The Dreamcatcher ProjectRecording the aspirations of the World Search Main menu Skip to primary content Skip to secondary content Home Articles Histories A Short History of Hacienda Luisita The story of Hacienda Luisita is inextricably tied to the overall story of the modern Philippines. In the time since its inception in the late 19th Century all of the main players in the development, or lack thereof, of the Philippines as a nation have played there part in the saga whether directly or vicariously. Every aspect of the history of ownership of Hacienda Luisita since it came into being in 1882 seems incredible when viewed through modern, western eyes, and the fact that the tenure of ownership is still not resolved to this day, I believe, gives a greater insight into the Philippines, its institutions, and the psyche of the Filipino people, than any other issue. The Central Azcurera De Tarlac sugar refinery. Site of the 2004 massacre. Picture by James Catlin It all began with the“Tabacalera” In 1882, Don Antonio Lopez Y Lopez, the most successful and influential Spanish businessman of the 19th Century, acquired more than 12,000 hectares of prime agricultural land in Tarlac, Central Luzon, on behalf of his newly formed company, the Compania General de Tobacos de Filipinas, known as the “Tabacalera”. This acquisition was achieved by means of a Royal Grant from the Spanish Crown, which held a self appointed claim to the lands of the Philippines as colonial overlords. He named the property Hacienda Luisita, after his wife, Luisa Bru Y Lassus. Don Antonio was an extraordinary character in himself. Born in the small town of Comillas, on the North Coast of Spain, and losing his father at the age of 2, Lopez was sent to work with relatives in Andalusia at 10 years of age, to help support his family. Lopez migrated to Cuba at the age of 14, where he spent the next twenty years, initially building a trading business, dealing in flour, and other basic commodities, which he converted into a shipping company, which would eventually become known as the “Compania Transatlantica Espanola”. Lopez attracted great favor from the Spanish Crown, and considerable profit for his company, with the transfer of troops to and from Spain’s colonial insurrections in Africa in 1859 and the ten year war in Cuba from 1861 by steam ship. His company held the contract for the shipping of Spain’s the Schumman Commission. between Spain and her colonies. It was the assertion of these Commissions that if handed independence at that point the leadership of .1899. created for him by a grateful King. Lopez was considered a close friend and adviser to King Alfonso the XII of Spain. After negotiating terms with the Spanish (who at the time were on the brink of defeat by the forces of the First Philippine Republic. as well as being a major shipper of commodities. President McKinley initiated two commissions to report to congress on the issue. including slaves. in 1898. who had encircled the last of the Spanish forces in their walled Capital of Manila). as far as Central Luzon was concerned lasted until 1901 (in other areas of The Philippines. As well as substantial tobacco and sugar estates in the Caribbean. mining. delivered in 1902. picture from the public domain. and annexed the Philippines as an extension of the spoils of the Spanish American War. and rail infrastructure in Spain.Colonial correspondence. The American Occupation (1899 – 1946) The United States entered The Philippines in 1899. By the time of his installation as the 1stMarquis of Comillas. armed resistance to the Americans continued as late as 1913). Artist unstated. a Royal Thiefdom . in 1878. An action which led to war with the Philippines. as well as being a well known associate of Spain’s first Prime Minister of foreign blood. the Spanish/Filipino Don Marcelo Azcarraga y Palmero. most notably the Moro areas of Western Mindanao. initially as part of the tail end of the Spanish American War. Which. as a period of tutelage towards self rule. Don Antonio had expanded his empire into Banking. From the very beginning the United States represented the annexation of the Philippines Painting of a scene from the Battle of Manila. in the guise of supporting the existing Philippine War of Independence against the Spanish. delivered in 1900. The United States reneged on a deal with the President of the First Republic Emilio Aguinaldo. and the Taft Commission which included some executive powers in the Philippines in 1900. February 4th. Ysidra Cojuangco. using it as capital to build there extensive empire in the years immediately following the conflict. the Chinese immigrant Jose Cojuangco (Chinese name Koh Giok Kuan). but also by severe floods and locust plagues it is difficult to see how this competitive advantage could translate to a building family who invested in a 2 hectare property and small rice mill in 1896. Tarlac. The patriarch of the clan. with the great wealth of the Cojuangco family appearing miraculously between 1899 and 1901. as a gift from General Arthur Macarthur. With the Taft commission further stating that the plan put forward by Aguinaldo for the rule of the Oligarchy is unsuitable and undemocratic. to owning 2. General Antonio Luna It is said that the source of the Cojuangcos wealth came via General Antonio Luna. in March 1896. whom they assisted with accommodation and storage space during the American advance. Anecdotal evidence suggests that Luna had the funds of the revolution collected from repositories in Illocos and Pampanga. a builder who had obtained a reputation for the quality of his work.50 per sack). However given that in this period rice production in Tarlac was hampered not only by war. the seeds of post independence Hacienda Luisita were sewn in this period. The funds were never recovered and it is suggested that the Cojuangcos simply kept the money. Tarlac. sent to the home of his girlfriend. the President of the First Republic. most notably for the Church in Balacan. The last of these shipments arriving from Pampanga 3 days before Luna’s assassination at the hands of troops loyal to Aguinaldo.the Islands would rapidly fall into anarchy. After Luna’s death the Cojuangcos are believed to have hidden the treasure in a well on the property. in Paniqui.000 . the Supreme Chief of the Army of the First Republic of the Philippines. in June 1899. The Cojuangcos themselves have maintained that their rapid accumulation of wealth in this period was due to frugality and good business sense in rice marketing and money lending activities. The Cojuangcos settled in Paniqui. for safe keeping from the advancing American Forces. They maintain that they were aided by free rail transport to Manila markets from their rice mill in Paniqui (the commercial rate at this time being P 2. Although it was not apparent at the time. Antonio and Eduardo. landing on Leyte in 1944. The continuation of production served both Spanish and Japanese interests at the time. The first step in the liberation of the Philippines from the Japanese. Under American occupation contrary to what might have been expected. spread across Central Luzon by the 1920′s. owned by the Roxas family.000 Hectares. Juan. The Japanese policy was to ensure that supplies of commodities such as sugar were not interrupted. sugar production continued at Hacienda Luisita. incorporating centrifugal machinery from the US to effectively double production and negate their need to ship the sugar to refineries in Laguna. The Japanese Occupation During the Japanese Occupation of the Philippines (1941 – 1945). was considered the richest woman in the Philippines. his 3 brothers. the spinster aunt of Jose “Pepe” Cojuangco. A holding which increased to more than 12. Ysidra Cojuangco. Hacienda Luisita was supplying 20% of the sugar consumed in the United States. At one point prior to the outbreak of World War II. by the official end of hostilities in the region in 1901. abandoned tobacco production on the estate in the 1920′s to cater for the growi ng sugar quota’s from the US. The Tabcalera. In 1927 they constructed the sugar refinery the “Central Azcurarera de Tarlac” (CAT). in an attempt to avoid insurgencies. and matriarch of the clan. General Douglas General Douglas Macarthur. . the Spanish owned Hacienda Luisita flourished. This was largely due to the American obsession with sugar.hectares along the rail line by 1901. Macarthur’s Headquarters During the liberation of the Philippines from Japanese occupation. Regardless of the source. The famous. a strong supporter of then Senator Ferdinand Marcos.453 hectare Hacienda Luisita with the CAT. ABS-CBN. In August 1957 the Philippine Government facilitated the purchase of the CAT by providing Central Bank (CB) support to the Cojuangcos to obtain a Dollar loan from the Manufacturers Trust Company of New York (MTC). This support required the CB to deposit a substantial amount of the Nations Dollar reserve with the MTC. due to concerns over Hukbalahap (communist) insurgencies in the area. who already owned Meralco. in a plane crash in Cebu on March 17th 1957. Jose “Don Pepe” Cojuangco Instead he brokered a deal with his political prodigy Benigno “Ninoy” S Aquino Jr. The CB extended this support on the condition that the Cojuangcos also purchase the by then 6.“Dugout Doug” Macarthur. the Spanish owners of the Tabacalera. After Magsaysay’s death. The Cojuangco Purchase In the early 1950′s. decided to sell Hacienda Luisita and the CAT. reportedly due to concerns the Lopez clan. with a view to distributing the land to small farmers within a 10 year period of the purchase under “reasonable terms”. had no substantial holdings in US dollars. Macarthur was a childhood friend of Pepe Cojuangco. but this purchase was vetoed by President Ramon Magsaysay. . but while wealthy in Peso and bank holdings. official publicity photograph on the right shows Macarthur stepping ashore on Leyte in company with the President of the Commonwealth in exile. Negros Navigation. to offer the property exclusively to Ninoy’s father-in-law Jose “Don Pepe” Cojuangco Sr. Sergio Osmena (far left in pith helmet) .would become too powerful. for whom Magsaysay had acted as Ninong (primary sponsor) of his wedding to Corozon Cojuangco. the sale continued under the Presidency of Carlos Garcia. substantial agricultural holdings in the Western Visaya’s and the nearby PASUMIL consortium in Pampanga which they had purchased from the Americans. The wealthy Lopez family of Iloilo moved to purchase the CAT. The Cojungcos at the time were already the largest land owners in Central Luzon.The Manila Chronicle. set up his advanced headquarters at Hacienda Luisita on the 25th of January 1945. The purchase of Hacienda Luisita and the CAT was the largest investment ever made. scholarships to college. Don Pepe immediately installed Ninoy Aquino as Administrator of the Hacienda. the Central Bank Monetary Board issued Resolution No. the leader of the 1986 “People Power Revolution” and current President of the Philippine Senate. The GSIS loan was approved after Don Pepe informed them in a letter that the Cojuangcos’ acquisition of the Hacienda would “pave the way for the sale to bona fide planters on a long term basis. 3202. for the purchase of the Hacienda.” On the condition that Hacienda Luisita be “subdivided among the tenants who shall pay the cost thereof under reasonable terms and conditions. the GSIS approved a loan of P 5. Don Pepe Cojuangco made a successful application to the GSIS to change the phrase to “…shall be sold at cost to tenants.” The Government also organized a loan from the Government Service Insurance System (GSIS). should there be any. portions of the Hacienda. The Great Social Experiment On taking over Don Pepe and Ninoy immediately installed a near welfare state at Hacienda Luisita.9 million through Resolution No.” Four months later. The initiatives implemented included. the Tarlac Development Corporation (TADECO). On November 27th. The Cojuangcos Lawyer in the purchase of Hacienda Luisita was Juan Ponce Enrile. Ninoy Aquino So on April the 8th 1958 Don Pepe Cojuangco’s company. approving the loan for the purchase of shares in the CAT. “There shall be a simultaneous purchase of Hacienda Luisita with the purchase of the shares. free medical care and medicines.” This phrase would be cited later on as justification not to distribute the Hacienda’s land.On the 27th of August. 1240. 1957. free . with a view to distributing this hacienda to small farmers in line with the Administration’s Social Justice program. adding the clause that. became the new owner of Hacienda Luisita and Central Azucarera de Tarlac. 1957. nor indeed by the workers at the nearby Paniqui Sugar Mills. he was able to support his social reform program through his other profitable investments in the Bank of Commerce and First Manila Management. The Marcos era Ferdinand Marcos In 1965 Ferdinand Marcos defeated the incumbent Diosdado Macapagal in what is often described as the most corrupted election in Philippine History. however. It is believed that this split occurred due to the unwillingness of the representatives of the other strands of the family led by Juan “Itoy”. farmers began to organize into groups to push for land distribution. hence no need to distribute land.education. In 1969 a “family feud” led to Don Pepe selling his 28% share in the Bank of Commerce. Marcos set out on a campaign against the established Oligarchy of the Philippines of which the Cojuangcos were a member. Not a single strike was instigated in this period by the farm or refinery workers. a village earmarked for the farmers and free fuel for tractors. His most vocal critic and effective leader of the opposition was now Senator Ninoy Aquino. free childcare. . To this day the majority of older residents maintain a deep and genuine affection for the two men. During this time. to the other 3 strands of the Cojuangco family. which he owned. and his holdings in Pantranco buses and the Mantrade Group. Don Pepe’s brother. insisted that there were no tenants on the Hacienda. During the period of Don Pepe and Ninoy’s Administration of the Hacienda there was great optimism among the residents. Ramon. The Cojuangcos. the Cojuangco Matriarch Ysidra. free burials. The 10-year window given by the Philippine Government for the Cojuangcos to distribute the land elapsed in 1967 with no land distribution taking place. Although Don Pepe made losses. which were managed by Don Pepe on behalf of his aunt. free food and equitable shares of the harvest to farmers. The First United Bank. despite allowing other companies to do so. Danding. Marcos critics believed that this was an attempt to coerce Don Pepe into apply pressure on his son in law Ninoy to refrain from making disparaging remarks about the President and First Lady Imelda Marcos (who Ninoy had labeled the new Eva Peron). together with Pepe and the rest of the Lopa heirs. However despite the fact that the Plaza Miranda incident was a direct attack on the Liberal Party. Added to this Don Pepe was unable to upgrade the machinery in the aging CAT. Liberal Senator Ninoy Aquino was among the first to be arrested and imprisoned under the new powers. The Marcos administration had refused his application to increase fares on his Pantranco buses to compensate for rising costs. which he had built up on his own after his ousting from the family owned Bank of Commerce to his nephew Danding for an “amicable sum. Baby and his wife Teresita Cojuangco. The second of Don Pepe’s 3 props for the Hacienda disappeared with this extortion. which the Communist Party claimed responsibility for. Daniel Romualdez. most notably the Plaza Miranda Bombing in Manila in August 1971. had no choice but to sell. and the then Congressman in Marcos’ Nationalista Party. Ricardo“Baby” Lopa (Manuel’s son) into selling the collection of 38 companies under First Manila Management to him. son of Eduardo. Although this sale was on amicable terms it removed one of the 3 props that Don Pepe held to mitigate the loses generated by the Hacienda Marcos declared Martial Law on the 21st of September 1972. the brother of Imelda.” With all of his external lifelines gone Don Pepe was left with little more than a half rehabilitated and barely earning white elephant. Imelda’s uncle. Ambassador Benjamin Romualdez. Not withstanding that the primary reason given for the declaration was concerns over Communist insurgency in lite of a series of events. who died of kidney failure when the family were unable to convert there Peso holdings into Dollars to obtain medical treatment in the United States. In 1974 Don Pepe’s business empire suffered a further blow with the death of his close friend and business partner Manuel Lopa.the son of Antonio Sr. . then coerced Pepe and his son-in-law. who was killed by the Japanese in 1945. to allow Don Pepe’s eldest son Pedro to take over as president of the Bank. Lopa had maintained a close relationship withSpeaker of the House of Representatives. Finally in early 1976 Don Pepe sold off his final prop. 13164. They also argued that sugar lands were not covered by existing agrarian reform legislation. on the 21st of August. The case was filed as Ninoy Aquino and his family were leaving for exile in the US. His funeral was attended by thousands of Hacienda Luisita residents. On the 22nd of June. against Jose Cojuangco Sr and his heirs. The Cojuangcos responded to the government complaint by on the 10th of January 1981. reportedly a broken and disillusioned man.During 1977 the Government reviewed the Cojuangcos compliance with the land distribution condition contained in the loan agreements. wrote to Demitera Cojuangco Ernesto Valdez. 1978. .Don Pepe Cojuangco died. arguing that the land could not be distributed because the Hacienda did not have tenants. the Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Agrarian Reform. before the Manila Regional Trial Court (MRTC) on the 7th of May 1980. 1976. The Government had sent only three letters to the Cojuangcos from the 1960s to the 1970s to follow up the issue of land distribution. to force the Cojuangco-owned TADECO into surrendering Hacienda Luisita to the Ministry of Agrarian Reform so that the land could be distributed to the farmers at cost. Anti-Marcos groups claimed that the government’s case was an act of harassment against Ninoy Aquino’s family.” The Marcos Government filed case No. In this letter she said that it was “extremely unwarranted to make us account for the fulfillment of a condition that cannot be enforced”. while Ninoy Aquino was still in custody. the widow of Don Pepe. Demetira Cojuangco. adding that “the Central Bank resolution does not indicate small farmers” and that “the Hacienda is outside the scope of any land reform program of the Government” and that “there is no agrarian unrest in Hacienda Luisita. furthermore that “there are no tenants in Hacienda Luisita”. including Danding .” a series of nonviolent mass street demonstrations. and finally. 1986 snap election was marred by allegations of widespread fraud against Marcos. Ninoy Aquino returned to Manila. upon arrival on the 21st of August.988 million. TADECO. the day after the MRTC ruling. 1985. The Presidency of Corazon Cojuangco Aquino Cory Aquino The February the 7th. The anti-Marcos sentiments led to the “People Power Revolution. She promised to give “land to the tiller” and to subject Hacienda Luisita to land reform. now named in his honor. On December 3. The family later elevated the matter to the Court of Appeals. to redistribute the land to small farmers. Marcos’ cousin. and that the landowners. culminating in the withdrawal of US backing for the Marcos regime. Massachusetts. He was assassinated on the tarmac of the Manila International Airport. widow of Ninoy and daughter of Don Pepe. be compensated P 3. Marcos and his senior cronies. The Cojuangcos decried this as an act of harassment because Cory Cojuangco Aquino was set to run against Marcos in the February 1986 snap elections. The MRTC ordered TADECO to surrender Hacienda Luisita to the Ministry of Agrarian Reform. on the 2nd of December 1985. 1983. Cory Aquino. the seizure of the Malacanang Palace by a group led by the then Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and General Fidel Ramos.After living in exile for 3 years in Boston. Land reform was among the pillars of her campaign. officially filed her certificate of candidacy for President. fled the country to take refuge in the United States. on the 22nd of January. The outline also included a provision for the Stock Distribution Option (SDO). With this the Cojuangcos seemed to have achieved unencumbered sovereignty over Hacienda Luisita. 1988. was elevated to the Presidency. Cory issued Presidential Proclamation 131 and Executive Order No. Cory’s appointee. The Court of Appeals dismissed the case filed by the Marcos government against the Cojuangcoowned TADECO on May 18th. thousands of frustrated farmers marched to Malacañang demanding land reform and the distribution of land at no cost to beneficiaries. With no sign of the promised agrarian reform on the horizon. Then on March the 17th. the Government withdrew its case against the Cojuangcos. who had been on retreat. and the first of scores of massacres and dispersals perpetrated on the Philippine people by the forces of her regime. which extended greater protections to the landed Oligarchs. Eventually on the 22nd of July. 13 protesters were killed in what has gone down in history as the “Mendiola Massacre. moved to withdraw the finding that compelled TADECO to distribute land. The initial phase of the Cory Aquino Presidency was dominated by actions to sure up power. under Cory.” An event cited today by the left as the beginning of “Cory Aquino’s reign of blood”. a mode of complying with the land reform law that did not require actual transfer of the land to the tiller. meditating with the Carmelite Sisters in Cebu during the revolution. Solicitor General Frank Chavez. thus bringing a return to power for the more traditional Oligarchy of the Philippines. 1987. and the “millionaire housewife”. Added to this the Central Bank did not object to dismissal of case as it assumed that Luisita would be distributed anyway through the upcoming Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP). 1988. respectively. 1987. covered sugar and coconut lands. filed a motion for the Court of Appeals to dismiss the civil case the Marcos government filed and won at the Manila Regional Trial Court against the Cojuangcos. centered around the institution of a much criticized new constitution. 229 outlining her agrarian reform program. In a violent dispersal. did not object to the mo tion to dismiss the case. Corazon Cojuangco Aquino. The Department of Agrarian Reform and the GSIS. which unlike previous social justice programs. then headed by Aquino appointees Philip Juico and Feliciano “Sonny” Belmonte.Cojuangco. . The Government itself. labour groups became more and more frustrated and eleven months into the Cory Aquino presidency. 1989. said in his June 27.” When the CARP was implemented in Hacienda Luisita on the 11th of May. not near enough land to support a family.391. 1989. On the 23rd of August 1988 TADECO established Hacienda Luisita Inc. the Hacienda’s farm workers were asked to choose between stocks or land in a referendum. the SECOND PARTY (HLI) shall arrange with the FIRST PARTY (TADECO) the acquisition and distribution to the THIRD PARTY (farm workers) on the basis of number of days worked and at no cost to them of one-thirtieth (1/30) of 118. for a period of 30 yea rs. On May the 9th. “The [SDO] is a loophole because it does not support the Constitution’s desire that the right of farmers to become owners of the land they till should be promoted by government. column in The Manila Chronicle. 6657 or the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law. A second referendum and information campaign were held five months later and the SDO won again. Father Joaquin Bernas. which allows landowners to give farmers shares of stock in a corporation instead of land. (HLI) to implement the distribution of stocks to farmers in the Hacienda.75 hectares of land among 6. From the beginning of 1989 the real crisis began on Hacienda Luisita.296 farm workers because this would give farmers less than one hectare of land each (or 0.With the prior rulings safely negated President Aquino finally signed into law Republic Act No.75% of the vote.976.78 hectares of land per person). The Cojuangcos justified Luisita’s SDO by saying it was impractical to divide the Hacienda’s 4. A clause in the agrarian reform program included SDO. a 1987 Constitutional Commission member. getting 96. The farm and refinery workers on the Hacienda were reliant on the “charity” of the Cojuangcos for their very survival. that Luisita’s SDO is inconsistent with the Constitution. The SDO agreement spelled out a 30-year schedule for transferring the stocks to the farm workers: “At the end of each fiscal year. The SDO won 92.85 shares of the capital stock of the SECOND PARTY (HLI) that are presently owned . the farm workers’ownership of the plantation was pegged at 33 percent.9% of the vote. while the Cojuangcos retained 67 percent.915. on the 10th of June 1988.1989. Lack of work and a population that had swollen well above what the property could support led to abject poverty. ” On the 21st of November. However. He initially attempted a variety of austerity measures. Don Pepe’s eldest son and administrator of the Hacienda.976. the Agrarian Reform Secretary Miriam Defensor-Santiago Miriam Defensor Santiago approved the SDO agreement of Hacienda Luisita.85 shares shall have been completely acquired and distributed to the THIRD PARTY (farm workers). alleged Cory Aquino removed her from the position because of a comment she made to the media. and she was replaced by Fidel Ramos. with tenure secured by the stock distribution option.391.1989. with thousands still starving in the aftermath of the cataclysmic eruption of Mt Pinatubo a year earlier. Santiago. It was also in 1992 that Pedro Cojuangco. and the closure of the United States military bases. In 2005. all to little avail. and then only due to the temporary unreliability of the Brazilian sugar market. who had essentially been her protector during the various coup attempts that punctuated her term. Clark air base in Pampanga and the Subic Bay naval facility in Zambeles. The reclassification of the land. attempted to bring Luisita up to a point of profit. that Cory should inhibit herself from being the chairperson of the Presidential Agrarian Reform Council (PARC). The presidency of Cory Aquino came to an end on the 30th of June 1992. Santiago’s tenure at the DAR only lasted two months. by then a senator. until such time as the entire block of 118. She left the entire region of Central Luzon in complete disarray. .and held by the FIRST PARTY (TADECO). as a sugar producing entity the Hacienda and the CAT would fail to record a profit until 2009. which approves SDO agreements. instead of just once a week. HLI management retrenched 327 farm workers. with another member of the Central Luzon Oligarchy. On November 10.000 members of the United Luisita Workers Union (ULWU) and 700 members of Central Azucarera de Tarlac Labor Union (CATLU). the union tried to negotiate a wage increase to P225 per day. the wife of Jose “Peping” Cojuangco Jr.50 and work days were down to one per week. This action resulted in almost all 5. Throughout the month of July 2004. saying they were not receiving the dividends and other benefits earlier promised to them.. staging a protest against the mass retrenchment. 1995. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. while the contingent from the CATLU picketed Gate No. The Department of Agrarian Reform approved for conversion 500 hectares of the Luisita land on the 14th of August 1996. Workers also asked that the work days be increased to 2-3 days per week. 2003. on the 6th of November 2004. the farm workers’daily wage flattened at P194.915 hectares. The ULWU strikers formed a picket at the main No1 Gate of the CAT. Two months later. 2. Margarita “Tingting” Cojuangco. The Hacienda workers then filed a petition with the DAR to have the SDO agreement revoked. and that any increases would be impossible. under the leadership of the Governor of Tarlac Province. from agricultural to commercial. and residential land. Labor Secretary Patricia Sto. Tomas announced that . who’s wage negotiations had stagnated at the time. the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) declared an Assumption of Jurisdiction.290 out of Hacienda Luisita’s viable 4. Then on the 1st of October. The management disagreed.It was apparent that diversification may be the key to the survival of Hacienda Luisita and on the 1st of September. industrial. the Sangguniang Bayan of Tarlac (Provincial Board of Tarlac). On the 14th of October. passed a resolution that reclassified 3. four days after the strike started. a petition to revoke the SDO bearing more than 5. workers from the HLI supervisory group petitioned the DAR to revoke the SDO. claiming that the company was losing money. installed in Malacanang Palace. The Hacienda Luisita Massacre By 2003. including union officers.300 signatures was filed by union officers at the DAR to revoke the SDO and stop land conversion in Hacienda Luisita. 2004. barangay officials. as well as their support in her 2001 ousting of President Joseph Estrada on the back of corruption claims. Strike organizers later stated they they believed that this shambolic meeting was nothing more than a ruse to allow the Government forces to organize their attack.quelling the strike was a matter of national interest because Luisita was one of the Co untry’s major sugar producers. current acting president of ULWU. The villagers came.000 protesters. The picketers were ordered to vacate within five days. the workers called on the people in the barrios around Hacienda Luisita to form a human barrier at the picket line. President Arroyo had initially entered political life in 1987 on the invitation of Cory Aquino and in her electoral success of just 6 months earlier had received assistance from both Noynoy and Kris Aquino ( Noynoy’s tv star sister). CATLU president Ric Ramos was hit and collapsed from a large head wound. or else be removed by force. were refused entry as HLI management claimed. contrary to Philippine Industrial Law. according to Lito Bais. and children whose families sympathized with the workers. the Philippine National Police (PNP) returned as promised with reinforcements. While the representatives of the ULWU. around 400 policemen tried to disperse about 4. Upon arriving at Makati. refusing to allow them the right to negotiate on behalf of their peers. On the 15th of November to protect themselves from the forthcoming forcible removal. On November 15. Concerned groups from out of town also sent contingents to help protect the strikers. that as retrenched workers they were effectively disenfranchised from the process. The Union representatives left for the meeting early on the morning of the 16th. to attempt to resolve the issue. . At some point on the afternoon of the 15th. including priests.. The Unionists claimed that this decision was due to the Cojuangco’s direct influence within the Malacanang Palace. Union leaders were summoned to a meeting at the Makati home of Jose “Peping” Cojuangco Jr. but the police were still unable to break the picket. the representatives of the CATLU were told that there would be no negotiations until the strike was lifted. The Assumption of Jurisdiction legally cleared the way to use government troops to stop the strike. 2004. According to reports to the Senate. At least 7 people were killed and 121 injured. The first spray of bullets lasted for a full minute. Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III. which had been locked by management. The protesters fought back. Gunfire erupted.00 PM on the 16th of November.Dispersed by Bullets. hurling rocks at the security forces. followed by a series of short sprays. 2004. no strike vote was called. 2 tanks equipped with heavy weapons. the Union Leaders were greeted by a sight reminiscent of a war zone. he violence erupted when one of the tanks and the payloader broke through the number one gate. crouching or lying down. shot by Government forces during the Hacienda Luisita Massacre. Upon returning to the picket at around 3. the day after the massacre. saying that “it’s an illegal strike. At the Senate inquiry held into the massacre on the 1st of December that year it was revealed that an astounding 1. a payloader. November 16th 2004. 32 by gunshot wounds.000 rounds were fired at the protesters. 4 fire trucks with water cannon. Tarlac Congressman and deputy speaker of the House. and security forces began pelting the protesters with tear gas and water cannon infused with chemicals. defended the dispersal in the House of Representatives. Eventually the water cannons and tear gas ran out and demonstrators. 700 policemen and snipers positioned in at least 5 strategic locations. On the 17th of November. 17 trucks full of soldiers in full battle dress. Doctors who autopsied the dead and examined the wounded after the massacre reported that the victims had been shot whilst running away. Picture courtesy of Bullatat. surged forward.” He added that police and soldiers were “subjected to sniper fire from an adjacent Barangay. burying tear gas cannisters in the soil and hurling stones at their attackers with sling shots. a protestor.” The PNP official account of the massacre . cheering their victory. In their absence the security forces had swelled to include. Barangay officials undertook what security measures they could including the banning of motorcyclists wearing helmets and bandanna’s obscuring their Identification. this picture was taken in April 2012. No charges were ever filed against anyone. photo James Catlin Florentine Collante. George Loveland and Ernesto Cruz were shot and injured in the incident. was shot dead outside his home. The mood inside the Hacienda through 2005 was one of fear and suspicion. The killings began on December 8. This killing was witnessed by fellow priest Father Jun Flores. this was due to the fact . a group of 20 farm workers in a picket at the west gate of the Las Hacienda’s housing development were fired upon by bodyguards of Congressman Noynoy Aquino. an active supporter of the strike. however these assertions were debunked by evidence presented to the Senate enquirey. Both men survived their injuries and testified before the Senate 7 days later. his was followed by the assassination of Priest and Hacienda workers sympathizer Father William Tadena. Local Councilor Abelard Ladera.Then on the 17th of March 66 year old Victor “Tataben” Concepcion. Soon after. again by gunfire. eight people who supported the farmers’ cause or had evidence supporting their case were murdered one by one. who was shot dead by a body guard of Noynoy Aquino on the 13th of March. with the intention of tabling them before the senate was shot dead on the 3rd of March 2005. Beltran was assassinated in his house just before he was to testify about bullet trajectories at the Senate and Congress on December 13 and 14. a retired army officer turned peasant leader.echoed the statements of Noynoy. 2004 with the death of Marcelino Beltran. who has gone into hiding for fear of his life. On the 5th of January 2004. A month after the Hacienda Luisita massacre. picket lines were established around the Hacienda. when Tensions still run high in the Barangays of the Hacienda. who had collected documents relating to the Hacienda Luisita SDO. The final murder of 2005 in Hacienda Luisita occurred on the 15th of October. a vocal critic of Noynoy Aquino and the Cojuangco family was assassinated. 2004. Clark. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo A special legal team was formed by the DAR in August 2005. Signs like the one pictured above were put up throughout the Barangays of the Hacienda and remain to this day (the above picture was taken in April 2012). On September the 22nd. In July 2005 the Cojuangco – Aquino’s open door to Malacanang Palace slammed shut. was shot to death in front of his father and brother. but began to move after the November 2004 massacre. Cory Aquino. 2005. the ULWU leader who led the protests against the incursion of the Subic. Tirso Cruz. as well as election fraud in the 2004 election against the President. no charges have ever been filed against anyone in relation to any of these crimes. 2005. supporter of the Hacienda Luisita workers and vocal critic of the prior priest killing.that most attacks were by motorcyclists. On the 17th of March. President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was angered that her former supporter. 2006.However the security measures did not stop the carnage.The bloodbath concluded with the murder of Bishop Alberto Ramento. Task Force Luisita recommended the revocation of the . had joined the growing number of anti-Arroyo demonstrators. known locally as the “Noynoy Superhighway”. The DAR’s Task Force Luisita conducted an investigation and focus group discussions among the farm workers. The Arroyo-Aquino alliance broke up on the same month Task Force Luisita submitted the findings and recommendations from its investigation.To this day and in spite of eye witness identification in two of these events. The 2005 Supreme Court Decision The original petition the farm workers submitted lay dormant at the DAR since it was filed in December 2003. on Hacienda Luisita land. He was stabbed 7 times by his assailants. to review the report submitted by Task Force Luisita. between the 25th of November 2004 and the 22nd of February. which became the Government’s basis for revoking Luisita’s Stock Distribution Option (SDO) and ordering the distribution of the Hacienda’s land to the farmers a few months later. Tarlac Expressway (SCTEX). who were alleging large scale corruption and plunder. In response to that ruling. So on the 22nd of December. 2005. HLI petitioned the Supreme Court (SC) to prevent the PARC from enforcing the resolution on the 1st of February.stock distribution agreement forged in May 1989. 2005-32-01. after representatives of AMBALA (the Luisita peasants group) and the Supervisory group wrote to DAR that they are amenable to an out-of-court settlement.Negotiations between the HLI management and some farmers began in June. The SC granted HLI’s petition and issued a temporary restraining order. . or receive their share of Hacienda Luisita land.2010. preventing the PARC from canceling the SDO agreement in June of that year. The Presidency of Benigno “Noynoy” S Aquino III Nonoy Aquino Senator Noynoy Aquino launched his Presidential Campaign in Tarlac on the 9th of February . only to complain later that they got minuscule amounts. ordering the revocation of Luisita’s SDO agreement and the distribution of the Hacienda’s land to farmer beneficiaries. 2010. 2007. Noynoy won the Presidential election on a largely anticorruption platform and was sworn into office as the 15th President of the Philippines on June 30th. Many voted to retain their stocks and receive cash from HLI. During his speach in his family seat he made a commitment that Hacienda Luisita lands would be distributed to small farmers by 2014. 2006. saying the SDO failed to fulfill the objectives of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law in regard to promoting social justice and improving the lives of the farmers. On the 6th of August that year HLI and factions of farmers’ groups signed a compromise agreement giving the farmers the chance to remain as HLI stockholders. PARC issued Resolution No. 296 qualified FWBs to choose whether they want to remain as HLI stockholders or not. oral arguments on the Hacienda Luisita case were heard. Under the plan is the stock distribution option agreement that allowed farmers to pick between shares of stock and land. one of the two choices offered by HLI to the farmers in the agreement (the other choice was land distribution). On the 18th of August. in a landmark decision on July the 5th. The SC said that while the stock distribution plan is nullified. the qualified farmer beneficiaries must still be given the option to choose if they want to remain as stockholders or not. The Court cannot turn a blind eye to the fact that in 1989. In summation the SC said. the revocation must. upheld the PARC’s order revoking HLI. The SC. give way to the right of the original 6. but a faction of the farmers’ groups who asked the SC to junk the compromise deal because it was signed before the SC had ruled on the validity of the stock distribution option (SDO).This petition was countered on the 16th of August HLI petitioned the Supreme Court to approve the compromise deal on the 11th of August. Calls . The SC also ordered the DAR to administer the conduct of another referendum in which the 6. Through July of 2011.” After this decision farmers groups intensified protests.’s 1989 stock distribution plan. which became the basis of the SDP approved by PARC. 2011. while the Aquino Administrationconcentrated on the Arroyo Administration corruption issue.296 qualified farm worker beneficiaries can vote whether they want to remain HLI stockholders or receive actual land. farmers groups set up a camp outside of the DAR Offices in Quezon City. “While the assailed PARC resolutions effectively nullifying the Hacienda Luisita SDP are upheld. 93% of the FWBs agreed to the SDOA. by application of the operative fact principle. The rival faction also questioned the authority of the signatories in the agreement to represent the plantation’s farmer-beneficiaries. 2010. for the first time since the dispute was elevated to the SC in 2006. Mesa said that after seven years.” On the 28th of July farmers groups led by AMBALA spokesperson Rodel Mesa.“Who are these people but outsiders and leftists. UMA (agricultural union) Chair and ULWU President Lito Bais. Bais said the Cojuangco-Aquinos are now using the Supreme Court decision to sow disunity in Hacienda Luisita. summoned the heads of the 10 barangays of Hacienda Luisita.was paying P5. not a single government or armed forces . Cojuangco said that he was dismayed by the declaration of farmers groups that the sprawling sugar plantation in Tarlac should be distributed to them via agrarian reform despite the high court’s ruling.” he was quoted by the media. on the Supreme Court decision ordering the Department of Agrarian Reform to hold a referendum in Hacienda Luisita and allow the farmers to choose between owning shares of stocks or land parcels. called on the newly appointed ombudsman. Claims of bribery and coercion were made against the Cojuangcos. On the 20th of July AMBALA filed a motion for reconsideration. Cojuangco had previously made the charge that “outsiders and leftists” are stirring controversy over the High Court’s decision. retired Supreme Court Associate Justice Conchita Carpio-Morales. Photo courtesy of Bullatlat were made for the DAR to reject the SC order to conduct another referendum.000 ($116) to each farmer. to reopen the Luisita Massacre case. President Aquino’s uncle Jose “Peping” Cojuangco Jr. They’re the ones who want to bring President Aquino down and destabilize our country.. “there is no reason for the Court to declare that the Stock Distribution Option Agreement (SDOA) was not revoked and that it was only the Stock Distribution Plan (SDP) and Presidential Agrarian Reform Council (PARC) resolution approving it that was canceled.Protesters demonstrating against the proposed third referendum on the Hacienda in 2011. the AMBALA said. claimed that HLI supervisor Juanito Luna. In asking the SC to reverse its decision. 2012.1989. whilst saying that they would adhere to the SC decision filed an injunction seeking compensation at 2006 prices. or getting portions of the more than 6. President Aquino. which was inclusive of the farmers who had taken up shares in the company under the SDO.916 hectares of Hacienda Luisita lands to the original 4. The SC “ruled in finality”. Second. 2012. It modified its July 5. as opposed to the 1989 land prices specified in the ruling. On the 24th of November the SC released it’s decision on the farmers petition for reconsideration. The farmworkers were at the time holding a strike demanding that the management led by President Benigno Aquino III’s Cojuangco relatives proceed with negotiations for a collective bargaining agreement (CBA) and reinstate almost 320 members and newly elected United Luisita Workers’ Union (ULWU) officials who were fired for participating in the strike. Voting 14-0. by Senate. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. decision that the land be distributed to the farmers with compensation at November the 21st .” HLI. After the SC issued it’s ruling President Aquino said there should be “just compensation” for the land owners. speaking on behalf of HLI asserted that this request for compensation was for the benefit of all stock holders. Renato Corona. confirming their November 24th . There should be just compensation for the land owner. On the 24th of April. was found guilty in his impeachment trial. there are two objectives: number one. empower the farmers so that they could have their own land to till. the SC granted their petition and unanimously ordered the distribution of 4. convened as an impeachment court.296 original farmworker beneficiaries (FWBs). In essence HLI were seeking compensation of around P 10 billion.2011. 2011 ruling ordering the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) to hold a referendum to let the Luisita farmers choose between owning shares of stocks in Hacienda Luisita Inc. On the 29th of May. Aquino said. don’t exhaust the capital. The capital that will be returned to the landowner could be used to invest in other endeavors. “In agrarian reform.000-hectare estate. Corona was deemed to be guilty of Article 2 of the initial 8 articles of impeachment (5 of the 8 articles of impeachment were . as the impeachment trial of SC Chief Justice Renato Corona was taking place in the Senate. When asked by media to react on the SC decision.official has been held liable for the massacre and or for the injuries sustained by hundreds of others when elements strongly suspected of being members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine National Police (PNP) opened fire on the farmworkers manning the picket line in front of the sugar mill Central Azucarera de Tarlac. prices. ” In spite of Corona’s legal argument. that he “failed to disclosed to the public his statement of assets. that this issue concerned his non -declaration of US Dollar accounts.withdrawn by the prosecution on the 29th of February. “betrayal of public trust and / or culpable violation of the constitution” on the second article of impeachment. Edra Olalia stated that “After the failed attempt to smuggle Arroyo out of the country through an arbitrarily issued temporary restraining order on the hold departure order issued by the Department of Justice against Arroyo. culminating in his being named as Supreme Court Justice in the last few weeks of Arroyo’s disputed term. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo). His career and wealth reportedly flourished under Arroyo. liabilities and net worth as required under the constitution. the people called and sought for an independent Supreme Court and a propeople judiciary.” As the impeachment unfolded. which he claimed to still be valid as his dollar holdings represented investment accounts that he and his wife had initiated in 1967. and after the 2010 poll. which were exempt from disclosure under legislation passed in 1973.” http://dreamcatcherproject. The Corona impeachment had been launched under the Aquino government’s supposed pursuit of justice for the reported crimes. of the remaining 3.net/index. The National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers (NUPL) said Filipinos had supported the impeachment complaint against Corona primarily because they view Corona as a hindrance in the people’s drive to hold Arroyo accountable for her crimes against the people. Secretary General of the NUPL. the impeachment is apparently“not so much about Corona’s subservience to Gloria Macapagal -Arroyo nor his role and influence in the Supreme Court’s alleged accommodation of Arroyo as it is about Hacienda Luisita. in what is known in the Philippines as a “midnight appointment”. 2 were directly concerned with impartiality in regard to former President.html/a-short-history-of-hacienda-luisita/ . corruption and abuses linked to former president Gloria MacapagalArroyo. Corona is known as a staunch political ally of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. critics such as the NUPL noted that for Aquino.