Early Sino-Vietnamese Lexical Data and the Relative Chronology of Chinese Tonogenesis Mark J. Alves Montgomery College SEALS 28 Wenzao Ursuline University, Kaohsiung, Taiwan
Sino-Vietnamese Words with Huyền instead of Nặng Tones GLOSS
CH
ESV
LSV
category
類
lei4
loài A2
loại C2
for; because
為
wei4
vì A2
vị C2
self; from
自
zi4
từ A2
tự C2
outside
外
wai4
ngoài A2
ngoại C2
alloted duty; part
分
fen1
phần A2
phận C2
measure, to
量
liang4
lường A2
lượng C2
Hypotheses for the Tone A/C Alternation 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
Random changes due to the loanword L2 intake process BUT too many systematic instances to be random Change in local variety of Middle Chinese BUT it’s not systematic enough Nativized in post-SV period (Wang Li 1948) BUT some segments date to OC and EMC One of two types of qusheng/type C tone words lacking final fricatives in OC (Feng Wang 2006) BUT too many systematic instances AND data that counters the data in that study Reflects the expected period of loss of final fricatives between LOC and EMC and borrowing prior to tonogenesis in Vietic (i.e. Pulleyblank 1962)
Vietnamese Tones & Austroasiatic Etyma Tone
A1 Ngang bird
A2 Huyền turn back
B1 Hỏi to split
B2 Ngã nose
C1 Sắc dog
D2 Sắc hair
D2 Nặng come/grow out
chim
về
chẻ
mũi
chó
tóc
mọc
Proto-Vietic *-ci:m
*ve:r
*cɛh
*muːs
*ʔa-cɔːʔ
*-suk
NA
Proto-AA
*wir
*cih; *ciəh
*muuh; *muus
cɔʔ
*suk; *suǝk
*mɔk; *mɔɔk
Gloss Vietnamese
Finals
*cim
Sonorants
Fricatives
Stops
Tone categories of OC, ESV, and LSV (Alves 2016:269) A
B
C
D
平 píng
上 shǎng
去 qù
入 rù
(level)
(rising)
(departing)
(entering)
Old Chinese
open syllables
final *-ʔ
final *-s
final *-p, *-t, *-k
Proto-Vietic
open syllables
final *-ʔ
final *-s or *-h
final *-p, *-t, *-k
Categories Chinese rhyme table categories
Yin
Yang
Yin Yang
Early SinoVietnamese
ngang huyền
sắc
nặng
Literary SinoVietnamese
ngang huyền
hỏi
ngã
Yin
Yang
hỏi ngã ngang huyền sắc
nặng
Yin Yang sắc nặng sắc nặng
History of Sinitic and Vietic Tones Era
Situation
Sinitic
Vietic
Beginning CE (Han Dynasty)
Early SiniticVietic contact
Old Chinese – nontonal, Vietic – nontonal, final final fricatives (to 200s fricatives and glottal stop (Pulleyblank 1962) and glottal stop
601 CE (Sui Dynasty)
Developed Sinitic-Vietic contact
Middle Chinese – tonal (final glottal stop? (Pulleyblank))
1000 CE (Vietnamese independence)
Chinese shifting Late Middle Chinese – to Viet-Muong tonal
Vietic – nontonal
Viet-Muong – tonal
Stages of ESV to SV with Respect to Tones 1. Beginning of 1st millennium: Vietic borrowing Sinitic words with *-s/*-ʔ (no tones in Sinitic to perceive) 2. Early part of millennium: Vietic borrowing Sinitic words with tones and possibly *-ʔ (Vietic speakers not perceiving Sinitic tones) 3. Turn of 1st millennium: Viet-Muong borrowing words with tones (Viet-Muong had tones)
Samples of Doublets in ESV and SV GLOSS square wall dragon bamboo curtain new year side father's elder brother white/silver level pillar must
MC pjang pek ljowng ljem tset pen paek baek bjaeng pje sju
ESV vuông vách rồng rèm tết bên bác bạc bằng bia tua
SV phương bích long liêm tiết biên bách; bá bạch bình bi tu
General Patterns of Segmental Correspondences between ESV and LOC/EMC Consonants • Retention of single-consonant initials and finals (nasals, stops, liquids) • Loss of LOC/EMC medials (e.g., *-r-, *-j-, etc.) in initial clusters • Development of initial fricatives (e.g., /v/, /ɣ/, /z/) from presyllabic material in LOC Vowels • Retention of OC/MC vowels (e.g., *e, *a, *o, etc.) • Diphthongization of single vowels in LOC (?) loans (e.g., /iǝ/, /uǝ/, /ɨǝ/)
ESV QU TONE FOR SV SHANG (C FOR B) GLOSS
CHINESE
OC
MC
ESV
SV
cocoon
繭 jian3
*kˤenʔ
kenX
kén C1
kiển B1
bitter
苦 ku3
*kʰˤaʔ
khuX
khó C1
khổ B1
feeling
感 gan3
*kˤ[ə]mʔ
komX
cám C1
cảm B1
may; fairly
可 ke3
*[k]ʰˤa[j]ʔ
khaX
khá C1
khả B1
hit
打 da3
NONE
(děng)
đánh C1
đả B1
net
網 wang3
*maŋʔ
mjangX
mạng C2
võng B2
late
晚 wan3
*m[o][r]ʔ
mjonX
muộn C2
vãn B2
silk
縷 lv3
*[r]oʔ
ljuX
lụa C2
lũ B2
ESV SHANG TONE FOR SV QU TONE (B FOR C) GLOSS mustard plant
CHINESE
OC
MC
ESV
SV
芥jie4/gai4
*kˤr[e][t]-s
keajH
cải B1
giới C1
calculate
計ji4
*kˤij-s
kejH
kể B1
kế C1
rabbit/hare
兔tu4
*l̥ˤa-s
thuH
thỏ B1
thố C1
chopsticks
箸 zhu4
*dak-s
drjoH
đũa B2
trợ C2
drawing
畫/劃hua4
*C-gʷˤrek-s
hweaH
vẽ B2
họa C2
discuss
議yi4
*ŋ(r)aj-s
ngjeH
nghĩ B2
nghị C2
ESV Pingsheng Tone for Qusheng Tone (A for C) 1. Yinping for Yinqu (A1 for C1), different segments 2. Yinping for Yinqu (A1 for C1), same segments 3. Yangping for Yangqu (A2 for C2), different segments 4. Yangping for Yangqu (A2 for C2), same segments
ESV Yinping Tone (A1) for Yingqu Tone (C1), Different Segments GLOSS
CH
OC
MC
ESV
SV
saw (n.)
鋸 ju4
*k(r)a-s
kjoH
cưa A1
cứ C1
belt
帶 dai4
*C.tˤa[t]-s
tajH
dai A1
đái C1
seal; to print
印 yin4
*[ʔ]iŋ-s
jinH
in A1
ấn C1
shout/call
叫 jiao4
*kˤewk-s
kewH
kêu A1
khiếu C1
shout; announce
譟 zao4
*C.sˤaw-s
sawH
rao A1
táo C1
familiar with
慣 guan4
*kˤro[n]-s
kwaenH
quen A1
quán C1
embroider
繡 xiu4
*[s]iw(k)-s
sjuwH
thêu A1
tú C1
sell
販 fan4
NONE
NONE
buôn A1
phán C1
release
放 fang4
*paŋ-s
pjangH
buông A1
phóng C1
ESV Yinping Tone (A1) for Yinqu Tone (C1), Same Segments GLOSS
CH
OC
MC
ESV
SV
dish/bowl/pot
盎ang4
NONE
(qǎng)
ang A1
áng C1
advise
勸quan4
*C.qʷʰar-s
khjwonH
khuyên A1
khuyến C1
report to king
奏zou4
*tsˤo(ʔ)-s
tsuwH
tâu A1
tấu C1
calculate
算suan4
*[s]ˤorʔ-s
swanH
toan A1
toán C1
coal/charcoal
炭tan4
*[tʰ]ˤa[n]-s
thanH
than A1
thán C1
sigh; lament truthful; believe
嘆tan4
*n̥ˤar-s
thanH
than A1
thán C1
信xin4
*s-ni[ŋ]-s
sinH
tin A1
tín C1
ESV YANGPING TONE (A2) FOR YANGQU TONE (C2), DIFFERENT SEGMENTS GLOSS
CH
OC
MC
ESV
SV
smelt/forge
鍊 lian4
*[r]ˤen-s
lenH
rèn A2
luyện C2
cheap/low/mean
賤 jian4
hèn A2
tiện C2
*[dz][a][n]-s dzjenH
convenient; then 便 bian4
*ben-s
bjienH
bèn A2
tiện C2
棹 zhao4
NONE
NONE
chèo A2
trạo C2
妙 miao4 *[m]ew(ʔ)-s mjiewH
mầu A2
diệu C2
oar (archaic) miraculous taste (n.); smell
味 wei4
*mət-s
mj+jH
mùi A2
vị C2
fog; mist
霧 wu4
*kə.mok-s
mjuH
mù A2
vụ C2
ESV Yangping Tone (A2) for Yangqu Tone (C2), Same Segments (Nouns) GLOSS
CH
OC
MC
ESV
SV
jaw, chin
頷 han4
*[ɢ]ˤ[ə]mʔ
homX
hàm A2
hạm C2
rhyme
韻 yun4
*[m-qʷ]i[n]-s
hwinH
vần A2
vận C2
building (clsf)
座 zuo4
*[dz]ˤo[j]ʔ-s
dzwaX
toà A2
toạ C2
curtain; tent
幔 man4
*mˤa[n]-s
manH
màn A2
mạn C2
sentiment
念 nian4
*nˤim-s
nemH
niềm A2
niệm C2
art/skill
藝 yi4
*ŋet-s
ngjiejH
nghề A2
nghệ C2
left over
剩 sheng4
*Cə.ləŋ-s
zyingH
thừa A2
thựa C2
curtain; tent
幔 man4
*mˤa[n]-s
manH
màn A2
mạn C2
ESV Yangping Tone (A2) for Yangqu Tone (C2), Same Segments (Verbs) GLOSS
Conclusion 1. Mutual support: Data in Chinese historical phonology (e.g. loss of *-s and *-?) both accounts for and is given support by the ESV/LSV data. 2. Ample Supporting Data: Dozens of instances (nouns, verbs, grammatical vocab.) of doublets involving B for C, C for B, and A for C tones, but no (or very few) instances of other combinations. 3. Relation to Vietic Tonogenesis: A-for-C tone words provide support for a nontonal Vietic borrowing OC words without final fricatives (likely with tones in Sinitic). 4. Chronology of Sinitic Loanwords: a. B-for-C borrowings ending by 300s (?) among the oldest b. C-for-B borrowings ending by 600s (?) c. A-for-C borrowings from 300s (?) This pushes VM tonogenesis later, but how far?
References • Alves, Mark J. 2005. Sino-Vietnamese grammatical vocabulary and triggers for grammaticalization. In the The 6th Pan-Asiatic International Symposium on Linguistics. Hanoi: Nhà Xuất Bản Khoa Học Xã Hội (Social Sciences Publishing House). 315-332. • Alves, Mark J. 2016. Identifying Early Sino-Vietnamese Vocabulary via Linguistic, Historical, Archaeological, and Ethnological Data. The Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 10.1: 264-295. • Baxter, William H. and Laurent Sagart. 2014. Baxter-Sagart Old Chinese reconstruction, version 1.1 (20 September 2014). Available online at http://ocbaxtersagart.lsait.lsa.umich.edu/BaxterSagartOCbyMandarinMC2014-09-20.pdf. • Haudricourt, André G. 1954a. Comment reconstruire le Chinois Archaïque. Word 10.2-3: 351–364. • Haudricourt, André G. 1954b. Sur l'origine de la ton de Vietnamien. Journal Asiatique 242: 69–82. • Mei, Tsu-Lin. 1970. Tones and prosody in Middle Chinese and the origin of the rising tone. In Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 30: 86–110. • Phan, John Duong. Lacquered words: the evolution of Vietnamese under Sinitic influences from the 1st century BCE through the 17th century CE. Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 2013. • Pulleyblank, E. G. 1962. The consonantal system of Old Chinese, Part II. Asia Minor 9:206-265. • Tryon, Ray. Sources of middle Chinese phonology: a prolegomenon to the study of Vietnamized Chinese. MA thesis, Southern Illinois University, 1979. • Wang, Feng. 汪锋. 2006. Rethinking the *-s Hypothesis for Chinese Qusheng Tone 去声源于 *-s 尾假说之再检讨. Journal of Chinese 34.1:1-24. • Wang, L. 1948. Hanyu yueyu yanjiu. Lingnan 9.1, 1–96. (reprinted in 1958, 292–401). • Zhū, Xiǎonóng (朱晓农). 2009. Shēngdiào qǐ yīn yú fā shēng: Jiān lùn Hànyǔ sìshēng de fāmíng (声调起因于发声：兼论汉语四 声的发明) [Phonation as the phonetic cause of tonogenesis: With special reference to the origin of Chinese tones]. In Fùdàn Dàxué hàn yǔyán wénzì xuékē Yǔyán yánjiū jíkān biānwěihuì (复旦大学汉语言文 字学科《语言研究集刊》编委会) (ed.), Yǔyán yánjiū jíkān: Dì liù jí (语言研究集 刊：第六辑), 1–29. Shanghai: Shànghǎi Císhū Chūbǎnshè.
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