during the entire lakalaka. Thus, Pilolevu's virginity-proclaiming decorations and fertility-enhancing kie were visual indications of her appropriateness for her soon-to-come engagement to a man of extremely high blood rank who would be a suitable complement to Pilolevu as the politically highest female of the land. Her fertility has been suitably demonstrated by the birth of four daughters, who are the ranking female aristocracy - 198 of the new generation. Pilolevu also has an important kie hingoa, “Valatau o Tamasese”, 32 that she wears on only the most important occasions. One of these was the wedding of her youngest brother, when she performed a tau'olunga (Figure 16). It is nearly 60 inches wide and three yards long. The Wedding of Lavinia Kalaniuvalu The wedding of Lavinia Kalaniuvalu, ranking female descendant of the Tu'i Tonga line, was also an important kie event. She married the noble 'Ahome'e, the brother of Queen Mata'aho. 'Ahome'e's most important kie was '“One'one”, a kie hingoa from his mother, Heu'ifanga, who descends from the Veikune and Tu'i Kanokupolu lines. It was planned that Lavinia would wear “Papaanga o Sinaitakala”, a Tu'i Tonga-line kie previously worn by Tu'i Tonga Fefine Sinaitakala when she married the Tu'i Ha'ateiho, Fā'otusia. According to Tangitopa Matoto Veikune, who assisted Queen Mata'aho with the Palace koloa, it was near the bottom of the huge box of kie and was very large and difficult to handle, so instead she gave “Fetau” for Lavinia to wear. It may also be, however, that Queen Mata'aho did not want “Papaanga o Sinaitakala” to enter into circulation. Sinaitakala was a Tu'i Tonga Fefine, and a kie with this connection might in the future become symbolic of the - 199 Tu'i Tonga Fefine line or the Tamahā line. Children in the next generation might claim high rank and prestige because of this kie. The Wedding of Lavaka/Ata to Nanasipau'u Vaea Another important and elaborate wedding was that of the King's youngest son, 'Aho'eitu, who at the time held the noble titles Lavaka and Ata (he now also holds the title 'Ulukālala) to the daughter of Baron Vaea, Nanasipau'u, on 14 December 1982 (Figs 17a & b). In addition to the wish of Lavaka and Nanasipau'u to marry each other, Nanasi had been the choice of Queen Sālote to marry one of her grandsons. The Queen hoped that this would be the Crown Prince, which would make Nanasi a future Queen of Tonga. This wish arose from Queen Sālote's desire to reintroduce the bloodline of the Tu'i Kanokupolu on both sides of future monarchs of Tonga— Nanasi and Queen Sālote's grandsons share the same great-grandfather, Tupou II 33 (Fig.6). - 200 One of the wedding kie hingoa for Lavaka-Ata was “Tongotongo le Tu'i 'A'ana”. 34 It was presented as the koloa of the Veikune line on behalf of Prince Tu'i Pelehake and Princess Melenaite (Kalonikali, December 17, 1982). The kie, from Samoa, belonged to 'Ōsaiasi Veikune, and is of special significance to Lavaka-Ata. Examining his genealogy (Figs 12 & 18), one can see that Lavaka-Ata connects to the Veikune line through both Tu'i Pelehake and Melenaite at 'Ōsaiasi Veikune (in addition to similar connections through his mother and his father). In Tongan kinship terminology, Tu'i Pelehake is Lavaka-Ata's tamai „father‟; and Lavaka-Ata is mokopuna 'eiki „chiefly grandchild‟ to Melenaite, who was his grand-aunt. (She also descends from 'Ōsaiasi Veikune, see Fig. 12.) A kie hingoa that was part of Nanasipau'u's kofu to'onga was “Tokotokoovaeatangitau” (also known as “Hahau- 'o-Vaeatangitau”). This kie, associated with Vaea's family, was part of the exchange that went to the groom's family—back to the Palace mats. '“'One'one”, a Veikune-family kie, was part of the koloa of Lavaka/Ata and was exchanged to Nanasipau'u. It had previously been used at the wedding of 'Ahome'e (son of Heu'ifanga Veikune) to Lavinia Kalaniuvalu. Another kie used at this wedding came from the Noble Ma'afu, Nanasipau'u's mother's brother (fa'ē tangata). Although the name of the kie was not known at the time, it is likely that it was “Fakala'ā-'a-siatamaki”, a kie that had been used during the wedding ceremony of Ma'afu to Tu'imala Kaho (his previous wife). Two kie used during this wedding came from the side of the bride—Tu'imala had been adopted by her father's brother's wife, Muimui (daughter of Tae Manusā, daughter of Tupou'āhau, Fig.20). The two kie, named “Hinahinatelangi” 35 and “Fakala'ā-'a-siatamaki” had previously been used during the wedding of Muimui to Tu'imala's father's brother, Sioape Kaho. Circulating to the groom's side, they were used when - 201 Kaho's brother's daughter (Tu'imala) of high rank through her mother married Noble Ma'afu. The kie came from Muimui's grandmother, Tupou'āhau. “Hinahinatelangi” was used again during the wedding ceremony of Tu'imala's daughter, Heimataura, to the King's second son, Mā'atu, in Hawai'i. (This marriage was not acceptable to the King, 36 but “Hinahinatelangi” records it as an event.) The other kie from the wedding of Tu'imala to Ma'afu cannot be accounted for, and (its name forgotten by Ma'afu) must be “Fakala'ā-'a-siatamaki”, which appeared at Nanasipau'u's wedding from her fa'ē tangata. Tu'imala, of high rank in her own right through her mother (Fig. 19), was adopted by her father's brother's wife, Muimui (Fig.20). But as Nanasipau'u also descends from these same lines, “Fakala'ā-'a-siatamaki” was an appropriate kie to grace her wedding as well. According to Tu'imala, the kie records a place name in Tatakamotonga and has to do with the war between Tungīvaivai and Tuku'aho. Kie hingoa are the most important ritual objects for an aristocratic woman's wedding. Many of those that originated in Samoa were brought to Tonga through the Tu'i Kanokupolu connection, but often became possessions of the Tu'i Tonga line when they were taken by Tu'i Kanokupolu women when they became moheofo to the Tu'i Tonga. That is, a kie would descend from the moheofo who was of Tu'i Kanokupolu lineage, to her daughter, who was also of the Tu'i Tonga line—which is more prestigious, especially for women. They were then worn as waist mats by individuals of the Tu'i Tonga line on important occasions and as part of their wedding rituals, along with important ngafingafi (Tongan kie). Whereas the Tu'i Tonga - 202 was considered the most sacred chief and was responsible for the fertility of the land and people, the moheofo came from the line of political power—first the Ha'a Takalaua and then the Ha'a Kanokupolu. The Tu'i Tonga and his descendants always had the highest-ranking blood, traceable back to the sky god Tangaloa. Today, the descendants of the Tu'i Tonga have little political power, but they retain their high blood. Thus, in order to keep the blood rank of the ruling line as high as possible, women of the Tu'i Tonga line are sought as marriage partners. Originally kie hingoa carried the life force or reproductive power of the female chiefly lines, and this can be traced to the strong influence of Samoan women and their descendants in the Tu'i Kanokupolu lines. Unlike Samoan tradition, however, where important mats are presented and paraded (primarily by the bride's family), in Tonga, in addition to presentation as part of the koloa, they are also worn as 'aofivala, wrappings for high- ranking loins, involved in the reproductive power of both men and women. The changed political circumstances have not negated the importance of fertility associated with the Tu'i Tonga. Although this line is no longer in political power, both men and women of this line are important for their blood and fertile offspring. The essence of this blood, and thereby their fertility, are safeguarded and captured in these mats of reproductive power. Their importance is continually demonstrated by their being worn and presented in pairs at wedding rituals. But, in addition, their importance for producing offspring of the title holders and continuance of the chiefly titles is acknowledged by their appearance at investitures, where they are involved in the reproduction of the political system. - 203 Kie Hingoa and Investitures (Fakanofo and Pongipongi) Throughout Polynesia, ritual investiture was, and in some areas still is, one of the most important events— verbally celebrated in oratory and/or poetry and visually displayed with an investiture garment worn around the loins that carries with it the right to rule or the right to the title being invested. Investitures of monarchs, nobles and chiefs in Tonga usually include the wearing of an important plaited garment, its type depending on who is being installed to what title. Often it is named and descends from an important ancestor. The investiture ritual is known as pongipongi, a word that usually means „morning‟ but here refers to a festival or celebration that will be held in the morning. In Tonga, one is appointed to a title (fakanofo) some time before the pongipongi ritual takes place. The investiture ritual for the monarch, however, is usually referred to as a fakanofo. It usually takes a year or more for the new title holder and the villages associated with the title to accumulate the ngāue and koloa necessary for the ritual presentations, as well as to compose and teach the appropriate songs and dances. The important elements for the investiture of a Tu'i Kanokupolu are that the designated individual leans against a specific koka tree or an object (such as a throne) that includes wood from this tree from the ancestral village while taking part in a kava ceremony where the title is called by an appropriate matāpule, and this title holder must be the recipient of the kie “Maneafainga'a”. The necessity of these elements are implied in an account of the installation of Tupoumoheofo to the Tu'i Kanokupolu title in a statement of the Tamahā (Gifford 1929:88). 39 This woman [Tupoumoheofo], the daughter of Tupoulahi, had no right to be queen, but during the absence of Tukuaho, the rightful heir, at Eua, where he was sent as governor, she went to Hihifo, put a taovala mat about her waist, and sat with her back to the koka tree, beneath which the installation of the Tui Kanokupolu took place. As Tupoumoheofo was the ranking Tu'i Kanokupolu woman, she probably looked after the important mats. She would have been well aware that to confirm the title, she needed to wear “Maneafainga'a”, lean against the correct tree, and have a kava ceremony carried out. The necessary garment was not just any ta'ovala but a specific kie hingoa that carried with it the right to rule. Fakanofo of Queen Sālote Tupou III Besides the use of “Maneafainga'a”, little is remembered about specific kie used during the ritual investiture of Queen Sālote. The Queen's secretary, Tongilava, notes that on 9 October 1918 for the investiture kava ceremony, Sālote wore hoā - 204 kie, one of which was “'Ulukilupetea”. 40 Queen Sālote also wore this kie during the visit of Queen Elizabeth II to Tonga in 1953, and she stated at that time that she had worn it for her investiture (Bain 1955:38). Fakanofo of King Tāufa'āhau Tupou IV The fakanofo kātoanga „celebrations‟ for King Tupou IV were held one year and a half after the death of Queen Sālote. They included the traditional kava ceremony, two days of dancing and feasting, and a European-style coronation. During all of these ceremonies, the King and the Queen, and often their children, wore kie hingoa, as did Prince Tu'i Pelehake (the King's brother), his wife Princess Melenaite and their children. 41 On the day of the European-style coronation, Tuesday 4 July 1967, the King's 49th birthday, the following kie hingoa were worn as 'aofivala:  Tupou IV: “Pipi'i male'ele'ele” (used at Queen Sālote's funeral)  Mata'aho: “Halangatoto 'o le Sinilau” [“Tafenga-toto-'o-Sinilau”] (used at Queen Sālote's funeral)  Tupouto'a: “Fa'avae Taufuai 'o Upolu” [“Fa'avae-'o-tafua'Upolu”] (used at Queen Sālote's funeral)  Pilolevu: No kie; she wore long European-style dress  'Alaivahamama'o: Dressed in English court attire  'Aho'eitu: Dressed in English court attire. In the chapel on a table with the crown were “Maneafainga'a” and “Hau 'o Momo” (both had been used in Queen Sālote's funeral). The kie hingoa worn as 'aofivala by Tu'i Pelehake and his family were:  Tu'i Pelehake: “Mata-o-Taone” 42 (see history above)  Melenaite: “Fuā'aū” (used at the funeral of Queen Sālote)  Siu'ilikutapu: “Siukaufisi” (given to her by Queen Sālote)  Fusipala: “Momo'e'ilemaile” (used at Queen Sālote's funeral)  'Uluvalu: “Ūto” (used at Queen Sālote's funeral) Wednesday 5 July 1967 was a feast day with dancing in the large mala 'e next to the Palace. The King wore “Laulangi'osivaseveloa” (a Tungī line mat) that is more like a falavala; it had a fine black pandanus edge and brown hair was woven into it. Mata'aho wore a very fine kiefau woven of hibiscus fibre that had belonged to Queen Sālote. Tupouto'a and Pilolevu also wore kiefau, 'Alaivahamama'o wore a lōkeha pandanus mat, and 'Aho'eitu wore a finely woven purple mat from Kiribati. That evening the King wore “Hau 'o Momo” and Queen Mata'aho wore “Lāngaula”. That is, the King's daytime 'aofivala indicated that he was of Ha'a Takalaua descent - 205 and his evening 'aofivala indicated that he was of Tu'i Tonga descent—both had been used in Queen Sālote's funeral; Mata'aho's 'aofivala had also been used in Queen Sālote's funeral; the children did not wear status-enhancing ritual garments on this day. On Thursday 6 July 1967, for the official fakanofo kava ceremony, Tupou IV wore “Lālanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea” (as his mother had done for her investiture). His fungani was “Maneafainga'a”. Tu'i Pelehake wore “Falavala 'a 'Uluvalu” (falavala is a large double-layered mat traditionally worn for kava ceremonies and this one belonged to a former 'Uluvalu of the Tu'i Pelehake line). His fungani was “Lau ole fisima mole laa ole tolo”—it too had been used during Queen Sālote's funeral. Tupouto 'a wore “Falavala 'o Tungī Halatuituia” a falavala that belonged to the King's great-grandfather. 43 After presentation of ngāue,four women presented koloa including kie (Fig.21). These women were all high ranking women but of a low kinship category to Tupou IV—making them laufafa (chiefly women low to the person to whom they take a named kie). They were (1) 'Ana Fusipala, (2) Lavinia 'Ahome'e, 44 (3) Kalo Muller and (4) Sālote Fielakepa. The kie making their appearance in this presentation were probably those listed above as fungani. Also on Thursday for his official meeting and talk with other members of the Ha'a Ngata, the King wore “Falavala 'o Tuku'aho”, named for his father's father. That evening the King laid the cornerstone of Queen Sālote Memorial Hall and - 206 wore an 'aofivala that had belonged to his father, Mailefihi (Fig.22). Thus, during his official investiture the King wore mats associated with his mother's Tu'i Kanokupolu line, but for other events of the day he wore mats associated with his father's Ha'a Takalaua line, as did his son who would be the next king. Friday 7 July 1967 was another feasting and dancing performance day. The King wore “Lālanga 'a 'Utukaunga” a mat that had belonged to his father and would be worn by his youngest son, 'Ahoeitu, when he became 'Ulukālala (see below). Queen Mata'aho wore “Tokelau-o-Vaotō, the Veikune-line kie mentioned above. Pongipongi of Crown Prince Tupouto'a The investiture of Crown Prince Tupouto'a was held in conjunction with the 1975 Centenary Celebration of the Tongan Constitution. Tupouto'a's pongipongi was held on 6 November. As is the custom, he wore a falavala, and in the koloa - 207 there were two kie hingoa (Fig. 24). No one seems to remember their names. However, as Tupouto'a is a Ha'a Ma'afu title, the kie would have been present to distinguish the occasion, emerging from the Palace mats and immediately returning. Pongipongi of 'Ulukālala The King's youngest son,' Ahoeitu, had previously been bestowed with the titles of Lavaka and Ata, before his pongipongi that invested his title 'Ulukālala on 16 September 1991, in Neiafu, Vava'u. 45 For this investiture, 'Ulukālala wore “Lālanga 'a 'Utukaunga”, an old fine mat associated with Tungī Mailefihi and 'Ulukālala's village Tu'anuku. This mat had been used during the wedding ceremony of LātūTama (daughter of Tu'i Ha'ateiho Fakatakatu) when she married Ma'afuotu'itonga of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line, about 1750. It was used during the funeral of Kalauta in 1946 when it was presented from the side of his wife, Tu'ifua Sa'ane, and was given to Queen Sālote. Then it was worn by King Tupou IV during a feasting and dancing day during his coronation kātoanga. A proverbial saying of Tu'anuku invokes this kie hingoa: Te 'ofa he toa Finematafua'a I love the toa tree Finematafua'a [so much that] Ne tō ai e kie 'Utukaunga I gave the kie 'Utukaunga. This refers to an event in 1913 or 1914 when Tungī Mailefihi planted a toa tree called Finematafua'a in Tu'anuku. The people of Tu'anuku were so pleased with - 208 his visit and his act of planting the toa tree to commemorate his visit that they presented him with this famous kie hingoa, which in turn added this event to the history encoded into the mat. This saying is used as a proverb for a rash act (giving a kie hingoa) because of immediate joy, but one for which one may be sorry later. Thus, “Lālanga 'a 'Utukaunga”, embedded with historic events associated with the Tu'i Tonga, Ha'a Takalaua and Kanokupolu lines that matched 'Ulukālala's lineage, was an appropriate garment for the investiture. On the morning of 'Ulukālala's investiture, he was dressed by his mother, Queen Mata'aho, and other appropriate women including the Queen's sisters and 'Ulukālala's wife. “Lālanga 'o 'Utukaunga”, was old and fragile and had been partially lined with cloth. The women of Tu'anuku accompanied him to the edge of the mala'e (Fig. 25) where he was met by the leaders of the Ha'angatatupu, the title-grouping to which 'Ulukālala belongs. 'Ulukālala took his place in the traditionally-designated place for the 'Ulukālala title at the back of the tou 'a „kava mixer's area‟. No other kie hingoa were present on this occasion, except that the King probably wore one of his named falavala. Ritual investiture is a sociopolitical event, combining verbal and visual expressions of authority and consent sanctioned by traditions that have their - 209 origin in mythical times binding together the king, chiefs and people of Tonga. The ritual acknowledges the rights and duties of various chiefly lines and the people to whom they owe their support. To experience a kātoanga pongipongi is to transport oneself back in time to the rituals associated with the propitiation of the descendants of the sky god Tangaloa, to whom the Tongan monarchs and the nobles trace their ancestry, and the first-fruits rituals that dealt with fertility of land, sea and people. These events reaffirm the values of the society, the stratified societal structure on which it is based, and the political importance of land. Kie Hingoa and Commerative Events Kie hingoa are worn during important commemorative events. The opening of parliament each year is an event in which the monarch wears a kie hingoa. Queen Sālote often wore “Lālanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea” which descended from her great, great, great, great grandmother on her Tu'i Kanokupolu side (Fig. 6). This was also the kie hingoa that Queen Sālote wore when Queen Elizabeth II visited Tonga in 1953 (Fig. 26). This visit was an important - 210 event to Tonga and to Queen Sālote personally, and wearing this important Tu'i Kanokupolu line kie added this event to its genealogy. When Queen Sālote attended the Coronation of Queen Elizabeth in London, she wore “Siukaufisi” while riding in the carriage and “Hau 'o Momo” for dinner the evening of the coronation—thus adding these commemorative events to their genealogies. Members of parliament may also wear a kie to the opening session, thereby indicating the importance of the occasion to the wearer, especially during his first parliament opening. On his first parliament attendance after his pongipongi, Noble Vaea of Houma (now Baron Vaea) wore a kie hingoa lent to him from the “Palace mats” by Queen Sālote. Queen Sālote mentioned kie hingoa in poetry in order to commemorate them as objects and to dignify the occasion during which the poetry is performed. This commemorates both the kie and the occasion, indicates the importance of history to the present, and gives the Queen's political views through the medium of sociopolitical theatre. In the poetry of one of her lakalaka for Lapaha (the village of her mother's line), Queen Sālote mentions three kie hingoa. In this lakalaka called “'Otu Langi”, she enumerates the langi tombs and other places in the Lapaha area. She then moves on to other important tombs in Tonga and finally to Samoa and the kie “Puipui o le Fale'ula”—a reference to Tohu'ia and the beginning of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line: Stanza VIII 46 He ko Matamoa tokua e langi They say Matamoa was a langi 'Oku tu 'u i Talanga holo vai That stood in Talanga holo vai [a place in Samoa] Tua 'ofa he 'afio i Manu 'a Feel pity for the King of Manu'a He mo e Puipui ole Fale'ula. And for the “Puipui o le Fale'ula”. She then moves on to mention the fort of Feletoa in Vava'u where she uses the famous kie “Lilomomu'a” as a metaphor for the Tu'i Tonga Pau, his wife Tupou Moheofo, and his son Fuanunuiava, who are buried near Feletoa, characterising them as the mat's “elevated contents”—i.e., that the mat contains the essence of the Tu'i Tonga. Langi, mo'unga, and sia are burial mounds of the Tu'i Tonga, Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua, and Tamahā respectively Stanza X Tā kihe langi tā he mo 'unga Reach out to the langi, reach out to the mo 'unga Moe 'otu sia ne toputapu na And yonder row of sacred sia Feletoa mo e kie tāu Feletoa with its kie tāua (finely woven treasure) - 211 Moe hikinga o Lilo-mo-Mu'a The essence of “Lilo-mo-Mu'a” Moe hikinga o Lilo-mo-Mu'a The essence of “Lilo-mo-Mu'a”. Finally, she moves back to Lapaha and through the medium of a kie, which she calls here “Sisi mo Fainga'a” (another name for “Laumata 'o Fainga'a”), 47 she reiterates her faith in the Tu'i Kanokupolu government which is moving in the right direction: Stanza XII 'E Takuilau pea mo Lapaha Takuilau [place name] and Lapaha Ke mo ui a Sisi mo Faiga 'a You two call “Sisi mo Faiga'a” Ke na 'āvea hoto nāpa 'a To carry my love Ki he mala 'e mo hono kakala To the mala 'e and its flowers Ke tauhi pea fakaalaala To look after and take care of He taufatunga e to'utangata The history of our people Stanza XIII 'E Pangai tu 'otu 'a ke maau I put my trust in Pangai [the mala 'e of TK] Fai atu kihe Pa 'angagalu To continue to the end of time Kau fiefia loto pē au I retain my happiness Taumu 'a tonu e Lomipeau. The prow of the Lomipeau is right. Through this poetry, the Queen is recounting the history of the origin and rise of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line and stating that her son will continue her work to steer the Kingdom in the correct direction. Her use of three kie hingoa expresses metaphorically the Samoan origin of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line (through “Puipui o le Fale'ula”), the incorporation of the blood of the Tu'i Tonga line into the Kanokupolu line (through “Lilomomu'a”), and the incorporation of the Tu'i Tonga's political prerogatives into the Tu'i Kanokupolu dynasty (through “Laumata 'o Fainga'a). This is the epitome of the Queen's use of heliaki (to say one thing but mean another) in this, her last lakalaka composition for Lapaha. In another Lapaha lakalaka the Queen mentions two kie that serve as a pair (hoā), “Luolua-Fetu'u” and “Moeilemaile”, as a metaphor for her two sons, Tu'i Pelehake and Tungī (now Tupou IV); and in the lakalaka about Sāngone, “Hau 'o Momo” is a metaphor for the incorporation of the political prerogatives of the Tu'i Tonga line. The names of kie are not known to most Tongans, and Queen Sālote introduces them as history and as literary heliaki. “Luolua-Fetu'u” also commemorates other events. When Noble Vaea was Acting Governor of Vava'u, radio-telephone service was initiated (1957). Queen Sālote was asked to make the first telephone call; she called Vaea who told her of the birth of another daughter. Sālote had been going through the kie that she kept at the Palace and she named Vaea's daughter “Luolua-Fetu'u” in honour of a kie appropriate to her genealogy. “Luolua-Fetu'u” had been used during the funeral of Fatafehi (Tu'i Pelehake), father of Tupou II (Fig. 6)—the great-great-grandfather of Vaea's new daughter. “Luolua- - 212 Fetu'u” is said to have been buried with Fatafehi. Thus naming a child of chiefly lineage after this kie and mentioning it in a lakalaka are ways of remembering past events that it (now absent) commemorates. The kie also commemorates the contemporary events of the birth of Vaea's daughter and the first radio telephone call to Vava'u. Queen Sālote explained the meaning of the name to Vaea: luolua is an underwater reef that cannot be seen and fetu 'u are stars. Thus, “Luolua-fetu'u” refers to the dark places in the sky between groups of stars. In the complex mixture of verbal and visual expression during lakalaka and other performances, the central performer (vāhenga) sometimes wears a kie hingoa. This illustrates the vāhenga's importance as an individual and shows her relationship to the performing group and its ancestral lines. During the performance of the lakalaka of Vava'u for the 80th birthday of King Tupou IV, his granddaughter, Lupepau'u, wore “Siukaufisi” (Fig.27). This is a piece of a famous mat given to her by Queen Mata'aho for the occasion and to commemorate her 21st birthday. This kie was given to Queen Mata'aho by Queen Sālote for her personal use and Mata'aho felt that it was an appropriate garment for Lupepau'u to wear on this occasion. As Lupepau'u is the highest-ranking Tu'i Kanokupolu woman of the new generation, the mat will add this occasion to its already dignified history. “Siukaufisi” (also called “Fuakaufusi”) had been worn by Tupou Seini (daughter of Noble Vaea) when she married Vīlai (son of Tupou II) in 1919; on this occasion it went to Queen Sālote (Fig. 10). Queen Sālote wore part of “Siukaufisi” at Queen Elizabeth's - 213 coronation and Princess Siu'ilikutapu wore part of it at the coronation of Tupou IV. As this was one of the first kie that Queen Sālote received as fahu after she became Queen (in contrast to those she inherited), she probably felt that she could give it to those close to her (in contrast to those that she would use on official occasions). An event commemorated by the appearance of “Hauhau-o-Vaeatangitau” was the 60th birthday of Queen Sālote when it was presented by Heu'ifanga, Temaleti and Fusi Mā'atu. At the baptism of Tāufa'āhau (now Tupou IV) “Fua'au” and “Fa'eamalolo” were present. At the baptism of 'Uheina, daughter of Siosāteki Veikune and Kalolaine Ikatonga, “Paleaookilokilomaivao” was used and this became her wedding garment when she married Siaosi Tu'itavake. It was taken by Melenaite Tu'itavake, the grandmother of Lavinia 'Ahome'e. Kie Hingoa and Funerals The origin of the tradition of using kie hingoa as an important feature at funerals is difficult to discern; however, even during Mariner's time, high-ranking chiefs were wrapped in kie for funeral rites 48 . The tradition was well established by 1933, when ten kie hingoa were used at the funeral of 'Elisiva Fusipala Tauki'onetuku, Queen Sālote's half-sister (Fig. 20). The 10 (as listed in Ve'ehala's ledger book) were “Fua'au”, “Lave”, “Vakatoukateaosi”, “Fusimaopulunga”, “Faavaetufuaopolu”, “Matu'umaivai”, “Vaoofumoolosenga” [“Vā-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga”], “Valatauoetuiaana”, “Laulangiofiame” and “Valatauotamasese”—many of which we have already met 49 . This State funeral of Queen Sālote's beloved half-sister, the daughter of Tupou II and his second wife, Takipō, was organised by Queen Sālote. The ritual ending of the funeral, hifo kilikili, also had extensive koloa, including more than 1000 bottles of scented coconut oil. Queen Sālote composed a lament about the variously scented oils that would accompany Princess Fusipala (as she was known) to Pulotu „the afterworld‟ (Kaeppler 1993a:487). No kie hingoa were used during this part of the ritual. It is relevant to ask why should these specific ten kie hingoa have been used at Fusipala's funeral and how is Fusipala related to these mats? Probably only Queen Sālote fully knew the exact answers to these questions, but it is revealing to note that “Lave” was used by Princess Melenaite for her wedding and that Princess Pilolevu is now attached to “Valatau o Tamasese”. “Vā-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga” is associated with 'Ulukālala and Samoan tattooing, and “Vakatoukatea'osi” was used during the wedding of the Tamahā, Amelia Fakahikuo'uiha, to Tuku'aho. Princess Fusipala descended from ranking descent lines. As representatives of events in the history of these lines, kie hingoa presented themselves as living embodiments at these events. Like living attendees at a funeral, the kie hingoa present become part of the record, - 214 “for all to see and to pass down through oral tradition how the individual was related to others, his [or her] dignity, rank, and how much and by whom he [or she] was beloved” (Kaeppler 1978b: 174). The ten, kie hingoa attending Fusipala's funeral were the proof of her ancestry and the kie's connections to important events in lives of Fusipala's ancestors. Any kie hingoa will not do: they must be the correct kie hingoa for a specific person, just as the correct people must do specific things at an individual's funeral. The placement of kie is also important. The kie closest to the body is called fokololo, the next is called lamataki, and the others are simply feta'u. One or more of these kie should be given to or taken by a fahu. On this occasion, however, there was probably no fahu 50 and the kie probably returned to the Palace. At the funeral of Queen Sālote's second son, Tuku'aho, in 1936, many kie made an appearance. Those mentioned by name were “Lilomomu'a”, “Lave”, “Bibiimale'ele'ele” (Queen Sāalote's early spelling for the mat now known as “Pipi'imale'ele'ele”), and “Fa'eamalolo”. These kie were attached to events important to him and his relatives. “Fa'eamalolo” was present at his older brother's baptism; “Lave” was used at Fusipala's funeral; Tuku'aho's Tu'i Tonga-line heritage was represented by “Lilomomu'a” and his Tu'i Kanokupolu heritage was represented by “Pipi'imale'ele'ele”. Tuku'aho's untimely death has been recorded by these kie. 51 The Funeral of Queen Sālote Tupou III The most elaborate state funeral was that of Queen Sālote in December 1965. The kie hingoa used on that occasion reveal important information about Queen Sālote, about her government, and about these mats of power, rank, prestige, and history (Fig. 28). The official list of kie hingoa (POA/6/2B) includes 28. Twenty-three were used with the coffin and five had specific duties. “Maneafainga'a” (brought with Tohu'ia from Samoa as part of her bedding when she came to Tonga to marry Ngata and begin the Kanokupolu line) was separated out and placed with the European-style crown of the Tupou dynasty. That this kie hingoa was given pride of place indicates that it was the most important presence at the wake. Second only to “Maneafainga'a” were the pair of kie “Hau 'o Momo” and “Laumata 'o Fainga'a”, which were placed on elevated tables. They embody the sacred power of the Tu'i Tonga line brought into the Tupou dynasty as part of the inherited treasures of Sālote. These mats, in which the shell of the turtle Sāngone had been wrapped, were not brought to Tonga as bedding, but were used as the wrapping of a symbol of power of the Tu'i Tonga's line. The joining of these three important mats on the occasion of Sālote's funeral indicated the present inseparability of the lines of power and prestige and Salote's attachment to them. It is significant that none of these three mats had been present at Princess Fusipala's funeral—they were not relevant to Fusipala, who was not part of the power structure of the government. - 215 Two other kie hingoa were separated out at Sālote's funeral, “Langa'a'ula” and “Kiemanu'a”, which covered two tables that held pillows with the royal orders Queen Sālote had acquired during her lifetime from Queen Elizabeth of England. Queen Sālote treasured these marks of recognition from the higher Queen, and they were carried on pillows in Sālote's funeral cortege by her two oldest grandsons, Taufa'ahau (now Crown Prince Tupouto'a) and 'Uluvalu. These two kie hingoa are now part of the living history of Sālote's royal orders. The tōtōfā'anga „funeral bier‟ consisted of 23 kie hingoa. The fokololo, or kie closest to the body, was “Laulangiosivasevaloa”, associated with her consort Tungī's Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua line and may have belonged to him. The list of kie hingoa for her tōtōfā'anga from the Palace Office records is as follows:  1. Laufangisivasiveloa (Laulangiosivasevaloa)  2. Lauao 'o Malietoa  3. Pipi'imale'ele'ele (Pipi'i ma le'ele'ele)  4. Vala-tau-oe-Tuimanu'a  5. Fua'au  6. Moeika'ale  7. Tu'i'aliki (Tuiali'i)  8. Popomateāmoa  9. Puipui'olefale'ulatau'aitu - 216  10. Lauāoto'oā (Lau ao-'o-To'oā)  11. Lauāotupu'a (Lau ao-o-Tupua)  12. Mātu'umaivai  13. Lilomomu'a  14. Hahau 'o Vaeatangitau  15. Lauōlefisomalu'oletalo (Lau ole fiso ma lau ole tolo)  16. Moemoe'ilemaile (Momoe 'i le maile)  17. Ūto  18. Tafenga-toto-'o-Sinilau  19. Fa'avae'otafu'apou (Fa'avae o Tafuā 'Upolu)  20. Taungamilo-'o-Moso  21. Pulou-o-le-ola  22. Fangaifāia (Fangāfaia)  23. Lalanga'atupuivao We have met several of these kie before: “Lilomomu'a”, taken by Halaevalu Mata'aho to her wedding to the Tu'i Tonga; “Ūto”, used at Kalauta's first wedding and taken by Queen Sālote and used during Tu'i Pelehake's wedding ceremonies; “Vala-tau-o-Tuimanu'a”, which came with the Tu'i Tonga after his tattooing in Samoa; “Fua'au”, used at the funeral of Princess Fusipala; “Fangaifaia” worn by Queen Sālote at her wedding; and “Puipui o le Fale'ula tau'aitu”, the full name of kie “Fale'ula”, that Queen Sālote had used in her lakalaka composition to refer to the history of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line (see above). Some are at present silent about their association with Queen Sālote, but all 28 must have represented Sālote's illustrious ancestors and events relevant to her. As livin presences at her wake, Sālote's death and events during her life and the lives of her ancestors are now attached to these kie hingoa. When they are used again, they will carry this legacy with them. Although it is said that “all of the kie hingoa were used during Queen Sālote's funeral”, this is clearly not the case. Only those kie hingoa that were relevant to her and to which she was somehow attached were present in her tōtōfā'anga, or those that represented the symbols of her government. It is also instructive to note which kie hingoa were not used during Queen Sālote's funeral. For example, “Lālanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea”, the kie that Sālote compared to the coronation chair of Edward I, and that she had worn during her investiture and to greet Queen Elizabeth was not included. Perhaps it had already passed to King Tupou IV, to whom it was now more relevant. The final ceremony of an important funeral is called kilikili. This involves the oiling of volcanic stones that will be used to decorate the graves. Koloa and grave decorations called tapu are presented along with large quantities of oil. Kie may also be presented, but these are seldom kie hingoa. However, during the kilikili ceremony for her father, Tupou II, Queen Sālote presented a kie hingoa called “'Uhilamoeafā” as part of the vala to'onga she presented to honour him. - 217 An important concept involving kie at a funeral involves koloa given in the category of fatongia „duty, obligation‟. When someone brings kie as fatongia no return is expected. Such koloa is characterised as koloa mole, that is, koloa lost to someone of higher rank. Much of the koloa, and especially kie brought to funerals of aristocrats, is expected to go to aristocratic fahu, who, because of the complex interwoven genealogies, will be the royal family. These kie will remain at the Palace until, perhaps years later, they will be brought out to witness another important event. Kie Hingoa, The Fungani of Koloa It remains then to place kie hingoa in the hierarchy of koloa and to explore the meaning and symbolism of these mats of power, rank, prestige and history. Kie hingoa are considered the top layer, fungani, of koloa. When worn for a wedding or commemorative event, kie are always worn as the outer layer (or layers, see Figs 4,9,13 & 17), and when presented at a wedding, investiture, or other important occasion, they are placed folded on the top of the koloa (see Figs14b & 24). When the presentation is made, the kie is unfolded and its face displayed (Fig. 14a), then it is folded again. Koloa presentations include various kinds of mats, various kinds of barkcloth, and sometimes other decorative objects, such as baskets containing bottles of oil (Fig. 14b). Their presentation, as part of the faka-Pangai (ceremonies on the mala'e), comes after the presentation of ngāue—kava roots, pigs and baskets of food. The matāpule „ceremonial attendants‟ and their assistants preside over a formal counting and thanking ceremony. The thanking for koloa is phrased as follows: Referring to kie Fakafeta'i ē toka kie Thanks for the kie Lahi pea lelei Large and good Faka'ofo'ofa fofonga 'o e kie. Beautiful is the kie's face Referring to other mats, especially fihu Fakafeta'i ē lālanga Thanks for the weaving Lahi pea lelei Large and good Faka'ofo'ofa fatua Beautiful is its medium size Referring to the barkcloth Fakafeta'i ē koka'ana Thanks for the fabrication (joining and staining the cloth). That is, for the mats and barkcloth, the matāpule are thanking the women for their work, the process of making the koloa. For the kie, however, the - 218 use of the word toka refers to the heirloom quality of the kie. 52 Kie hingoa—which includes Samoan kie and Tongan ngafingafi—are considered to'onga „treasures‟ that come from the past and were made by unknown hands. Thanks are given for their presentation, rather than for the work that went into making them. Kie hingoa, or any kie, should be presented as a pair, especially for a wedding. Ideally the two kie are symbolic of two genealogical lines of the bride or groom and their intermixture which produced the individual who presented them. The chorus (tau) of an 'ūpē talanoa „spoken lullaby‟ composed by F. Kaho for the great-grandfather of the present Baron Tuita compares him to a kie hingoa with double-chiefly ancestry (from the Tamahā Lātūfuipeka and the Tu'i Tonga Laufilitonga), and predicts that although he is only of navigator title (symbolised by kiefau) he will join the ranks of the nobility. The prediction has materialised, as his great-grandson, Baron Tuita's son is married to the King's daughter, Pilolevu. 'Ūpē Talanoa (POA/67/2D) Teu aamo koe keke nonga I'll massage you to make you contented Teu amoamo koe keke toka I'll massage you to put you to sleep Kau 'ūpē pe pea talanoa I'll lull you to sleep with my speaking He kuo ma'u hoku kie hingoa You are my kie hingoa (treasure). Koe kie ni oku mahanga This kie is a twin 'Oku fatu he ongo kauhala That started from the two kauhala (Kauhala'uta and Kauhalalalo kinship divisions) Pea hikihiki 'ehe tuia'ana And raised little by little until joining the aristocrats Koe kiefau 'e heka olovaha The kiefau (loincloth of a navigator) climbs onto the olovaha (ranking part of the kava circle). An important concept in Tongan ideology is the importance of continual mixing of the high-ranking descent lines to obtain the highest possible individuals, who will then intermix again to obtain another and another high- ranking individual, generation after generation. These lineage mixtures are objectified by kie hingoa, which appear as illustrious ancestors of the individuals with all of their intermixed genealogies. On any ritual occasion at which kie hingoa are present, but especially weddings, it is important that fahu to the participants take the kie hingoa. A fahu is of higher personal rank than the participant from whom it is taken and thereby the kie hingoa acquires more and more prestige as it continually adds to its dignity by - 219 going from fahu to fahu. No matter who one is—even King, Queen, Prince or Princess—an individual can be outranked by someone by virtue of the sister-brother principle or the 'eiki-ness of the father's side, even if it necessitates going back several generations. Indeed, if a high-ranking fahu can be found from several generations back all the better, because she will bring in an admixture of other elevated lines. The fahu, then, can wear or present the kie, or give the use of it to one for whom she is responsible, such as a relative whose rank warrants its use. Kie hingoa are usually controlled by women who look after them, know their histories and know at what events they should appear. Woven by women, they capture and embed the female essence and have the power to pass it on. Brought by a woman as the fungani of her bedding, they commemorate her virgin blood and ideally are present when her offspring are conceived. But they also capture the male reproductive essence which will also become part of the next generation. Because high rank on both sides is desired, kie hingoa often pass from one line of descent to another and back again, containing the essences of both fathers and mothers—bringing in important events associated with the multiple ancestry of person's identity. Each time that person wears or uses a kie hingoa, the power and prestige of all the ancestors who have previously used it become a sacred presence to the living. Each death or event at which it appears brings more mana to the next wearer or user. Sometimes a kie hingoa will stay primarily within a descent line and will embed the sacredness of that line; others record specific kinds of relationship within or between descent lines. As analysed above, “Feangaiotapu” is primarily a wedding mat that records relationships between closely related kinship partners; it is not used at funerals. The use of “Mata-o-Taone” illustrates genealogical connections to Lavinia [Māhanga] and her importance in the mixing of Tu'i Tonga and Tu'i Kanokupolu lines; it is used primarily at commemorative events, as well as weddings and funerals. “Tokelau-o-Vaoto” (also known as “Tongotongo Le Tu'i A'ana”) is a Veikune- line kie that confirms the importance of this line in the royal genealogies; it is used primarily at weddings and funerals. “Lilomomu'a” is a special mat associated with the essence of the Tu'i Tonga line. Its present possession by the Tupou dynasty indicates that this essence has been absorbed by the present Tupou dynasty. Its recorded history begins with the Tu'i Tonga Pau and his sister, Tu'i Tonga Fefine Nanasipau'u—when she is said to have sent it to Pau in exile in Vava'u. The next record indicates that Nanasipau'u's daughter, the Tamahā 'Amelia, used it at her wedding to Tu'i Kanokupolu Tuku'aho (the lines did not mix, they had no children). It then appeared at the wedding of Halaevalu Mata'aho 53 - 220 to Laufilitonga when it was taken by Fatafehi Ha'apai (his fahu), who wore it as a decorative waist garment. Then Kaunanga gave it at the wedding of her daughter (by Fatu) to Makahokovalu, when it again went to Halaevalu Mata'aho. It then disappeared until it was listed in two lists of kie at the Palace made by Queen Sālote. It appears not to have been used again until 1936 at the funeral of Queen Sālote's son, Tuku'aho, and at her own funeral in 1965. From this usage, it is apparent that “Lilomomu'a” is a kie sacred to the Tu'i Tonga line, and its possession is important to this line. Unlike “Feangaiotapu”, with which it was paired at Halaevalu Mata'aho's wedding, it did not pass from wedding to wedding to wedding. Instead, after Halaevalu Mata'aho retrieved it after the wedding of Tupou'āhau and Makahokovalu, it appears to have been kept by Tu'i Tonga-line women until it went to the Palace with Queen Sālote—probably with “Hau 'o Momo” and “Laumata 'o Fainga'a”. Perhaps it was not used by the Tu'i Tonga women because of the painful reminder of the absorption of Tu'i Tonga line prerogatives by other chiefly lines and to make sure that it did not pass to the Tu'i Kanokupolu line unless Tu'i Tonga “blood” went with it. This did not happen until Princess Sālote mixed the two blood lines once again. Note also, there is no record of Fuanunuiava having ever possessed it nor Tupoumoheofo, which suggests that Pau was never reconciled to the ritual involving these three that was described in Cook's journals. The present king and his children have the reproductive power of several important Tu'i Tonga-line kie. They also have the reproductive power of “Laulangiosivasevaloa”, the kie hingoa of the Tungī (Ha'a Takalaua) line. Which kie hingoa were best for Queen Sāalote Tupou III may not be best for Tupou IV or his children, whose genealogy also includes the 'Ahome'e and Veikune lines of descent—and their relevance to the famous kie associated with those lines. Even more important politically, however, are the kie hingoa that contain the reproductive power of the Tupou dynasty itself. “Maneafainga'a” is the Tongan equivalent of a crown and appears for the investiture and funeral of a Tu'i Kanokupolu. “Lālanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea”, the Tongan equivalent of the robes of state, was worn by Queen Sālote and King Tupou IV for their investitures and other state occasions. “Hau 'o Momo”, the power of the Tu'i Tonga line and its mate “Laumata 'o Fainga'a”, whose acquisition by virtue of Queen Sālote's blood line, indicates that power and prestige are no longer in the hands of the Tu'i Tonga line, as Sālote—their rightful recipient— reigned as a Tu'i Kanokupolu. The acquisition and retention of these kie hingoa ensures the power of the Tupou dynasty and its reproduction. In addition, wearing and using the numerous other kie hingoa with the fertile - 221 essence of ranking chiefly lines, ensure the personal reproductive capacity of each individual of the dynasty. The most important kie hingoa are those associated with the reproduction of the Kanokupolu line, the origin of the Tupou dynasty, and the envelopment of the Tu'i Tonga's prerogatives. These non-circulating kie hingoa do not seem to have a special category name (the state mats in Samoa are called “'ie o le malō” [Krämer 1994:30]). They are only used for occasions directly associated with the monarchy. Their prestige cannot be raised, nor can they be taken by a fahu. Using them gives prestige to the user and any prestige that might be acquired by the kie hingoa is only of secondary importance. The kie hingoa associated with certain lines of descent, however, acquire more and more prestige as they move from fahu to fahu. They acquire prestige or value by wearing, giving, receiving or taking (as a fahu does). They record events and people's associations with them and thus become part of an individual's personal and social identity. They are like ancestors and ancestor relics and are evaluated by how old they are and the number of important - 222 persons and events that are attached to them—or simply by their possession. They are considered as living chiefs, and tears in them are described as monuka, the word used when a sovereign is cut or injured. When they travel from the Treasury, where they are said to be kept, to the Palace, they travel by the same cortege as the King—preceded by a Jeep and two motorcycle police, then the King in a van—followed by another Jeep. The box of kie rides in the van, just as the King does. Although some kie can be taken by a fahu, the wearer or presenter and the occasion on which it is used becomes part of it, and these events become part of the living present when used on the next occasion. As a circulating kie hingoa should go upward to a person of higher rank, it can be worn, touched or used by its recipient. As elsewhere in Polynesia, wearing a garment of someone of higher rank can be dangerous, 54 but it is permissible to wear a garment of someone lower. Originally, they were probably worn or used during sacred and dangerous situations as a form of sacred protection. It would be a sacred, and potentially dangerous, occasion when a woman of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line was taken to the sacred Tu'i Tonga. Investiture could also be a dangerous situation in Tonga. Several kie hingoa have names that suggest their use in the dangerous enterprise of warfare such as “Valatau o Tamasese” (war garment of Tamasese), “Valatau o Sinilau”, and “Valatau oe Tui 'A'ana”. Of special interest is that kie hingoa are part of the important Samoan influence in the Tongan Tu'i Kanokupolu line. Although mats were considered treasures elsewhere in Polynesia, often more important were barkcloth and objects braided from coconut fibre (kafa)—but apparently not in Samoa. In Tonga, barkcloth and kafa were traditionally associated with the Tu'i Tonga line. 'Ahio, one of the Tu'i Tonga-line ceremonial attendants (falefā) told me that in the past barkcloth was more important to the Tu'i Tonga, although he did not feel it had the supernatural significance that it held in Fiji. Barkcloth is held to be sacred in various parts of Polynesia, including Hawai'i where god figures were activated by it. The sisi fale, of kafa and red feathers, associated with the Tu'i Tonga line, represent sacred processes of manufacture that were also sacred elsewhere in Polynesia, especially in Tahiti and Hawai'i, where investiture garments for the highest chiefs were made from special fibre and covered with red feathers. These sacred loin cloths can be related to the sacred lineages of old Polynesia. The Tu'i Kanokupolu was only the third-ranking line of chiefs in Tonga, and for him to wear a sisi fale would have been a sacrilege. As pre-Christian Tu'i Kanokupolu were always mindful of the gods, an imported Samoan textile would be a suitable replacement. Kie hingoa objectify the importance of lines of descent through both - 223 father and mother. They are powerful reminders of the past and, as Weiner notes for Maori treasures, “by bringing one's ancestral and mythical histories into the present, the taonga [Maori word for treasures] endows present actions with greater force” (1985:224). In Tonga, high-ranking people of the past and present are attached to kie hingoa and are inseparable from them. The royal family and aristocracy claim power and prestige by association with them. But objects cannot act on their own: they need to be activated by people attached to them and who know their histories. Their use objectifies social relationships in much the same way that the poetry of a eulogy or a lakalaka performance does verbally (Kaeppler 1993b). Neither kie hingoa nor a poetic text tell a connected history. They present fragments of the past and the knowledgeable spectator must make the connections. Together they form the intricate association between verbal and visual modes of expression so admired in Tonga and throughout Polynesia. For the monarchy and aristocracy, kie hingoa are the visual objectifications of who one is. A person is attached to one or more kie, just as he or she is attached to several genealogical lines. In a poetic text, an individual's praise is sung and his or her ancestors invoked metaphorically by bringing in and intermixing place names, flowers made into specific garlands (kakala) or birds. So, too, are the ancestors metaphorically invoked to bring their essence into these mats of power and prestige. Having touched the bodies of the chiefs of old, they transmit their mana and power to the chiefs of today. APPENDIX: LIST OF KIE HINGOA This alphabetical list was compiled from the following:  1. Two lists made by Queen Sālote of kie hingoa that were in the Palace on two different occasions. These lists were found in a ledger book in the Palace Office Archives. They are undated. The lists had no information on when or by whom the kie were used.  2. A list in a ledger book of the Honourable Ve'ehala, Keeper of the Palace Records. This list is similar to the lists made by Queen Sālote, and likewise had no information on when or by whom the kie were used.  3. Oral traditions recorded by researchers for the Tongan Traditions Committee, also in the Palace Office Archives.  4. Oral traditions recorded in ledger books of Ve'ehala, Lavinia and Atiū Kalaniuvalu, Sister Mary Tu'ifua.  5. Other names and most of the information on use of specific kie comes from my own ethnographic research from 1964 to 1998. For many I have found no information except the name. There was considerable variety in the spellings of the names of the kie. Many names were only dimly recalled, and handwriting was often difficult to read. I have chosen one spelling and placed others in parentheses. Some names are obviously - 224 Tongan (followed here with a T), others obviously Samoan (followed with an S), while others cannot be easily deciphered, “aka” means “also known as”.  Ao-o-Fonotī(S) (aka Va'a 'o Fonotī for Pilolevu's wedding)  Āotapale ō Tupō (Aotapaleotupou) (T)  Atuniusamoa (S)  Bonotiti 'o Tupouto'a (invented name for Pilolevu's wedding)  Faeamalolo (T)  Fa'avae Taufuai'o Upolu (Fa'avae o Tafuā 'Upolu, Fa'avae'otafu'apou, Faavaeotufuaupolu) (S)  Fakahihinaosaivaiinaea (Fakahikina'o Savai'inaea) (S)  Fakala'ā-a-siatamaki (T)  Fakamalu'osinilau (T)  Fakamaluotupo (T)  Fakataukateaosi (aka Vakatoukatea'osi) (T)  Fakate'ema (T)  Fala Lata (T)  Falatungua (T)  Falavala 'o Tuku'aho (T)  Falavala 'o Tungī Halatuituia (T)  Falavala 'a 'Uluvalu (T)  Fale'ula (see Puipui…)  Fangaifaia (Fangāfaia) (T)  Feangaiotapu (Feangaotapu) (T & S)  Fetau  Fofoga-o-Saefagaloa (Fofongaosaifagaloa) (S)  Fua'au (S)  Fua'olemaile (same as Moemoe'ilemaile?) (S)  Fusima'opologa (Fusimaopolonga, Fusimaopulunga) (T?)  Hahau-'o-Vaeatangitau (aka Tokotoko-ovaea-tangitau, Taongahahau-o-Vaeatangitau) (T)  Halangatoto 'o le Sinilau (see Tafenga-toto-'o-Sinilau)  Hau'o Momo (Hauomomo) (T)  Hinahinatelangi (T)  Kiemanu'a (T & S)  Kie tuku (T)  Kievela (aka Paeaema'opo'opo and le mu) (T)  La'ā (same as Sisimatala'~?) (T)  Lalanga a Houma (T)  Lalanga a Matuku (T)  Lalanga'atupuivao (T)  Lalanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea (T)  Lalanga a 'Utukaunga (T)  Lalanga a Vaomotu (T)  Lalanga a Vaovao (T) - 225  Langa'a'ula (Lāngaula) (S)  Lau'ao 'o Kanokupolu (invented name for Pilolevu's wedding?, possibly refers to Laumata 'o Fainga'a?) (T)  Lauāo 'o Malietoa (S)  Lau'ao 'o Pilolevu (invented name for Pilolevu's wedding?) (T)  Lauāoto'oā (Lau ao -'o-To'oā) (S)  Lauāotupu'a (Lau ao-o-Tupua) (S)  Lau-fala-o-fuka (Laufalaofu'a) (T)  Laufalaotuamāsaga (S)  Laulangaomulinuu (S)  Laulagi'osivaseveloa (Laulangisivasiveloa) (T & S)  Laulangiotupuivao (Laulagiotubuiuivao) (S)  Laulagi-o-manu'a (Laulangiomanu'a) (S)  Laulangi o Tupu'a (S)  Laulangiofiame (S)  Laulangiosina (S)  Laumata'o Fainga'a (Laumataofainga'a, Laumoto'o-Fainga'a, Laumata o Faiga, aka Laumata o sisi mo fainga'a and Sisi mo Faiga'a) (T & S)  Lauōlefisomalauoletalo (Lau ole fiso ma lau ole tolo, Lavolefisomalau'oletolo, Lau ole fisima mole laa ole tolo) (S)  Lave  Liemakau  Lifa  Lilomomu'a (Lilomomua) (T)  Luoluafetu'u (T)  Maneafainga'a (Maneā Faigā, Manea'o Fainga'a, Maneafaiga'a) (S)  Mata 'o Taone (aka Laumata 'o Taone, Mataotaone) (T)  Matū'umaivai (Matūmaivai, Matuimaiwai) (S)  Moeika'ale (Moeikaale) (S)  Moe'ilefuefue (Moeilefuefue) (S)  Moemoe'ilemaile (Momoe'i le maile, Momo'e'ilemaile, Moeilemaile) (S)  'Oneone (S)  Paepaeotele'a (mishearing of next one? or invented name for Lavaka's wedding)  Paeaema'opo'opo (aka Kievela, le mu) (T)  Paleao'okilokilomaivao (Kilokilomaevalu) (T)  Papaonāfanua (S)  Papaanga o Sinaitakala (T)  Pipi'ima'ele'ele (Pipi'i male'ele'ele, Bibi'imale'ele'ele?, Pipi'imale'ele'ele) (S)  Pitofalaopc'a (T)  Pona'olesisiotuitalili (S)  Popomateāmoa (T)  Puipui o le Fale'ula tau'aitu (aka Fale'ula, Puipui o le Fale'ula) (S)  Pulou-o-le-ola (S)  Saulagi-o-Sina (?Laulagi-o-Sina) (S)  Seiulaoligapisa (Seiulao Sigapisa) (S) - 226  Silatasi (S)  Siliaimatanui (S)  Sisimatala'ā (same as La'ā?) (T)  Sisiofainga'a (same as Laumata 'o Fainga'a?) (T)  Siukaufisi (aka Fuakaufusi) (S)  Tafenga-toto-'o-Sinilau (Tafenga-toto-o-sinilau, aka alaangatoto -'o le Sinilau) (T & S)  Talatagi (Talatangi) (S)  Tasi'aeafe (Taseaeafa, Tasi'aeofa) (S)  Taugamilo-a-moso (Taungamilo-'o-Moso) (S)  Taulagaomielenu'u (S)  Toangahahau-o-Vaeatangitau (aka Hahauo Vaeatangitau) (T)  Tokelau-o-Vaoto (Tokelau va 'o-tō ma a'ana, same as Tongotongo le Tu'i 'A'ana? and Valatauatuiaana?) (S)  Togotogo (Tongotongo, same as Tokelau….above?)  Tu'i'aliki (Tuiali'i, Tui Ali'i) (S)  Tuiolemu (S)  Uhilamoeafa (T)  Uluvao-o-kavalangi (T)  Ūto (S?)  Vā-'o-Apia mo Upolu (S)  Vā-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga (Vaofomaolosega) (S)  Vakataukatea'osi (Vakatoukateaosi, same as Fakataukateaosi) (T)  Valatau-o-Tamasese (Valatauotamasese) (S)  Valatau-oe-Tuimanu'a (Vala-tau oe Tuimanu'a) (S)  Valatau-oe-Tui'A'ana (Valatauoetui'a'ana [see Tokelau-o-Vaoto]) (S)  Valatau-o-Sinilau (Valatauosinilau same as Tafenga-toto-o-Sinilau?) (S) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Research in Tonga was carried out for three and one-half years between 1964 and 1998, funded by the Wenner- Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, the National Institute of Mental Health, the Bishop Museum and the Smithsonian Institution, to all of whom I wish to express my warmest appreciation. I am indebted to the Government of Tonga under their majesties the late Queen Sālote Tupou III and the present King Tāufa'āhau Tupou IV, and the many Tongans who helped me to understand the data presented in this paper, especially the late Queen Sālote, King Tupou IV, Prince Tu'i Pelehake, Queen Mata'aho, Princess Pilolevu, Princess Nanasipau'u Tuku'aho, HRH Lavaka-Ata-'Ulukālala, Princess Siu'ilikutapu, Princess Mata-o-Taone, Sister Tu'ifua, the late Nānasi Helu, Baron Vaea, the late Honorable Ve'ehala, the late Halaevalu Maile (Mata'ele), Tuna Fielakepa, the late Vaisima Hopoate, Tu'imala Kaho, the late Lavinia 'Ahome'e, and many others. Of special significance for this paper, I was present during the rituals of the funeral of Queen Sālote; the investitures of King Tupou IV, Crown Prince Tupouto'a, and the - 227 noble titles of Tu'i Ha'ateiho, Ata, 'Ulukālala, and others; and the wedding of Princess Pilolevu. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the fourth meeting of the Tonga History Association, Auckland (Kaeppler MS 1990). I would like to thank Queen Mata'aho, Princess Nanasipau'u Tuku'aho, Elizabeth Bott, Elizabeth Wood-Ellem, Melenaite Taumoefolau, Tuna Fielakepa and Jacob Love for helpful comments on a draft of this paper. - 228 Page of endnotes - 229 Page of endnotes - 230 Page of endnotes - 231 REFERENCES  Bain, K. R., 1955. Hā'ele 'a Kuini 'Elisapesi II Mo e Tiuke 'o 'Etinipua ki Tonga. London: Pitkin.  ——1967. The Friendly Islanders. A Story of Queen Salote and her People. London: Hodder and Stoughton.  Beaglehole, J. C, 1967. The Journals of Captain James Cook on his Voyages of Discovery. The Voyage of the Resolution and Discovery 1776-1780. Cambridge: Published for the Hakluyt Society at the University Press.  Bott, Elizabeth, with the assistance of Tavi, 1982. Tongan Society at the Time of Captain Cook's Visits: Discussions with Her Majesty Queen Sālote Tupou. Wellington: The Polynesian Society.  Churchward, C. M., 1959. Tongan Dictionary. London: Oxford University Press.  Collocott, E.E.V., 1928. Tales and Poems of Tonga. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 46. Honolulu.  Forster, G., 1986. A Voyage Round the World. Georg Forsters Werke, Bearbeitet von Robert L. Kahn. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.  Gifford, E.W., 1929. Tongan Society. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 61.Honolulu.  Gunson, N., 1987. Sacred women chiefs and female „headmen‟ in Polynesian history. Journal of Pacific History, 22(3): 139-71.  Herda, P., 1987. Gender, rank and power in 18th century Tonga. The Journal of Pacific History, 22 (4): 195-208.  Kaeppler, A.L., 1971. Rank in Tonga. Ethnology, 10(2):174-93.  ——1978a. Exchange patterns in goods and spouses: Fiji,Tonga, and Samoa. Mankind, ll(3):246-52.  ——1978b. Me'a Faka'eiki: Tongan funerals in a changing society. In N. Gunson, (ed.), The Changing Pacific: Essays in Honour of H. E. Maude. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, pp. 174-202.  ——1990. Art, aesthetics, and social structure. In P. Herda, J. Terrell and N. Gunson (eds), Tongan Culture and History. Canberra: Australian National University, pp. 59-71.  ——MS. 1990. Kie hingoa: Mats of power. Paper presented at the Fourth meeting of the Tongan History Association. Auckland, New Zealand.  ——1993a. Poetics and politics of Tongan laments and eulogies. American Ethnologist, 20 (3):474-501.  ——1993b. Poetry in Motion: Studies of Tongan Dance. Nuku'alofa, Tonga: Vava'u Press.  ——1996. The investiture of 'Ulukālala VII: A moment in history. In J.M. Davidson, G. Irwin, F. Leach, A. Pawley and D. Brown (eds), Oceanic Culture History: Essays in Honour of Roger Green. [Dunedin]: New Zealand Journal of Archaeology Special Publication, pp. 475-89.  Krämer, A., 1994 [1902-1903]. The Samoa Islands. An Outline of a Monograph with Particular Consideration of German Samoa. Volume I: Constitution, Pedigrees and Traditions. Translated by Theodore Verhaaren. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. - 232  ——1995 [1902-1903]…. Volume 2: Material Culture. Translated by Theodore Verhaaren. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.  Martin, J., 1827. An Account of the Natives of the Tongan Islands in the South Pacific Ocean. Compiled from William Mariner. 3rd edition. Edinburgh: Constable.  Rogers, G., 1977. „The father's sister is black‟: A consideration of female rank and powers in Tonga. Journal of the Polynesian Society, 68:93-114.  Schoeffel, P., 1995. The Samoan concept of feagaiga and its transformation. In J. Huntsman (ed.), Tonga and Samoa. Images of Gender and Polity. Christchurch: Macmillan Brown Centre for Pacific Studies, pp. 85-109.  Taumoefolau, M., 1991. Is the father's sister really “black”? Journal of the Polynesian Society, 100(l):91- 98.  Weiner, A.B., 1985. Inalienable wealth. American Ethnologist, 12 (2):210-27. 1 Except in a secondary sense for those kie associated with the investiture of titles, see below. 2 They are usually called 'ie tōga by Samoans today, but there are differing views about this name and what it means. Samoans often say that tōga refers to Tonga-disregarding vowel quality. Schoeffel writes herein that 'ie in Samoan means „cloth‟. The cognate word, kie, in Tongan refers to a very soft and fine pandanus. I suggest, as does Schoeffel herein, that tooga could mean „treasure or valuable‟. Tōga, in Samoan, also refers to “women's goods”, corresponding to the Tongan term koloa (in distinction to the Samoan term 'oloa which refers to men's goods, and which corresponds to the Tongan term ngāue, see below). My reading of the Samoan term 'ie tōga would be „a treasure made of fine pandanus leaves‟, having nothing to do with the word meaning “south” or Tonga as a place. Krämer (1995:343- 44) associated 'ie tōga with Tonga, “not because they originated in Tonga but because its origin and significance is so closely associated with that land….It must be stressed that the “o” in the word toga is not pronounced open but in most cases closed and quite long, like tooga, and indeed one often sees it spelled that way by Samoans. That is why V. Bülow op. 17 interprets it differently, namely like toina (toga) mai le lagi „brought from heaven‟”. 3 A few oral traditions associated with kie hingoa were written down by researchers for the Tonga Traditions Committee during the 1960s. These traditions, all in the Tongan language, are part of the Palace Office Archives; some are in bound ledger books, others have been typed and are noted here as (POA) and a file-folder number. I wish to thank Tākapu, Ami Lātā, Māopa Kupu and Albert Tu'ivanuavou Vaea for their help in locating the little information that exists, and Sister Mary Tu'ifua who helped me translate some of the difficult passages. 4 Most sisi are sisi kakala, decorative waist garments made of flowers, which are also named. Many sisi kakala specialists come from the Tu'i Tonga's village of Lapaha, but today the sisi are not usually made in secrecy inside a house. However, some village women still have secret processes for making ritual garments for the daughters of their chiefs, such as the “fulufululupe” from Fāhefa. 5 Some believe that Fuanunuiava was adopted by Tupoumoheofo (Gunson 1987:162, note 86). 6 See Kramer 1994:334-38 for the history of the Fale'ula and its association with the Maāietoa line. Also footnote 341, p. 417, “Fale'ula is the name of the royal house of Tuimanu'a and of the well known village community in Tuamasaga”. See Krämer 1994:325 for Ama of Safata. In note 323, p. 416, Krämer notes, “The Malietoa group (especially Ama in Safata) at times brings to light this relationship of the Sāāsomua and Tapusalaia with the Tongan royalty in order to enhance the status of the Malietoa family”. 7 Names of mats, and other borrowed words, are spelled as they are in Tongan. 8 Later in a footnote, Krāmer states that “Pipimale'ele'ele and Moeilefuefue are the names of the two oldest and most famous mats. Naturally the reports concerning the origin of the mats vary greatly” (1994:498, note 83) [my emphasis]. See other stories in Krāmer about this mat (1994:465-66, 470-71). 9 In a manuscript in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, a mid-19th century Samoan, Penisimane, records these same names for this mat (Jacob Love, pers. comm.). 10 10. Also the name of a Tongan mat, as are others on Tauese's list. 11 Although opinions vary if it was these two kie or others. The names of both of the mats associate them with Manu'a. 12 Mo'unga also refers here to Mo'unga 'o Tonga, the Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua who was the father of Ngata, the first Tu'i Kanokupolu. 13 One of these was the use of “Laumata 'oFainga'a” as the feta'u „corpse cover‟ at the funeral of the Tu'i Tonga, Tu'itātui, where it is said that its proper name is “Laumata-'o-Sisi-mo-Fainga'a” (POA/103/2B). 14 This version is in a bound volume in the Palace Office Archives. Other versions of the story say that Tupouto'a-TungI wore “Hau 'o Momo” and Tu'i Pelehake wore “Laumata 'o Fainga'a”, or that Tupouto'a-TungT wore both of them. However, Tu'i Pelehake verified that he wore “Hau 'o Momo” (pers. comm. 1997). 15 Queen Sālote had another son, Viliami Tuku'aho, who died unmarried in 1936 at the age of 16. 16 Sāngone's shell, on the other hand, is said to have subsequently been sold in Fiji, where it was acquired by the Tu'i Kanokupolu line. This loss is said to be symbolic of the loss of power of the Tu'i Tonga line and the acquisition of power by the Tu'i Kanokupolu. The shell was made into an elaborate comb and is now in the possession of Princess Pilolevu (see Kaeppler 1993b:43 for an illustration). 17 See Rogers 1977 and Taumoefolau 1991 for detail on mehekitanga. 18 Since the 19th century, Lavinia is a chiefly female name in the Tu'i Tonga line. This Lavinia was a twin (māhanga) and is usually called Lavinia Māhanga. 19 Composer is unknown to me. 20 “Falatungua”, “Lālanga 'a Matuku”, and “Lālanga 'a 'Utukaunga” from this group of mats are mentioned in “Ulamoleka's Poem on the Death of Veainu”. Collocott, however, does not appear to recognise which are the names of mats and which ones are types of mats (1928:82, 141 note 6). 21 Lātūtama and Ma'afu'otu'itonga had many descendants, see Bott (1982), Fig. 30, p. 152. 22 Sinaitakala and Fā'otusia had a daughter, Fana, who married Makahokovalu, a son of Tuita and Lātūfuipeka, who had no children. 23 Apparently they had no children. 24 Fale Fisi is a descent line that originated when the Tu 'i Tonga Fefine, Sinaitakala, married a Fijian, Tapu'osi. The importation of a Fijian husband for the Tu'i Tonga Fefine began what was considered a “foreign house”—the Fale Fisi. This resolved certain inconsistencies arising from the Tongan social system. That is, although the children of the Tu'i Tonga's sister might outrank the Tu'i Tonga within his own family, they were not eligible to inherit the title. The Fale Fisi is lower when it comes to ha'a (title) rank even though individuals of the Fale Fisi may be higher as far as kāinga (family) status is concerned (Kaeppler 1971:181). 25 This term is probably related to the Samoan concept of feagaiga, which refers to the complementary relationship of sororal and fraternal descendants (Schoeffel 1995:96). 26 Thereby keeping the highest blood within the family, also a function of kitetama (cross-cousin marriage), see Kaeppler 1971:185-86, and footnote 25, pp. 192-93. 27 According to LātūNiua, Heu 'ifanga kept several kie in a box in her room. They included important kie that were to be used for the wedding of the crown prince, Tupouto'a. Eventually she gave these to Queen Mata'aho for the wedding of her son. However, as the crown prince is still unmarried, the kie are probably still with the Queen. LātūNiua wore one of Heu'ifanga's kie when she danced a tau'olunga at the coronation celebration of Tupou IV (Kaeppler 1993b:132, Fig. 9.6). The last two kie kept by Heu'ifanga were used during her funeral ceremonies. 28 Tuna Fielakepa (pers. comm. 1989) said that she questioned her mehekitanga, Luseane, about kie hingoa. She graciously shared this and other information about them with me. 29 The groom's aunts are traditionally in the same room with the couple during their first night together. Their function is to monitor the virgin blood. 30 An account of this wedding is in the Palace Office Archives, however, the people who work there say that this account is not accurate. Most of the information given here is taken from my own notes taken during these rituals, and from conversations with Princess Pilolevu and Queen Mata'aho. 31 There was a great deal of other koloa. Here we are only concerned with the kie. 32 “Valatauotamasese” was given to Pilolevu by Tuna 'Ulukālala after the funeral of her husband 'Ulukālala Ha'amea. 33 This may come to pass, as the Crown Prince is unmarried and has no legitimate descendants. 34 This is probably the same mat as “Tokelau-o-Vaoto” (see appendix). Three of my most important and reliable mentors told me that this was the same mat presented and depicted in the Tongan newspaper 35 “Hinahinatelangi,” a woman of the Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua line was the sister of 'Uliafu, the wife of Tu'i Ha'ateiho Fakatakatu. 'Uliafu adopted Hinahinatelangi's son, Tungīmana'ia, who became a Tu'i Ha'ateiho and to which the Veikune line is connected. 36 The marriage was probably unacceptable because of Heimataura's father, a foreigner of little consequence. 37 'Ofa was a candidate for marriage with Tupou II at the time he married Lavinia. In fact, we might conjecture that one reason that Tupou II chose Lavinia was that she would bring the Tu'i Tonga blood—along with the Tu'i Tonga mats—to his descendants. 38 Half-sister of Queen Sālote (see below for kie hingoa used at her funeral). 39 Also quoted in Herda 1987:204. 40 Elizabeth Wood-Ellem, pers. comm. 41 This information was given to me by Nanasipau'u Tuku'aho, who received it from Tangitopa Veikune who had looked after the kie for Queen Sālote and Queen Mata'aho. Tangitopa had written down the information in her notebook, which she still keeps as a treasure. 42 Tu'i Pelehake verified that he wore “Mata-o-Taone” (pers. comm. 8 July 1997). 43 Women were not part of this ceremony. 44 See Figure 5 for Lavinia's genealogy. She is low in this case because she descends from the brother of a brother-sister pair, while Tupou IV descends from the sister. 45 See Kaeppler 1996 for a detailed analysis of this event. 46 Translation with the help of Sister Tu'ifua and Melenaite Taumoefolau. 47 See footnote 13 (POA/103/2B). Sisi and Fainga'a are also names of places in the sky. 48 However, they were probably removed before burial. 49 The spellings used here are as Ve'ehala listed them in his ledger book. 50 It is unlikely that anyone present would serve as fahu to Fusipala; tracing a descendant of a brother-sister pair in Fusipala's father's line, would likely lead to Queen Sālote's sons. See the discussion above and Figure 5. However, according to 'Amanaki Havea, he remembered an occasion following Fusipala's death when 'Alipate Tupou wore white while everyone else wore black, suggesting that he stood in a fahu relationship to Fusipala—having descended from a sister of a brother-sister pair two generations back, while Fusipala descended from the brother of this brother-sister pair (three generations back for her). 51 The next important state funeral was that of the Queen's consort, Tungī Mailefihi, in 1941; I have not been able to find details about kie hingoa. 52 Toka has many meanings, but here means „beforehand‟ or „ready-made‟ (Churchward 1959:487). 53 In this context it should be remembered that Halaevalu Mata'aho was the granddaughter of the Tamahā Lātūfuipeka and great- granddaughter of Tu'i Tonga Fefine Nanasipau'u (see Fig. 7), who apparently was the keeper of “Lilomomu'a”. 54 Nanasi Helu told me of an occasion in which Queen Sālote asked her to find a specific kie in her box. Nanasi, a commoner (and a good Christian), refused on the grounds that it would be too dangerous for her to even touch them. Queen Sālote agreed and called for one of the chiefly women to help her.