Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age (Alexander Fantalkin)

© The British MuseumNaukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 199 Abstract Although Greek contacts with the Southern Levant during the Iron Age have been studied at length, the matter remains controversial in many aspects. The present study provides an overview of East- West contacts during the first half of the 1st millennium bc, suggesting to divide it into five major periods of contact. These periods, involving a different chronological setting, are characterized by different ‘total contexts’, heavily shaped by geo- political dynamics. It is suggested that every period of contacts (or their absence) requires a different explanation. Introduction For scholars interested in Greek contacts with the Southern Levant during the Iron Age two developments in the late 7th century bc are truly remarkable: the establishment of Naukratis in Egypt and the massive appearance of East Greek pottery on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean. It is not surprising therefore that these themes were chosen, inter alia, for the 28th British Museum Classical Colloquium. 1 However, any attempt at discerning and decoding patterns in the dispersion of East Greek pottery in the Levant, as well as explaining the Naukratis phenomenon, requires an understanding of East–West contacts during the first half of the 1st millennium bc. Such an overview is undertaken here. However, since I could not hope in the present format to do justice to the whole range of issues that preoccupy scholars dealing with Greeks in the East, I offer instead an extremely brief synopsis of Greeks in the East during the Iron Age, with special emphasis on a few thorny issues. Since I shall concentrate on a number of broad historical/archaeological issues, it is perhaps prudent to acknowledge that every generation writes its own history and that every scholar has a view of the past coloured by his/her education, experience and environment. I have no pretensions therefore that my interpretations of East–West contacts will be taken as the only possible scenario. On the other hand, I hope that among the pool of potential explanations for the changing nature of East-West contacts, the model I offer best accounts for the available evidence. 2 From an epistemological point of view, I am on the side of many who argue that among the three main poles – realism, positivism and idealism 3 – it is usually realism that offers the most useful point of departure for any archaeological reconstruction, especially when this realism is combined with a healthy dose of scepticism and a pinch of imagination. 4 And although I can accept, at least to a certain extent, that in too many cases ‘there are no facts, only interpretations’, archaeology does often supply facts. Some facts, such as the presence or absence of Greek pottery on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean, matter a great deal. The question remains: what we are going to do with these facts? But before I embark on the ‘pots and people’ question, I would like to emphasize the significance of the historical/chronological context – the backbone of any historical interpretation. The accumulation of data, an essential beginning, should lead to contextualization involving the understanding that different chronological settings may represent different geo- political dynamics. Ian Morris rightly observes that one of the major shortcomings of the post-modern trend of emphasising connectivity and mobility is its timelessness. 5 He points out that many of what he calls first wave studies ‘showing links between Greek and Near Eastern cultures, often threw together evidence scattered across centuries, disregarding traditional chronologies’. 6 The recent contribution of Horden and Purcell takes this approach even further, 7 arguing ‘against interpretations that emphasize radical change and violent discontinuity in the Mediterranean past’. 8 What is offered instead is a vision of a permanently integrated Mediterranean, wherein change is constant and ubiquitous, but generally local in its effects. Such a reconstruction, with its emphasis on microregions, leaves little room for pivotal turning points in Mediterranean history, since the assumed connectivity stretches across extremes of time, by-passing geo-political boundaries and empires, together with symbolically expressed ideologies of economic exchange and political domination. 9 With mobility as the norm and a permanent feature of human activity around the Mediterranean shores, we are forced to ask questions differently. Or, as Emma Blake recently put it, ‘rather than ask, why did people move, one may ask, why did people stay put in some cases?’ 10 Heavily affected by current globalization, 11 Horden and Purcell’s vision of the Mediterranean is already considered by some, and not without reason, as ‘one of those manifest watersheds in the study of antiquity’, which will take a generation of historians to digest. 12 Indeed, taking into consideration a number of earlier studies in favour of a permanently connected Mediterranean, one is tempted to suppose that we are witnessing a paradigm shift. 13 What is missing in the portrait of a permanently connected Mediterranean, however, is the notion of historical/ chronological context. In this regard, Bakhtin’s concept of the total context of an utterance provides an applicable insight. The total context relates to the ways in which voices circulate in both spoken and written dialogues and, according to Bakhtin, is unrepeatable. 14 Even if one repeats the words employed in the same order, the total context would be always different, if for no other reason than because the words have already been uttered once. 15 And when Horden and Purcell insert the distribution of Late Bronze Age ox-hide ingots into the model of a permanently connected Mediterranean, for instance, comparing it simplistically with the whole spectrum of later metallurgical distributive systems, 16 the ‘total unrepeatable context’ of Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age Alexander Fantalkin © The British Museum 200| Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt Fantalkin particular periods is lost. The problem is not one of comparing some chronologically distant metallurgical distributive systems. After all, the merits of the comparative approach are undeniable. 17 Likewise, analogies are appropriate tools and salient features of any historical/archaeological investigation. The problem is a deliberate unwillingness to recognize that the distribution of Late Bronze Age ox-hide ingots should be understood on its own terms and against the background of Late Bronze Age geo-political dynamics, 18 which are a world apart from the distributive systems of the Greeks and Romans, let alone those of medieval Genoa. Or, as Mario Liverani observes, ‘the “Bronze Age”, invented as a classificatory device for tools and weapons, can still be used as a large historical label, encompassing similarly structured socioeconomic systems and quite sharply opposed to the (differently labelled) preceding and succeeding periods’; (emphasis added – A.F.). 19 Although it might be relevant, I am not concerned here with the long-running debate involving polarising tendencies ‘to see the past as Same (a primitive version of our present, which teleologically evolves into it) or as Other (as a remote, alien, fundamentally different world)’. 20 My main concerns are socially embedded cultural contexts 21 and their chronological settings. Therefore, with regard to metallurgical distributive systems, the only reliable conclusion that may be deduced from the analogies scattered across the centuries is, in my view, an acknowledgment that different distributive systems have existed in the Mediterranean at different times. However, in order to understand the forces driving these and other exchange activities, they must be viewed in their proper chronological/ historical contexts. It is not helpful to gather all the cases of connectedness and mobility under the same rubric of a permanently interconnected Mediterranean without distinguishing between different historical periods. Indeed, the presence or absence of Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age suggests that there is no single model that would explain these contacts (or their absence) through different time periods. Quite the opposite: judging from the facts on the ground (and there are some), every subsequent historical period requires a different explanation, a different narrative. Greek contact with the eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age: stressing the context The area under discussion runs from the coast east of Cilicia down to the Sinai Peninsula. The contacts in question may be divided roughly into five major periods, each involving a different chronological setting. These settings are characterized by different ‘total contexts’ heavily shaped by geo-political dynamics. First period: a renewal of contact The first period is characterized by the presence of mainly Euboean pottery (but also Attic and Atticizing) found in northern Syria, Phoenicia and northern Israel in the late 10th, the 9th and the better part of the 8th centuries bc. 22 The assumed Phoenician superiority in virtually everything leaves, according to many modern scholars, no room for independent Euboean ventures at such an early date, especially to the East. When even pure Cypriot ventures are labelled Cypro- Phoenician, 23 it is quite obvious that Euboeans could not compete with the advanced Phoenicians, let alone establish a trading post at Al Mina toward the end of the 9th century bc. The dominant view among Aegean specialists, although with notable exceptions, is that the Phoenicians brought Euboean pottery with them to the East. 24 However, the trend during the last decades of pinpointing the beginning of Phoenician expansion to as early as the 11th/10th centuries bc, 25 if not earlier, is based almost entirely on a handful of presumably historical sources: to a lesser extent on the so-called ‘Report of Wenamun’ 26 and to a larger extent on the biblical accounts regarding the cooperation between Kings Solomon and Hiram I. 27 These sources can no longer be treated as reliable. 28 Furthermore, the low Iron Age chronology, advanced in Israel nearly a decade ago, 29 has enormous implications for the Aegean world. First, it leaves no room for Phoenician colonial expansion before the late 9th–early 8th centuries bc. 30 The presence of imported Phoenician vases in the assemblages at Palaepaphos Skales 31 should not imply the beginning of Phoenician colonisation of Cyprus before their establishment in Kition at the late 9th century bc. 32 Indeed, judging from available archaeological evidence, the initial Phoenician expansion overseas, accompanied by settlements abroad, took place only in the second half of the 9th century bc; and I refer to the well- known Phoenician establishment at Kition, 33 but also to evidence from new radiocarbon dating from Carthage 34 and Southern Spain. 35 In my view, this expansion may be explained as a result of pressure from Hazael, the king of Aram Damascus. 36 A plethora of archaeological data accumulated in Israel, such as Hazael’s inscriptions 37 and possible destruction layers, mostly in northern Israel, 38 but also to the south in biblical Gath, 39 suggests that Hazael’s kingdom was one of the most serious players in the Southern Levant during the second half of the 9th century bc. 40 I believe that Susan Frankenstein’s theory, 41 that the Phoenician specialization in trade, accompanied by their settlements abroad, should not be seen entirely as free-trade activity, but rather in the context of their functioning as commercial agents for the Neo-Assyrian Empire, is basically correct. However, judging from the archaeological data regarding the beginning of Phoenician expansion overseas, this delicate arrangement, which eventually transformed the Phoenicians into pan-Mediterranean traders, started in the days of Hazael, with Phoenicians serving the trade ambitions of Aram Damascus. 42 Second, and even more important, the low Syro-Palestinian chronology provides, finally, an anchor for Aegean Proto- Geometric and Geometric chronologies. 43 A minimalist approach to the beginning of Phoenician affairs in the Mediterranean 44 leads, in conjunction with a low chronology, 45 to an emphasis on the principal role played by the Euboeans in the renewal of contact between East and West, 46 culminating in the establishment of Al Mina sometime around 800 bc. 47 This, of course, occurred on behalf of local rulers. 48 The same pattern will be observed almost 200 years later, with the establishment of Naukratis in Egypt. In this regard, Boardman’s notion that we should consider a trading port at Al Mina as a modest precursor of Naukratis is rather attractive. 49 The Greek presence in the Eastern Mediterranean at this early period seems always to be restricted and controlled by local © The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 201 Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age authorities. 50 Therefore, I strongly disagree with the idea that accepting a prominent Euboean role in Early Iron Age journeys to the East makes one Helleno-centrist. 51 The Euboeans were conducting these journeys because they were interested in re- establishing lost contacts with the East. 52 It would give to the ruler of Lefkandi, for example, an enormous advantage compared to other contemporary Greek rulers. 53 For the Greek side it meant a great deal. For the East, it does not seem to mean much at all. But for the Greeks it meant the beginning of the Orientalizing movement, with a minor Phoenician contribution, but mainly, through the Syrians, as was already suggested long ago and on many occasions by John Boardman. To this, one should add the adoption of the Greek alphabet, sometime around the middle of the 8th century bc. 54 All in all, although the renewal of contact may be attested during the 10th/9th centuries bc, it certainly intensified during the better part of the 8th century bc at least until the beginning of the Neo-Assyrian domination over the Southern Levant. Second period: the Neo-Assyrian domination Greek contacts with the East were halted by Assyrian expansion; here we arrive at a second period, the period of Assyrian domination. The recent understanding of the processes that took place in the Southern Levant near the end of the 8th and during the main part of the 7th centuries bc shows unprecedented involvement of the Assyrian administration in local affairs. This involvement may be seen in a variety of fields, such as the annexation of many Levantine kingdoms accompanied by the transformation of some of them into Assyrian provinces; population exchanges; re-arrangement of the borders and intensive construction activity. The latter is particularly visible in the coastal area, which is dotted with Assyrian emporia and fortresses. 55 One of the most important Assyrian goals was the supervision of Phoenician trading activity. In this regard, as I have already stated, Susan Frankenstein’s theory viewing the Phoenicians as commercial agents for the Neo-Assyrian Empire seems to be basically correct. 56 Concerning the Eastern Mediterranean, it is quite clear that every aspect of Phoenician commerce was closely overseen and taxed by Assyrian officials. What we are witnessing here is a delicate balancing act. On the one hand, the Phoenicians enjoyed the stability produced by the pax Assyriaca and the exclusive access to the network of trade-routes and trade-centres across the Eastern Mediterranean. On the other hand, their commerce was strictly regulated and taxed. 57 The Phoenicians involved in commercial and colonial activities in the Western Mediterranean, far from their Assyrian masters, doubtless enjoyed a higher degree of flexibility than their counterparts in the Eastern Mediterranean. From the point of view of the present colloquium, however, the most important conclusion is that, with regard to the southern Levant, this new world-order left most of the mainland Greeks quite effectively out of the game. The single limited point of contact that was left was again Al Mina, which became a port of trade toward the end of the 8th and during the 7th centuries bc. But after c. 700 bc, Euboean imports to the Southern Levant almost disappear. Starting from Al Mina’s Level 6, it is mainly East Greek pottery that shows up during the period of Assyrian domination, not Euboean. Besides it is not yet entirely clear who was responsible for carrying this pottery to Al Mina. Did it arrive directly from Eastern Greece or was the Cypriot connection involved? What appears to be quite clear, however, is that mainland Greece seems to be without direct connections with the East, starting from the period of the Neo-Assyrian domination. In fact, excluding Al Mina, while even at this site there is a clear structural break between Levels 7 and 6, Greek pottery (except for a few insignificant cases) is almost non-existent in the Neo-Assyrian contexts. 58 This contrasts with a much broader distribution prior to the Neo-Assyrian domination and, especially, immediately after its collapse. Lanfranchi’s recent speculations regarding Greek contact with the Neo-Assyrian Empire, 59 which are based, archaeologically, almost exclusively on Haider’s earlier study, 60 will find no echo in the archaeological realities of the Southern Levant. Dependent as they are on mistaken representations and understandings of the archaeological data involved, 61 Lanfranchi’s historical implications, according to which Assyrians favoured Greeks over Phoenicians in commercial and settlement activities in the southern Levant, 62 can confidently be rejected. Similar confusion regarding the Greek pottery in the Southern Levant appears in Rollinger’s recent attempt to draw a picture of Greek contacts with the East during Neo-Assyrian period. 63 Likewise, his suggestion that we consider the individuals mentioned in the Near-Eastern texts as Iaman + suffixes other than ¯aya as possible Greeks acting in the midst of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, seems to reside on rather shaky ground. Both archaeological and historical data suggest that during the Neo-Assyrian regime the Greeks occupied a marginal space in the Mesopotamian understanding of the universe. Bearing in mind the Neo-Assyrian imperial ideology, with its pretensions of ruling a universal domain, 64 such a role for Greeks is understandable. Located in the ‘midst of the sea’, 65 where the Neo-Assyrian regime was not able to insert them physically into the ‘correct relationship’ with the imperial new-world order, Greeks were reduced to the status of ‘disparate, remote people living on the edge of the world’ 66 in the Neo-Assyrian mappa mundi. The Phoenicians apparently were chosen to serve as commercial agents for the Neo-Assyrian empire not because they were natural-born traders, 67 although their expertise should not be underestimated, but because the Neo-Assyrian regime was able to control their trade, which was not without benefits for both sides. Given this state of affairs, I tend to agree with Helm’s suggestion that, for the Greek side, ‘the imperial obligations imposed on permanent residents in Assyrian provinces made life in the Levant unattractive’. 68 Indeed, as Helm pointed out more than 25 years ago: Even in the few nominally independent port cities such as Arvad, Tyre, Ashkelon and Gaza it is likely that Greek traders would have encountered Assyrian administrators, commercial regulations and economic institutions. It was doubtless these contacts, and the contacts with other representatives of Assyrian provincial government, which gave visiting Greeks the not inaccurate impression that the entire east Mediterranean coast comprised ’Assuri&h. 69 The unprecedented involvement of the Neo-Assyrian administration in the local affairs of the Southern Levant (see above), attested both historically and archaeologically, is certainly in accord with Helm’s suggestions. In this regard, Amélie Kuhrt’s rather sceptical look at the evidence for direct © The British Museum 202| Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt Fantalkin contact between Greece and the Mesopotamian empires is particularly revealing. 70 Although, as in the earlier periods, the Greeks definitely continued to meet Easterners, this time these were mostly Phoenician competitors. And these are indeed the Homeric Phoenicians. 71 The nature of direct contact between the Greeks and the Near East during the second period in my provisional scheme suggests therefore the beginning of a ‘Great Divide’ rather than Burkert’s Orientalizing revolution. 72 It should be explicitly stated, however, that the concept of a Great Divide does not imply an immediate break in contacts. It is better described as a gradual process, starting with Tiglath- pileser III’s annexation of the kingdom of Unqi/Patina in 738/737 bc. If Zadok’s identification of Al Mina as A∆tâ in Tiglath-pileser’s inscription on the Iran stele is correct, 73 this might indicate that right after the annexation of Unqi, an Assyrian emporium was installed at Al Mina, 74 in order to regulate and incorporate the existing Greek enclave into the sphere of the Neo-Assyrian realm. Already at that time, a letter from Calah (Nimrud)(ND 2370), sent most probably to Tiglath- pileser III by Qurdi-Aššur-la ¯mur, points to a possible Ionian raid on the Phoenician coast. 75 To this one may add a reference to the town of Yauna, mentioned in a Neo-Assyrian letter (ND 2737) published a few years ago by Saggs. 76 The letter contains no firmly dateable details. However, the themes discussed and the arenas of operation seem to be echoed in the letters of Qurdi- Aššur-la ¯mur, who was probably the governor of S . imirra in the time of Tiglath-pileser III. 77 In this regard, Na’aman’s suggestion that we identify the town of Yauna with Ras el-Bassit, 78 would, if accepted, point to a possible Greek presence at this site at that time. Hereafter, however, the handful of Neo-Assyrian sources that mention Ionians, mostly in hostile contexts, 79 when combined with an almost total lack of Greek pottery in the Neo- Assyrian assemblages (see above), leave little doubt about an intensification of the Great Divide. Third period: stressing the significance of the late 7th-century BC contact, during a brief period of Egyptian domination The next period, although chronologically brief, is the most important for the purposes of the present colloquium. I refer to some 20–25 years of Egyptian rule in the Southern Levant, following the Assyrian withdrawal. When the Assyrians pulled out from the Levant sometime in the twenties of the 7th century bc, 80 the Egyptians took over their territories and ruled until the Babylonian invasion. This period, the third in my provisional schema of the Greek presence in the Levant, lasted until the Babylonian destructions at the end of the 7th and in the early 6th centuries bc. The sudden and massive appearance of East Greek pottery on the coastal plain of Israel toward the end of the 7th century bc 81 and its subsequent disappearance after only a few years fit the time-span during which the area fell under Egyptian rule. 82 Following Nadav Na’aman’s insightful observations, I have elsewhere discussed at length the East Greek pottery assemblages found in places such as Ashkelon, and the fortresses of Mez . ad H . ashavyahu and Kabri, arguing that these represent Greek mercenaries in the employ of the Egyptians. 83 In this reconstruction, the placement of these garrisons along the coast together with the employment of Kittimalong the southern fringe of the kingdom of Judah, conformed to two Egyptian goals: first, to protect the coastal plain – the main route to the North; and second, to protect the Arabian trade networks, which the Egyptians inherited from the Assyrians. 84 The modest finds of East Greek pottery in the vicinity of major military bases 85 probably reflect Greek mercenary activities in these areas rather than pottery trade. Many scholars, however, have claimed that the abundance of East Greek pottery should be taken as evidence of East Greek trade. 86 In these reconstructions even the coarse East Greek cooking pots are considered a tradable commodity to the East. 87 In my view, most of these reconstructions are untenable. The attested distribution and the nature of East Greek finds in the region of Palestine are insufficient to prove either the existence of a developed pottery trade 88 or the existence of a directional exchange of other goods that may be less visible in the archaeological record. 89 An additional point that argues in favour of East Greek mercenary garrisons rather than trading emporia is the restriction of East Greek trade to Naukratis in Egypt. 90 It must be remembered that the establishment of Naukratis toward the end of the 7th century bc overlaps with the appearance of East Greek pottery on the Israeli coast. There is hardly any doubt that the entire coastal plain up to Phoenicia should be considered Egyptian domain. 91 In these circumstances it is reasonable to assume that Egyptians would not have allowed the uncontrolled establishment of East Greek emporia on the Southern Levantine coast, just as they did not allow it in Egypt itself. While Phoenicia proper and the areas to the north might have enjoyed East Greek trade during the Egyptian interlude, 92 the evidence collected so far from the southern part of the Eastern Mediterranean points mainly to East Greek mercenary activity. 93 The sudden appearance of Greek mercenaries in the East and their employment by the different Near Eastern Powers continues to be a subject of debate. 94 In my opinion, both historical and archaeological evidence suggests that the presence of Greek mercenaries in the region should be explained as an organized movement orchestrated by a central Egyptian authority. These Greeks were not individual mercenary adventurers but were formally garrisoned. 95 I cannot accept the ideas expressed by several scholars that East Greek assemblages point to individual adventurers or small groups of Greek mercenaries 96 pursuing Homeric honour and glory. 97 I dealt with this issue in detail a few years ago, 98 and I intend to expand the discussion elsewhere. Likewise, today I am even more convinced that attempts to attribute the employment of Greek mercenaries to Egyptian vassals, be it the kingdom of Judah or the kingdom of Tyre, should be abandoned. Most recently, however, Wenning 99 defended his date for the establishment of Mez . ad H . ashavyahu between 600 and 598 bc, under the reign of King Jehoiakim. 100 This is in contrast to Na’aman’s suggestion that the fortress of Mez . ad H . ashavyahu was abandoned in 604 bc, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar II launched a campaign to the Philistine Coast and destroyed Ashkelon. 101 In my opinion, however, Na’aman’s scenario remains the most plausible option. Moreover, I hope I was able to demonstrate that since the abandonment pattern attested at Mez . ad H . ashavyahu points to a ‘planned abandonment without anticipated return’, 102 it fits nicely with the assumption that this Egyptian fortress was intentionally abandoned in face of the approaching Babylonian army. 103 © The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 203 Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age The historical improbability of Wenning’s scenario, on the other hand, which attributes the employment of Greek mercenaries to Jehoiakim, who was an Egyptian vassal, has already been demonstrated 104 and there is no need to revisit it here. Likewise, from a strictly archaeological point of view, Wenning’s entire case rests on the presence of a single pottery sherd he attributes to the North Ionian Late Wild Goat style. Even if we assume that the sherd has been identified correctly, Wenning’s belief that it cannot be earlier than 600 bc is untenable. The East Greek pottery chronology for this period, with its approximate dates, rests on synchronisms with Palestinian destruction levels and on synchronisms with Corinthian and Attic pottery. 105 It is simply impossible to assume such precision (+/– 4 years, which is the difference between Wenning and myself!) in dating this North Ionian East Greek sherd. In terms of absolute chronology, both the East Greek pottery and the local pottery from Mez . ad H . ashavyahu may be placed either in the late 7th or in the early 6th centuries bc. 106 Therefore one must consider the broader historical situation. In support of his thesis, Wenning cites Niemeier’s response to my treatment of the finds from Mez . ad H . ashavyahu. Niemeier’s critique, however, is confused. First he concurs with Wenning that ‘Mez . ad H . ashavyahu was erected by King Jehoiakim during the brief period of possible Judahite autonomy after 600 bc and was abandoned when Nebuchadnezzar II attacked Judah in 598/97 bc’. 107 On the next page, however, he contradicts himself, claiming that the pottery assemblage at Mez . ad H . ashavyahu may be interpreted ‘as evidence that Greek mercenaries were in the service of Egypt at the site, since the Egyptian army was the only army in which large units of Greeks served’. 108 The main issue in Niemeier’s reply, however, is to reject my suggestion to attribute the presence of the Greek garrison at Tel Kabri to the Egyptian administration, since, according to Niemeier, these Greek mercenaries were in the pay of Tyre. Niemeier’s conclusions are based on two assumptions: first, that after Assyrian withdrawal Tel Kabri belonged to Tyre; and second that the small proportion of Greek pottery found at the site points to individual soldiers of fortune pursuing Homeric values. Even if the first assumption is true, it would simply imply that the kingdom of Tyre, like the kingdom of Judah, was required to provide supplies to Egypt’s East Greek mercenaries. Likewise, Niemeier’s second assumption is hardly defensible. The proportions may be misleading, since only a small portion of the Late Iron Age fortress at Tell Kabri was excavated. 109 Besides, it is not necessary to deduce that a small proportion of Greek pottery should represent individual adventurers on behalf of Tyre rather than a small contingent stationed by the Egyptians. All in all, it appears from the archaeological record that dependent local powers were obliged to provide supplies to Greek mercenary units, and to cooperate with these Egyptian representatives in every possible way. 110 The rationale behind the establishing of the fortresses at Mez . ad H . ashavyahu and Tell Kabri is logistical. These and, most probably additional hitherto undetected fortresses, served as focal points for collecting supplies for Egyptian troops on their way to the Lebanese coast and northern Syria and, no less important, on their way back to Egypt. 111 More important, places like Mez . ad H . ashavyahu, where East Greek mercenaries co-existed with Judahites, definitely offered points of direct contact, and provided channels of cultural exchange through which certain Greek ideas penetrated into Judahite texts and vice versa. 112 But the employment of East Greek mercenaries was an Egyptian prerogative, not Judahite or Tyrian. And this is where we find the Lydian connection. The crucial role played by the Lydians with regard to the thousands of Ionian and Carian mercenaries hired by Psammetichos I emerges from the Rassam Cylinder, in which Gyges, King of Lydia, is accused by Ashurbanipal of having sent his army to the aid of Psammetichos I. 113 It appears that the first Mermnad ruler might have imprudently challenged the Assyrians during the reign of one of the most powerful Assyrian kings. In my view, Lydian imperial policy triggered a sudden explosion of East Greek activity in different directions. Space constraints prevent me from addressing this issue at proper length but I intend to do so elsewhere. I think, however, that there are good reasons to suspect that, contrary to scholarly consensus, which connects the dispersion of Ionians abroad with an aggressive Lydian and later Persian policy toward the Ionian cities, 114 it is cooperation rather than confrontation that we are witnessing here. In the East, via Egyptian connections, Lydian imperial ambitions opened the way to Greek mercenary penetration, followed by the establishment of Naukratis. In the North, it opened the way to the Ionian colonization of the Black Sea, which, I believe, is better explained in the context of rising Lydian imperialism. The role that East Greeks played on behalf of Lydian domination is much the same as that played by the Phoenicians on behalf of the Assyrians. The negative view suggested by Herodotus’ remarks regarding Ionian enslavement, first by the Lydians and later by the Persians (Hdt.1.6; 1.169), is somewhat misleading, since, archaeologically, these are the most prosperous periods in East Greece, at least until the Ionian revolt. This is quite contrary to the situation observed during the period of Athenian domination. 115 Besides, there is little doubt that Herodotus’ biased account on this issue, addressed mainly to a mid-/late 5th-century-bc Athenian audience, 116 reflects the realities and perceptions of the time of his writing, rather than genuine states of affairs in earlier periods. Summarizing the third period in my provisional schema, I wish to emphasize that from the second half of the 7th century bc, East Greece, via Lydian mediation, rediscovered Egypt and then, during a brief period of Egyptian expansion toward the end of that century, the rest of the Eastern Mediterranean. But it is East Greece that was involved in both mercenary and trade activity in the Eastern Mediterranean. For mainland Greece the Great Divide was still there. Even in the later period, during the reign of Amasis, when we hear of an Aiginetan presence in Naukratis, the Aiginetans, being the sole representatives of a broadly taken mainland Greece, ‘did set up separately a temenos of Zeus on their own initiative’. 117 What can we learn from the fact that the Aiginetans were excluded from the Hellenion, which was established by Ionians, Dorians and Aeolians in a very unusual act of early Greekness? Is it possible that the common denominator behind the mixture of the poleis that participated in the establishment of the Hellenion has more to do with the fact that all of them were located in East Greece? Whereas for the Samians and Milesians, who also kept their temene separately, a good case can be made that their presence in Naukratis goes back to the late 7th century © The British Museum 204| Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt Fantalkin bc, it would be hard to postulate the same for the Aiginetans. Perhaps what we are witnessing here is not an all-embracing pan-Hellenism 118 but rather the crystallization of an East Greek identity, dictated by geography? Fourth period: the Neo-Babylonian Empire The Neo-Babylonian period is characterized by a total lack of Greek material in the southern part of the Eastern Mediterranean. 119 During the major part of the 6th century bc, the period of greatest prosperity at Naukratis, this part of the Levant, except for a few inland areas, is in ruins, chiefly serving as a buffer zone with Egypt. 120 In the northern part of the Eastern Mediterranean, there is a settlement gap at the site of Al Mina. However, a good quantity of 6th century East Greek pottery found at Tell Sukas suggests that it may have served as a point of contact. This notion, however, should be accepted only with hesitation, since it is possible that the majority of East Greek material can be dated to the last two decades of the 7th century bc/very early 6th century bc, implying that the main phase of the Greek presence at Tell Sukas may have started during the period of Egyptian political domination, slihgtly overlapping with the beginning of the Neo-Babylonian rule. After a certain gap in the settlement’s history during the better part of the Neo-Babylonian period, the next phase of the Greek presence at Tell Sukas may be pushed into the last third of the 6th century bc, 121 implying that it should be viewed mainly as the result of Persian rule and not necessarily Neo-Babylonian. This issue, however, deserves additional study. 122 Fifth period: the beginning of Persian domination The fifth and final period in my short overview begins with the end of Babylonian and the beginning of Persian rule during the last third of the 6th century bc. A significant difference (that finds expression in the pottery repertoire) must be noted between East Greek assemblages from the end of the 7th century bc and the renewal of East Greek imports observed toward the end of the 6th and during the 5th centuries bc, which may point to commercial activity. This time, unlike in the earlier period, there is an abundance of amphorae made in Chios and Samos (but other localities are also represented) as well as banded bowls. The distribution is considerably wider than during the third period. 123 During the 5th century bc, East Greek pottery is gradually replaced by Attic imports. Properly appreciating the nuances of the Persian period, however, would require a separate study well beyond the scope of the present endeavour. Greeks and the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age: some final observations Nowadays, no scholar would even imagine reconstructing the history of Greece without considering oriental influences. And, to my mind, the only way to understand the genesis of Greek civilization is by putting it into a broad geo-political context: it is the western periphery of the East. However, I also think that making everything that has emerged on Greek soil ‘a gift from the East’ simply misses the point. If, as many modern scholars want us to believe, the impact of Eastern civilizations and influences was so total and tremendous, how and why did the ancient Greeks manage to produce the idea of the polis, a community of equal, local-born men, which stands in total opposition to everything which the East symbolizes? 124 Obviously, something has gone wrong. In my view, it is striking to realize that after the lively traffic and renewal of contact during the late 10th, the 9th and, especially, the better part of the 8th centuries bc, 125 mainland Greece, on the whole, seems to be without direct connections with the Eastern Mediterranean from the end of the 8th–early 7th centuries bc until perhaps the Persian period. The Orientalizing period in Greek history turns out to be the period of the Greeks’ exclusion from the Near Eastern milieu, the main source of cultural borrowing in the preceding centuries. But what does it mean? Does it imply viewing one of the most important developments in Greek history, the late 8th century bc ‘structural revolution’, 126 as essentially untouched by external influences? I think it requires quite the opposite. Just as the quest for the origins of European identity in the Minoan and Mycenaean civilizations appears to be the fruit of Eurocentric imagination, 127 the lengthy disengagement between mainland Greece and the Near East, triggered by the Neo-Assyrian expansion, need not imply that the rise of Greek polis culture occurred in total isolation from Near Eastern influences. In any case, we are better off de-familiarizing ourselves with the past that we study, 128 throwing away an endless search for the imaginary, pristine origins of the different civilizations connecting remote antiquity to the present. 129 Concerning the ‘East–West’ question, we are best off treating the history of both sides as one. 130 Although in many cases it is hard to pinpoint all possible channels of transmission, it is clear that even after what I have called the Great Divide, Eastern influences continued to penetrate into Greece through numerous channels: through the interaction with the Phoenicians (gradually changing from friendly to hostile), 131 through Ionian craftsmen, 132 etc. But the general path of development witnessed in many parts of the Greece from the end of the 8th century bc and later yielded something quite different from that found among the Near Eastern cultures, 133 including the Phoenicians. 134 As a matter of fact, the difference is tremendous. 135 Ian Morris captures it brilliantly, comparing the main messages behind Hesiod and prophetic literature: ‘whereas Hesiod’s instructions call for the basilees to share power with the geitones, the prophets want the kings of Judah and Israel to reform the priesthood’. 136 In the same vein, Susan and Andrew Sherratt have observed that by the 7th century bc ‘many forms of east Mediterranean goods seem to have been bypassing the Aegean, although turning up in some numbers further west; and it seems likely that some degree of ‘import restriction and substitution’ (along with other forms of cultural resistance) was taking place. At the same time, by the later part of the 8th century, evidence of a growing panhellenic consciousness in Greece itself, defined specifically in relation to a Phoenician ‘other’, combined with the rush to found overtly political colonies in the west, marks the initial conception of the two distinct ideological, cultural and politico-economic spheres which were to dominate Greek relations with the east for millennia to come.’ 137 Although it might be tempting to resurrect an unpopular notion of binarism, the simplistic concept of ‘West against the East’ offers little more than a dead end. Likewise, at least in our case, postcolonialism, and its constant obsession with hybridity, creolization and resistance, does not necessarily provide a better perspective. It might be more helpful in the case of the Western © The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 205 Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age Mediterranean, although even there it too often serves modern political agendas rather than unbiased historical interpretations. Our case is Janus-faced: on the one hand, at least until the beginning of the Persian Empire, the great powers of the Near East show little interest in Greek affairs; on the other hand, even in the periods of Greek exclusion from the Near Eastern milieu, the challenges posed by the older civilizations, and a variety of Greek responses to these challenges, continue to be among the central factors in shaping Greek identities. In many ways these influences were turned inward, negotiated among the Greeks themselves as they attempted to make sense of the East. In this regard, the concept of ‘negotiated peripherality’, developed by Nick Kardulias 138 and adopted by Ian Morris for Iron Age Greece, 139 is especially helpful. Morris argues for a nuanced and chronologically sensitive approach that takes into consideration a plethora of Greek responses to Near Eastern challenges. In his reconstruction the ‘totality of context’ is prominent, since chronologically different geo-political configurations yielded distinct Greek responses. 140 Morris also convincingly shows that these responses, triggered by the renewal of contact with the East, varied significantly among different Greek communities: some struggled to preserve the model of isolation, while others embraced the East. The basic premises of Morris’ approach are reasonable. Nevertheless, in view of the low chronology in Israel, they need to be modified in a way that emphasises Euboean agency in the initial establishment of contact, rather than Phoenician (see above). And Morris also fails to recognize, like so many others, the significance for Greeks of the Great Divide. The Mediterranean was indeed, as Morris suggests, ‘a smaller place in 700 than it had been in 800’. 141 However, despite the assumed ‘collapse of distance’ (due to the technical advances in shipbuilding), the Great Divide resulted in the gradual exclusion of mainland Greece from the Near Eastern koine and paved the way for a re-negotiation of Greek peripherality. I cannot discuss here all the possible consequences of the geo-political disengagement between mainland Greece and the Near East after the Neo-Assyrian expansion. As a telling example, however, one may consider the widespread appearance of domestic ‘Hero and tomb cults’ in late 8th century bc mainland Greece. Indeed, even if the initial occurrences of ‘tomb cults’ may be projected into the Proto-geometric period, 142 it doubtless remains a salient feature of the Late Geometric period. 143 One is tempted to ask therefore, what are the reasons for such a sudden obsession with ancestors and local heroes? How does it happen that only toward the end of the 8th century bc, Greeks everywhere begin to rediscover and admire their local past, attaching themselves to mythical ancestors and heroes? Many of the wide variety of explanations already offered have merit, 144 but the concept of a Great Divide, as suggested here, may provide an additional, explanatory background for the sudden emergence of an active quest for local roots. Once again, it is a diversity of inwardly focused Greek responses – this time to the exclusion from the Near Eastern koine – that we are witnessing. It is worth mentioning that unlike what will emerge as a poleis zone, with its Eastern influences and abundant orientalia, the ethne, which were never truly involved in dialogue with the East, showed no interest in hero and tomb cults in the periods discussed. 145 In my opinion, it is plausible to suggest that establishing ties with a remote heroic past rather than with the East should be viewed as one of the main outcomes of the Great Divide. Furthermore, it is not at all improbable that the rise of what Morris calls the ‘middling ideology’ in Archaic Greece, 146 culminating eventually in Athenian democracy, should be seen and explained against the background of this Great Divide. 147 To a certain extent, this might be a real ‘Near Eastern gift’ contributing in the most important way to the rise of the Greek polis and its institutions. If things had turned out differently and, as in previous periods, the elites of mainland Greece had maintained their links with the East, the ‘middling ideology’ would not necessarily have won. However, given that the Assyrians seem not to have had any interest in establishing direct control over remote Greece, a Great Divide was very nearly inevitable. 148 I want to conclude by pointing out that from the end of the 8th century bc until the Persian period the ‘mainland Greeks’ are barely if at all attested in the Near East. East Greece, the main mediator between East and West, is another story. But to my mind, at least during the Archaic period, it should be considered more a part of the East than a part of the West. East Greeks fully experienced this dual status. Physically they lived in the East, and were part of the Eastern milieu. But, in part because of proximity they had constant contact with their mother country and this and only this prevented East Greeks from losing their ethnic and cultural identity altogether. This was otherwise a very real possibility: we need only recall the complete assimilation of the Philistines, who, in a much earlier period, penetrated too deeply into the Levant. Notes 1 I am grateful to Udo Schlotzhauer and Alexandra Villing for their kind invitation to attend the 28th British Museum Classical Colloquium ‘The Naukratis Phenomenon: Greek Diversity in Egypt’. Likewise, I wish to express my gratitude to numerous scholars who have offered valuable comments on an earlier draft of this paper, including John Boardman, Margalit Finkelberg, Israel Finkelstein, Baruch Halpern, Peter James, Amélie Kuhrt, Irad Malkin, James Muhly, Benjamin Sass, Oren Tal, Alexandra Villing, Ran Zadok and especially Ephraim Lytle. Obviously, the responsibility for the views expressed henceforth rests with me alone. 2 In Lipton’s (2004) famous treatment of the ‘Inference to the Best Explanation’, this kind of explanation may be considered as the ‘likeliest’ and the ‘loveliest’. 3 Trigger 1998. 4 Joffee 2003, 82. 5 Morris 2003, 42. 6 See, e.g., Bernal 1987, 1991, 2001; S. Morris 1992; Burkert 1992, 2004; Faraone 1992; West 1999. 7 Horden and Purcell 2000; see also Purcell 2003; Horden 2005; Horden and Purcell 2005. 8 Horden and Purcell 2000, 5. 9 Cf. Algazi 2005, 230. 10 Blake 2004, 240. 11 Morris 2003; Morris and Manning 2005, 20-1. 12 Shaw 2001, 453. 13 See, e.g., Shaw 2001; Morris 2003; Malkin 2003a, 2004; and see papers in Blake and Knapp 2005. 14 Bakhtin 1981, 275-85; 1986, 75, 105. 15 Morson and Emerson 1990, 125-7; Joyce 2002, 29-34. 16 Horden and Purcell 2000, 347-8. 17 Kocka 2003. 18 Cf. Kolb 2004, 579-86. 19 Liverani 2005a, 48. 20 Moreland 2000, 2, emphasis in original. 21 Cf. Boggs 2004. 22 A number of studies offer useful summaries regarding the earliest Iron Age finds of Greek pottery in the Eastern Mediterranean: e.g., © The British Museum 206| Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt Fantalkin Boardman 1990a, 1999a; Waldbaum 1994; Haider 1996; Sørensen 1997; Crielaard 1999; Coldstream 1998a, 2000; Luke 2003. For the most recent finds from Tel Rehov, see Coldstream and Mazar 2003; Mazar 2004. 23 For the demolition of a long-standing scholarly consensus that the dispersion of Cypriot Black-on-Red pottery in the Aegean should be connected with a Phoenician monopoly of commercial networks, see Schreiber 2003, passim, esp. 312. 24 See Helm 1980, 95; Graham 1986; S. Morris 1992, 127, 141; Perreault 1993; Papadopoulos 1997; Sherratt and Sherratt 1998, 335; Markoe 2000, 174; Sherratt 2003, 229-30; and contraBoardman 2002a, 2002b; Lemos 2001, 2003; Luke 2003. 25 See Negbi 1992; Aubet 2000; Niemeyer 2000, 2004. 26 For ‘Report of Wenamun’ as a piece of literature rather than historical account, see Helck 1986; Baines 1999; Schipper 2005; for the date of composition, see Sass 2002, with further references. 27 For the numerous supporters of Phoenician domination in the Mediterranean already at the beginning of the Iron Age it may perhaps come as some surprise to discover that the biblical testimony regarding the cooperation between Kings Solomon and Hiram I does not reflect the realities of the 10th century bc, a fact that has been recognized for some time. The literature on the subject is enormous; see e.g. Knauf 1991; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001, 2006, with further references. 28 Needless to say that the same holds true regarding the Classical literary tradition, which suggests that the foundation of Cadiz, Utica and Lixus took place at the turn of the 12th/11th centuries bc. 29 After Finkelstein 1995a, 1996, 1999. Whether or not to accept Finkelstein’s low chronology is still a subject of ongoing discussion, mainly among Syro-Palestinian archaeologists. The literature is extensive and I do not intend to summarize the history of the question here. But judging from the most recent publications, the so- called conventional Palestinian chronology, with a huge United Monarchy of Kings David and Solomon as well as early Phoenician expansion in the days of Hiram I is, at least to my mind, doomed. 30 Fantalkin (forthcoming a). That is not to deny the existence of some meagre pre-colonial contacts with places like Cyprus, and see Gilboa 2005. 31 Bikai 1983. 32 Iacovou 2005. In any event, in terms of absolute chronology, the beginning of Bikai’s Koukliahorizon(1987, 68-9) should certainly be down-dated (Gilboa and Sharon 2001, 2003). 33 Guzzo Amadasi and Karageorghis 1977, 7; Yon 1997. 34 Docter et al. 2005; Nijboer 2005, with further references. 35 Aubet 2001, 372-81; Torres Ortiz 1998, 2005. The recent suggestion by Nijboer and Van der Plicht (2006), that the beginning of Phoenician settlement activity abroad may be pinpointed to the first half of the 9th century bc, if not before, is barely defensible, as it is based on a few 14 C dates obtained from a secondary mixed deposit at Huelva (south-west Spain). 36 For detailed accounts of Hazael’s realm, see Na’aman 1995a; Dion 1997, 191-204; Yamada 2000, 310-20; Hafthorsson 2006. 37 See Biran and Naveh 1993, 1995; Na’aman 2000; Irvine 2005. 38 See Na’aman 2000; Coldstream and Mazar 2003; Finkelstein 2004. 39 Maeir 2004. 40 Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006, 30-2. 41 Frankenstein 1979. 42 Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006, 31. 43 Fantalkin 2001a; Coldstream 2003. The most recent suggestion that the Proto-Geometric period should start c. 1100 bc, if not earlier (Newton et al. 2005a, 2005b), is impossible to sustain. Such a drastic upward chronological revision for the Proto-Geometric period, based on the data from Assiros, is unacceptable as it stands against all other data collected in the southern Levant. Besides, the Proto- Geometric amphora in question is not necessarily correctly identified and may belong typologically to Submycenaean or even Late Helladic IIIC (cf. Muhly 2003, 28). Likewise, the old wood affect may be responsible for the high dendrochronological dates from Assiros (Finkelstein and Piasetzky [forthcoming]). 44 Following Muhly’s original suggestion from 1985 (unlike Muhly 1999). 45 See Gilboa and Sharon 2001, 2003; Boaretto et al. 2005; Finkelstein and Piasetzky 2003a, 2003b, (forthcoming); Sass 2005. 46 Cf. Coldstream 1998a. Although I tend to agree with Boardman (1999c, 42) that ‘the question of “who was first?”… seems quite meaningless, indeed almost childish’, it has never disappeared from view and remains the subject of continuous controversy. 47 As anything connected to this site (cf. Boardman 1999b, 2002a, 2002b), the foundation date of Al Mina is a matter of controversy. In my view, the earliest possible dates suggested by Kearsley (1995) and Descœudres (2002, 50-1) are certainly too low and should be rejected (Fantalkin 2001a, 121; [forthcoming a]). 48 In the case of Al Mina, this should be the kingdom of Unqi/Patina, at least until its incorporation into the Neo-Assyrian system in 738 bc (Harrison 2001; Luke 2003, 21, 36). 49 Boardman 2002a, 328. 50 Möller 2000a, 203-8; Fantalkin 2001b, 137-46. A few authors have expressed the view that Strabo’s account (17.1.18) of the Milesian arrival at Naukratis, accompanied by the foundation of the Milesian fort, should be taken literally (Braun 1982, 37-8; Kaplan 2002, 238, n.27; Petropoulos 2003, 50). This view , however, is hardly defensible. 51 As may be deduced, inter alia, from Papadopoulos 1997; Morris and Papadopoulos 1998; Markoe 2000, 174; Sherrat 2003, 229-30; Niemeyer 2004. 52 Luke 2003, 59, with further references. 53 For a useful model, although from a later period, see Spencer 2000; he argues that the polis of Archaic Mytilene differed considerably from its counterparts on the isle of Lesbos, due to Mytilene’s deliberate ‘investment’ in international activities rather than in more traditional avenues for the expression of power (such as large-scale constructions). In the case of Lefkandi, however, an unquestionable desire for interactions abroad was accompanied by unprecedented (for Greece) large-scale construction. 54 Sass 2005, 133-54. Nowadays, however, especially in light of the recent upward revision of the Gordion dates (De Vries et al. 2003, 2005; Voigt 2005; but see contraMuscarella 2003; Keenan 2004; and Sass 2005, 147, n. 239, who questions Muscarella’s conclusions), even the adoption of the Greek alphabet directly from the Phoenicians is not necessarily obvious. There are good reasons to suspect that the Greeks might have adopted the alphabet via Phrygian agency (Sass 2005, 146-52, with extensive bibliography). 55 See Na’aman 1995b, 2001; Gitin 1997; Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz 2001, all with further references. 56 Frankenstein 1979. 57 Cf. Na’aman 1994; Kuhrt 2002a, 22-3; Edelman 2006, 219-23. 58 Jane Waldbaum (1994, 59) summarizes the issue as follows: ‘A curious gap in the roster of early Greek pottery in Palestine is the complete lack of Protocorinthian pottery of the late 8th through most of the 7th centuries, a lack that is nearly matched in Cyprus and Tel Sukas, but not in Al Mina. Since Protocorinthian is the Greek trade ware for most of the 7th century bc, it is odd that so little interest was shown in it – and its contents of perfumed oil – in much of the Levant.’ 59 Lanfranchi 2000. 60 Haider 1996. 61 Thus, for instance, one discovers, amazingly, that in the 8th century bcat Tell Sukas Greek pottery ‘progressively overwhelms and finally replaces other foreign (especially Phoenician) items; in the 7th century its numbers increase to the point that a Greek settlement may be almost safely envisaged’ (Lanfranchi 2000, 10). And so it goes on (ibid., 9-11). Judging from the excavation reports of Tell Sukas, however, one learns that only some 15 possible Greek sherds were unearthed in the contexts of the late 8th century bcand only a few of them may be dated to the early 7th century bc(although to my mind the latter statement remains uncertain). On the other hand, during the main part of the 7th century bc, i.e. the period of Assyrian domination, the Greek imports from Tell Sukas are virtually absent (Ploug 1973, 92-3). The amount of Greek pottery at Tell Sukas increase impressively only toward the end of the 7th/early 6th centuries bc, but this development has nothing to do with the Neo- Assyrian policies, since it occurred after the collapse of the Neo- Assyrian regime. 62 Thus, according to Lanfranchi 2000, 32: ‘… Assyria opposed the Greeks only on very limited occasions, and was ready to enhance and encourage their trade, presence and settling after its domination had definitely consolidated. But more, this happened, as attested by archaeological data, at the expense of other concurrent traders, like Cypriotes or Phoenicians: and this should show, instead, that Assyrians favoured Greeks over others in commercial and settling activities.’ (emphasis added – A.F.) 63 Rollinger 2001, 249-50, passim. © The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 207 Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age 64 Liverani 2005b, 232. 65 For detailed treatment of the Neo-Assyrian written sources, mentioning, inter alia, the location of Ionia in the ‘midst of the sea’, see Brinkman 1989; Kuhrt 2002a; Rollinger 2001. 66 Kuhrt 2002b, 27. 67 As may be deduced from Coldstream 1998b, 257. 68 Helm 1980, 113. 69 Helm 1980, 112-13. 70 Kuhrt 2002a. 71 Cf. Muhly 1970, 1985; Winter 1995; Sherratt 2005, 35-6. 72 Burkert 1992, 2004, 1-15. 73 Zadok 1996; accepted by Parpola and Porter 2001, 5 and Na’aman 2004. 74 Na’aman 2001, 261. For the text, describing the city of A∆tâ as an ‘emporium (b1 ¯t ka ¯ri) on the seashore, a royal store-house’, see Tadmor 1994, 104-5, line 13. 75 Parker 2000; Kuhrt 2002a, 18; Na’aman 2004, 70, all with further references. 76 Saggs 2001, 166-7, pl. 33. 77 I owe this observation to Nadav Na’aman. 78 Na’aman 2004; corroborated, perhaps, by a minor presence of Greek pottery there, although slight compared to Al Mina. 79 Brinkman 1989; Kuhrt 2002a; Rollinger 2001. 80 Na’aman 1991a, 33-41; 1991b; Fantalkin 2001b, 134-5; 2004, 254-5. Or, perhaps, slightly earlier, and see Vanderhooft 1999, 64-8, with further references. 81 The reliability of the Archaic Greek chronology has been questioned on several occasions (e.g., Francis and Vickers 1985; Bowden 1991). Recent and thorough contributions by James (2003; 2005) suggest lowering the Archaic Greek chronology of late 7th to early 6th century bcby roughly three to four decades. However, as for the earlier periods, the evidence supplied by the Levantine side appears to be crucial. In fact, the destruction of Ashkelon by Nebuchadnezzar II in the month of Kislev 604 bc, as reported in the Babylonian Chronicle (Wiseman 1961, 68-9, 85; Stager 1996, 61*, n. 1) and the East Greek pottery assemblage exposed in Ashkelon’s destruction layer (Waldbaum and Magness 1997; Waldbaum 2002a), leaves no room for any significant lowering of the Archaic Greek chronology. 82 The appearance of East Greek pottery in Levantine assemblages toward the end of the 7th century bchas been summarized in a number of detailed studies: see e.g. Waldbaum 1994, 1997, 2002a; Waldbaum and Magness 1997; Fantalkin 2001b; Niemeier 2001; Niemeier and Niemeier 2002; Wenning 2001, 2004. 83 Na’aman 1991a; Fantalkin 2001b, with further references. Likewise, references to units of Kittimin the Arad documents provide additional evidence for the activity of these mercenaries in the service of Egypt (Na’aman 1991a, 47-8; for Kittimin the later sources, see Eshel 2001). The Qrsy, mentioned in Inscription 18 from Arad, may relate to Carian mercenaries (cf. Zadok 2005, 80). It is possible that these units were also active during a brief period when Egypt returned to the region (601/600–599/598 bc) as a result of Nebuchadnezzar’s unsuccessful campaign against Egypt in 601/600 bc. 84 Na’aman 1991a; Finkelstein 1995b, 148, 152-3; Fantalkin 2001b. 85 See e.g., Magness 2001; Fischer 2005a, 181, fig. 10; Fantalkin (forthcoming b). 86 See e.g., Weinberg 1969, 90; Kelm and Mazar 1989; Waldbaum 1994, 60-1; Master 2003; Faust and Weiss 2005, 75. 87 Master 2001, 167-8, 171; Waldbaum 2002b. 88 In too many cases, scholars automatically assume that the presence of imported pottery is evidence of pottery trade. But any valid explanation that deals with distribution of the imported pottery must take into consideration a wide spectrum of circumstances that may distinguish various regions during different periods (cf. Snodgrass 1980, 126-8; Gill 1994). 89 Fantalkin 2001b, 137-41. 90 Hdt. 2.179; and see Möller 2000a, 204-8. 91 Already in 616 bc, Psammetichos I and his army came to the aid of Assyrian king Sin-shar-ishkun and fought alongside the Assyrians in the far north, in the vicinity of Qablinu/Gablini (Wiseman 1961, 11- 13, 44, 54-5; Spalinger 1978, 49-50; Zadok 1985, 135). In 612 bc, Psammetichos I’s rule certainly extended at least as far as the Lebanese coast, as attested by various written sources in which the tribute brought by the kings of Phoenicia to Egypt is mentioned (Spalinger 1977, 228-9; 1978, 55, n. 27; Na’aman 1991a, 51-2). 92 In this regard, Ionian involvement in a slave and metal trade with Tyre, as reported in Ezekiel 27:13, deserves to be mentioned. 93 Saying all this, however, I do not wish to reject completely the possibility of certain East Greek trade with the coast of Palestine, especially with places like Ashkelon. On the other hand, we should consider the possibility that whatever East Greek trade existed, if any, would have been directed mainly toward the East Greek mercenaries who were stationed in the region. In this case, those East Greek mercenaries were able to receive some familiar goods (including pottery), otherwise inaccessible in the local environment. 94 Bettalli 1995; de la Genière 1999; Kearsley 1999; Trundle 1999, 2004; Niemeier 2001; Wenning 2001; Fantalkin 2001b; Kaplan 2002, 2003; Raaflaub 2004a. 95 Fantalkin 2001b, 141-6. 96 Helm 1980, 137. 97 Bettalli 1995; Niemeier 2001, 2002. 98 Fantalkin 2001b, 141-6. 99 Wenning 2004, 31-2, n. 13. 100 Wenning 1989. 101 Na’aman 1991a, 47. 102 Cf. Stevenson 1982, 255-61. 103 Fantalkin 2001b, 10-49, 144. 104 Fantalkin 2001b, 143-4. 105 Waldbaum and Magness 1997; Kerschner and Schlotzhauer 2005. 106 Fantalkin 2001b, 128. 107 Niemeier 2002, 329. 108 Niemeier 2002, 330. 109 Lehmann 2002a, 77-87. 110 As may be deduced from both Mez . ad H . ashavyahuand the Arad ostraca; and see Na’aman 1991a, 46-8, in more details. 111 The location of Mez . ad H . ashavyahuin the vicinity of the natural anchorage of Yavneh-Yam (cf. Galili and Sharvit 2005), supports Na’aman’s (1991a, 51) suggestion that Necho II and his army may have sailed as far as the Lebanese coast and launched campaigns from there. In this regard the increasing importance of the naval forces under the Saïte Dynasty should definitely be emphasized (cf. Lloyd 1972). 112 Finkelstein 2002. 113 Luckenbill 1927, 297-8; cf. Jer. 46:9; Hdt. 2.152. 114 See e.g., Kocybala 1978, 132; Koshelenko and Kuznetsov 1992; Tsetskhladze 1994, 2002; Gorman 2001, 67; Greaves 2002, 107-8. It should be noted that earlier scholarship tends to be more sympathetic to ‘Barbarian Asia’ when describing the relations between the coastal Ionian cities and the Lydian and Persian empires, cf., e.g., Radet 1893; Hogarth 1909, 78; 1929; Lenschau 1913; Dunham 1915, 70-6; and more recently, Balcer 1991; Georges 1994, 2000; Buxton 2002; Burkert 2004. 115 Is it a coincidence that Ionia’s cultural renewal, which is sometimes called ‘the Ionian Renaissance’, started in the 4th century bc, mainly after the ‘King’s peace’ in 387 bc? Cf. Isager 1994; Pedersen 2004; Lawall 2006. 116 Hall 2002, 182, n. 44; Moles 2002. 117 Hdt. 2.178. 118 As may be deduced from Hall 1997, 49-50 and Malkin 2003b. 119 Weinberg 1969. 120 Cf. Vanderhooft 1999; Lipschits 2005. 121 For instance, Frank Wascheck kindly informs me that most of the Fikellura pottery fragments unearthed at Tell Sukas should be dated to the last third of the 6th century bc. 122 It is quite clear, for instance, that the so-called Greek temple of Tell Sukas is not Greek at all and is perfectly at home in a Near Eastern milieu (cf. Bonatz 1993; Mazzoni 2002). 123 Cf. Wenning 1981, 2004; Elayi 1988; Tal 1999, 107-9; Ambar-Armon 2005. 124 It goes without saying that certain traditions of collective decision making, mostly on the communal level, were already widespread in the ancient Near East. Still, such phenomena, which are sometimes characterized as ‘democracy’s ancient ancestors’ (Fleming 2004), remain a world apart from what was achieved on the Aegean side. 125 Cf. Coldstream 1983, 1995, 1998a, 2000; Lemos 2001. 126 Snodgrass 1980, 15-84; Morris 2005. 127 Papadopoulos 2005. 128 Hamilakis 2002, 18-19; Osborne 2004, 7-22. 129 Turner 2001. 130 Morris and Manning 2005. 131 Cf. Boardman 2001a; Winter 1995. 132 I think Muhly’s skepticism about the notion of so-called traveling © The British Museum 208| Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt Fantalkin Oriental craftsmen working as long-term residents on Aegean soil is well-founded (Muhly 2005). 133 Snodgrass 1980. 134 Raaflaub 2004b. 135 See e.g. Thornton 2000; Boardman 2005. 136 Morris 2000, 168. 137 Sherratt and Sherratt 1998, 335; and see also Sherratt 2005, 36. 138 Kardulias 1999. 139 Morris 1999. 140 See also Morris 2000, passim; Whitley 2001, 102-23. 141 Morris 2000, 257. 142 Mazarakis Ainian 1999. 143 See e.g. Coldstream 1976; Antonaccio 1995; Mazarakis Ainian 1999. 144 The literature is vast, but to cite a few: Coldstream 1976; Morris 1988; Whitley 1988, 1994, 1995, 2002; Antonaccio 1994, 1995; Mazarakis Ainian 1999; Finkelberg 2004, 2005. 145 Antonaccio 1995, 254. Except for a few insignificant cases, see Morgan 2003, 187-95. 146 Morris 2000, 155-91. 147 Cf. 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Bibliography Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 235 © The British Museum Edited by Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt Studies on East Greek Pottery and Exchange in the Eastern Mediterranean © The British Museum The British Museum Research Publication Number 162 Publishers The British Museum Great Russell Street London WC1B 3DG Series Editor Dr Josephine Turquet Distributors The British Museum Press 46 Bloomsbury Street London WC1B 3QQ Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt Studies on East Greek Pottery and Exchange in the Eastern Mediterranean Edited by Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer Front cover: Fragment of North Ionian black-figure amphora (?) from Naukratis. British Museum GR 1886.4-1.1282 (Vase B 102.33) ISBN-13 978-086159-162-6 ISBN-10 086159-162-3 ISSN 0142 4815 © The Trustees of the British Museum 2006 Note: the British Museum Occasional Papers series is now entitled British Museum Research Publications.The OP series runs from 1 to 150, and the RP series, keeping the same ISSN and ISBN preliminary numbers, begins at number 151. For a complete catalogue of the full range of OPs and RPs see the series website: www/the britishmuseum.ac.uk/researchpublications or write to: Oxbow Books, Park End Place Oxford OX1 1HN, UK Tel: (+44) (0) 1865 241249 e mail [email protected] website www.oxbowbooks.com or The David Brown Book Co PO Box 511, Oakville CT 06779, USA Tel: (+1) 860 945 9329;Toll free 1 800 791 9354 e mail [email protected] Printed and bound in UK by Latimer Trend & Co. Ltd. © The British Museum Contributors v Preface vii Naukratis and the Eastern Mediterranean: Past, Present and Future 1 Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer I NAUKRATIS: THE SITE, ITS CULTS AND ITS POTTERY The Hellenion at Naukratis: Questions and Observations 11 Ursula Höckmann and Astrid Möller The Delta: From Gamma to Zeta 23 Alan Johnston ‘Drab Bowls’ for Apollo: The Mortaria of Naukratis and Exchange in the 31 Archaic Eastern Mediterranean Alexandra Villing Carian Mercenaries at Naukratis? 47 Dyfri Williams and Alexandra Villing II EAST GREEK POTTERY AND ITS PRODUCTION CENTRES: ARCHAEOLOGY AND SCIENCE The Study of East Greek Pottery 49 John Boardman East Greek Pottery from Naukratis: The Current State of Research 53 Udo Schlotzhauer and Alexandra Villing Neutron Activation Analysis of Pottery from Naukratis and other Related Vessels 69 Hans Mommsen with M.R. Cowell, Ph. Fletcher, D. Hook, U. Schlotzhauer, A. Villing, S. Weber and D. Williams Naukratis: Les importations grecques orientales archaiques. 77 Classification et détermination d’origine en laboratoire Pierre Dupont and Annie Thomas Archaic Greek Plates from the Apollo Sanctuary at Emecik, Knidia. 85 Results and Questions Concerning Dorian Pottery Production Regina Attula The Non-Figured Wares from the Anglo-Turkish Excavations at 93 Old Smyrna. Points of Contact with Naukratis Stavros Paspalas Chemical Provenance Determination of Pottery: The Example of the 105 Aiolian Pottery Group G Hans Mommsen and Michael Kerschner Contents © The British Museum On the Provenance of Aiolian Pottery 109 Michael Kerschner The Chian Pottery from Naukratis 127 Dyfri Williams Some Observations on Milesian Pottery 133 Udo Schlotzhauer with contributions by P. Herrmann (†) and S. Weber East Greek ‘Situlae‘ from Egypt 145 Sabine Weber with an Appendix: Neutron Activation Analysis Results by H. Mommsen, A. Schwedt, S. Weber and M.R. Cowell The Apries Amphora – Another Cartouche 155 Donald Bailey III EAST GREEK POTTERY AND THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN: CONTACT, EXCHANGE AND IDENTITY The Greeks in Berezan and Naukratis: A Similar Story? 159 Richard Posamentir Some Ceramic Inscriptions Istrian Sanctuaries: The Naukratis Approach 169 Iulian Bîrzescu Naukratis and Archaic Pottery Finds from Cyrene’s Extramural Sanctuary of Demeter 175 Gerald Schaus Imported Greek Pottery in Archaic Cyrene: The Excavations in the Casa del Propileo 181 Ivan D’Angelo Etruscan and Italic Finds in North Africa, 7th–2nd century BC 187 Alessandro Naso Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age 199 Alexander Fantalkin Bibliography 209 © The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | v Regina Attula Ernst-Moritz-Arndt-Universität Greifswald Institut für Altertumswissenschaften Rudolf-Petershagen-Allee 1 17487 Greifswald Germany [email protected] Donald Bailey The British Museum Greek and Roman Department Great Russell Street London WC1B 3DG United Kingdom [email protected] Iulian Bîrzescu Institute for Archaeology ‘Vasile Pârvan’ of the Romanian Academy Str. Henri Coanda, nr. 11, sector 1 010667 Bucharest Romania [email protected] John Boardman Ashmolean Museum Beaumont Street Oxford OX1 2PH United Kingdom [email protected] Ivan D'Angelo Università di Napoli ‘L'Orientale’ Dipartimento Mondo Classico e Mediterraneo Antico Palazzo Corigliano Piazza S. Domenico Maggiore 80138 Naples Italy [email protected] Pierre Dupont and Annie Thomas CNRS-UMR 5138, Archéométrie – Archéologie Université Lyon 2 7, Rue Raulin 69365 Lyon CEDEX 7 France [email protected] Alexander Fantalkin Tel Aviv University Department of Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Civilizations Ramat Aviv, Tel Aviv 69978 Israel [email protected] Ursula Höckmann Taunusstr. 39 55118 Mainz Germany [email protected] Alan Johnston Institute of Archaeology University College London 31–34 Gordon Square London WC1H 0PY United Kingdom [email protected] Michael Kerschner Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut, ÖAI Franz-Klein-Gasse 1 1190 Vienna Austria [email protected] Astrid Möller Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Seminar für Alte Geschichte Kollegiengebäude 1 Werthmannplatz 79098 Freiburg i. Br. Germany [email protected] Hans Mommsen Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn Helmholtz-Institut für Strahlen- und Kernphysik Nussallee 14–16 53115 Bonn Germany [email protected] Contributors © The British Museum vi | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt Contributors Alessandro Naso Università degli Studi del Molise Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche, Umane e Sociali Via G. de Sanctis, snc 86100 Campobasso Italy [email protected] Stavros Paspalas Australian Archaeological Institute at Athens Zacharitsa 23 Koukaki 11741 Athens Greece [email protected] Richard Posamentir Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, DAI Abteilung Istanbul Gümüssuyu/Ayapasa Camii Sok. 48 34437 Istanbul Turkey [email protected] Gerry Schaus Wilfrid Laurier University Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies 75 University Avenue West Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3C5 Canada [email protected] Udo Schlotzhauer Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, DAI Eurasien-Abteilung Im Dol 2-6, Haus II 14195 Berlin Germany [email protected] Alexandra Villing The British Museum Greek and Roman Department Great Russell Street London WC1B 3DG United Kingdom [email protected] Sabine Weber Walkmühlstr. 6 65195 Wiesbaden Germany [email protected] Dyfri Williams The British Museum Greek and Roman Department Great Russell Street London WC1B 3DG United Kingdom [email protected] © The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | vii This volume has its origin in a workshop on Naukratis and East Greek pottery held at the British Museum in December 2004 as the 28th British Museum Classical Colloquium, the result of a collaboration between the British Museum and members of the Naukratis Project of SFB 295 at the Gutenberg-Universität Mainz. Made possible by the generosity of the Gerda-Henkel- Stiftung and the Caryatid Group of the British Museum’s Greek and Roman Department, to whom we extend our gratitude, the workshop brought together archaeologists, historians and scientists with the aim of generating a fruitful discussion and exchange of ideas and knowledge to further our understanding of the site of Naukratis in its wider, Eastern Mediterranean context. As it emerged, the scientific analysis of pottery samples taken both at the British Museum and elsewhere proved particular vital for many results presented here. To a large extent this was made possible by subsidies from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, by the personal interest of Professor Hans Mommsen of the Helmholtz-Institut, Friedrich-Wilhelm- Universität Bonn and the various other individuals, excavations and institutions that allowed material in their care to be analysed, and by the generous help of the staff of the Department of Conservation, Documentation and Science of the British Museum, notably Mike Cowell and Duncan Hook. As editors, we have greatly enjoyed working with such knowledgeable, reliable and responsive colleagues as have come together for the present volume. The collaborative spirit that pervades the volume has its roots in the stimulating discussion and collaborative ambience of the workshop, which led to further exchanges well beyond the confines of the actual gathering. We are grateful to all participants, who made it such an exceptionally productive experience. The contributions assembled in this volume reflect this ongoing research and discourse, which has helped the volume to be, we hope, not just a gathering of individual papers but more a thematically linked whole. Many people have contributed to making the workshop, the related research and this volume possible. On the Mainz side, we would like to thank in particular Sabine Weber (Mainz) for her vital input in the workshop and related research, and Ursula Höckmann and Detlev Kreikenbom (Mainz), Naukratis project leaders within SFB 295 – Kreikenbom for his support in organising the financing of the workshop, and Höckmann for much help and constant openness to discussions. On the British Museum side, we would like to thank in particular Dyfri Williams, Keeper of the Greek and Roman Department, for making the workshop possible and for his unfailing support throughout; all colleagues in Greek and Roman Department and the Educational AV unit for help with organising the workshop; colleagues in the Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan, especially Jeffrey Spencer and Neal Spencer, as well as in the Middle East Department, for helpful discussions and access to objects; Lesley Fitton, Susan Woodford, Mira Hudson, Bárbara Freitas, Sara Cambeta and Sotiria Papastavrou for help with proof-reading; Kate Morton for producing two wonderful new maps and several profile drawings; the British Museum’s Photography and Imaging Department, especially Dudley Hubbard, for producing new photographs of objects at short notice; Lindy Crewe for help with image editing; John Boardman for encouragement and the donation of his invaluable Naukratis archive to the British Museum; and last but not least Josephine Turquet for producing the volume sympathetically and efficiently as ever. Editorial note For Greek names a Greek spelling has been retained wherever it was deemed not too unusual for the eye, which invariably means there will be considerable inconsistencies (such as Klazomenai and Aiolis but Cyrene and Laconia). A joint bibliography can be found at the end of the volume. Journals have been abbreviated after the guidelines of the American Journal of Archaeology. Some additional abbreviations are used, such as NAA for neutron activation analysis. Stylistic phases in the development of East Greek pottery from various regions have been abbreviated (e.g. as NiA I = North Ionian Archaic I; MileA II = Milesian Archaic II) according to the new system set out in Kerschner and Schlotzhauer 2005. The order in which the contributions are arranged was in part determined by the practical necessities of printing the colour sections. Preface Fantalkin particular periods is lost. The problem is not one of comparing some chronologically distant metallurgical distributive systems. After all, the merits of the comparative approach are undeniable.17 Likewise, analogies are appropriate tools and salient features of any historical/archaeological investigation. The problem is a deliberate unwillingness to recognize that the distribution of Late Bronze Age ox-hide ingots should be understood on its own terms and against the background of Late Bronze Age geo-political dynamics,18 which are a world apart from the distributive systems of the Greeks and Romans, let alone those of medieval Genoa. Or, as Mario Liverani observes, ‘the “Bronze Age”, invented as a classificatory device for tools and weapons, can still be used as a large historical label, encompassing similarly structured socioeconomic systems and quite sharply opposed to the (differently labelled) preceding and succeeding periods’; (emphasis added – A.F.).19 Although it might be relevant, I am not concerned here with the long-running debate involving polarising tendencies ‘to see the past as Same (a primitive version of our present, which teleologically evolves into it) or as Other (as a remote, alien, fundamentally different world)’.20 My main concerns are socially embedded cultural contexts21 and their chronological settings. Therefore, with regard to metallurgical distributive systems, the only reliable conclusion that may be deduced from the analogies scattered across the centuries is, in my view, an acknowledgment that different distributive systems have existed in the Mediterranean at different times. However, in order to understand the forces driving these and other exchange activities, they must be viewed in their proper chronological/ historical contexts. It is not helpful to gather all the cases of connectedness and mobility under the same rubric of a permanently interconnected Mediterranean without distinguishing between different historical periods. Indeed, the presence or absence of Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age suggests that there is no single model that would explain these contacts (or their absence) through different time periods. Quite the opposite: judging from the facts on the ground (and there are some), every subsequent historical period requires a different explanation, a different narrative. Greek contact with the eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age: stressing the context The area under discussion runs from the coast east of Cilicia down to the Sinai Peninsula. The contacts in question may be divided roughly into five major periods, each involving a different chronological setting. These settings are characterized by different ‘total contexts’ heavily shaped by geo-political dynamics. First period: a renewal of contact The first period is characterized by the presence of mainly Euboean pottery (but also Attic and Atticizing) found in northern Syria, Phoenicia and northern Israel in the late 10th, the 9th and the better part of the 8th centuries bc.22 The assumed Phoenician superiority in virtually everything leaves, according to many modern scholars, no room for independent Euboean ventures at such an early date, especially to the East. When even pure Cypriot ventures are labelled CyproPhoenician,23 it is quite obvious that Euboeans could not 200 | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt compete with the advanced Phoenicians, let alone establish a trading post at Al Mina toward the end of the 9th century bc. The dominant view among Aegean specialists, although with notable exceptions, is that the Phoenicians brought Euboean pottery with them to the East.24 However, the trend during the last decades of pinpointing the beginning of Phoenician expansion to as early as the 11th/10th centuries bc,25 if not earlier, is based almost entirely on a handful of presumably historical sources: to a lesser extent on the so-called ‘Report of Wenamun’26 and to a larger extent on the biblical accounts regarding the cooperation between Kings Solomon and Hiram I.27 These sources can no longer be treated as reliable.28 Furthermore, the low Iron Age chronology, advanced in Israel nearly a decade ago,29 has enormous implications for the Aegean world. First, it leaves no room for Phoenician colonial expansion before the late 9th–early 8th centuries bc.30 The presence of imported Phoenician vases in the assemblages at Palaepaphos Skales31 should not imply the beginning of Phoenician colonisation of Cyprus before their establishment in Kition at the late 9th century bc.32 Indeed, judging from available archaeological evidence, the initial Phoenician expansion overseas, accompanied by settlements abroad, took place only in the second half of the 9th century bc; and I refer to the wellknown Phoenician establishment at Kition,33 but also to evidence from new radiocarbon dating from Carthage34 and Southern Spain.35 In my view, this expansion may be explained as a result of pressure from Hazael, the king of Aram Damascus.36 A plethora of archaeological data accumulated in Israel, such as Hazael’s inscriptions37 and possible destruction layers, mostly in northern Israel,38 but also to the south in biblical Gath,39 suggests that Hazael’s kingdom was one of the most serious players in the Southern Levant during the second half of the 9th century bc.40 I believe that Susan Frankenstein’s theory,41 that the Phoenician specialization in trade, accompanied by their settlements abroad, should not be seen entirely as free-trade activity, but rather in the context of their functioning as commercial agents for the Neo-Assyrian Empire, is basically correct. However, judging from the archaeological data regarding the beginning of Phoenician expansion overseas, this delicate arrangement, which eventually transformed the Phoenicians into pan-Mediterranean traders, started in the days of Hazael, with Phoenicians serving the trade ambitions of Aram Damascus.42 Second, and even more important, the low Syro-Palestinian chronology provides, finally, an anchor for Aegean ProtoGeometric and Geometric chronologies.43 A minimalist approach to the beginning of Phoenician affairs in the Mediterranean44 leads, in conjunction with a low chronology,45 to an emphasis on the principal role played by the Euboeans in the renewal of contact between East and West,46 culminating in the establishment of Al Mina sometime around 800 bc.47 This, of course, occurred on behalf of local rulers.48 The same pattern will be observed almost 200 years later, with the establishment of Naukratis in Egypt. In this regard, Boardman’s notion that we should consider a trading port at Al Mina as a modest precursor of Naukratis is rather attractive.49 The Greek presence in the Eastern Mediterranean at this early period seems always to be restricted and controlled by local © The British Museum Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age authorities.50 Therefore, I strongly disagree with the idea that accepting a prominent Euboean role in Early Iron Age journeys to the East makes one Helleno-centrist.51 The Euboeans were conducting these journeys because they were interested in reestablishing lost contacts with the East.52 It would give to the ruler of Lefkandi, for example, an enormous advantage compared to other contemporary Greek rulers.53 For the Greek side it meant a great deal. For the East, it does not seem to mean much at all. But for the Greeks it meant the beginning of the Orientalizing movement, with a minor Phoenician contribution, but mainly, through the Syrians, as was already suggested long ago and on many occasions by John Boardman. To this, one should add the adoption of the Greek alphabet, sometime around the middle of the 8th century bc.54 All in all, although the renewal of contact may be attested during the 10th/9th centuries bc, it certainly intensified during the better part of the 8th century bc at least until the beginning of the Neo-Assyrian domination over the Southern Levant. Second period: the Neo-Assyrian domination Greek contacts with the East were halted by Assyrian expansion; here we arrive at a second period, the period of Assyrian domination. The recent understanding of the processes that took place in the Southern Levant near the end of the 8th and during the main part of the 7th centuries bc shows unprecedented involvement of the Assyrian administration in local affairs. This involvement may be seen in a variety of fields, such as the annexation of many Levantine kingdoms accompanied by the transformation of some of them into Assyrian provinces; population exchanges; re-arrangement of the borders and intensive construction activity. The latter is particularly visible in the coastal area, which is dotted with Assyrian emporia and fortresses.55 One of the most important Assyrian goals was the supervision of Phoenician trading activity. In this regard, as I have already stated, Susan Frankenstein’s theory viewing the Phoenicians as commercial agents for the Neo-Assyrian Empire seems to be basically correct.56 Concerning the Eastern Mediterranean, it is quite clear that every aspect of Phoenician commerce was closely overseen and taxed by Assyrian officials. What we are witnessing here is a delicate balancing act. On the one hand, the Phoenicians enjoyed the stability produced by the pax Assyriaca and the exclusive access to the network of trade-routes and trade-centres across the Eastern Mediterranean. On the other hand, their commerce was strictly regulated and taxed.57 The Phoenicians involved in commercial and colonial activities in the Western Mediterranean, far from their Assyrian masters, doubtless enjoyed a higher degree of flexibility than their counterparts in the Eastern Mediterranean. From the point of view of the present colloquium, however, the most important conclusion is that, with regard to the southern Levant, this new world-order left most of the mainland Greeks quite effectively out of the game. The single limited point of contact that was left was again Al Mina, which became a port of trade toward the end of the 8th and during the 7th centuries bc. But after c. 700 bc, Euboean imports to the Southern Levant almost disappear. Starting from Al Mina’s Level 6, it is mainly East Greek pottery that shows up during the period of Assyrian domination, not Euboean. Besides it is not yet entirely clear who was responsible for carrying this pottery to Al Mina. Did it arrive directly from Eastern Greece or was the Cypriot connection involved? What appears to be quite clear, however, is that mainland Greece seems to be without direct connections with the East, starting from the period of the Neo-Assyrian domination. In fact, excluding Al Mina, while even at this site there is a clear structural break between Levels 7 and 6, Greek pottery (except for a few insignificant cases) is almost non-existent in the Neo-Assyrian contexts.58 This contrasts with a much broader distribution prior to the Neo-Assyrian domination and, especially, immediately after its collapse. Lanfranchi’s recent speculations regarding Greek contact with the Neo-Assyrian Empire,59 which are based, archaeologically, almost exclusively on Haider’s earlier study,60 will find no echo in the archaeological realities of the Southern Levant. Dependent as they are on mistaken representations and understandings of the archaeological data involved,61 Lanfranchi’s historical implications, according to which Assyrians favoured Greeks over Phoenicians in commercial and settlement activities in the southern Levant,62 can confidently be rejected. Similar confusion regarding the Greek pottery in the Southern Levant appears in Rollinger’s recent attempt to draw a picture of Greek contacts with the East during Neo-Assyrian period.63 Likewise, his suggestion that we consider the individuals mentioned in the Near-Eastern texts as Iaman + suffixes other than ¯ya as possible Greeks acting in the midst of a the Neo-Assyrian Empire, seems to reside on rather shaky ground. Both archaeological and historical data suggest that during the Neo-Assyrian regime the Greeks occupied a marginal space in the Mesopotamian understanding of the universe. Bearing in mind the Neo-Assyrian imperial ideology, with its pretensions of ruling a universal domain,64 such a role for Greeks is understandable. Located in the ‘midst of the sea’,65 where the Neo-Assyrian regime was not able to insert them physically into the ‘correct relationship’ with the imperial new-world order, Greeks were reduced to the status of ‘disparate, remote people living on the edge of the world’66 in the Neo-Assyrian mappa mundi. The Phoenicians apparently were chosen to serve as commercial agents for the Neo-Assyrian empire not because they were natural-born traders,67 although their expertise should not be underestimated, but because the Neo-Assyrian regime was able to control their trade, which was not without benefits for both sides. Given this state of affairs, I tend to agree with Helm’s suggestion that, for the Greek side, ‘the imperial obligations imposed on permanent residents in Assyrian provinces made life in the Levant unattractive’.68 Indeed, as Helm pointed out more than 25 years ago: Even in the few nominally independent port cities such as Arvad, Tyre, Ashkelon and Gaza it is likely that Greek traders would have encountered Assyrian administrators, commercial regulations and economic institutions. It was doubtless these contacts, and the contacts with other representatives of Assyrian provincial government, which gave visiting Greeks the not inaccurate impression that the entire east Mediterranean coast comprised ’Assuri&h.69 The unprecedented involvement of the Neo-Assyrian administration in the local affairs of the Southern Levant (see above), attested both historically and archaeologically, is certainly in accord with Helm’s suggestions. In this regard, Amélie Kuhrt’s rather sceptical look at the evidence for direct Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 201 © The British Museum Fantalkin contact between Greece and the Mesopotamian empires is particularly revealing.70 Although, as in the earlier periods, the Greeks definitely continued to meet Easterners, this time these were mostly Phoenician competitors. And these are indeed the Homeric Phoenicians.71 The nature of direct contact between the Greeks and the Near East during the second period in my provisional scheme suggests therefore the beginning of a ‘Great Divide’ rather than Burkert’s Orientalizing revolution.72 It should be explicitly stated, however, that the concept of a Great Divide does not imply an immediate break in contacts. It is better described as a gradual process, starting with Tiglathpileser III’s annexation of the kingdom of Unqi/Patina in 738/737 bc. If Zadok’s identification of Al Mina as A∆tâ in Tiglath-pileser’s inscription on the Iran stele is correct,73 this might indicate that right after the annexation of Unqi, an Assyrian emporium was installed at Al Mina,74 in order to regulate and incorporate the existing Greek enclave into the sphere of the Neo-Assyrian realm. Already at that time, a letter from Calah (Nimrud)(ND 2370), sent most probably to Tiglathpileser III by Qurdi-Aššur-lamur, points to a possible Ionian raid ¯ on the Phoenician coast.75 To this one may add a reference to the town of Yauna, mentioned in a Neo-Assyrian letter (ND 2737) published a few years ago by Saggs.76 The letter contains no firmly dateable details. However, the themes discussed and the arenas of operation seem to be echoed in the letters of QurdiAššur-lamur, who was probably the governor of Simirra in the ¯ . time of Tiglath-pileser III.77 In this regard, Na’aman’s suggestion that we identify the town of Yauna with Ras el-Bassit,78 would, if accepted, point to a possible Greek presence at this site at that time. Hereafter, however, the handful of Neo-Assyrian sources that mention Ionians, mostly in hostile contexts,79 when combined with an almost total lack of Greek pottery in the NeoAssyrian assemblages (see above), leave little doubt about an intensification of the Great Divide. Third period: stressing the significance of the late 7th-century BC contact, during a brief period of Egyptian domination The next period, although chronologically brief, is the most important for the purposes of the present colloquium. I refer to some 20–25 years of Egyptian rule in the Southern Levant, following the Assyrian withdrawal. When the Assyrians pulled out from the Levant sometime in the twenties of the 7th century bc,80 the Egyptians took over their territories and ruled until the Babylonian invasion. This period, the third in my provisional schema of the Greek presence in the Levant, lasted until the Babylonian destructions at the end of the 7th and in the early 6th centuries bc. The sudden and massive appearance of East Greek pottery on the coastal plain of Israel toward the end of the 7th century bc 81 and its subsequent disappearance after only a few years fit the time-span during which the area fell under Egyptian rule.82 Following Nadav Na’aman’s insightful observations, I have elsewhere discussed at length the East Greek pottery assemblages found in places such as Ashkelon, and the fortresses of Mezad Hashavyahu and Kabri, arguing that these . . represent Greek mercenaries in the employ of the Egyptians.83 In this reconstruction, the placement of these garrisons along the coast together with the employment of Kittim along the southern fringe of the kingdom of Judah, conformed to two 202 | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt Egyptian goals: first, to protect the coastal plain – the main route to the North; and second, to protect the Arabian trade networks, which the Egyptians inherited from the Assyrians.84 The modest finds of East Greek pottery in the vicinity of major military bases85 probably reflect Greek mercenary activities in these areas rather than pottery trade. Many scholars, however, have claimed that the abundance of East Greek pottery should be taken as evidence of East Greek trade.86 In these reconstructions even the coarse East Greek cooking pots are considered a tradable commodity to the East.87 In my view, most of these reconstructions are untenable. The attested distribution and the nature of East Greek finds in the region of Palestine are insufficient to prove either the existence of a developed pottery trade88 or the existence of a directional exchange of other goods that may be less visible in the archaeological record.89 An additional point that argues in favour of East Greek mercenary garrisons rather than trading emporia is the restriction of East Greek trade to Naukratis in Egypt.90 It must be remembered that the establishment of Naukratis toward the end of the 7th century bc overlaps with the appearance of East Greek pottery on the Israeli coast. There is hardly any doubt that the entire coastal plain up to Phoenicia should be considered Egyptian domain.91 In these circumstances it is reasonable to assume that Egyptians would not have allowed the uncontrolled establishment of East Greek emporia on the Southern Levantine coast, just as they did not allow it in Egypt itself. While Phoenicia proper and the areas to the north might have enjoyed East Greek trade during the Egyptian interlude,92 the evidence collected so far from the southern part of the Eastern Mediterranean points mainly to East Greek mercenary activity.93 The sudden appearance of Greek mercenaries in the East and their employment by the different Near Eastern Powers continues to be a subject of debate.94 In my opinion, both historical and archaeological evidence suggests that the presence of Greek mercenaries in the region should be explained as an organized movement orchestrated by a central Egyptian authority. These Greeks were not individual mercenary adventurers but were formally garrisoned.95 I cannot accept the ideas expressed by several scholars that East Greek assemblages point to individual adventurers or small groups of Greek mercenaries96 pursuing Homeric honour and glory.97 I dealt with this issue in detail a few years ago,98 and I intend to expand the discussion elsewhere. Likewise, today I am even more convinced that attempts to attribute the employment of Greek mercenaries to Egyptian vassals, be it the kingdom of Judah or the kingdom of Tyre, should be abandoned. Most recently, however, Wenning99 defended his date for the establishment of Mezad Hashavyahu between 600 and 598 bc, . . under the reign of King Jehoiakim.100 This is in contrast to Na’aman’s suggestion that the fortress of Mezad Hashavyahu . . was abandoned in 604 bc, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar II launched a campaign to the Philistine Coast and destroyed Ashkelon.101 In my opinion, however, Na’aman’s scenario remains the most plausible option. Moreover, I hope I was able to demonstrate that since the abandonment pattern attested at Mezad Hashavyahu points to a ‘planned abandonment without . . anticipated return’,102 it fits nicely with the assumption that this Egyptian fortress was intentionally abandoned in face of the approaching Babylonian army.103 © The British Museum is accused by Ashurbanipal of having sent his army to the aid of Psammetichos I. since the Egyptian army was the only army in which large units of Greeks served’. and provided channels of cultural exchange through which certain Greek ideas penetrated into Judahite texts and vice versa. it appears from the archaeological record that dependent local powers were obliged to provide supplies to Greek mercenary units. The role that East Greeks played on behalf of Lydian domination is much the same as that played by the Phoenicians on behalf of the Assyrians. . during the reign of Amasis. that after Assyrian withdrawal Tel Kabri belonged to Tyre. according to Niemeier. ‘did set up separately a temenos of Zeus on their own initiative’. in which Gyges.1. . rediscovered Egypt and then. where . with its approximate dates. since. since only a small portion of the Late Iron Age fortress at Tell Kabri was excavated. Even if we assume that the sherd has been identified correctly. it opened the way to the Ionian colonization of the Black Sea. first by the Lydians and later by the Persians (Hdt. which connects the dispersion of Ionians abroad with an aggressive Lydian and later Persian policy toward the Ionian cities.111 More important. rests on synchronisms with Palestinian destruction levels and on synchronisms with Corinthian and Attic pottery. The negative view suggested by Herodotus’ remarks regarding Ionian enslavement. followed by the establishment of Naukratis. Lydian imperial ambitions opened the way to Greek mercenary penetration. The crucial role played by the Lydians with regard to the thousands of Ionian and Carian mercenaries hired by Psammetichos I emerges from the Rassam Cylinder. These and. All in all. In terms of absolute chronology. East Greece.110 The rationale behind the establishing of the fortresses at Mezad Hashavyahu and Tell . East Greek mercenaries co-existed with Judahites. In support of his thesis. Kabri is logistical. and second that the small proportion of Greek pottery found at the site points to individual soldiers of fortune pursuing Homeric values. from a strictly archaeological point of view. a good case can be made that their presence in Naukratis goes back to the late 7th century Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 203 © The British Museum . Dorians and Aeolians in a very unusual act of early Greekness? Is it possible that the common denominator behind the mixture of the poleis that participated in the establishment of the Hellenion has more to do with the fact that all of them were located in East Greece? Whereas for the Samians and Milesians. he contradicts himself. Wenning’s entire case rests on the presence of a single pottery sherd he attributes to the North Ionian Late Wild Goat style. however. on the other hand. And this is where we find the Lydian connection. In my view. via Lydian mediation. is somewhat misleading. evidence that Greek mercenaries were in the service of Egypt at the site. definitely offered points of direct contact.115 Besides. when we hear of an Aiginetan presence in Naukratis. In the East. Even if the first assumption is true.6. however. these are the most prosperous periods in East Greece. Summarizing the third period in my provisional schema.109 Besides. Jehoiakim during the brief period of possible Judahite autonomy after 600 bc and was abandoned when Nebuchadnezzar II attacked Judah in 598/97 bc’. archaeologically. which. addressed mainly to a mid-/late 5th-century-bc Athenian audience. these Greek mercenaries were in the pay of Tyre. was required to provide supplies to Egypt’s East Greek mercenaries. both the East Greek pottery and the local pottery from Mezad Hashavyahu may be . 1. .107 On the next page.117 What can we learn from the fact that the Aiginetans were excluded from the Hellenion. rather than genuine states of affairs in earlier periods. Even in the later period. however. and to cooperate with these Egyptian representatives in every possible way. Wenning cites Niemeier’s response to my treatment of the finds from Mezad Hashavyahu. I believe.113 It appears that the first Mermnad ruler might have imprudently challenged the Assyrians during the reign of one of the most powerful Assyrian kings. who also kept their temene separately. however. that there are good reasons to suspect that. on their way back to Egypt. which attributes the employment of Greek mercenaries to Jehoiakim.106 Therefore one must consider the broader historical situation. places like Mezad Hashavyahu. like the kingdom of Judah. the rest of the Eastern Mediterranean. is to reject my suggestion to attribute the presence of the Greek garrison at Tel Kabri to the Egyptian administration. In the North. is confused. But it is East Greece that was involved in both mercenary and trade activity in the Eastern Mediterranean.169). This is quite contrary to the situation observed during the period of Athenian domination. at least until the Ionian revolt. being the sole representatives of a broadly taken mainland Greece. The East Greek pottery chronology for this period. Niemeier’s second assumption is hardly defensible. I wish to emphasize that from the second half of the 7th century bc.116 reflects the realities and perceptions of the time of his writing. . claiming that the pottery assemblage at Mezad Hashavyahu may be interpreted ‘as . I think. Niemeier’s conclusions are based on two assumptions: first. via Egyptian connections.114 it is cooperation rather than confrontation that we are witnessing here. contrary to scholarly consensus. Likewise. since.105 It is simply impossible to assume such precision (+/– 4 years. the Aiginetans. Space constraints prevent me from addressing this issue at proper length but I intend to do so elsewhere.108 The main issue in Niemeier’s reply. placed either in the late 7th or in the early 6th centuries bc. which is the difference between Wenning and myself!) in dating this North Ionian East Greek sherd. . during a brief period of Egyptian expansion toward the end of that century. . Likewise.Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age The historical improbability of Wenning’s scenario. it is not necessary to deduce that a small proportion of Greek pottery should represent individual adventurers on behalf of Tyre rather than a small contingent stationed by the Egyptians. who was an Egyptian vassal. most probably additional hitherto undetected fortresses. not Judahite or Tyrian. The proportions may be misleading. which was established by Ionians.112 But the employment of East Greek mercenaries was an Egyptian prerogative. is better explained in the context of rising Lydian imperialism. there is little doubt that Herodotus’ biased account on this issue. For mainland Greece the Great Divide was still there. served as focal points for collecting supplies for Egyptian troops on their way to the Lebanese coast and northern Syria and. it would simply imply that the kingdom of Tyre. Niemeier’s critique. no less important. King of Lydia. Lydian imperial policy triggered a sudden explosion of East Greek activity in different directions. has already been demonstrated104 and there is no need to revisit it here. First he concurs with Wenning that ‘Mezad Hashavyahu was erected by King . Wenning’s belief that it cannot be earlier than 600 bc is untenable. . 129 Concerning the ‘East–West’ question. In any case. triggered by the Neo-Assyrian expansion. But what does it mean? Does it imply viewing one of the most important developments in Greek history. This issue. Greeks and the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age: some final observations Nowadays. as many modern scholars want us to believe. A significant difference (that finds expression in the pottery repertoire) must be noted between East Greek assemblages from the end of the 7th century bc and the renewal of East Greek imports observed toward the end of the 6th and during the 5th centuries bc. on the whole. a community of equal. After a certain gap in the settlement’s history during the better part of the Neo-Babylonian period. creolization and resistance. at least in our case. seems to be without direct connections with the Eastern Mediterranean from the end of the 8th–early 7th centuries bc until perhaps the Persian period. how and why did the ancient Greeks manage to produce the idea of the polis. we are better off de-familiarizing ourselves with the past that we study. slihgtly overlapping with the beginning of the Neo-Babylonian rule.120 In the northern part of the Eastern Mediterranean. is in ruins. no scholar would even imagine reconstructing the history of Greece without considering oriental influences. however. would require a separate study well beyond the scope of the present endeavour. there is a settlement gap at the site of Al Mina.126 as essentially untouched by external influences? I think it requires quite the opposite. unlike in the earlier period. deserves additional study.133 including the Phoenicians. Just as the quest for the origins of European identity in the Minoan and Mycenaean civilizations appears to be the fruit of Eurocentric imagination. If. by the later part of the 8th century.128 throwing away an endless search for the imaginary. the impact of Eastern civilizations and influences was so total and tremendous.127 the lengthy disengagement between mainland Greece and the Near East.125 mainland Greece.130 Although in many cases it is hard to pinpoint all possible channels of transmission. the main source of cultural borrowing in the preceding centuries.’137 Although it might be tempting to resurrect an unpopular notion of binarism.134 As a matter of fact. The Orientalizing period in Greek history turns out to be the period of the Greeks’ exclusion from the Near Eastern milieu.132 etc. The distribution is considerably wider than during the third period. which stands in total opposition to everything which the East symbolizes?124 204 | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt Obviously. marks the initial conception of the two distinct ideological. the period of greatest prosperity at Naukratis. a good quantity of 6th century East Greek pottery found at Tell Sukas suggests that it may have served as a point of contact.119 During the major part of the 6th century bc. and it seems likely that some degree of ‘import restriction and substitution’ (along with other forms of cultural resistance) was taking place. East Greek pottery is gradually replaced by Attic imports. it would be hard to postulate the same for the Aiginetans. there is an abundance of amphorae made in Chios and Samos (but other localities are also represented) as well as banded bowls. the better part of the 8th centuries bc. Likewise. except for a few inland areas. however. dictated by geography? Fourth period: the Neo-Babylonian Empire The Neo-Babylonian period is characterized by a total lack of Greek material in the southern part of the Eastern Mediterranean. since it is possible that the majority of East Greek material can be dated to the last two decades of the 7th century bc/very early 6th century bc. does not necessarily provide a better perspective. postcolonialism. cultural and politico-economic spheres which were to dominate Greek relations with the east for millennia to come. This notion. However.Fantalkin bc. I also think that making everything that has emerged on Greek soil ‘a gift from the East’ simply misses the point. pristine origins of the different civilizations connecting remote antiquity to the present.123 During the 5th century bc. Eastern influences continued to penetrate into Greece through numerous channels: through the interaction with the Phoenicians (gradually changing from friendly to hostile). combined with the rush to found overtly political colonies in the west.131 through Ionian craftsmen. this part of the Levant. In my view. and its constant obsession with hybridity. need not imply that the rise of Greek polis culture occurred in total isolation from Near Eastern influences. local-born men. should be accepted only with hesitation.136 In the same vein. the 9th and. it is clear that even after what I have called the Great Divide.135 Ian Morris captures it brilliantly. This time. the late 8th century bc ‘structural revolution’. especially. evidence of a growing panhellenic consciousness in Greece itself. the difference is tremendous. comparing the main messages behind Hesiod and prophetic literature: ‘whereas Hesiod’s instructions call for the basilees to share power with the geitones. the next phase of the Greek presence at Tell Sukas may be pushed into the last third of the 6th century bc. defined specifically in relation to a Phoenician ‘other’. although turning up in some numbers further west. it is striking to realize that after the lively traffic and renewal of contact during the late 10th.122 Fifth period: the beginning of Persian domination The fifth and final period in my short overview begins with the end of Babylonian and the beginning of Persian rule during the last third of the 6th century bc. which may point to commercial activity. to my mind. the prophets want the kings of Judah and Israel to reform the priesthood’. the only way to understand the genesis of Greek civilization is by putting it into a broad geo-political context: it is the western periphery of the East. However. we are best off treating the history of both sides as one. Properly appreciating the nuances of the Persian period. chiefly serving as a buffer zone with Egypt. Perhaps what we are witnessing here is not an all-embracing pan-Hellenism118 but rather the crystallization of an East Greek identity. At the same time. something has gone wrong. But the general path of development witnessed in many parts of the Greece from the end of the 8th century bc and later yielded something quite different from that found among the Near Eastern cultures. however. the simplistic concept of ‘West against the East’ offers little more than a dead end. And. implying that the main phase of the Greek presence at Tell Sukas may have started during the period of Egyptian political domination. It might be more helpful in the case of the Western © The British Museum . Susan and Andrew Sherratt have observed that by the 7th century bc ‘many forms of east Mediterranean goods seem to have been bypassing the Aegean.121 implying that it should be viewed mainly as the result of Persian rule and not necessarily Neo-Babylonian. 82. But. Boggs 2004. As a telling example. in part because of proximity they had constant contact with their mother country and this and only this prevented East Greeks from losing their ethnic and cultural identity altogether.148 I want to conclude by pointing out that from the end of the 8th century bc until the Persian period the ‘mainland Greeks’ are barely if at all attested in the Near East. as in previous periods. even if the initial occurrences of ‘tomb cults’ may be projected into the Proto-geometric period. however. Once again. Horden and Purcell 2000. See. the challenges posed by the older civilizations. it is plausible to suggest that establishing ties with a remote heroic past rather than with the East should be viewed as one of the main outcomes of the Great Divide. 29-34. the ‘middling ideology’ would not necessarily have won. is another story. I cannot discuss here all the possible consequences of the geo-political disengagement between mainland Greece and the Near East after the Neo-Assyrian expansion. the elites of mainland Greece had maintained their links with the East. Moreland 2000. while others embraced the East. although even there it too often serves modern political agendas rather than unbiased historical interpretations. the significance for Greeks of the Great Divide. including John Boardman. Horden 2005. Morson and Emerson 1990. e. e. in a much earlier period. I wish to express my gratitude to numerous scholars who have offered valuable comments on an earlier draft of this paper. 42. Our case is Janus-faced: on the one hand.147 To a certain extent. at least during the Archaic period. James Muhly. 2001.146 culminating eventually in Athenian democracy. and see papers in Blake and Knapp 2005. 48. the great powers of the Near East show little interest in Greek affairs.. Horden and Purcell 2000. the main mediator between East and West. emphasis in original.145 In my opinion. 230. Blake 2004. Peter James. Burkert 1992. In this regard. East Greece. Kocka 2003. it is a diversity of inwardly focused Greek responses – this time to the exclusion from the Near Eastern koine – that we are witnessing. even in the periods of Greek exclusion from the Near Eastern milieu. However. 2004. given that the Assyrians seem not to have had any interest in establishing direct control over remote Greece. Joffee 2003. showed no interest in hero and tomb cults in the periods discussed. Margalit Finkelberg. the responsibility for the views expressed henceforth rests with me alone. Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 205 © The British Museum . a Great Divide was very nearly inevitable. 347-8.139 is especially helpful. despite the assumed ‘collapse of distance’ (due to the technical advances in shipbuilding). See.g. this kind of explanation may be considered as the ‘likeliest’ and the ‘loveliest’. Baruch Halpern. Trigger 1998. Horden and Purcell 2005. 75. triggered by the renewal of contact with the East. may provide an additional. 240. But to my mind. as Morris suggests. Cf. 105. 125-7. what are the reasons for such a sudden obsession with ancestors and local heroes? How does it happen that only toward the end of the 8th century bc. If things had turned out differently and. Notes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 I am grateful to Udo Schlotzhauer and Alexandra Villing for their kind invitation to attend the 28th British Museum Classical Colloquium ‘The Naukratis Phenomenon: Greek Diversity in Egypt’. with its Eastern influences and abundant orientalia. as suggested here. Ran Zadok and especially Ephraim Lytle. it should be considered more a part of the East than a part of the West. Faraone 1992. Greeks everywhere begin to rediscover and admire their local past. on the other hand. ‘a smaller place in 700 than it had been in 800’. A number of studies offer useful summaries regarding the earliest Iron Age finds of Greek pottery in the Eastern Mediterranean: e. Furthermore. Morris 2003. Morris 1992. penetrated too deeply into the Levant. Shaw 2001. see also Purcell 2003. 20-1.142 it doubtless remains a salient feature of the Late Geometric period. Shaw 2001. Morris 2003. Morris and Manning 2005. varied significantly among different Greek communities: some struggled to preserve the model of isolation. The Mediterranean was indeed. West 1999. The basic premises of Morris’ approach are reasonable. Cf. Obviously. negotiated among the Greeks themselves as they attempted to make sense of the East. 275-85.g. Irad Malkin. Morris 2003.140 Morris also convincingly shows that these responses. Bernal 1987. Kolb 2004. 1986. at least until the beginning of the Persian Empire. in view of the low chronology in Israel. This was otherwise a very real possibility: we need only recall the complete assimilation of the Philistines. In his reconstruction the ‘totality of context’ is prominent. Israel Finkelstein. the ethne. East Greeks fully experienced this dual status. developed by Nick Kardulias138 and adopted by Ian Morris for Iron Age Greece. the Great Divide resulted in the gradual exclusion of mainland Greece from the Near Eastern koine and paved the way for a re-negotiation of Greek peripherality. the concept of ‘negotiated peripherality’. 579-86. it is not at all improbable that the rise of what Morris calls the ‘middling ideology’ in Archaic Greece. Malkin 2003a. this might be a real ‘Near Eastern gift’ contributing in the most important way to the rise of the Greek polis and its institutions. Alexandra Villing. Horden and Purcell 2000.Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age Mediterranean. 1991. Indeed. Bakhtin 1981. and were part of the Eastern milieu..143 One is tempted to ask therefore. In many ways these influences were turned inward. Liverani 2005a. S. 2. 5. they need to be modified in a way that emphasises Euboean agency in the initial establishment of contact. It is worth mentioning that unlike what will emerge as a poleis zone. In Lipton’s (2004) famous treatment of the ‘Inference to the Best Explanation’. one may consider the widespread appearance of domestic ‘Hero and tomb cults’ in late 8th century bc mainland Greece. Joyce 2002. explanatory background for the sudden emergence of an active quest for local roots. 453. should be seen and explained against the background of this Great Divide. Morris argues for a nuanced and chronologically sensitive approach that takes into consideration a plethora of Greek responses to Near Eastern challenges. And Morris also fails to recognize. Nevertheless. Oren Tal. attaching themselves to mythical ancestors and heroes? Many of the wide variety of explanations already offered have merit. Cf.. continue to be among the central factors in shaping Greek identities. like so many others. Algazi 2005. since chronologically different geo-political configurations yielded distinct Greek responses.141 However. Likewise. rather than Phoenician (see above). Amélie Kuhrt. which were never truly involved in dialogue with the East. Benjamin Sass.g. who. and a variety of Greek responses to these challenges.144 but the concept of a Great Divide. Physically they lived in the East. 2004. Nowadays. Boardman 1999b. Finkelstein and Piasetzky 2003a. Baines 1999. in the 7th century its numbers increase to the point that a Greek settlement may be almost safely envisaged’ (Lanfranchi 2000. (forthcoming). Edelman 2006. 2003. Waldbaum 1994. the old wood affect may be responsible for the high dendrochronological dates from Assiros (Finkelstein and Piasetzky [forthcoming]). This view . Markoe 2000. For detailed accounts of Hazael’s realm. Although I tend to agree with Boardman (1999c. at the expense of other concurrent traders. 47 As anything connected to this site (cf. 58 Jane Waldbaum (1994. Sørensen 1997. See Negbi 1992. Irvine 2005. if not before. 219-23. see Sass 2002. with further references. See Biran and Naveh 1993. Gitin 1997. See Helm 1980. Papadopoulos 1997. Yon 1997. accompanied by the foundation of the Milesian fort. And so it goes on (ibid. i. if not earlier (Newton et al. Keenan 2004. Frankenstein 1979. Fantalkin 2001b. 60 Haider 1996. 2002a. however. with further references. Voigt 2005. 54 Sass 2005. 95. Judging from the excavation reports of Tell Sukas. Boaretto et al. 127. mainly among Syro-Palestinian archaeologists. during the main part of the 7th century bc. Aubet 2001. see e. Luke 2003. Aubet 2000. 203-8. the Greek imports from Tell Sukas are virtually absent (Ploug 1973. But judging from the most recent publications. from Papadopoulos 1997. as it is based on a few 14C dates obtained from a secondary mixed deposit at Huelva (south-west Spain). doomed. 51 As may be deduced. S. 9-11). 335. 238. especially in light of the recent upward revision of the Gordion dates (De Vries et al. the period of Assyrian domination. Niemeyer 2000. instead. Likewise. Markoe 2000. is hardly defensible. Na’aman 1994. 2002b. Finkelstein and Silberman 2001. one learns that only some 15 possible Greek sherds were unearthed in the contexts of the late 8th century bc and only a few of them may be dated to the early 7th century bc (although to my mind the latter statement remains uncertain). [forthcoming a]). 7. The literature on the subject is enormous. Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz 2001. this happened. 249-50. 310-20. in terms of absolute chronology. Coldstream 1998a. with further references. Guzzo Amadasi and Karageorghis 1977. Mazar 2004. even the adoption of the Greek alphabet directly from the Phoenicians is not necessarily obvious. In the case of Lefkandi. 1995. Sass 2005. Sherratt and Sherratt 1998. inter alia. all with further references. Knauf 1991. with extensive bibliography). however. that the beginning of Phoenician settlement activity abroad may be pinpointed to the first half of the 9th century bc. Yamada 2000. 62 Thus. 53 For a useful model. which suggests that the foundation of Cadiz. n. The literature is extensive and I do not intend to summarize the history of the question here. Docter et al.F. 1999a. 2005. is unacceptable as it stands against all other data collected in the southern Levant.1. Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006. 52 Luke 2003. see Coldstream and Mazar 2003. 2005. 137-46. 174. he argues that the polis of Archaic Mytilene differed considerably from its counterparts on the isle of Lesbos. In my view. For the most recent finds from Tel Rehov. Following Muhly’s original suggestion from 1985 (unlike Muhly 1999). it has never disappeared from view and remains the subject of continuous controversy. 121. Schipper 2005. 312.g. however. Morris and Papadopoulos 1998. the beginning of Bikai’s Kouklia horizon (1987. with a huge United Monarchy of Kings David and Solomon as well as early Phoenician expansion in the days of Hiram I is. an unquestionable desire for interactions abroad was accompanied by unprecedented (for Greece) large-scale construction. 28). 50-1) are certainly too low and should be rejected (Fantalkin 2001a. 50 Möller 2000a. amazingly. 2005. this should be the kingdom of Unqi/Patina. the socalled conventional Palestinian chronology. passim. 37-8. 328. 49 Boardman 2002a. See Na’aman 2000. esp. 229-30. 2003. for instance. Perreault 1993. Luke 2003. Morris 1992. the ProtoGeometric amphora in question is not necessarily correctly identified and may belong typologically to Submycenaean or even Late Helladic IIIC (cf. 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 206 | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt © The British Museum . 2003. Graham 1986. 2004.18) of the Milesian arrival at Naukratis. 30-2. based on the data from Assiros. For the demolition of a long-standing scholarly consensus that the dispersion of Cypriot Black-on-Red pottery in the Aegean should be connected with a Phoenician monopoly of commercial networks. 2000. at least to my mind. 42) that ‘the question of “who was first?”… seems quite meaningless. 32: ‘… Assyria opposed the Greeks only on very limited occasions. 59. with further references. 21. at least until its incorporation into the Neo-Assyrian system in 738 bc (Harrison 2001. is impossible to sustain. Lemos 2001. as attested by archaeological data. see Schreiber 2003. 2003). should be taken literally (Braun 1982. but see contra Muscarella 2003. There are good reasons to suspect that the Greeks might have adopted the alphabet via Phrygian agency (Sass 2005.27. Nijboer 2005. Besides. a fact that has been recognized for some time. a lack that is nearly matched in Cyprus and Tel Sukas. is barely defensible. 48 In the case of Al Mina. Luke 2003. 2002b).Fantalkin Boardman 1990a. Hafthorsson 2006. see Spencer 2000. 146-52. that in the 8th century bc at Tell Sukas Greek pottery ‘progressively overwhelms and finally replaces other foreign (especially Phoenician) items. n. and contra Boardman 2002a.. Torres Ortiz 1998. 10). 372-81. 56 Frankenstein 1979. 229-30. like Cypriotes or Phoenicians: and this should show. passim. who questions Muscarella’s conclusions). it is odd that so little interest was shown in it – and its contents of perfumed oil – in much of the Levant. Coldstream 2003. That is not to deny the existence of some meagre pre-colonial contacts with places like Cyprus. see Helck 1986. 92-3). A few authors have expressed the view that Strabo’s account (17. 1996. Na’aman 2000. 61 Thus. and Sass 2005. Sherratt 2003. Iacovou 2005. 2005. See Gilboa and Sharon 2001. 141. the earliest possible dates suggested by Kearsley (1995) and Descœudres (2002. but this development has nothing to do with the NeoAssyrian policies. Crielaard 1999. Maeir 2004. due to Mytilene’s deliberate ‘investment’ in international activities rather than in more traditional avenues for the expression of power (such as large-scale constructions). 1999. Petropoulos 2003. Such a drastic upward chronological revision for the Proto-Geometric period. 133-54. For ‘Report of Wenamun’ as a piece of literature rather than historical account. 191-204. Needless to say that the same holds true regarding the Classical literary tradition. Since Protocorinthian is the Greek trade ware for most of the 7th century bc. 2005a. according to Lanfranchi 2000. Cf. Finkelstein 2004. 174. 22-3. 147. Coldstream 1998a. 2001. although from a later period. 239. Bikai 1983. Utica and Lixus took place at the turn of the 12th/11th centuries bc. 2003b. Dion 1997. Niemeyer 2004.e. Kuhrt 2002a. 1100 bc. On the other hand. Fantalkin 2001a. see Na’aman 1995a. After Finkelstein 1995a. 2005b). Coldstream and Mazar 2003. Kaplan 2002. 50). Sherrat 2003. Haider 1996. The amount of Greek pottery at Tell Sukas increase impressively only toward the end of the 7th/early 6th centuries bc. 36). one discovers. but not in Al Mina. For the numerous supporters of Phoenician domination in the Mediterranean already at the beginning of the Iron Age it may perhaps come as some surprise to discover that the biblical testimony regarding the cooperation between Kings Solomon and Hiram I does not reflect the realities of the 10th century bc. 31. and see Gilboa 2005. In any event. that Assyrians favoured Greeks over others in commercial and settling activities. But more. presence and settling after its domination had definitely consolidated. 57 Cf. the foundation date of Al Mina is a matter of controversy. Fantalkin (forthcoming a). and was ready to enhance and encourage their trade. Whether or not to accept Finkelstein’s low chronology is still a subject of ongoing discussion. indeed almost childish’.’ (emphasis added – A. 68-9) should certainly be down-dated (Gilboa and Sharon 2001. 59) summarizes the issue as follows: ‘A curious gap in the roster of early Greek pottery in Palestine is the complete lack of Protocorinthian pottery of the late 8th through most of the 7th centuries. 55 See Na’aman 1995b. for the date of composition. The most recent suggestion that the Proto-Geometric period should start c. The recent suggestion by Nijboer and Van der Plicht (2006).) 63 Rollinger 2001. Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006. 2006.’ 59 Lanfranchi 2000. however. since it occurred after the collapse of the NeoAssyrian regime. Muhly 2003. 143-4. Winter 1995. 1929. It should be noted that earlier scholarship tends to be more sympathetic to ‘Barbarian Asia’ when describing the relations between the coastal Ionian cities and the Lydian and Persian empires. 60-1. 120 Cf. In 612 bc. 126-8. Waldbaum and Magness 1997. 171. which is sometimes called ‘the Ionian Renaissance’. Master 2003. and see Vanderhooft 1999. 90 Hdt. 96 Helm 1980. 109 Lehmann 2002a. However. Fantalkin (forthcoming b). 81 The reliability of the Archaic Greek chronology has been questioned on several occasions (e. 85 See e. 95 Fantalkin 2001b. 128 Hamilakis 2002. 2003. 100 Wenning 1989. 255-61. 115 Is it a coincidence that Ionia’s cultural renewal. 84 Na’aman 1991a. On the other hand. Kuhrt 2002a. ostraca. 27. leaves no room for any significant lowering of the Archaic Greek chronology. 89 Fantalkin 2001b. But any valid explanation that deals with distribution of the imported pottery must take into consideration a wide spectrum of circumstances that may distinguish various regions during different periods (cf. Fantalkin 2001b. anchorage of Yavneh-Yam (cf. see Eshel 2001). 46:9. as reported in Ezekiel 27:13. 2000. 75 Parker 2000. 2004. 7-22. mentioned in Inscription 18 from Arad. Kerschner and Schlotzhauer 2005. 141-6.. see ¯ ¯ Tadmor 1994. Kocybala 1978. 44. Bonatz 1993. . scholars automatically assume that the presence of imported pottery is evidence of pottery trade. Koshelenko and Kuznetsov 1992. It is possible that these units were also active during a brief period when Egypt returned to the region (601/600–599/598 bc) as a result of Nebuchadnezzar’s unsuccessful campaign against Egypt in 601/600 bc. 1113. 80 Na’aman 1991a. 118 As may be deduced from Hall 1997. Zadok 2005. 132 I think Muhly’s skepticism about the notion of so-called traveling © The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 207 . 2. Kuhrt 2002a. Lemos 2001. 101 Na’aman 1991a. 67. 2000. Zadok 1985. 113 Luckenbill 1927.g. 35-6. 93 Saying all this. Morris 2005. all with further references. 141-6. 106 Fantalkin 2001b. 47. 78. 112 Finkelstein 2002.g. Tal 1999. 102 Cf. 69 Helm 1980. corroborated. Lipschits 2005. 2002. Niemeier 2001. Waldbaum 2002a). 99 Wenning 2004. Stager 1996.. 82 The appearance of East Greek pottery in Levantine assemblages toward the end of the 7th century bc has been summarized in a number of detailed studies: see e. 111 The location of Mezad Hashavyahu in the vicinity of the natural . inter alia. 128. 47-8. Ionian involvement in a slave and metal trade with Tyre. 1998a. Muhly 1970. Moles 2002. 228-9. 10-49. 112-13. accepted by Parpola and Porter 2001. 27. 123 Cf. 148. 51) suggestion that Necho II and his army may have sailed as far as the Lebanese coast and launched campaigns from there. 5 and Na’aman 2004. 66 Kuhrt 2002b. especially with places like Ashkelon. 232. Psammetichos I’s rule certainly extended at least as far as the Lebanese coast. Greaves 2002. otherwise inaccessible in the local environment. 119 Weinberg 1969. in the vicinity of Qablinu/Gablini (Wiseman 1961. 64-8. such phenomena. slightly earlier. 70. 167-8. In this regard the increasing importance of the naval forces under the Saïte Dynasty should definitely be emphasized (cf.. as reported in the Babylonian Chronicle (Wiseman 1961. perhaps. The Qrsy. 2005) suggest lowering the Archaic Greek chronology of late 7th to early 6th century bc by roughly three to four decades. Vanderhooft 1999. 121 For instance. which are sometimes characterized as ‘democracy’s ancient ancestors’ (Fleming 2004). 77 I owe this observation to Nadav Na’aman. in more details. 137. for instance.. that the so-called Greek temple of Tell Sukas is not Greek at all and is perfectly at home in a Near Eastern milieu (cf. 134-5. 1997. 94 Bettalli 1995. if any. 65 For detailed treatment of the Neo-Assyrian written sources. Kaplan 2002. 83 Na’aman 1991a. Faust and Weiss 2005. started in the 4th century bc.178. 18-19. Raaflaub 2004a. Na’aman 2004. Na’aman 1991a. and more recently. Bowden 1991). and see Na’aman 1991a. cf. Fantalkin 2001b. 130 Morris and Manning 2005. Fantalkin 2001b. 114 See e. 181. 86 See e. by a minor presence of Greek pottery there. 113. Burkert 2004. references to units of Kittim in the Arad documents provide additional evidence for the activity of these mercenaries in the service of Egypt (Na’aman 1991a. 73 Zadok 1996. Buxton 2002. Francis and Vickers 1985. with further references. Boardman 2001a. Galili and Sharvit 2005). 330. 2004. and see Möller 2000a. 2002a.g. deserves to be mentioned. 116 Hall 2002. 71 Cf. 80). mentioning. Fantalkin 2001b. the evidence supplied by the Levantine side appears to be crucial. fig. Balcer 1991. 254-5. Lawall 2006. the location of Ionia in the ‘midst of the sea’. 1991b. 131 Cf. 46-8. Isager 1994. Fischer 2005a. 261.179. 132. 70-6. cf. 137-41. Mazzoni 2002). remain a world apart from what was achieved on the Aegean side. describing the city of A∆tâ as an ‘emporium (b1t kari) on the seashore. 1978. Kelm and Mazar 1989. 135). Wenning 2001. mostly on the communal level. 72 Burkert 1992. Winter 1995. would have been directed mainly toward the East Greek mercenaries who were stationed in the region. 104-5. Spalinger 1978. 98 Fantalkin 2001b. Stevenson 1982. . 68 Helm 1980. see Brinkman 1989. with further references. 44. n. 2. a royal store-house’. 49-50. 70 Kuhrt 2002a. 2004. 108 Niemeier 2002. 2. de la Genière 1999. 79 Brinkman 1989. 122 It is quite clear. those East Greek mercenaries were able to receive some familiar goods (including pottery). Niemeier and Niemeier 2002. e. Waldbaum 1994. Kearsley 1999. although slight compared to Al Mina. Rollinger 2001. Fantalkin 2001b.Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age 64 Liverani 2005b. 329. In fact. 33-41. n. 78 Na’aman 2004. Psammetichos I and his army came to the aid of Assyrian king Sin-shar-ishkun and fought alongside the Assyrians in the far north. Dunham 1915. Recent and thorough contributions by James (2003. Osborne 2004. 1) and the East Greek pottery assemblage exposed in Ashkelon’s destruction layer (Waldbaum and Magness 1997. n. 13. 1-15. 103 Fantalkin 2001b. 182... 51-2).g. 105 Waldbaum and Magness 1997. Kuhrt 2002a. 1995. Hogarth 1909. 127 Papadopoulos 2005. In this case. 67 As may be deduced from Coldstream 1998b. Trundle 1999. 15-84. Finkelstein 1995b. Jer. as attested by various written sources in which the tribute brought by the kings of Phoenicia to Egypt is mentioned (Spalinger 1977. 107-8. 31-2. 68-9. Sherratt 2005. 124 It goes without saying that certain traditions of collective decision making. For the text. 97 Bettalli 1995. 104 Fantalkin 2001b. the destruction of Ashkelon by Nebuchadnezzar II in the month of Kislev 604 bc. 107-9. Niemeier 2001. 88 In too many cases. Tsetskhladze 1994. Niemeier 2001. Lenschau 1913. Frank Wascheck kindly informs me that most of the Fikellura pottery fragments unearthed at Tell Sukas should be dated to the last third of the 6th century bc. n. 90. Georges 1994. 76 Saggs 2001. 2004. 2002. Gill 1994). 18. 126 Snodgrass 1980. mainly after the ‘King’s peace’ in 387 bc? Cf. supports Na’aman’s (1991a. 110 As may be deduced from both Mezad Hashavyahu and the Arad . for Kittim in the later sources. Weinberg 1969. 129 Turner 2001. I do not wish to reject completely the possibility of certain East Greek trade with the coast of Palestine. 87 Master 2001. 204-8. 152-3. 257. Ambar-Armon 2005. were already widespread in the ancient Near East. 117 Hdt. 297-8. 74 Na’aman 2001. Still. Hdt. Wenning 2001. Waldbaum 2002b. Gorman 2001. as for the earlier periods. Lloyd 1972). 2004. 107 Niemeier 2002.g. 54-5. 33. Likewise. 91 Already in 616 bc. 77-87. 125 Cf. Elayi 1988. 61*. we should consider the possibility that whatever East Greek trade existed. 144. 1985. line 13. 75. Coldstream 1983. Radet 1893. 166-7. 85. Wenning 1981. however.g. Magness 2001.152. Pedersen 2004. Rollinger 2001. 49-50 and Malkin 2003b. Or. may relate to Carian mercenaries (cf. perhaps. 55. 92 In this regard. pl. Snodgrass 1980. Waldbaum 1994. 10. g. Antonaccio 1995. 2002. Except for a few insignificant cases. 168. Raaflaub 2004b. see Tetlock and Belkin 1996. Morris 1999. and see also Sherratt 2005. 2005. That is to say the small-scale initial disputes may easily be magnified into large-scale struggles between nations and kingdoms. Morris 2000. Whitley 2001. Antonaccio 1994. Mazarakis Ainian 1999. Finkelberg 2004. 335. 254. 1995. Cf. 102-23. Snodgrass 1980. Antonaccio 1995. making macrohistories out of microhistories and vice versa. 1994. but to cite a few: Coldstream 1976.g. Kardulias 1999. Morris 1988. passim. Whitley 1988. See also Morris 2000. Boardman 2005. 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London: Trustees of the British Museum. ‘Eine Schale mit Votivinschrift aus Histria. 2nd edn. 1993-1994). Morris. edited by C. 1983. Zadok. D. 1983b. Bîrzescu.K.’ Annuaire du Collège de France: 634-44. Die Kunst Ägyptens: Gestalt und Geschichte.J. Zuffa.J. D. J. ‘Aegina. J. 94: 679-83. C. Geographical Names according to New. 2003. Zadok.’ In A.. Yoyotte. Aphaia-Tempel: V. edited by B. Yon. D. D. Yon. Artzy. Paul Getty Museum 1. K.P. ‘L’Amon de Naukratis. Forthcoming. Zimi. 1960.’ RdE 34: 129-36. 9-34. Stissi. Ethnology or Literary Trope? (A Perspective on Early Orientalism). eds.H. Yon. Zimmermann. The Laconian Pottery. 2004. ‘Vasenscherben aus Klazomenai. In Enthousiasmos: Essays on Greek and Related Pottery Presented to J. London.A. 1961/89. Universität München. 61-8. Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt Studies on East Greek Pottery and Exchange in the Eastern Mediterranean Edited by Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer © The British Museum . British Museum GR 1886. keeping the same ISSN and ISBN preliminary numbers. For a complete catalogue of the full range of OPs and RPs see the series website: www/the britishmuseum.com or The David Brown Book Co PO Box 511. begins at number 151. © The British Museum . UK Tel: (+44) (0) 1865 241249 e mail oxbow@oxbowbooks. Oakville CT 06779.The OP series runs from 1 to 150. and the RP [email protected]) ISBN-13 978-086159-162-6 ISBN-10 086159-162-3 ISSN 0142 4815 © The Trustees of the British Museum 2006 Note: the British Museum Occasional Papers series is now entitled British Museum Research Publications. Ltd.com website www.net Printed and bound in UK by Latimer Trend & Co.brown.uk/researchpublications or write to: Oxbow Books.4-1.bk.ac.Toll free 1 800 791 9354 e mail david.1282 (Vase B 102. Park End Place Oxford OX1 1HN. USA Tel: (+1) 860 945 9329.The British Museum Research Publication Number 162 Publishers The British Museum Great Russell Street London WC1B 3DG Series Editor Dr Josephine Turquet Distributors The British Museum Press 46 Bloomsbury Street London WC1B 3QQ Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt Studies on East Greek Pottery and Exchange in the Eastern Mediterranean Edited by Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer Front cover: Fragment of North Ionian black-figure amphora (?) from Naukratis.oxbowbooks. Weber and D. Knidia. Hook. Cowell. Results and Questions Concerning Dorian Pottery Production Regina Attula The Non-Figured Wares from the Anglo-Turkish Excavations at Old Smyrna.Contents Contributors Preface Naukratis and the Eastern Mediterranean: Past. Fletcher. A. Schlotzhauer. D. Villing. Points of Contact with Naukratis Stavros Paspalas Chemical Provenance Determination of Pottery: The Example of the Aiolian Pottery Group G Hans Mommsen and Michael Kerschner 49 53 69 77 85 93 105 © The British Museum . U. Classification et détermination d’origine en laboratoire Pierre Dupont and Annie Thomas Archaic Greek Plates from the Apollo Sanctuary at Emecik. ITS CULTS AND ITS POTTERY The Hellenion at Naukratis: Questions and Observations Ursula Höckmann and Astrid Möller The Delta: From Gamma to Zeta Alan Johnston ‘Drab Bowls’ for Apollo: The Mortaria of Naukratis and Exchange in the Archaic Eastern Mediterranean Alexandra Villing Carian Mercenaries at Naukratis? Dyfri Williams and Alexandra Villing 11 23 31 47 II EAST GREEK POTTERY AND ITS PRODUCTION CENTRES: ARCHAEOLOGY AND SCIENCE The Study of East Greek Pottery John Boardman East Greek Pottery from Naukratis: The Current State of Research Udo Schlotzhauer and Alexandra Villing Neutron Activation Analysis of Pottery from Naukratis and other Related Vessels Hans Mommsen with M. Present and Future Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer v vii 1 I NAUKRATIS: THE SITE. Williams Naukratis: Les importations grecques orientales archaiques. S. Ph.R. Herrmann (†) and S. EXCHANGE AND IDENTITY The Greeks in Berezan and Naukratis: A Similar Story? Richard Posamentir Some Ceramic Inscriptions Istrian Sanctuaries: The Naukratis Approach Iulian Bîrzescu Naukratis and Archaic Pottery Finds from Cyrene’s Extramural Sanctuary of Demeter Gerald Schaus Imported Greek Pottery in Archaic Cyrene: The Excavations in the Casa del Propileo Ivan D’Angelo Etruscan and Italic Finds in North Africa. Weber and M.R. 7th–2nd century BC Alessandro Naso Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age Alexander Fantalkin Bibliography 159 169 175 181 187 199 209 © The British Museum . Schwedt. Mommsen. S.On the Provenance of Aiolian Pottery Michael Kerschner The Chian Pottery from Naukratis Dyfri Williams Some Observations on Milesian Pottery Udo Schlotzhauer with contributions by P. A. Cowell The Apries Amphora – Another Cartouche Donald Bailey 109 127 133 145 155 III EAST GREEK POTTERY AND THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN: CONTACT. Weber East Greek ‘Situlae‘ from Egypt Sabine Weber with an Appendix: Neutron Activation Analysis Results by H. 11. nr. Germany Astrid. ÖAI Franz-Klein-Gasse 1 1190 Vienna Austria Michael.uni-bonn. Domenico Maggiore 80138 Naples Italy ivandangelo@tiscali. Archéométrie – Archéologie Université Lyon 2 7.de Hans Mommsen Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn Helmholtz-Institut für [email protected] Alexander Fantalkin Tel Aviv University Department of Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Civilizations Ramat Aviv.uk Iulian Bîrzescu Institute for Archaeology ‘Vasile Pârvan’ of the Romanian Academy Str.ac.it Pierre Dupont and Annie Thomas CNRS-UMR 5138. Henri [email protected] John Boardman Ashmolean Museum Beaumont Street Oxford OX1 2PH United Kingdom john.ac.uk Ivan D'Angelo Università di Napoli ‘L'Orientale’ Dipartimento Mondo Classico e Mediterraneo Antico Palazzo Corigliano Piazza S.ac.de Donald Bailey The British Museum Greek and Roman Department Great Russell Street London WC1B 3DG United Kingdom [email protected] Regina Attula Ernst-Moritz-Arndt-Universität Greifswald Institut für Altertumswissenschaften Rudolf-Petershagen-Allee 1 17487 Greifswald Germany attula@uni-greifswald. Rue Raulin 69365 Lyon CEDEX 7 France pierre. 39 55118 Mainz Germany u.at Astrid Möller Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Seminar für Alte Geschichte Kollegiengebäude 1 Werthmannplatz 79098 Freiburg [email protected] Michael Kerschner Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut.de Alan Johnston Institute of Archaeology University College London 31–34 Gordon Square London WC1H 0PY United Kingdom tcfaawj@ucl. sector 1 010667 Bucharest Romania [email protected]@geschichte.de © The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | v [email protected] Kernphysik Nussallee 14–16 53115 Bonn Germany [email protected] Ursula Höckmann Taunusstr.oxford. Br. Tel Aviv 69978 Israel fantalk@post. de Dyfri Williams The British Museum Greek and Roman Department Great Russell Street London WC1B 3DG United Kingdom [email protected] Alexandra Villing The British Museum Greek and Roman Department Great Russell Street London WC1B 3DG United Kingdom avilling@thebritishmuseum. Umane e Sociali Via G. DAI Abteilung Istanbul Gümüssuyu/Ayapasa Camii Sok.au Richard Posamentir Deutsches Archäologisches Institut. DAI Eurasien-Abteilung Im Dol 2-6.dainst.org Gerry Schaus Wilfrid Laurier University Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies 75 University Avenue West Waterloo. Haus II 14195 Berlin Germany [email protected]. Ontario N2L 3C5 Canada [email protected] Udo Schlotzhauer Deutsches Archäologisches Institut.ac. snc 86100 Campobasso Italy [email protected] Stavros Paspalas Australian Archaeological Institute at Athens Zacharitsa 23 Koukaki 11741 Athens Greece [email protected] vi | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt © The British Museum . 6 65195 Wiesbaden Germany [email protected] Alessandro Naso Università degli Studi del Molise Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche.usyd.dainst. 48 34437 Istanbul Turkey [email protected] Sabine Weber Walkmühlstr. de Sanctis. The collaborative spirit that pervades the volume has its roots in the stimulating discussion and collaborative ambience of the workshop. As it emerged. Lindy Crewe for help with image editing. the related research and this volume possible. such as NAA for neutron activation analysis. Keeper of the Greek and Roman Department. Journals have been abbreviated after the guidelines of the American Journal of Archaeology. the result of a collaboration between the British Museum and members of the Naukratis Project of SFB 295 at the Gutenberg-Universität Mainz. especially Dudley Hubbard. as NiA I = North Ionian Archaic I. the scientific analysis of pottery samples taken both at the British Museum and elsewhere proved particular vital for many results presented here. Some additional abbreviations are used. A joint bibliography can be found at the end of the volume. we would like to thank in particular Dyfri Williams. © The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | vii . The order in which the contributions are arranged was in part determined by the practical necessities of printing the colour sections. as well as in the Middle East Department. colleagues in the Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan. and by the generous help of the staff of the Department of Conservation. Friedrich-WilhelmUniversität Bonn and the various other individuals. To a large extent this was made possible by subsidies from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. Sara Cambeta and Sotiria Papastavrou for help with proof-reading. all colleagues in Greek and Roman Department and the Educational AV unit for help with organising the workshop. Naukratis project leaders within SFB 295 – Kreikenbom for his support in organising the financing of the workshop. Susan Woodford. Kate Morton for producing two wonderful new maps and several profile drawings. and Höckmann for much help and constant openness to discussions. Mira Hudson. for making the workshop possible and for his unfailing support throughout. Editorial note For Greek names a Greek spelling has been retained wherever it was deemed not too unusual for the eye. who made it such an exceptionally productive experience. reliable and responsive colleagues as have come together for the present volume. Lesley Fitton. and last but not least Josephine Turquet for producing the volume sympathetically and efficiently as ever. The contributions assembled in this volume reflect this ongoing research and discourse. which has helped the volume to be. which led to further exchanges well beyond the confines of the actual gathering. Documentation and Science of the British Museum. notably Mike Cowell and Duncan Hook. we have greatly enjoyed working with such knowledgeable. for producing new photographs of objects at short notice. On the Mainz side. John Boardman for encouragement and the donation of his invaluable Naukratis archive to the British Museum. and Ursula Höckmann and Detlev Kreikenbom (Mainz). we hope.g. As editors. Eastern Mediterranean context. Made possible by the generosity of the Gerda-HenkelStiftung and the Caryatid Group of the British Museum’s Greek and Roman Department. not just a gathering of individual papers but more a thematically linked whole. we would like to thank in particular Sabine Weber (Mainz) for her vital input in the workshop and related research. historians and scientists with the aim of generating a fruitful discussion and exchange of ideas and knowledge to further our understanding of the site of Naukratis in its wider. by the personal interest of Professor Hans Mommsen of the Helmholtz-Institut. Bárbara Freitas. Many people have contributed to making the workshop. We are grateful to all participants. for helpful discussions and access to objects. the workshop brought together archaeologists. excavations and institutions that allowed material in their care to be analysed. On the British Museum side. MileA II = Milesian Archaic II) according to the new system set out in Kerschner and Schlotzhauer 2005. especially Jeffrey Spencer and Neal Spencer. to whom we extend our gratitude. Stylistic phases in the development of East Greek pottery from various regions have been abbreviated (e. which invariably means there will be considerable inconsistencies (such as Klazomenai and Aiolis but Cyrene and Laconia). the British Museum’s Photography and Imaging Department.Preface This volume has its origin in a workshop on Naukratis and East Greek pottery held at the British Museum in December 2004 as the 28th British Museum Classical Colloquium.