"Dikaiosune". An Essay in Greek Intellectual History.(In Tribute to George Grube, the Distinguished Author of "Plato's Thought") Author(s): E. A. Havelock Source: Phoenix, Vol. 23, No. 1, Studies Presented to G. M. A. Grube on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday (Spring, 1969), pp. 49-70 Published by: Classical Association of Canada Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1086568 . Accessed: 23/02/2015 14:15 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
[email protected]. . Classical Association of Canada is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Phoenix. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Mon, 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions DIKAIOSUNE An Essay in Greek IntellectualHistory (In tributeto George Grube, the distinguishedauthor of Plato's Thought) E. A. HAVELOCK ALTHOUGH THE DOCTRINE of the four cardinal virtues cannot be documentedin a formalsense earlier than Plato's Republic in the first quarterof the fourthcenturyB.C., it is commonlyassumed to have been supported by a traditionwhich went back perhaps two centuriesinto the archaic period.' The priorityof dikaiosunein the Platonic canon needs no demonstration.Its proposed definitionconstitutesthe formal "hypothesis" of the treatise and though the firstbook in the manner of the other early dialogues on virtue ends aporetically,the treatiseas a whole devotes itself to completing the definitionwith meticulous exactitude.2The effectof theeloquent argumentofferedin Plato's written masterpiecehas been to riveton the mindsof scholarsand laymenalike the presumptionthat the English terms"justice" and "righteousness" representwhat had always been a general idea available to the Greeks throughouttheir earlier cultural history,a concept lying at the back of theirminds and taken forgranted. If one asks, Is thispresumptionbased on fact?,the answerwilldepend on how "fact" is defined.Is it a datum supplied by the intuitionsof moral philosophy,which has always been prone to assume forits own purposes that the notion of the moral law as idea or ideal informsour common humanityand must exist as a realized concept in the minds of all men who share such a culture as the Greeks possessed? Or is it 'W. Jaeger,Paideia, translated by Gilbert Highet, 1 (Oxford 1946) 106: "Plato took it over en bloc fromthe ethical systemof the early Greek city-state."Pind. Nem. 3.71-76 and Aesch. Sept. 610 have been interpretedas assuming the doctrine(see also TheognisPhocylides, below notes 50, 51); so L. R. Farnell (Amsterdam 1965) on Pindar ad loc. (but contraWilamowitz, Pindaros [Berlin 1922] 279, n. 3); P. Groeneboom (Groningen 1938) on Aeschylus ad loc.; James Adam (reprinted, Cambridge 1963) on Plato Resp. 427E. A "Pythagorean" origin was admitted as possible but unprovable by Adam (loc. cit.) and supported with demonstrationby F. M. Cornford(CQ 6 [1912] 246-265). See below, n. 4 sub fin. 2Dikaiosune in the polis 432B 2 ff.; in the psyche442D ff.In each case the definition is completed by a definitionof the contrary and correspondingvice. Further demonstration of the profitabilityof dikaiosune (444E 7 ff.) in effectextends the definition (588B 6-7) and is again formallycompleted by an expositionof the miseryof the corresponding vice (576B 11 ff.). A mathematical ratio is even established between the two (587B 4 ff.). 49 PHOENIX, Vol. 23 (1969) 1. This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Mon, 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions contrasts the assured claims to justice put forward by Agamemnon and Clytaemnestrawith "the language of Cassandra. This content downloaded from 132. Bias. The s vocabulary of the formula SLKaLOorV71 printed by Diels-Kranz dAPLO/EldOKLKSeoos. If we except a couplet found in the Theognidean corpus (a false exception: to this we shall returnlater) the word is not foundin extant Greek literature before Herodotus. Vorsokr. and one (which depends on editorialsupplement)in Damon as cited in a Philodemus papyrus. Hecateaus of Abdera. H.one in Thrasymachus.which by revealingpatterns of action approved or rejected will reveal also the presumed guidance of correspondingmoral principles?Or. discussing Euripides' Electra 1051 ("You have spoken dikaia.8 on Mon. (1. finally. and because of our habit. difficult to resist.v." is Platonic. afterall. "dikaiosune.3The comparatively late appearance of dikaiosunetakes on added significancewhen we note that (with one exception: a fragmentof Euripides) it does not occur in any of the extant remainsof the pre-Platonicpoets. 34.a notionbasic to our own discoursein theWest (whether we accept or reject it) and one which thereforewould have been thought equally basic to the discourseof the Greeksto whomwe tracethe founda'The habit is as unconscious as it is pervasive in all who write on such topics as "Greek Ideals" or the "Greek way of life.50 PHOENIX guaranteedby the contentof historicalstudies.its occurrencesare limitedto fivecontextsin Herodotus.is it safest to test the presumptionby the canons of linguisticusage where alone the idea alleged to exist in the common mind can find verbal expression and thus submit to verbal measurement?This last will be the methodology of the present paper.Meritand Responsibility(Oxford 1960) 185-186. The fact can fail to attract the attention it deserves because of the prevalence in all authors from Homer onwards of dike and dikaios..of translatingthese two words as thoughthey belongedin the mental and moral context of Platonic dikaiosune. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . One is justifiedin the case of this particularword in notingthe comparative rarityof occurrenceas remarkable." listed under the names of (Archytas). one in Thucydides. n. C.Here.one in the Antiphonpapyrus. Anaxagoras.4By the second decade of the fourthcenturyon the otherhand the word has obtained commoncurrency.s." Two recent and careful studies of Greek ethical thoughtare not immune to it. . W." 4The unwary should not be misled by the entries in the index to Diels-Kranz. . We address ourselves to a study of terminology. s. see LS7.22) as "Pythagorean.9. but the dike in them is aischron") comments on "the choice of aischron as the term to express the claims of dikaiosune. Her terms are more savage and more primitive . Adkins. To the end of the fifthcentury. who in all her catalogue of blood and vengeance has no thought of dike. is the most convenientGreek noun by which to index the notion of moralityas an ethicalprinciple. Pythagorean School (four entries). it is only when Clytaemnestra exults over her deed that the notion of justice is reintroduced. Pearson.more particularlyto the historyof the word dikaiosuneitself. On this last see below.v. llcdKIS.248.452." L. A. Popular Ethics in Ancient Greece(Stanford 1962) 116-117. to the stage representedby Periclean Athens.Epic and elegy would have had to reject it if available. 6Paul Cauer. Dike and dikaios referto the maintenanceof reciprocalrelationsof right: they connote "rights" rather than "righteousness".One does nothave to be a philosopher to use it. If we apply this rule of thumb to dikaiosune. or that it would have appeared not infrequentlyas a verbal counterin the dialectic of Thucydides' speeches. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 48. n. so far as the poets are concerned. as he does use philophrosune. The -osune words (there are several in Homer) have been studied as evidence of early abstraction. they were indexes of purely external behaviour whetherof gods or of men.Dikaiotes appears to be a fourthcenturycoinage.if that is the word.the propertyof an individual. did not achieve the status of a "name" (onoma) until Greek culture had matured.forwhateverreason.Pindar could have used it. nor in the historians.The neuter of dikaios with the article carriesus no furtherthan the bounds of meaningset by dikaios (and to these bounds we shall return). or for that matterin lyric. a play which in its revised versionwas amended to findroom fora fairly lengthyconfrontationbetween Dikalos Logos and Adikos Logos? Nor is it easy to identifyany equivalent for the term which might have made the coinage unnecessary. One would have thought.9.offersno difficulty in dactyls or anapaests.6It is to our purpose to note that they denote personal properties(what Aristotlewould call dynameis)which match the behaviourindicatedby the correspondingadjective: theyare "psychological" words. had not hithertodemanded it. Its scansion. we might conclude that the notion of resident moralityas an attributeof a person. If social and economicchanges occurringat the time were such as to 6It occurs neitherin the extant remains of lyric and drama.as opposed to dike and dikaios.DIKAIOS UNE 51 tionsofourmoraland politicalphilosophy. der Homerkritik(Leipzig 1895) 439.or as a set ofhabit-patterns in him.' With the appearance of dikaiosuneit had occurredto some that this kind of reciprocalpropriety correspondedto a personalvirtue. Is it not rather an odd accident-to cite a conspicuous example of omission-that it does not occur anywherein Aristophanes' Clouds. that it would be likely to recur in the moralisingmeditations addressed by Pindar to his patrons and by the chorusesof Greek tragedyto theiraudiences. Further it might be guessed that its appearance marks the beginningof the internalizationof a moral conception hitherto viewed froma purelyexternaland social point of view.248.for example.8 on Mon. This content downloaded from 132.and that even then the -lame forit was not a popular one nordid it becomeso untiltheinfluenceof the fourth-century thinkers made it so.' Tentatively we conclude that dikaiosune was coined sometimeduringthe fifthcenturyand possiblynot before450 to express a notion which. Grundfragen 7See below. 35-39 and 263-264. OTLTCDa 91.pleadingthatit was forhim to neglecthis own affairs. Op.a manofintelligence and widereputation.9. . thisneednotsurpriseus.Faced withan in"unprofitable" creasingdegreeof "lack of order"(&volt-s."8 was confined by theentireAsiaticmainland.97. invented.96... ayc-Psr r6 &bKov rtLO7/IEVOo rB baly iroAf6v eiatL.. It willbe convenient to listthemalphabetically.says the historian. description ofEcbatanais followed ofthePersianpalaceceremonial by a description whichDeioces.2 and 3) the Medes heldassemblyto decidepolicyand votedto establisha monarchy which would bringlaw and orderand the opportunity to get workdone.. HERODOTUS 1. Hesiod . If thecoinagedoes not appearto be poetic.2: 5LKaLOacvTV1 7KEE. conceptionof "right" wouldbe encouragedalso.had monarchical ambitions.96.Deioces.It is timeto turnto usageitself.2-3.havingbrokenawayfrom previoushistory theAssyrian Theirexamplewasfollowed Empire"gainedtheirfreedom. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . .whichhe soughtto realizeby conon the "practice"of dikaiosuneforhe understoodclearly centrating that in the presentlawlessconditionof the countrythe antagonism between"right"and "wrong"was fundamental.however.as partof his plan.its motivebeingto stress his own uniquenessin separationfromhis subjects. cf. forpoeticvocabularyfavoursthe traditional. ..248.52 PHOENIX thenan individualized encourageindividualism.. thespeculators.A certainDeioces.whichin turncalls fora summary ofMedia-Persia.The Medes. The fivecontexts inwhichHerodotususesthetermarewidelyscattered hishistory.. ofsocietywhomitis oftenconvenient andtheprosaicminority toidentify as theintellectuals? whichlie in advanceof our investiThese.1.whereupon he requiredthemto furnish a royalcapital An architectural (whichbecameEcbatana) and a bodyguard. man Chapter98 describeshowtheypickedon Deioces as a well-known to be monarch.. finallydeclinedto continuethis.95-129 The conquestof Lydia becomesthe historian's occasionto narratethe of the historyof Cyrusthe Persian. 0o.are conclusions gation. Was it not morelikelyto be theworkof the thinkers.O) Te Kal 6tK~Covw Kaos . thesubmission requiring 8TheGreekadds emphasisby repeatingtheidea in triplicate.' He was accordingly chosento be "judge" ofhis village. This content downloaded from 132.Theirpoliticalorganization to thevillage.His legal administrationbecamesevereand morebureaucratic.8 on Mon. Kard 76 6p0bv 1.The reputation ofhislegaladministrationwhichwas "straight"and "correct"'0in contrastto decisions renderedin othervillagesinducedneighbouring villagesto bringtheir suitsto himuntilhe had a monopoly ofthejudicialprocess. as through follows: A. ." The story ends happily for Cyrus.. two mortal enemies. 6&Ka. 6T&. the boy was broughtbeforehim to answer. This boy refusedto carryout orders until he 'got his right'" [that is.till one day (1..""2 K . This brings the dynasty down to Astyages (chapter 107).juv . The triumphant Harpagus. with the king recognizingand accepting his grandson. assigningthe builders. Finally. then it would have been more "right" to make anotherMede king ratherthan a Persian.a result totally"wrongful. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . &&K(T aTo 5.vat.the soldiers. was in infancyordered to be killed for dynastic reasons. and he in fact grew up as the putative son of a herdsman. 7epov oaY 6. .claims main credit for the success of the revolt. then confronteach other in dialogue. a7rkiaLe.. As it is." Complaint was then laid beforeAstyages." Whereupon Astyages uses argument to prove to him that he is both the most "stupid" and the most "wrongful" of mortals. oKa&6TracroV Lv &.115.but enforcingappropriateand adequate penalties for all acts of hybris.9. 6.. the ministerwho had failed to carry out the original order.114)..El.and the royal agents their respective tasks (1. He. whereupon the folk tale of the boy Cyrus takes over. 'Aorv&y-rsbe .ra ye.2-4. he could have made himself king instead of someone else. 12'Apira-os 8 iy r.. when he was ten. I did this 'rightfully.2). and then the Median recoveryfromdefeat inflictedon them by the Scythians. 1. If this makes me deservingof evil. etvat Mtbwv (y 7k rep43aXelv ..DIKAIOSUNE 53 of writtenbriefs.248. and the captive Astyages.c ~owvrob6 5&KalLws e. Here the tale breaks off.Chapter 101 in two lines narratesthe formation of the Medes as a nation under Deioces and in two more the ethnic composition of Media. and defeats and deposes his grandfather.2 and 3. but pity had prevailed over the savage instructions issued. narrate the dynastic succession and the wars of the Median dynasty thus established. '8 "uov 7jV 85tKi v.'I was chosen king as evidentlythe most fittedforthe post."O King. "It is rightlymy achievement.8 on Mon. with the help of this minister.His spies and agents pervaded the kingdom. the Medes have been enslaved for something they were not themselves responsiblefor. 7"ov7"o 7"6 This content downloaded from 132. 1.thoughinflictingsavage retributionupon Harpagus.and replied.the messengers.Xaoe . Chapters 102 if.. including the conquest and absorption of Persia and finallyof Assyria. If his motive was a grudge against Astyages.. was punished].114.If the achievementis reallyhis. Harpagus.129. Hence the complete stupidity. the boys playing "I am King of the Castle" in the villagestreetchose him as "king. here I am. A nobleman's son refused his assignmentand was duly ordered whipped by the herdsman's son in his capacity as "king... tauntingthe deposed monarch." whereupon(apparently with kinglyinstinct)he proceeded to distributehis "subjects" by function.Cyrus organizes a revolt of the Persians against the Medes. the halfPersian grandsonof Astyages. r6 Irpya.6... 3. '7rodaropa K 6.each with its own king.2.who foundeda dynasty(chapters158 ff.8 on Mon. a priest of Hephaestus" whose policies neglected the interestsof the Egyptian warriorsto the extentof expropriatingtheirlanded holdings.73. But being unable to conduct theirlives forany lengthof timewithouta king.. O1 .141-152 (with extensiveomissions) The historianhas narratedin garbled forma highlycondensedversion of Egyptian dynastichistory.concludingwith the reignof one "Sethos.151.54 PHOENIX The narrative then resumesthe historyof the Median-Persiankingdom.4.152. And so the twelve kings "employed dikaiosune"'3and continued to do so until. in the absence of resistance..9.one of themseemed to fulfillthe oracle by accident.3). B. Their carefulobservance of these three rules was designed to prevent this. . and "place them on deposit"'" at that city.2).1.been exiled once before.'4but they stripped him of his powers and exiled him.Being now a victim of hybris(2.vpw.) C. There theyremainedas hostagesuntil the death '"tKatool'vwlXpewlI. and in due course with the aid of "bronze men fromthe sea" (that is.Directly they had assumed theirrespectivekingdoms. He had in fact. Greeks) he deposed the eleven and become monarch of all Egypt. he planned vengeance on his persecutors. These twelve.73 and 85-87 The two Spartan kingsCleomenesand Leotychidesdescendupon Aegina and. . f 7 ovqJLi7 This content downloaded from 132. This was Psammetichus.147. 15irapaO7 KaTaitOver"t. a bitterfoe of Aegina. The eleven took no chances.an oracle had foretoldthat one of them would be monarchof all Egypt.select and seize ten prominentAeginetans. take them to Athens. besides intermarrying. governed their administration mutual subversionand also or which forbade three rules regulations by mutual aggrandisement. KTE'aL L OL)oK Kvwo'v.. " V S.and which guaranteedcompletemutual amity (2.3).so could not consider it "right" to kill him. They establishedby examination that he had done so without intention. Though dikaiosuneitselfhas occurredonly once in these 35 chapters. .151.. HERODOTUS 6.adds the historian.on a certainoccasion.248. . 2. this small event will be seen to gain some significancefromthe extendedcontextin whichit is found. At the conclusionof his reginthe Egyptians were "liberated" (2. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions rpoVoLrjs abr"V .2. Herodotus then gives his account of the motive behind this arrangement. HERODOTUs 2. they divided the entire countryinto twelve districts.147. Accordingto the oracle the futuremonarchwould be identifiedby the fact that he would pour libation in the templeofHephaestus froma cup of bronze. If I was not. besides being generallypreeminent.s U 7l.. and to prevail. 6 18To'ToY T 7s ai s. .' Aftera long interval of time the children of the depositor arrived..6.. But I want to tell you of a "happening" in Sparta which concerneda deposit. PXai3KE. .. V7E o0 'AO7v7a-oLrpo)claLc ioLo6bvAL. well understandingthat deposit with you means security for me.r V rL 7T Eiprlpy(UyP 7T? X6'7. Afterall even the man of faithful oath must die. I will apply the usual Greek regulationsagainst you.86.4.86a). the choice is yours (6. Give me fourmonths. I want to recall the matter and do the 'right' thing. whereas the Peloponnese enjoys secure and settled conditions. produced the tokens. "I can't carryback to any knowledgeof what you are talking about. klTbOaro rapaOcK71' S." Glaucus accepted the deposit on these terms..3. So Leotychidescame and demanded his "deposit.86.. and here are the tokensyou must keep.863. iKCw prViaV6pa4afp .I have decided to converthalf my property into silver and deposit it with you.whereas the lineage of the man of faithfuloath can prevail..'8 Ionia.1. Here it is.it was finallyagreed. asking the oracle: Shall I take oath and plunder the money?The oracle replied in seven hexameterverses to the effectthat (a) it would be more profitableto take oath.and left.86a.. 6. ELXKOV. ovzve-tX17.Glaucus put themoff.whereupon. o'vr. to refuseto do so is the opposite.."I don't remember.and asked payment.enjoyed a unique reputationamong Spartans fordikaiosune. s -s 6. a Spartan tribunalfoundthe plaintiffsto have been the victimsof hybris (6. SLKatoobof?. but the oracle refused: w." he said. This content downloaded from 132. A Milesian arrivedand told him: "I want to enjoy the benefitof your dikaiosune which has gained wide reputationin Ionia and indeed in all Hellas.1). .. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . daraTEE 77P )rapaOflK1V.86. v7 Xbyos 7roXXbs. . and to plunder the money.86.248. Leotychides. laKOtVEW ptoTa fLKaLoovr'p ip7rrp . cf. 6. If I was the recipientI would be correctto pay up.GLKoov a E rEpt ~rapaOOtKt?s. KOtO. 6." The Atheniansdid not thinkit "right" to comply6":the deposit had been made by two kings. 6. . Oljvat. ob .7 There is a Spartan traditionabout one Glaucus three generationsago who. and moneycontinuallychanges hand.. You will restoreit to the bearerof corresponding tokens. so I have reflected.2.3. (b) However. was to accompany them to Athens to take back the hostages.85. Glaucus promptlyasked pardon of the oracle." The Milesians made out that theyhad been disastrouslyrobbed.not one. Glaucus resortedto Delphi. tKaLOoLV)YSp o fOUvX6IE'cosroXaictoat. To thisLeotychidesmade a lengthyreply: To restorethemis an act of piety. Tradition reportsthat in the course of time the followingthing "happened" to him.on complaintof the Aeginetansat Sparta.is continuallyinsecure..8 on Mon..9.v1 'XOt8yeV'oOaL 6.DI K AIOS UNE 55 of Cleomenes. oath has a demonic offspringwhich can exterminatea man's lineage and household.86. . then..yaO6Bv 6..25 M rept rapaGOjK v rs OiXXoye 7 8tavoaEOat '7rarEbVrwc d. Art.they prepared to retaliate.: There are worse thingsthan that which can happen to us.9. But my fears persist. .: You have correctlydefinedwhat human lifereallyis. or would you have changed your mind? Art.Death is man's most preferredrefuge. The moralof thisstory: in the case of a deposit do not even harbourintentionof refusingpayment to a claimant. But to another topic:24 evils are irrelevantwhen a good enterpriseis in hand. by X.OYTO..47. . .1.: It occurredto me to calculate"2how briefis the lifeof man. .At the spectacle of such incomparable numbers of men he firstcongratulatedhimself. no one is born blessed withoutthe certaintythat he will often wish himselfdead rather than alive.46.866. Disaster and disease can make even a shortlifeseem protracted. HERODOTUS 7.. 8i ot 7r68e."20 However.87. 0o bLKas r&Pv 'AOnV'aLouS 2ooirw a cbs r&EAwpa6Aevot. obva7s Troabrls o'lr7v lrep obatpiat .2. XooTLdAero. TapKcUM6.O Athenians. Glaucus restoredthe money. ' arobb6vat.2' D.1.. rpLv7rC rp6repovabLK7arT 80uao v 3ptoav . If that dream had not been so vivid.engaged him in a dialogue of which the followingis a summary: Art. Now. complaining against the Athenians and claimingthey had been "wronged" themselves. ?rava&/eOaa 4pdpaov 7. 7. Short as lifeis. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions etvat.44-52 Xerxes on his way to Greece pauses at Abydos in order to ascend an eminencefromwhichhe can reviewhis army and fleet.8 on Mon. an originalopponent of the expedition. ab 243LtoTfjsj'V VvUv VOpwr77s riTpt. . The Aeginetanshad not yet paid "redress" forthe "wrongs" previously committedagainst Athens to please the Thebans.PHOENIX 56 to temptthe god was equivalent to doing thedeed..47. &ALOYVres &8LKfeiaQ 22 's iroXX6Y&XXXiwv KeXoptporPa pTpydao. y&p 23ooXO~ e .do I tell this tale? There is now no root or branchof Glaucus' line leftin Sparta. but then wept.: I could hope the vision may issue as we both want it to. the god grudgesus more than a taste of pleasure. more particularlyas I see two supreme (elements) extremelyadverse. 2b56ora /itywcrar&vrwrov 6vra roXeAtLrcara.: Your actionsare in flatcontradiction:22self-congratulation followed tears. 7.46. Athens gave no hearingto this argument.and Leotychides left. would your negative view of this expedition still hold. of all these myriadsnone will be around one hundredyears fromnow. . . "And why.248. whereuponhis uncle Artabanus. X.2.7. . This content downloaded from 132. 6. The rise of the Persian empire proves this. whichis not trueof continual hesitation and second thought.Now I come to the second: otherobstacles aside. Great enterprisesin fact always involve great danger. the lesson is that men cannot controlcalamities but are controlledby them.1. Had they been guided by your frameof mind this would not have happened. reckoningon every possible vicissitude.50. Human excellence consists in planning with extremecaution.In the case of (a) they will add no advantage to us. Success is a commodityin short supply for human beings. We carry supplies and will also live offthe land which is tilled and not prairie. X. take one piece of advice. theirsize is beyond criticism. 7. Great extensivecalculation. My ancestors threw themselvesat danger to achieve what they did. 7. the hostility directed against you by the land will increase in proportionto your advance.If you keep giving second thought to anything that can come up you will never do anything. Art.Contentiousargumentsofferedagainst any and every proposal with no demonstrationof the secure course to take are just as likelyto court failureas theiropposite.: You distinguishand define these several matters correctly.248. Do not-so I advise -do not by any means lead forththe Ionians against theirparents.1.To increase them is to increase the hostilityof the two elements: these are land and sea.An elan which ignoresexceptionscan run into dangers-say half of those anticipated-but this is far better than a general timiditywhich runs into nothing. Art.DIKAIOS UNE 57 X.9.: No. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .. Like themwe proceedin this campaign to subdue all Europe beforereturning home. and even in the absence of otheropposition."6But you must avoid excessive timidity. If theyjoin our expeditioneither(a) they will put themselvescompletelyin the wrong by enslaving their metropolis or (b) they will put themselvescompletelyin the rightby conspiring with her to defend her freedom. That is one of the two elements. X6yov 27wrXevpa ~rKeiYva. They are self-cancelling.: Since nothing may deter you.beforeacting with ilan.the land as distance accumulates will starve you. This content downloaded from 132.51.A human being in fact is denied certainknowledgeof the most secure course. A willingness to act is usually rewardedby success.additionsare immediatelyavailable.8 on Mon.We don't need them to win.27Cyrusreduced enterprisescall forcorrespondingly Ionia to tributarystatus-all of it except Athens. which are these? Is our land army open to criticism or is our fleetinferior?If eitheris true.: My dear man. The sea has no harbour large enough to shelter the fleet in a storm and you will need a successionof harbourson the route. in the case of (b) theywill gain the capability of doing 2solK6brws Ipv o1' ye rob70rwV EKaora btLapiaL. Se ~ALKW7-aTOr V yLYEovaatL.when duringDarius' incursioninto Scythia they could have destroyedthe entireexpedition and come out on top themselves. . 3'rb r5oLatobvjs r 32S. If Persia won. s29rcv&redlvao yvwyc'-wp.2. . E. he was to give the fundto Xerxes with the usual tokensof submission.8 on Mon.: Of the ideas so farexpoundedby you"2this last one whichexpresses fear of revolt by the Ionians is particularlyerroneous.163-164 Xerxes' invasion. His action was entirelyvoluntary and prompted by dikaiosune. the occurrencemay be seen to gain significanceonce the extended context is taken into consideration. Abandon these fears. 7. and propertybehind them to remindthem not to revolt.but had refusedhis conditions for doing this.Cadmus crownedthe recordof rightfulacts emanatingfromhim by the following supremeexample:32 he completelycontrolledthe large funds entrusted ' 281 ydpoeaS .vroi iXlrero.2WU.You are my sole regent.What theyin fact respondedwith was dikaiosuneand loyaltywith everysign of courtesy.had invitedGelo rulerof Syracuse Greece.6SKa67arTOL olot ree67X aaoOatL. These nine chapters furnishonly one occurrenceof dikaiosune. aol a6 5LKaLOealvYvY is K eibov wOLcnKaTaOelsv &pXjv. o.They gave us supreme proof.If the Greekswon he was to return with the money. rvY 6 IrlroeY tLKaLOLeYL ToLtL AXMOLLr7.re." Besides. X.Having inheritedthe kingdomof Cos in good conditionfromhis father. WhereuponArtabanus was sent back to Susa. a native of Cos.. aXapt& obekv. 7.His instructionswere to maintain good relationswith everybody but to await the issue. e 7.. . to Delphi entrustingto him a large supply of funds. He chose Cadmus because of his past history. 6L tLKaLO bntvfY ol ars6 &XXpv o-vvl7ee &oioav. He accordinglydespatched an agent. . . L. KCOraTOL . one Cadmus.164. 7TOVS.31(In Sicily he acquired Zankle fromSamos and made a settlement there.. The town changed its name to Messene.52..Cadmus had "deposited" his authorityover Cos with the commonsand gone off to Sicily.but. After the departure homeward of the Greek embassy. . OiK AXXLtTrovTroUrwY This content downloaded from 132.1.2.1. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . tKaoQ U~LYt6ptIVOL iv vvv7wb6eYOLob6YKfp'OSiya 7ptvrpoa3aXXovuO.248. I want you to protectmy household and throne. as in the case of passage A..52. theyhave left children. Kal lreYTTS7a YwKav.164. HERODOTUS7.witnessedby yourselfand others.51." Remember the old saying: you don't see all the end at the beginning.58 PHOENIX severe damage to your expedition. . 7.. Gelo concluded that the Greekswould probablybe beaten.) Gelo was well aware that his arrival under these circumstanceswas only one instance of a generaldikaiosunein him. That is why he used him as emissary.1.9. it was safest to play a waitinggame.wives.confronting to lend her militaryand naval assistance. epyaUEPVOLUL Kal TIe i'e/. posits the presenceof a dikaiosune (in the Ionians) whichis to be falsifiedby events. in each case providing a model of dikaiosune which effectivelyguides and governs the attitude of others toward the exemplar.AfterSalamis and the departureof Xerxes he departed too. Two.In B this colorationpertains to the peaceful and harmonious reignof the twelve kingsconductedjointly accordingto threeprinciples previouslyadopted. to keep it (the twelve kings).The dikaiosuneof Herodotus is not a virtue of commonmen. Xerxes invokes the personal witnessof those who were presentat the crisisof the Danube bridgein Darius' reign.33 All these passages have a paradigmatic flavour. a long Spartan tradition is stressedas the groundof the tale. producing the impression that the usage of the termmay be casual ifnot accidental. In A.Xerxes in D on the other hand. 34Egyptiandikaiosune turns up again in the Aegypticaof Hecateaus of Abdera (DielsKranz. They are distributed through Books One.In these fourexamplesdikaiosuneas a conception suffersno impairment.but he refused. Six.248. and Seven. if only to Salamis. In E. In C and D it occurs as a termplaced in the mouthof kings (Leotychides and Xerxes). whichis itselfnarratedas a "happening" of unusual significance. and E dikaiosuneis an "attribute" (we use thistermto avoid furtherdefinitionat this point) employedby kingsto gain power (Deioces).2.Thus.8 on Mon.9.34Sometimes it is suggested that the example narrated has in factpassed into history.The unique reputation of Deioces among his fellowmen is stressed (A). then Xerxes states a view confirmedby the event (and perhaps offeredto justifyit?). The absence of the term in other Presocratic literature (above n. It appears in historyas the propertyof personswho are treatedas exemplars.DIKAIOSUNE 59 to him and could have appropriatedthem.242. Vorsokr. in C. Nor is it irrelevantto note the air of historicalromance with which 33That is. three of them concentrated in C. as is that of Glaucus (C) and Cadmus (E). the hero's act ofintegritycrownsa previousrecord. omitted in index. 4) may suggest that Hecataeus and Herodotus drew on a common source (Protagoras? See the conclusion of this article). B. or (apparently) to relinquish it (Cadmus). These five contexts yield a total of eight occurrencesof the term dikaiosune. speaking as an absolute monarch. and Leotychidesand Cadmus representthe attitudesnot of absolutism but limitedmonarchy.but again perhaps not. if the dialogue looks forwardto Mycale. lines 13.In D. and broughtall the money back with him. this may be fortuitous. The "kings" in examples A and B won power through electionor popular approval (this also coversthe case of the boy Cyrus). 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . This content downloaded from 132. Admittedlyin these two examples it is assigned to persons other than kings. but this time to Sicily. and 23).But comparison between the five reveals some shared characteristicswhich are curious. Thus the overall context resemblesthat of the first of impart of A.1). 127. the continuitybetween the romance of Deioces and the romance of Cyrus is interrupted.thus gaining the rightof retaliation. Although the scenes of A and B are laid in differentcountriesand alien histories.Yet comparison between them again yields some curious and unexpected results.who becomes the victim of hybris.35In the case of A dikaiosune reflectsthe relationshipbetweenjudge and litigantor betweenmonarchand subject.which leads to dissolution of the partnershipand the re-establishmentof an undivided monarchy. The extended contexts (A and B) in which these firsttwo instances happen to occur may not at firstsight seem directlyrelevant to the occurrence.60 PHOENIX all five contextsare invested. 1. In A. and when called to account he cites the claim of dike as his justification.and the monarchyhe finallyestablishes concentrates itself upon these aims.the intelligentand the stupid in dialectical confrontationwith each other. This content downloaded from 132. a story illustratingthe effectand also the difficulty plementingdikaion as a principleof government. The story of Glaucus.but on examination both turnout to be storieswhichexploreor illustratethe applicationof dike and dikaion as operative principlesin history.248. is embedded in an account of a judgment of hybrisformallypassed against Athens. After the success of his conspiracy against the Median dynasty. Deioces fromthe beginningis guided by the conviction that "right" and "wrong" are irreconcilable. The boy Cyrus. This in turn is countered by a challenge phrased by Leotychides in terms of a schematic antia"The rebellion led by Cyrus likewise conferred"freedom" on the Persians (Hdt.His ascent to power is made logical because he makes himselfthe effectiveinstrumentforimplementing"right" judicially and administratively. His election as king becomes the occasion forthe enforcementof orders against a subject. In A and B the exemplarsof dikaiosune are furnishedby the historiesof Persia and Egypt respectively.theyboth turnout to be instanceswherean ethnicgroup gains its freedomaftera period of subjection and then is rescued from misgovernment by a monarchywhichpractisesdikaiosune. in B it marksthe maintenanceof a covenanted partnershipin power based on an agreementwhichis kept until finallyabrogated at the expense of one of the partners.9.8 on Mon.6.82. his trusted ministerand the deposed monarch confronteach other in a dialogue which pits the rightand the wrong. like Deioces. with the accompanyingsuppressionof hybris.126. The schematismof the passage exploitsthat device of formalantithesis already noted as an intellectualinfluenceon the early career of Deioces. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . told in C.5). but a judgment countered by an Athenian claim of dikaion. is firstdiscoveredoperatingin a village. This example of monarchical leadership as an instrumentof liberation is recalled in the conclusion of the constitutionaldebate (3. 8 on Mon.However. it is relevant to consider the entire exchange which has led up to this concludingdilemma.The narrative concludes by returningto the pointwhereit began: the Athenianspreviouslywronged by the Aeginetansrepudiatethejudgment against them. The dialogue ends there. the Aeginetans in turn now claim to have been wronged. In short. the problem is schematized as a choice poised upon an antithesisbetween the dikaion and the adikon.and to have "right" on their side. That commentaryis thenapproved by X as a "correctdefinition" of matters which are accordinglydismissed. as in previous examples. The context of item D is supplied by a lengthydialogue between Xerxes and his uncle Artabanus who (as previously. as in the two previous examples. So finallyA is induced to propoundhis thirdproposition. the story about Glaucus proves ineffective.would realize that this piece of dialogue in effectpresents an unsolved dilemma. the problem of "right" as it concernsthe Ionians.This when taken up by speaker A is developed by consideringa pair of elements and the role they are respectively likely to play. conduct which is alleged to exhibitdikaiosunein one instancemay whenrepeatedexhibitthe reverse in another. they demand redress." so to speak. but it should be noted that any reader of Herodotus. in order to introduce a second topic of discourse. It was provoked by an inconsistencyof behaviour amountingto a flat contradiction.noted by speaker A and explained by the other in termsof a "calculation" he was making. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Once more speaker X rejoins by approving the correctness of A's "definition"withinthe termsso offered.DIKAIOSUNE 61 thesis. This time the dialectical dilemmais "solved. Since it is the dialogue formatwhich makes possible this type of dialectical confrontation.whichitselfis thenmade the subject of further commentary by A. aware of the fallibilityof Xerxes' judgment. Dikaiosune.the single This content downloaded from 132.The plot of the storywhichhe then tells to supportthe challenge turnson a contrastbetween political and social anarchy (in Ionia) and its opposite (in the Peloponnese).and they prepare to retaliate. In the final exchange between them the point Artabanus chooses to make is one of policy but also morality: what will be the moral postureof the lonians if compelledto serve against theirkindred? Once more.in chapters eight to nineteenof Book Seven) is cast in the role of a cautionarycounsellor offeringto his monarch a review of the possible obstacles to Xerxes' policies. by Xerxes' complacentrelianceon the propositionthat the lonians have already demonstratedtheirdikaiosune by their loyalty to Persia in a similar crisis.is to be foundin a contextof political stability.But X now adds a set of furtherconsiderationswhich are intended to outweigh what A has just said.248. They sound much like Psammetichuspreparinghis retaliationagainst the eleven.9. each again pushed to the superlative degree. nor of itself does it indicate a commonsource. This content downloaded from 132. Yet though this kind of paradigm suggests a positive evaluation of monarchy as the instrumentreplacing disorder by social stability.despite the fact that this part of the narrative is preoccupiedwithacts whichexpressdike and dikaion. In A it is the propertyof a judge who demonstratesthe clarity of distinctionbetween dikaion and adikon by the probity of his legal administration" which becomes the direct vehicle of his election to supremepoliticalpower." Deioces himselfis cast in the role of a power-hungryplotter. or perhaps we should say. The precise meaning intended by the term is not altogetherclear. Democritusand the Sources of GreekAnthropology (American Philological Association 1967) 120-130. the repository of political power built on legal authorityand designed to enforceit. But the kind of coincidencesbetween them which our examination has revealed does permit the hypothesis of a common source and permits also the conclusion that these eight occurrencesof the termdikaiosune(in view of its rarityotherwise)were also supplied fromthis source. even thoughits expression-the voluntarytransfer of power to the commons-reverses the pattern illustrated in A and B. In view of the common legal context of the two terms fromHomer onwards we need not be surprisedif dikaiosuneat its first appearance in extant Greek literaturedenotes the quality residentin a judge who (followingHomeric models) is also a prince. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .or are evaluated by their light. The story of Cadmus on the other hand as told in E is a straightforwardnarrationinnocentof verbal schematismand with no dialectical overtones. Cole. T.thoughhis dikaiosuneis not again mentioned. also the proceedings of the Spartan tribunal in example C. 3"See A.9.248. the emphasis varies. The historian'sstyle is discursive. The fact that these fivecontextsthemselveswear the air of intrusionin his narrativeis thereforeno anomaly. his politicaladministrationcontinuesto enforce the same kind of legal probity.62 PHOENIX instance of dikaiosunewhich occurs only in the conclusionof this entire contextcan be seen to occur not onlyin a schematizedcontextof its own but in a dialogue settingwhichhas a stronglydialecticalflavourthroughout.whose "'Cf.Yet it should be noted that the dikaiosunein questionappears to have been firstauthenticatedin the political sphere as was the case in examples A and B. It may be pertinentto recall the traces of dialogue formatwhich are perceptiblein the latter half of A.nor is it mentionedin the account of the administrationof Cyrus and his seizure of power.8 on Mon.admittingnot only frequentnarrative digressionbut also the inclusionof descriptivematerialsdrawn from a variety of sources. as well as the triple dialogue whichcomprisesC. after all.DIK AIOS UNE 63 dikaiosuneserves his personal aggrandisement.a trusteemust be faithfulin intention38 as well as in deed.Has the historian'stale combinedtwo disparate versions?Or did his source considerthat dikaiosune was properlyan instrumentat the disposal of ambition and of absolute authority? It certainlyremains the instrumentfor maintainingpolitical power in example B but the context of its operation is more complex.as opposed to the insecurityof Ionia. the thirdenunciatesa general principleof social and political goodwill. one of the original depositors had died.but when the trustee interpretsit as a reproofand offersredress he unexpectedly discovers it is too late. The moral has no effecton the Athenian case. the countryof the depositor.These are threeguarantees of social harmonyand stability. This time a partnershipagrees to keep a compact concluded under three heads: two of these are negative. He is a member of a secure society. The firstresponseis characteristicallyambiguous. which in despite of it is sustained on othergrounds. 14.and this political act earned him that reputation for dikaiosune which commended him as a trustee. Cadmus voluntarily transferredor deposited his power with the commons.9. the dikaiosuneattributedto the Ionians by Xerxes "8Compare the absence of "intention" in example B.and the dikaiosuneemployedby the partnersis by inferenceat least definableas themaintenanceof thisharmony. prohibitingintrigue to undermine authorityand aggressionto overthrowit. This content downloaded from 132. The case of Glaucus the Spartan is more complex. Does this in any way release the trusteefroman obligationcontracted with a previous party? (The tokens profferedmight have been stolen. As forexample D.The originaldepositorhas died. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Examples C and E. however.This has some parallel in the situationof Leotychides confrontingAthens. Hence his dikaiosuneexists in a given political context.8 on Mon. in E the notionof "deposit" is applied to politics. because according to the moral of the tale as underlinedby Leotychides. Are we meant to connectthisprinciplewith that dikaiosune which as it turnsout had failed the test? Is therea hint here of a conceptionof "righteousness"which is internalized. n.transferits operation fromthe political to the commercialsphere.248. above.To be sure. His heirsmake the claim of redemption. It becomes that attributeof a man which makes him a reliable trustee. But the storyconcentrateson the problemof his financialprobityand reveals an intriguingcomplication.its existence to be tested by characterratherthan externalobservance?The tale itselfdoes not make this explicit and the denouementis all the more surprising.) So the dialogue between the trustee and the depositors is succeeded by one between the trustee and the religious authorityof Delphi. the referenceto Xerxes as an authorityon this subject.vOpwcros 41ob yelp v r iytoarov r7v v avOpcnrotsdyao3v rape^ov 7rV 6LKaLOOUvV7v. 336A 5) and those of dikaion which regulate relationships of blood kin. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . the matchingreferenceto the same episode in the historyof IPersian-Ionianrelations (Hdt.. when attended by the testimonyof reporters. . 40 . 2. .So the remarkof Xerxes may in factcharacterizeas dikaiosunesimplythe maintenanceof a compact betweenruler and subject or between two partners-a usage analogous to B. to avoid breakingthe lawful usages of the (particular) city wherecitizenshipis operative. presentingthe concepts of dikaion and dikaiosune as problematic and perhaps relativistic.. namelydikaiosune.64 PHOENIX is linked by him with the expressionof "loyalty" and "courtesy."9 The net effectof the slight ambiguitiessurroundingseveral of these contexts reinforcesthe impressionthat the common source was dialectical.We can observe that human beings evidentlyrefuse to employit. ydp robp s dvOpwrovs ravr?7 6p&. Vorsokr..85 B 8) THRASYMACHUS He wrote in one of his own treatisessomewhat to the followingeffect: the gods do not look upon the human condition... This content downloaded from 132. Xp4r' &v oiv .. lavr ." 3"The dilemma may point up an implicit conflictbetween the claims of dikaiosune as between friendsand allies (cf. &LKatLOoviY. Dikaiosune .. F. If a human being is to employ (that formof) dikaiosune most conformablewith interest he should.a freshovertoneto the word. Plato Resp..9.te-v Xpwo4vovs. /aXto'wra ~vEpUpOVrOS .oi V rv ri 7roX0 # rapa3aivE vXa L.248.10) makes it clear that the loyalty on this occasion was a piece of prudenceexercised by a vassal (Histiaeus) who preferredto sustain his overlordin orderto guaranteehis own security. THE PAPYRUSANTIPHON(Diels-Kranz..treat the customs-andlaws as sovereign. tKa OovvT . thoughwe recall its link with amity in example B. However.8 on Mon." Narrowly considered in this context... These eight occurrencescan be supplemented by four more culled fromsurvivingprose sources of the pre-Platonicperiod. (as cited by a commentatoron Plato) (Diels-Kranz.346) . For they would not have failed to observe that supreme good found among human beings. But in any case the objections of Artabanus are clearlyintendedto cast doubt on the status of such a dikaiosune: a relationshipwhich is righteousin one case may turn out to be completelywrongin another.40 G.87 B 44.but when (he findshimself)isolated fromreporters (he should substitute) the (rule) of nature. Vorsokr. it seems almost synonymouswith personal civility. 7. THUCYDIDES 3. This recalls the ambience of the term in contexts A. But Antiphon'sfullstatementleaves open an ambiguity whichmay enlarge the application of the term. where its exercise served to replace anomia by eunomia (A).while not employingthe abstract noun. rVA 42~7 "E."42 J. Vorsokr. Et6vovavLpe(Lav qcai'vEo-OaL M 'iKairot ras Xpt7ras M7 dvrLL66tvat alaXpov s /e&T 1 6#oias #aXov &KaUoav27ssp&v 6IetlX77Oelaas.intend that the rules of dikaiosune and those of nature be mutually exclusive? Or does he intend to suggest (as our bracketed additions to the text imply) that the rules of nature are themselvesan expressionof dikaiosune-but a truerexpression?The point has to be raised because of otherstatements in the papyrus which. 37 B 4) S. 3. However. he says.248. We reply: you made yourselvesaccomplices of those who do wrong to others.he says: "Damon the mousikosthinkstheyconduce to practicallyall. restrictingit to obedience to law. it is appropriatethat the youngpersonas he chants and plays the kithara should display the presence not only of courage and (temperance) but also (dikaiosune). and a fairlynarrowone. DAMON(as cited in a Philodemus papyrus) (Diels-Kranz.when givinghis own prescriptionforcorrectbehaviour. We reply: it is more dishonourableand more wrongfulto betray all Greece.e. indicate that Antiphon"wants to keep and to use the termsrightand righteous and to definethem normatively. the opposite). A.DI K AIOS UNE 65 H. to the inquiry: does music conduce to all virtuesor a few. and affordedrefugeto those livingunderunstable conditions(C). and C above. s aLKlav 68 & robtbojvas.Does the sophist.63. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . This content downloaded from 132. maintained constitutionaiharmony(B). that is. You say: you had wrongdone to you and so called themin. the obligationof a courtesyincurredwhen accompanied by dikaiosune should not be reciprocatedwhen the result is going to be adikia (i.LiberalTemperin GreekPolitics(London1957) 260. the Athenians).""44 Arguingforinstance against those Ka' u-w(4kpoo-i~vti)v.43 Antiphon(F) would appear to supplya formaldefinitionof dikaiosune. Havelock. VXX&K 8L(KaroUiv2v). Nor is the courtesyyou renderreciprocallyto themeitherequated or exempt fromdishonour..4. B.63. As for dishonour: this consists in a failure to render reciprocally courtesieswhichmatch each other.9.3-4 (Thebans respondingto Plataeans) You say: it is dishonourableto betray benefactors(sc.8 on Mon.. The sentiment reads like a sophistic "improvement" upon Hesiod Op. .The Sophists translated by K. The quotation from Thrasymachusmay be in part a paraphrase. 45) and in Hesiod. 6 r &KaLovqarL. . It may appear eccentric. 1.whateverits precise meaning. 7re1rbp TL?7) aLKE&Lv va 1 A7) &wLKOlV'Evova avirrwv L~-q This is an objection madeto theconventional viewof dikaionpreviously cited: t 6 aprvpcEVEVdAXX'XOLs ' T'dlaX1 o70 &KalovV. Moreover such usage would reflectan important fact. cit. Freeman (Oxford 1954) 325. But it is impossibleto be sure whetherwhen cited in "4Diels-Kranz.8 on Mon. whose despair masked but did not repudiate the existenceof dikaiosune as a cardinal principlein human affairs. Compare the similar ambiguity in Antiphon's terminology(above.c.4? The case of contextH consideredas a piece of testimonyis unsatisfactory. 256-273. Havelock..248.but refrained from committinghimselfpersonally to the view that this should always be so. col. that by his day dikaiosune had become a prestigious term to which. Such a conclusion throws light on example G.." In the eyes of this sophist.2. He was a Periclean figurepresumablyanteriorto all authors in our list save Herodotus. so that he was capable of using the termdikaiosune at two contrastinglevels. and so we must conclude that heaven takes no interestin our human lot. This content downloaded from 132.. and so is paradoxicallysubject to "a coalition of the weak" who maintain the power of the law.all serious thinkerswould wish to lay claim. tries to bringthe statementinto line with the position attributed to "Thrasymachus" in Republic 1 by arguingthat it describes a "tragedy forthe intellect" undergoneby a citizenwho can only act freelywhen he acts as the majoritywills. Vorsokr.9. cit. It is easy to understand how Plato would find such religious and social cynicismrepugnantand yet also how he would wish to be reconciled to such a thinker(Resp.10-15: roiro robvv' ob 6LKatos Cabra0rotGv.but it is in conformitywith that aspect of the term which was personal and which connected it with amity and civility (B and D). Untersteiner. op. may conceivably paronomasia "4IIapebov 6p&w^Lev the style of Thrasymachus in B 1. This is fairlyabstruse for a sophist. 498c 9). The Marxist position is not very different. loc.354. he writes as follows: "if it is true that it is right to do wrongto no man if you are not wrongedyourself. 8KO^VTos 7T &Kacov voAlterat..This would be Antiphon's own formulafor dikaiosune... echo the of the original.whatever he means by it.66 PHOENIX legal procedures which forced witnesses into hostile relationshipwith the parties in court. (see n. the term.Damon's reputation as a musical theoristis well established. does indeed identify a supreme human blessing-but it is honoured in the breach.but it would lose its entire point if dikaiosune was not employed in the original. notes 40. It is surely more probable that Thrasymachus argued that what existing society calls "dikaiosune" is really the interest of the stronger. 44) 231-233."45Clearly this kind of argumentproposes not a rejection of the dikaion but a redefinitionof it as the law of personal non-aggression. cf.then if a man do the above he cannot be right. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 47M. But Damon's role in our story. Possibly the historianseized for this once on dikaiosune for purely stylisticreasons: he needed an abstraction to balance adikia.It is (as Aristotlenoted.)par excellencea term of social orientation(irphs'repov).The citationsavailable to us frompre-Platonic literaturereveal a term of somewhat Protean dimensions.9. The nature of Damon's theorywould strengthenthe emphasis on dikaiosune as a personal attribute.if indeed he had one.but also to a subject..which demands that the responsebe morally equivalent to the stimulus.8 on Mon. The readerof contextJ (our condensedversionof a portionof a Thucydidean speech) may note a dialectic which recalls th.N. The original courtesy (from Athens to Plataea) involved dikaiosune. 424c 5) that "according to Damon the patternsof mousike are never changed withoutmajor involvementof the laws of the state" (with a possible pun on nomos) we can plausibly conclude that for Damon as forall thinkersof his time. gratitude forthe service.say the Thebans.248.Moreover the trilogyof three virtues which appears in our quotation depends upon a restorationof the text. and perhaps a personalfriend. and that it has joined a canonical list perhaps as the most recent addition.this is the firstindication in Greek that dikaiosunehad attained formalclassificationas a virtue. But the collocation with "courtesy.The occasion for the use of the word is supplied by the termcharis. flavourof some of the dialectic found in Herodotus (compare A and D). So the law of moral symmetryis broken.The law of courtesy. and courtesytenderedand received. an ally. 1129b 26 ff.the personalhas not been isolated in separate conceptionfromthe social and civic.the Plataeans are in the wrong. is symmetrical:it conformsto the rule of reciprocityset by dikaion. as it were. E. But the present response of Plataea to Athens involves adikia.It generallybecomes effectivein social and political contexts. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .It This content downloaded from 132.DIK AIOSUNE 67 the Hellenistic age his theorieshave been accommodated to an ethical terminologywhich Plato's influencehad rendered familiar. It is time to draw togethersome conclusionspertinentto the history of Greek ethical thought.combiningthe notionsof service rendered. must remain speculative." recallingas it does the language of Xerxes (Herodotus D) may point to a more deliberate choice of a termwhich had come to embrace the notion of a civilitymore generousand more personal in its application than the term dikaion would allow.paraded beforethe readerunder competing banners labelled the honourable and rightful:which claim carries the correctbanner? In this schematized context once more we confronta single instance of dikaiosune.indexing a type of behaviour proper to a judge and a ruler and a trustee. Competing moral claims are. If authentic.though if we rememberPlato's dictum (Resp. under B II "meet and right. the traditionalterms fromwhich this abstractionwas coined. 6LKaLosillustratesthe point. Are we to style it a "virtue"? This became its classic categoryin the fourthcentury. When we compare this area of referencewith that connoted by dike and dikaios and their derivatives and negatives. though listing eight classifications of meaning. or "righteousness.We instancesit can be "employed" (xpia0ac.). well-balanced.v. that is.248."We spoke earlierof the habit. equitable"." a sense classified as Homeric and general.while giving a preliminarynod towardsjustice as "complete virtue" (1129b 25 ff). But under A 2 LS7 inserts "observant of duty to gods and men: righteous". it tends to whetherof state or individual. fitting"and also "normal" and "real.68 PHOENIX is of major relevance to the maintenanceof social order and political stability. genuine. The article s. precise". under C "personal: you are bound to .9.reciprocity. completely and correctly avoids the translations"justice.and the like. note that in these fifth-century items B. under B I b "legally exact. "61bK. s. Meanings are listed as follows: under A "observant of custom and rule." Aristotlein his doctrineof distributivejustice in effectrationalizes the original usage of dike and dikaion (E.. and involves personal attitude and choice. Hence the two citationsof dikaiosune available fromthe poets are simply devoted to celebrating 4"The article in LS7. Yet we have hints that it is a quality of the "heart." a sense identifiedas "later. hard to resist. the corresponding entries do not justify the moralisticimplications of this translation. and ultimatelyinward-lookingconception which we can convenientlyidentifyas "morality" in the largest sense. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . just": the entriesindicate that the "justice" involved is still a function of propriety." on the other hand. Above all.8 on Mon. in famous history." as we would say. not least in Greek tragedy.through be presentedas a master-virtue.we note the contrastbetweena conception of proprietybased on the maintenanceof reciprocalrights and requiringalso the rightof redressand hence of punishmentas the mechanismof enforcementon the one hand-and on the other a more ambitious. 1130 14 ff." this usage being also listed in the neuter fortragedy. ." though Pindar is cited. This content downloaded from 132.. item A) which mightsupport the authenticityof Damon's canon and suggest that dikaiosune enjoyed currencyin ethical theorybeforePlato.or by way ofexplicitstatementthat personalexamples it indeed does enjoy or should enjoy a unique status. even." A truerview of this matterwould require a narrowerrestrictionof the meaning of dike and the dikaion.v. Under BI 2 LS7 inserts"lawful. the dikaiosune of Plato.of rendering the traditionaltermsas though they could express the values that were to gather around dikaiosune. I have a right to .N. F. These meanings are faithfulto the original limitations of the adjective. generous." "righteousness. under B I "equal.and a recognitionthat the idea of morality in the larger sense came into existence-was in fact invented-only through the intellectual processes of the Greek enlightenmentin the last half of the fifthcenturybeforeChrist. and G) and "practised" (&aKEtv. Friedlander.since such conceptionsare not so much inventionsas crystallizations formedin epochs which are preparingto receive them. Plato was not workingin an intellectualvacuum. Did such a moralityafterall profita man? And so he set out. P.In so doing. Resp. he may place too early). cf. The Greeksand the Irrational (Berkeley 1951) 35. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .248. E.and whichowed nothingto them.9. in Hermes 48 (1913) 587. Nevertheless.N. surrounded by what he saw as social disintegration. agrees that this kind of "virtue" is not archaic.that the principleof general moralitynow adumbratedmightbe discreditedas soon as it was born. 325c. 1129b 29) as a proverb." but identifiesdikaiosune as characteristic of a guilt culture (which. 505 (concluding the kulturgeschichte). 7.But the corpus patentlycame to serve as a school textbookand as such was receptiveto editorialinterpolations." Therefore in preparing his mighty argument that righteousnessis indeed a law of the soul.to sum up. does all (or every) virtue exist. compare also avXXap6vow in this sense Hdt. R.82. "OTheog. P.Not unexpectedlyit is Euripides" rather than his predecessorswho firstrecognizesthe term. one thinkermore than most may have played a leading role in this story. But their unravellingis a task of freshcomplexitycovering not only the testimoniesso far "'Frag.Its presence in the corpus attributedto Theognis50cannot predate the same period. 344B. a law of society. at another to Phocylides. as the adverb may indicate. 48). etc. appropriately in his discussion of Platonic dikalosune (above.to rehabilitateit on intellectual foundationswhich should be permanent. 248. n.he facedwhat he thoughtwas a mortaldanger.5 (concluding the constitutional debate.47 and 62.DIK AIOSUNE 69 the prestigeof this new discovery. Plato Protag. 362. Usener..8 on Mon. Dodds. Are thereany clues whichcan point to any one thinkeras the inventor par excellenceof dikaiosune?To framethe question in this way is itself misleading. 486 (Nauck).. The language of the crucial line: "In dikaiosune. n.16 (in an Artabanus-Xerxes dialogue). occurs otherwise in contexts of a theoretic or argumentative character: avXX35v677V Aesch.especiallyof a moralizingcharacter. The clues point to Protagoras. and a law of the universe. frag. n. 147 is also attributedto Phocylides (frag. 3.147-148. K. and also because of its prosaic character. 10) and is quoted anonymously in Aristotle (E. Amid the increasing cynicismof the intellectualatmospherewhich surroundedhis youth.V'. accepts the line as "popular in that age." is in fact philosopher's language. 35 above). 61H. Kleine Schriften1. 324A.Eurip. This content downloaded from 132. firstsuggested that it could have been a schoolmaster's interpolation. he rightlysaw that neitherHomer nor the poets could provide him with any secure prop fora conceptionwhich had come into existenceat a time not far precedinghis own birth. doubting authenticity because Theophrastus attributes it at one point to Theognis. Lysias 13. The age of Theognis himselfwas innocentof any such conception. on the view presented in this paper. 70 PHOENIX reviewed.This exploration must await a separate treatment.9.52 YALE UNIVERSITY. 23 Feb 2015 14:15:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .8 on Mon. and the documented traditionsurroundingthis thinker.and even rangingas fardown as the fifthbook of Aristotle'sEthics.248. thecompletion This content downloaded from 132.tefully of thispaper.but also much more in the textof Herodotus and of Plato himself. NEW HAVEN acknowledgethe assistancerenderedby Mr StephenBecrofttowards 521I gr-.