Devasthali-SiddhantaKaumudi-1968.pdf

Publications of the Centre of Advanced Study in Sanskrit Cl. C No.4 SĀRASIDDHĀNTAKAUMUDĪ OF VARADARĀJA EDITED W ITH Introduction, Translation, and Critical & Exegetical Notēs by G. V. DEVASTHALI U N IV ER SITY O F POONA PO O N A 1968 Publications of the Centre of Advanced Study in Sanskrit Cl. C No. 4 SĀRASIDDHĀNTAKAUMUDĪ OF VARADARĀJA EDITED W ITH Introduction, Translation, and Critical & Exegetical Notēs by G. V. DEVASTHALI U N IV ER SITY O F PO O N A PO O N A 1968 First Edition: August 1968 © with Publisher Printed by J. E. Dāvid at Spicer Golege Press, Ganeshkhind, Poona 7, and published by W. H. GOLAY, Registrar, University of Poona, Poona-7, 1000— 4621-68, PREFACE The present edition of the Sārasiddhāntakaumudī is based on four MSS, two of which belong to the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute and one to the Vaidika Samshodhana M a ņ d a l a , Poona, and I am obliged to the authorities of these Institutions for having made them avaible to me. For this edition I have derived ample help from various works like M B h, Kās} Pbh, etc., and more particularly B M (an excellent commentary on Bh’s SK)> B a l l a n t y n e ^s edition of LSK , and also the commentary on L S K by Uddhavaji S h a s t r i . Besides these pūrva sūris, I owe a deep debt of gratitude to my friend and colleague Dr. S. D. J o s h i for carefully ģoing through the M S and making very valuable suggestions, vvhich have considerably enhanced the value of the work. Thanks are also due to two other colleagues-to Shri S. N. B h a v a s a r for voluntarily undertaking the arduous task of going through the proofs and to Dr. S. D. L a d d u for the ‘Select Bibliography’ given at the end. Nor can I forget here the Spicer College Press who have *pared no pains to give the work a nice printing and get up. Finallv, I have no words to express my indebtedness to our Director, Dr. R. N. D a n d e k a r , whose sympathetic encouragement has been a constant source of inspiration to me. I have however, to crave the indulgence of my readers for the errata, which could not be avoided, and at the same time to request them to make their valuable suggestions for improvement which wi.ll be gratefully received. University of Poona August 15. 1968. G. V. DEVASTHALI TABLE O F CO N TEN TS Preface Table of Contents Abbreviations Introduction Text (with Translation) Pages s ?N5PR«pt iii iv vii xi X V i gČH5pñWT i — fHTfar— hHpfafcr— gārTMṁ'C'lH 1 — spjrīaṭ^tfšr^— 3 T 5 T ;!?d,jtlṁ f^ ^ — Ģcvēiṅfç?» •jf— — aļsJurrfH— fēT^ēTSr^VOIH >1 --āī^tfe--^ > ṭrrf? — fotīfe— — *«nf<r— čTdīfe— (Nos. 1- 15) (Nos. 16- 95) (Nos. 16- 51) (Nos. 52- 79) (Nos. 80- 95) (Nos. 96-341) (Nos. 96-193) (Nos.194-217) (Nos.218-233) (Nos.234-330) (Nos.331-334) (Nos.335-339) (Nos.340-341) (Nos.342-540) (Nos.342-463) (Nos.464-479) (Nos.480-486) (Nos.487-488) (Nos.489-494) (Nos.495) (Nos.496-500) (Nos.501-511) 1- 7 8- 30 8- 18 18- 25 26- 30 31-108 31- 58 59- 66 67- 71 72-100 101-103 104-107 108 109-172 109-144 145-150 150-152 153 154-156 156 157-158 158-161 iv Pages = pVlfe— vņJfe— HĻīJ— ns?ēr— HHPTT^— ifnnfTfe— VVVSH— i giDHPPTHH I (Nos.512-514) (Nos.515-522) (Nos.523-526) (Nos.52'7-529) (Nos.530-531) (Nos.532-534) (Nos.535-536) (Nos.537-540) (Nos.541-578) (Nos.579-592) (Nos.593-667) (Nos.593-596) (Nos.597-610) (Nos.611-649) (N os.650-657) (Nos.658-663) (Nos.664-667) (Nos.668-714) (Nos.715-723) , 162-163 163-166 166-167 167-168 168-169 169 170 170-172 173-182 183-187 188 188-189 190-194 194-204 205-207 208-209 210-211 212-221 222-224 •22i7 1-259 261 263 a ^ H n r— — HiTDTr^ērsrčPīr: ^fhrēṇm: " Index of sūtras etc. Notēs .... Appendix A I Pratydhāras b ased on the Śiva-sūtras ............ II Pratyāhāṛas b ased on Pāņini’ssūtras .............. Appendix B Letters of the Devanāgarī alphabet: I Classified according to the place of origination .... v 264 II Classified according to internai effort .... —I II Classified according to external effort Index (of important and technical words explained in the Notēs) .... Select Bibliography (for further reading) .... .... 264 265 267 269 vi ABBREVIATIONS A Authors and Works Bh BM BŚŠ DSG G RM Jñā K, Kāt Kā, Kās LSK M Bh M SK MW N Nandi-kā P PA Pat Pbh Bhattoji Dīksita Bālammoramā (comm. on SK) Brhat-Śabdenduśekhara Dictionary of Sanskrit Grammar (Professor K. V. A b h y a n k a r) Gaņaratnamahodadhi Subodhinl (Comm. on S K by Jñānendrasarasvati) Kātyāyana Kāśikā Laghu-Siddhāntakaumudī Mahābhāsya (of Pataojali) M adhya-Siddhāntakaumudī Sanskrit English Dictionary (by Monier WlLLIAMS) Nāgeśa Nandikeivarakārikā (or kāśikā) Pāņini Astādhyāyi (of Pāņini) Patañjali Paribhāsenduśekhara (of Nāgeśa) vii pbh PM PŚ RV R V . Pr Śiva, ŚŚ SK SSK V paribhāsa Praudhamanoramā Pāņiniya Śiksā Rgveda Rgveda Prātiśākhya Śivasūtra Siddhāntakaumudl Sāra-Siddhāntakaumudī Varadarāja vārttika Vūidikapadānukramakośa • Vākyapa(ñya Vājasaneyi Prātiśākhya Yajurveda B GRAM M ATICAL TERM S abi. acc. aor. ātmp. Bah. V r Bened. cl. Cond. ablative accusative aorist ātmanepada Bahuvrīhi Benedictive class Conditional v iii vā VBK VP VPr YV ( V is h v a Ba n d h u ) cpd. Denom. Desid. du. f.5 fem. Fut. gen. impf. impv. instr. loc. masc. neut. obj. parasmp. part. pass. Pf. plr. Pot. Pr. pron. sg. tatp Compound Denominative Desiderative dual feminine Future genitive imperfect imperative instrumental locative masculine neuter object parasmaipada participle passive Perfect plural Potential Present pronoun singular tatpurusa ix IN T R O D U C T IO N Varadarāja is well known as the author of L SK (containing 1381 rules), which is a smaller or shorter abridgement of Bh’s SK. M S K (containing 2315 sūtras, another abridgement of SK , is also known and published, but not so widely studied as the former. SSK (containing 723 rules), critically edited here for the first time, is but little known, though its MSS have been noticed in several catalogues. The author of these three abridgements, Varadarāja, in the introductory stanza of his works refers to Bhattoji Dīksita (1560-1620 A.D.) as his guru, which may justify us in placing him somewhere in the first half of the 17th century A.D. To judge from the abridgements he has m ade of SK , Varadarāja appears to have been an able teacher interested in the propagation of SK studies, though he does not appear to have made a mark as an erudite vaiyākaraņa by writing learned commentaries or treatises*. The present edition of SSK is based on the following four MSS: 1 and 2, here referred to as B1 and B2, have been described in the Descriptive Catalogue of M SS in Government Mss. Library (B O R I) Vol. II, Part-I, Nos. 206 and 207 respectively. 3, here referred to as V, .belongs to the Vaidika Samśodhana Maņdala ^ ); country paper; 33 folios; 10" x 454"; 12 lines in a page and about 30 letters in a line; Devanāgari character; complete; dated Śaka 1712. 4, here referred to as D ; from the Editor’s collection; country paper; 36 folios; 954” x 4 % " ; 10 ^ nes *n a Pa§e an(l ab °ut 35 letters in a line; Devanāgarī character; complete; about 150 years old. *For a more detailed information about Varadarāja and his works see Prof. P. K. G o d e ’ s article in Festschrift K ane pp. 188-199. xi The sutras, the vārttikas, etc., are printed in black type and have been serially numbered, the last number being 723; while the vrtti thereon has been printed in the ordinary type under each number. After each sūtra of Pāņini is shown the exact position vvhich that sūtra occupies in the Sūtrapātha (as printed in the Word Index to the Pāņinīya Sūtrapātha, compiled by P a t h a k and C h i t r a v , pp. 461-648). There are hardly any variants in the readings of P’s sūtras. In one place (No. 511), however, where a difference was observed, we have adopted the reading supported by our MSS and also found in some edtions of SK, and accepted by B M and BŚŚ. The variant reading here is samparyupebhyaķ karotau bhūsaņe (PA 6.1.133). In the vrtti our author has, on the whole, drawn quite closely upon Bh’s work, though in some cases he has introduced slight changes in order to avoid confusion. Thus, for example, in No. 551 in the vrtti V read where ali editions of SK (and also the editions of L S K and M S K ) read it (as in the original sūtra). This evidently is to avoid the confusion that is likely to be caused by the word it. But the hand of V is clearly indicated by several factors, which even a cursory comparison of SSK with S K is enough to reveal. Some of these are as follows: — (1) While copying Bh’s vrtti, V has eschewed as many words from it as possible without sacrificing the main point and at the same time without causing obscurity or ambiguity. (2) He has dropped a very large number of rules and retained the least number that he felt to be absolutely necessary for a broad but complete understanding of ali the main topics. (3) He has introduced suitable changes in the order of the rules (as adopted by Bh) in view of his own treatment of the topic under consideration. xii (4) Broadly speaking, he has covered ali the topics as found in Bh’s SK ; but he has occasionally compressed two or more topics of Bh into one. (5) He has also changed the order of the topics, and has arranged them in a more convenient manner. Taking vākya as a linguistic unit, V thought it advisable to deal with samdhi, subanta (declension including avyayas)^ tiñanta (conjugation including lakārārtha) , and krdanta. Then he has taken subartha (syntax). With the help of ali these a student hecomes well equipped for interpreting ordinary or simple sentences. Then follow the prakaraņas dealing with the remaining two vārieties of prātipadika (namely samāsa and taddhita ), and the work concludes with a section on the onlv remaining topic, namely feminine formations. This may well explain the logical, and perhaps even psychological, nature of the arrangement of the various sections adopted by V. The first section naturally deals with samjñās as in SK . But the paribhāsā section is altogether avoided, the paribhāsā sūtras being introduced at various places as and when the need for them is felt. V ’s attempt to attain utmost simplicity is also discemible at several points in this work. A few of these may be noted here: — (1) He has avoided the discussion about the sūtra halantyam (No. 1) by tacitlv assuming the word hal to mean a consonant. (2) He has declared the ābhyantara prayatna (p 5) to be fivefold (apparentlv on the authority of Patañjali) and has thus been able to leave out the complicated sūtra , nājjhalau. (3) He has purposelv remained silent about the pratyāhāra ra (and avoided ali discussion about it), though under No. 29 he has given two illustrations, namelv krsnarddhiķ and tavalkāraķ. (4) In No. 291 he has adopted the shorter course, namely tilopa, instead of the usual longer process. xiii (5) He has avoided pointing out the possible double paradigms of neut. adjectives ending in i, u and r (No. 232). In one place (No. 620) at least, he has shown his originality (or even boldness) by proposing yogavibhāga, which has been done neither by Bh, nor by ancient authorities like Pat. It may thus be seen that, in SSK , V has used his ingenuity and also skill or practical experience as a teacher to simplify an abstruse subject like SK Grammar, and, even without his being aware of it, to introduce the young student to ali the important topics of SK Grammar as also the important aspects of its technique such as sarnjñā9paribhāsāy and also anubandhas with the purposes they are made to serve. Taking into consideration the extent of the three abridgements, we may well describe them as a series of concentric manuals of SK. Grammar, and SSK as the most elementary among them. o s 'TSjfRT: areçgir 3Ī3T*T *&* X Vo tiMoH'THT gTHmlT: ijt| H^THTR •s çfrsfiīT: t ’& V R %* \o\ X X 'tth* a•o ?> fe*mr VifiHT^Hi: <nFT faṛDTHT H 5T > 9> s ā f c n a ^ a t: Vēqqt m m a >ū ^?q5fīT7: ^çq^TT: x\x \\c H» ?\ṣo ■ĶVJ Ś taf ?W H^>ī: ^ṝñaTH <?cq 5THčmm X \ V H vīta: ^ ē fta ia qe> 5THēn<TH e 3¥t \6 t( \C & X% R X X X £ 3ft: 5 Ī H > : 3TfaTTT XV X \\ R 3īfa>TT ^ O0 ? HotT g?qtr uts H?ft ^ēaSTētfT: HTH> ftRHfHl *Ķ :*Ķ ( HHFirfrT fer^T 3o? m X X R «Hflt frlTftH 3t|: 3T^Tt HHTOfa ■ s ĪV I ī vn X X ?tT tt: 3iHimim 3rriftftļc čvTJ^T 41-ctl: 31H iT t»T T dnf.'tft: W3?f[ 3T5mṛ V īī R R w V>K ôlṣ w X cT? R m cīt tl^ēH T : čR*čTf* tnrršt WHH: X p. 17 foot-note line 3 last word: read ṛrf^ XVI ii ii n * f t* r o c w « r o t i 1 HēTT 3TST[W. sft 'TīfoT^īf^TfH •O W T VI ^ H f H ^ T ^ d īK U •ob T* \ 3 T f U n r | 5 | ṛ ? | ^ | q 3 i t 3 - I q 3Tt g I ^ Z( S t T S I ^ ' «Nī i j r H ^ ^ n ^ i st n n š >i s T ^ o Nr i u s u n N ^ ^ s s s T ^ s č t s r •N i e n m i s Nt n N u n e T * 1 N $^PnT<»rTft*RrT«rffa I ^ P R īf ^ f ^ H T ^ T < i | l # : l l ^ ^ f ē l j r ļ II II |vy f h ^rrṝr i arigtîTTrnT \ 3 sr * Si SALUTA TION TO LORD GAŅEŠA Having made salutation to the triad of sages commencing with Pāņini, Varadarāja is composing the Sārasiddhāntakaumudī for the enlightenment of the young (scholars). a i uņ; etc. These aphorisms are (meant) for the (formation of) aņ and such other technical designations. The vowel a in the letters ha etc. (in the aphorisms) is (appended) for (ease of) pronunciation. 1. The final consonant (1.3.3 ) In upadeśa, the final consonant is mute (it). An upadeia (signifies) the original enunciation. ? R b2 TTiTTf^īft t% ^rq% ^T ^n^r i D cfq- \ V adds after this ṣṛuçtṛgzr . F.— 1 ^ 3T?5T5i sita: ii n ^>7H5T FTTēT \ 3 aFT II II ēT^ēft ^ T : ^TTH •s I )f s n f e r o R h | c t u ?.?X9? ii 3Rq#ēfT H % f 3TTf?H«T*TFTt 3M f fēT 3fĶ^ W ? H t I rr# ^ ^ ^ HITT ^TTēT | ^ r 3^ ^TT^: I \ 1 ^ysr 3 ;^ r ^ 3 ^ ^r; i u lļ.R-R'* II ^ ? r1 *fts^ w ? 2. Disappearance (is) lopa (elision) (1.1.60). Disappearance of some thing, vvhich is expected to appear, is termed lopa . 3. Of it, elision (1.3.9). Of the it (mute letter), there is elision. 4. The initial (letter) together with the final mute letter. (1.1.71). Together with the final mute letter, the initial letter is the technical designation for itself and the intervening (letters). Thus aņ is the technical designation for the letters a, i, u. Similarly (are formed) ac, hal, al, etc. 5. The vowel, having the morae like those of (the vowel) u, ū, and Ū3, is (designated) short, long, and prolated (respectively) (1.2.27). (Short) u and (long) ū and (prolated) Ū3 = vaķ. The \ Bx OTṭrot0 ^ tē T I H 5 R q - Ū n ī T ^ vs 6 3mīN?7tT: II 1 - ^ % II « th fcn sirr: u ^ . ^ o i i çtm^TT: ll?.^.^?ll I H H^fasffcfa ĪR ^-ļH TH fāHT I o H īfH ^T^Trfçr^ē^ī^ī o % * THfHTfa^TSRHtSHHTfH*: l l* t -• t^ll o o H ^ H % T H rfH ^ > :?r^H.'ir>1SHHTfH^: ^TIH I ērf^T H 3f 5R5T ēTPT I ZilīVj ^HT IJ 5 S ?Ķ çqT ? SR H ^H eR H ifc ī: I vowel, whose time (mora) is likethat of these three ūsrespectively, is designated as hrasva (short), dīrgha(long), and pluta (prolated) respectively. Each one of these again is threefold according to the division of udātta (acute) etc. 6. 7. 8. (That) with a high tone (is) udātta (1.2.29). (T hat) with a low tone (is) anudātta (1.2.30). A combination (of these is) svarita (1.2.31). This ninefold (vowel) is further twofold owing to nasality or non-nasality (therein). 9. T hat which is pronounced by the nose along with the mouth (is) nasal (1.1.8). T hat which is pronounced by the nose together with the mouth is nasal. Thus, the letters a, i, u, and r have, each of them, eighteen vārieties. The letter ļ (has only) twelve, because it has no long (vārieties). The letters e, o, ai and au also (have only) twelve, because they have no short (vārieties). \ ^ V °ūt> spiffst° R V adds after I B, This sentence omitted *o §ṇmçqsruč5j a n tirç 1 1 ç . \ .% 1 1 ēTTē^īfc P -T H T H r^ ē frtR ē ^ ē ^ ē R S ñ JTFT tļaV HČHST: H^'iī PTrēT I l ? Ê»n«RŪrn«T: H H m S īfffa fl^ īfta H T ^13: 1 II I ^ ^ T H īf HT^1 I ^ S T H m ^ ē fr^ H I HHll v|5^HTHt^HT:l ^TSHPTtoTHTH^sll HHpJRTHT HīfH^T V( | trtṛft: sfreṛTT^ I aftefļṛft: ^03> 3H I f a ļf iH ^ H I H lfH ^T d^R F T 1 10. That, which has similar (place in the) mouth and effort, (is) homogeneous (1.1.9). Those letters, which have the two, namely the place (of origination in the mouth) palate etc. and the internai effort, in common (or the same), are mutually homogeneous. 11. The letters r and ļ must be stated to be homogeneous with one another. The throat (is the organ) of a, the letters of the kavarga, h, and visarga; the palate, of i, the letters of the cavarga, y, and ś; the head, of r, the letters of the tavarga, r, and ?; the teeth, of i, the letters of the tavarga, l, and s; the lips, of u} the letters of the pavarga, and the upadhmānīņa; (the mouth) and the nose, of ñ, m } n } and n; the throat and the palate, of e and ai; the throat and the lip, of o and au; the teeth and the lip, of the letter v; the root of the tongue, of the jihvāmūlīņa; the nose, of the anusvāra. ? B1 Č T T ^ : HṣUilcb<’*W sčh T fs a r i a rm r^ rū stt^ r ^ ^ i sn?r: h^ stt i c c s s ^ f e ^ r F ^ ļē r d ļṛ w ç T ṛ r i ēiR f t r : s i ^ i t F rn fa īH 5 1 I h č h r : norpt* i h^ cr h* si h ^ ī h 'a i fčPfṝrH^H* i ^ re n T ^ p f o n tr^Tn c srfsprra^rrat g O i 'J î^rrē%^T^THī I fiRTR: H 3R : ?RTH> HTSt HlHtSHtHtSČHHPiñ HĶlZVK ^T rftS R T tT : FṛftēHiptfēn RTT fa^RT: ^TIHT S P īfaT Î ffcT: H ^ R [ HRT HtHHcTI sPīfarT H 'W H k R ^ H T ^ JTṅTRHčTsrmT:i “ ^ h K t fs çfcre g n T r ^ rtthtt: i 1°^ r t t h fth th t: Efīort is of two kinds, internai and external. The former is fivefold according to the division, namely touched, slightlv touched, slightly open, open, and contracted. Of these, the touched effort belongs to the letters (designated) sparśa slightly touched, to the semi-vowels (y a ņ ) ; slightly open, to the letters s, s, s and h (ś a l) ; open, to the vowels. Of the short n in actual parlance (the effort is) contracted; but in the pro cess of a grammatical operation, it is open only. The external (effort) is of eleven kinds; expansion (of the throat), contraction, sighing, sounding, low preparatory murmur, absence of such murmur, slight aspiration, strong aspiration, acute, gravē, and circumflex. The (letters denoted by) khar have the vivāra, śvāsa, and aghosa effort. The haś have saihvāra, w d a y and ghosa effort. The first, the third, and the fifth letters (of each) of the classes and the yaņ have alpaprāņa; the second and the fourth and the śal have mahāprāņa. R B2 ST^V 3 D for m faH T V B2 3T^:^TRT^ for \ B2 for . % b 2 w tp tp t for ar^ r vs î^hptpī0 V 0q ^ r r ^ ^ ° % Before this B2 adds 8P* *T?TTPTr: | \° B2 D from up to ^TT: omitted. Frerf: I jpjfrSHTrm:! 5PS ^ H F T : 1 3rq: çčfTT: 1 x qr X ^ ^fčī sp^rn^T HFrHf^HHçR^fr f s n f T n ^ z r i g q- g qṭ s r m h r c p f a ^ T sqsHTHta: i š a?: cprjmrt T O n ^ R fa M T i a n r f e i w « h n ^rsr?nn: n \ . \ . \ \ \\ arfirsftzpTHtOTfc^T ^R -9^ « opirfar i f % ķ 5 1 *rar c t r t i a n ^ r o ^ * q^ṅī g <$■ ^ f e r ; i h ^ h ^ s f d arssresrHT m [ i Letters from k upto m are sparśa; the (letters of the pratyāhāra) yaņ are antaķstha; the (letters of the pratyāhāra) śal are ūsman; the (letters of the pratņāhāra) ac are vowels; a character like half a visarga, standing before k or kh, is jihvāmūliņa; a character like half a visarga, standing before p or ph, is upadhmānīya. A character like a dot on the vowel is anusvāra; and one like two dots after a vowel is visarga. 12. (A letter of the pratņāhāra) aņ, and also (a letter) having an indicatory u, (is the designation) of (its) homogeneous letters also, (when) not (enjoined as) a suffix. (1.1.69). The letters denoted by (the pratyāhāra) aņ and the letter with an indicatory u when not enjoined, is the designation of (itself and also) its *homogeneous letters. Here alone (the pratņāhāra) aņ is (to be taken as being formed) with the latter ņ . The letters with an indicatory u are ku, cu, tu, tu, and pu . Thus a is the designation of (ali) the eighteen (vārieties of a ) ; I ^ īT f^ ^ T H : I ^ HīTTI ^ «TTI Hf^ttT II ^ K t s f a I r r^ E gT^TTHTH I arHHrfH^THHHīfH^^^H JHṛ^T fstTT I ^H TH H H īfg^T^ 5 ^ 1 ^ : II i ^jrhrmfēRrfzrēr: H fafa: ^ŪSļ?ēTU: Š n tn : II M X 9 II 3r^bTT3JT^f|ērr Ķ&’ . HjfhTHfrr:3 f h i ?^ g rw ? ṛi 1 1 ?.v. \ v 1 1 ftth ii g s R i fērs^r ^ «re*rer ii s f a H?rrH^TWH n so also the letters i and u. The letter r (is the designation) of thirty (vārieties); so also the letter ļ. (The letters) e, o, ai and au> of tvvelve. The letters y, v and l are twofold according to the division of nasal and non-nasal. And as such these nonnasal letters are the designations of both. 13. The closest proximity (is) samhiiā (1.1.109). The utmost juxta-position or closeness of letters has the de signation sarhhitā (combination). 14. Consonants unseparated (are) sarriVoga (1.1.7). Consonants, not separated by vowels, have the designation sarhņoga (conjunct). 15. T hat which ends in sup or tin (is) pada (1.4.14). (A form ation), ending in a case-ending {sup) or a per sonai ending {tin), has the designation pada (w ord). Thus ends (the section on) sa'tnjñās. X D ^ B x B2 (tdHPTT0 ļ Bx * ® r. < t ( II3TO 1% II H o ) 5 ^ : *«TR *T °T ^TRT 3īf^ fc# I rtforc; f % fa fe « r n .%% n I HqTR Ķ$[ HcčTHtfH^H'T fažft*R pf ^ R d t e m•s i \6 ç*RS?ēT?ĪT*T: II ? ? - V 1 1 S R ļf H% H^TēTH 3T[^H:3 I 16. In the place of ik, yaņ, vvhen ac follovvs (6.1.77). c (# R ? In the place of ik, yaņ is substituted, when it is followed by ac in combination. In the position: sudlñ upāsņah. 17. When an operation is enjoined by (a word in) the locative, (it) belongs to that which preceds immediately (1.1.66). The operation enjoined by using (a word in) the locative case, should be understood to pertain to that which precedes without being intervened by any other letter. 18. (T hat which is ) the most similar (or closest) in point of the place of generation. (1.1.50). When a common term is enjoined as a substitute, the closest (section of it) is the (actual) substitute. ? V fWT added after sf^FĪT* ^ D omitted 3 B2 ī OTĶ addcd after 3TI& I: \\ d n ln rs n ç n u n HiftiTT-ēr iS T ē T TŠ ēT^ēTFT WW. I ô 3Ty5tS?ēU*H || II I ^ U«ī: srfčtneū II 5TP% I gcHHTçṛr: I rp srft: I HPtH: I ^ Iffē f: I ^ tr^ tsu ^ īn srT u\.\.\ač n H 3ĪT^ »^ t 3TH - 3 ^>3TTH * \ > FT: O 3rf% I 19. Elision (is substituted) in the place of (what) has a conjunct (consonant) for its final (8.2.23). There is elision of the pada, vvhich ends in a conjunct con sonant. 20. In the place of the final al (1.1.52). A substitute is of (or for) (only) the final (letter) of that vvhich is mentioned in the genitive. In this position: 21. The prohibition in the case of yaņ should be stated. sudh))upās))ah, madhvarih, dhāiramśah, lālflrtih. 22. In the place of ec (are substituted) ay, āy} av, āv (6.1.78). In the place of ec (i.e. e, ai, o, and au) are substituted ay, āy, av, and āv (respectively), when follovved by ac. ? B2 WJĶ added after ^ B2 D 3 D adds IT0 ; B2 °s£RnPTT° ^ after \ V V adds [T ^ - after 3ṛf^. 33 « R r a f t n r jls r : s h r ih t h 1 ii f^ f s m īH ^ T FTfēT I ĶVM I %w[%? | H F R : I 'TR^t: I «t r ū f a s ṛ n n n n qKd 5 R R TTT a fk d ē flR R t R : I *IRH | HRTHI 3^15 n«t: ii ii 3R tr^ Vf* IFTTH^^ | « \ » > 3 23. The statement of (substitutes) equal in numbēr cording to the order of enumeration (1.3.10). is ac- An injunction pertaining to equal number (of the substitutes and the substituted) is according to the serial order. haraye, visnave, nāyakaķ, pāvakaķ . 24. T hat which ends in v (will be the substitute), when suffix beginning with y foliows (6.1.79). a When a suffix beginning with y follows, in the place of o and au, av and āv are substituted. gavyam , nāvyam . 25. at (and) eñ (have the designation) guņa (1.1.2). a (short) and eñ (i.e. e and o) have the designation guņa. $ B2 D V ^ B, reads 3 B, H Bļ V omitted çjtrī tfJTPHH after HHT7:1 V Bļ ļ omitted added after °*rṣf: ēt^Tçčfē^T^cr u \.% .\d o 11 ṛPīTçēnēr • N<ret 3T ^ ^ n N ī n r ; 1 ^ 3n?«Tq: II % .\.6\$ II 3 m k f % g ^ R tŪ ^ F t »n»īT^r:? I rč h ?h ç^ thN .i I I ^ u s a t ^ n f i n t ?h 11 11 ^H^SH O HTfH^Ī 3 T = W -s ^ HtJTī: I FTTH5 qTfHrN I 5rfH?TTHHīfHWT: > 3 ^^STT^PT H ^ T P T H F ft t'Ē t H?TT l 26. A t ap ara (vowel) is (the designation of (the vowel) (of) the same length (1.1.70). A vowel uttered after t or followed by t is the designation for (the vowel) of the same length only. 27. After a, guņa (6.1.87). When an ac (a vowel) comes after the letter a , guņa is the single substitute (for both) the former and the latter. upendraķ, gañgodakam . 28. A nasal ac in an upadeśa is it. (1.3.2). An ac (a vowel), which is nasal in the upadeśa, has the de signation it, (The vowels) in (the grammar of) Pāņini have nasality by declaration. The letter r, pronounced along with the letter a standing in the aphorism laņ, is the designation of r and /. ? Bi R Bx B2 WTĶ added after 3 DV omitted HĪ~fH IVčTfklTA ii ii VĶ w ^ f^VTčT: H#ṛiTļčr.H S D * \ I Hēç^TTH 3 t 3TW > H TTT: STêt I f ^ f e I ē P ^ T T : I $o çftq: ç n e ? w a r ii 3 R * rj# d t: ī\ II č-'R-l II HTT^ērrsiTīiflf HfčT ErTTHfH^T 1 ŪTTremTfa ^T FnrfH ^H i ^ fķ\ i fasṅr % ķ i fe ^ īfa ^ i hP h « T T 3[% | qT 29. aņ, (substituted) in the place of r, is (always) followed by ra (1.1.51). It has been already stated that r is the designation of the thirty (vārieties). The aņ (to be substituted) in the place of it, is always followed by ra (i.e. r. I ). krsņarddhiķ, tavalkāraķ. 30. Elision (in the opinion) of Śākalya (8.3.19). Elision is optionally substituted in the place of y and v, standing at the end of a pada, (and) preceded by the letter a, when aś follows. 31. In connection with what precedes, not established. (8.2.1). The last three quarters (of PA) are (as good as) not estab lished in connection with the seven chapters and a quarter (of the.eighth, of P A ) ; and in the three quarters also, (each) subsequent aphorism is (as good as) not established in connection with the preceding. hara iha, harayiha; visņa iha, visņaviha. ? V 3T instead of srfcff ^ ll 3 T T Č T •\ ^ * s^ C ll 1 I 33 w f e ^ f a ll % .\.C 6 II āīlAfA H^TT^T?: | f i ^ ē ^ T I TT^fa: l Š t - ^■ITHI f r c if l^ S H H I 3 * STR^T: f o m u tn ii ^ .v .^ v ii f^ptTT«fr*T ^THHçr?rT:? I H TTT• H 7 37 37 N 3 O7 * \ f r tf fC |H f a 3TTŠ fa 3īfsr 3[fq- 3T% $ ^ ātD? TfēT T ft 3 7 ^ 7T73: I 3 ^ VjgTçut UT?|3: || || f^ H i^ rf^ fr *=rr77> h t j h ^ t : 3 i 32. ā/ (and) aic (have the designation) vTddhi (1.1.1). ā and aic have the designation vrddhi . 33. When ec follovvs, vrddhi . (6-1.88). When after #, ee follovvs, vrddhi is the single substitute (for both). An exception to gaņa (enjoined by 6.1.87, No.27 above). krsņaikatvam, gahgaughaķ, devaiśvaryam, krsņautkanthyam . 34. U pasargas, when connected with a verb (1.4.59). pra and others, v/hen connected with a verb, have the desig nation upasarga. (Thev are) pra, parā} apa, sam , anu , azid, etc. 35. Bhū, vā etc. (are) dhātus (1 .3.1 ) B hū etc., expressive of action, have the designation dhātu. \ Bx Add ^ B2 °^ ^ T : after added after °sr$ļr: 3 V çt: ^ ^tfēī UTēft || sm forrf'T C P dēr ^ I T R d \ II HTēfV I 5rT=5#fH | ^13 t?fs?TTf:q*T II ^ . ? A V | | 3TT|q"HīrfēT ī7J-īŚ( Hīēft ? q T W te H ^ T :51 3T^S?čmfe f e l l ^ . V * ! ! H H lH ^ I H arrfoTFT HēT •s feŠ?T FHēT * \I 36. When after an upasarga, a root beginning with r (short) follows (6.1.61). When after a prefix, ending in the letter a, a root having an initial r (short) follovvs, vrddhi is the single substitute (for both). prārcchati. 37. When eñ follows, the form of the subsequent (6.1-94). 3T^r When after a prefix ending in a, a root beginning with eñ follows, the form of the subsequent (vowel) is the single sub stitute. prejate, uposati. 38. (The portion) beginning with the last of the vovvels (is) tu (1.1.64). T hat (portion of the base), which begins with the vowel which is the last among the vowels (therein), has the designation tu < D ^ added after qiTf R for 3 Bļ^TRT added after * Bx Sṭterfa 3 % E:\ v ran r i ^R T ?H : HHItE I ^ffcf^«ītsq-»T I HTH^:3I II V M ° t " -Ko sw : q?PṛtT ?fhll re R T r^ sfa i i fa w rs7 i sRfiTH fsia ? w n n ? ? - v \ i i 39. In śakamdhu etc. the form of the subsequent (vowel) should be stated (as the single substitute). And that (pertains) to the ti (of the antecedent). śakandhuķ, karkaņdhuķ, marñsā. This is an ākrtigaņa. mārtaņdaķ40. After ak, when a homogeneous (vowel) follows, long (vowel) ( 6 . 1 . 1 0 1 ) (is) the single substitute (for both). d aityāriķ, ś ñ ś a ķ , visņ ū daya ķ, h o tfk ā ra ķ . 41. After eñ at the end of a pada, when a (short) follows (6.1.109). When eñ at the end of a pada is followed by at, the form of the precedent (vowel) is the single substitute (for both). hare’va, visno’va. 42. (A substitute) having more letters than one, or having an inaicatory ś, (is) for the whole. (1.1.55). In this position: { Bļ D omitted ^ B2 added befere HffaTT 3 V Omitted V Bx •3 1 ^TēTI VV w r e rolZTīRflT 'TŠT^ 11 V ?• ? ^ 11 HfP=T§l 3?f% ^ r ? | īṭ^rtTH I* A rr*.iiVMT*ii n f a r s * v s I ’ī t ^ : I | T T ^ 9 II č-īi-ČV II fTTēT H^TcTH ?nW*T E: r -* g j * l I 43. (A substitute) having an indicatory ñ also. (1.1.53). (A substitute) having an indicatory ñ, though it has more letters than one, is for the final only. 44. (In the opinion) of Sphotāyana, a v a ñ (6.1.123). At the end of a pada, in the place of go, ending in eñ , a va ñ is substituted optionallv, when foliov/ed by a vovvcl. gavo.gram, 45. And when followed by indra (6.1.124). In the place of go, a v a ñ is substituted, when followed by indra. gavendraķ. 46. And in calling (a person) from a distance (8.2.84). In addressing from a distance, in the place of the ti of the sentence, pluta is optionally (substituted). \ 3 3 V B2 ° c q 7 ^ ° V ^rf% B2 Trtsļinadded after irmim> • N , Bļ çzṛiēT added before ķt% v\9 . c ^ n p j^ r r arfe Ū R t n ; . i i V M ^ H i i rçl 3 t ^ s r ^ r r i s r r o ^ fsu r^ 3 rr sm r^ *w rçi;»fte*R ñr,.i *6 3PTI cs )t% e r o i t a n f r u t.v .'ā p > i 3[?^n«T?^^Rjft fHTtēTī: ^T: I . . ° STRn: II ^ sfq H «TT I 47. The pluta and the pragrhya, when followed by a vowel, always. (6.1.125) These, when followed by a vowel, stand in the original form. āgaccha kT^ņa^ atra gauś carati. 48. A dual (case-termination ending in) i3 ū and e is pragrhya. (ī.i.ii). A dual termination ending in ī, ū, and e is (designated) pragrhya. hañ etau, zñsņū imau, gañge am u . 49. ca, etc. when not signifying a substance. (1.4.57). II f ^ f s a R ī ī s ī i T ^ r n ii w Šlšk ^ f sriī^r w īķ h i ii rçērh fa^ r i »p? , ■' c t\o ca etc., not expressing a substance, are (designated) nipātas. . 50. pra etc. (1.4.58). So also these. \ V This sentence omitted; Bx reads for 3fļlfo^ hi this as ^>.h8f3 in the ṭr \vell as the preceding sentence. B2 reads fīEtlf for for 3ṛ previous sentence. SK and LSK omit this sentence, and read ftm tr t ^ r s r ^ u ' " f q ṛī N n t T ^ s ^ fHTTH 3!T 3i^: 5PTfī: I i %vS: I H UŽRī: | 3T?tT%h i ç tre iīifrv fe H i 3Tt ņ i h h ^ A i 3ṛr ņ i farsr çrēr i N sft^TH * Ni 115% II <t9 ' ' ^ 51. *ēŪ: S^RT R o : II <t.Y.Vo II o g R T tP P h ñ : i TTHf^rHtfH i J īT P R ^ R f a rt *TtH ^ R T ^ R P ff R : I ffr^T h ^ hh Ni ^ rfe ^ ^ n r | A nipāta (comprising) one vowel, except ān (1.1.14). A single vowel (forming) a nipāta, except āf is prgrhya. i indraķ, u umeśaķ. (The particle ñ), in the sense of the sentence or remembrance, has not the indicatory n. ā evarh nu manyase, ā eva'th kila tat. In other senses it has the indicatorv ñ. īsad usņam osnam. Thus ends (the section on) svara-samdlii. 52. In the place of s and tu, in contact with s and cu, ś and cu (are substituted) (8.4.40) In the place of the letter s and the letters of the tavarga, when they eome in contact with the letter i and the letters of the cavarga, the letter s aņd the letters of the cavarga are (sub stituted). hariśśete, rāmaścinoti, saccit, sārhgiñjaya. ^ 5ĪTēT II č.'K.'tḥf II STlcT N T^rrfačT H I f t o t 5T5H: I <V* r&U i II < '.*.*? II I HjftspT I ççft: ^ H ī jfrir s r: I TTfTSH^: | T r * t o ^ I t o K<\ * T 'RHHĪčT £tTHT*T II C.'K.'*^ II H ^ēriHN ā to č T« \ <TT?!T çṛft: O I H? \ H^ēT I H? < s ^ I' \% 3 H iM H c ito rc b n fa % ? ^ n r n Cfcṇrrṛr | ispjinṛfH: I ;ļ 53. After i (8.4.44). In the place of (the letter s and the letters of the tavarga ) coming after ś, the said (substitute) does not (occur). viśnaķ, praśnaķ 54. In contact with s and tu, s and tu (8.4.41). In the place of s and tavarga, when they come in contact with s and tavarga, s and tavarga (are substituted). rāmassasthaķ, rāmastīkate, pestā, tattīkā} cakriņdhaukase. 55. Not after tu standing at the end of a pada, except in the case of nām (8.4.42). In the place of s and tavarga coming after the tavarga stand ing at the end of a pada, s and tavarga (are) not (substituted). satsantaķ, satte. 56. (The exception) should be stated as: except in the case of nām, navati and nagañ. saņņām, saņņavatiķ, S(triņagaryaķ \ V Effçṣf T > D * ^ V omitted \V9 ṛū: fh ll č . v . ' t ī ll » T ’ g^ P TN I *TH O N <**5: I tṭ<i 5T^Ī 3TCTfc??t II II 5RJT 3RT: FT: o I ^nfl^T: I \% UTtsVTīfiīVSîTlfitVt *T TU JTT: T^r?HFTrHHlfH%?S TīfT: l ô hcmm h t h p h fNṛnn ēHHT^TH I f^Hļ-JTH I 57. In the place of tu when followed by s. (8.4.43). Substitution of s and tavarga does not take place. sasthaķ. 58. In the place of jhal, standing at the end, jaś (8.2.39) 11 II *T T I ^ēFHTrfT: I ITṝpiT- san In the place of the (letters of the pratyāhāra) jhal, standing at the end of a pada, the (letters of the pratyāhāra) jaś are substituted. vāģīśah 59. In the place of yar, when followed by a nasal, a nasal, optionally (8-4.45). In the place of the (letters of the pratyāhāra) yar, standing at the end of a pada, when followed by a nasal, a nasal is optionally (substituted). etanmurāriķ, etadmurāriķ. 60. In the case of a suffix in common parlance, obligatory. tanmātram, cinmayam. \ D ZZJŚ ^ D V after % % tftfo ll || i Hē^T: \ ^ 3*: v m & īft: H?: TcAt: ržn*ēr«Tt: II č.)t.% \ II l d*mfcWTK«M II ?.*.V » II 'P ^ H tf a f Š r c f^THFT sfteiJH N’ I ļ)t 3n%: T m II n*q- «t: \ ' t t f t sfgfṝrēr črer ṛnpTr& f«nT i ^HT ^ ? ^ q T 5 ^ f |ē r c * r Tt^T 61. In the place of tu, when followed by l (8.4.60). (A letter) homogeneous with the latter (is substituted)> tallayah 62. After ud> in the place of, ^Jsthā and, ^Jstambh, of the former (8.4.61). In the place of V sthā and Vstambh coming after ud} a letter homogeneous with the former (is substituted). 63. (An operation stated) by a word in the ablative belongs to the latter (1.1.67). An operation laid down by a word in the ablative should be understood to pertain to what follows, without being intervened by any other letter. 64. (An operation in the case) of the latter pertains to (its) initial. (1.1.54). W hat is enjoined in the case of the latter, should be understood as pertaining to its initial. Accordingly, in the place of s, tha (is substituted). O tffd i t R 11 < t.v .^ N frft I ĶV: TTÎT 5 rd 3T OSĪT: ^ tšrfr sr II 4.V .V U I iTvst V(V: rq : i ffṛr O ^ H?r ç ç n h: i ^ h h h \i h ^ h ^ hN i ^vs ^rat 5T £T : %6 u 11 fçflT 3T ^ ( F P T : 1! šTFHfTl ^ f r : I 5T5^tsfe II 6 .* .% ī II H^ēTTēT 3[fe? ?5> H fT I I ç rN r^ : I NIFT: TFFT 65. In the place of jhar, when followed by a homogeneous jhar (8.4.65). In the place of jhar coming after hal, when followed by a homogeneous jhar, elision is optionally (substituted). 66. And when followed by khar (8.4.55). In the place of the (letters of the pratyāhāra) jhal, the (letters of the pratyāhāra) car are (substituted). Accordingly in the place of d of ud, t (is substituted). utthānam, uttambhanam. 67. In the place of h coming after jhay, optionally (8.4.62). In the place of h coming after jhay, a letter homogeneous with the former is optionally (substituted). vāgghariķ, vāg-hariķ. 68. In the place of ś, ch, when followed by a t (8.4.63) In the place of ś, coming after jhay, standing at the end of a pada, when followed by at, ch is optionally (substituted). tacchivaķ, tacśivaķ l V adds here ^FTṭ: i ; D adds sfrRiṛ (like LSK); see also SK. ^ V omitted (5T ipr) I « fh n m u re II ^ V80 tf ts ļg r r c : ll č .ī .'R ī II HHērçir 'T ^ F n n ^ R d ķ Tv i ķ Īt i \9? « w w t w w s rfo n ii rpfg \9^ 5ĪPŠT: I 69. ^ T R T ^F T ITē^T’Tç^Te: I ^ ī f a | 3n^FT% I n fn *R ^»T : II 6 . * . \ 6 II It should be stated that the substitution of ch (takes place), when followed by (a letter of the pratyāhāra) am. tacchlokena. 70. In the place of m, anusvāra (8.3.23). In the place of a pada ending in m, anusvāra (is substituted) when followed by a consonant ( hal ). h arim vande. 71. And in the place of n, not standing at the end of a pada, when followed by jhal (8.3.24). In the place of n and of m, not standing at the end of a pada, when followed by (a letter of the pratyāhāra) jhal, anusvāra (is substituted). yaśāmsi, ākraihsyatte. 72. In the place of anusvāra, when followed by (a letter of the pratyāhdra) yay, a letter homogeneous with the latter. (8.4.58):. śāntaķ. \ V adds V9^ 'TOFēTCn II ’ē ^ rtfH I ^ II I OV S: f a U£ l l ^ . ļ . ^ U STēT N 'TTçJT h « jN ^ ī ’ i , t V9^ 3 T R R Ū 3f«FčŪ II ? . ? . v ^ u fjṛrf^ N ē ft ^ i f a č Ū < TN CW : I ēTW ^ H F n šF H T sP F ft *ṛfc I. HSēHFT: I >• V9^ ?T5^ H < S . V 3 ° II fTFērrṛr Nt t ç j ī h ft « rN 'O i h fh : i h f t :* i 73. Optionally, in the place (of anusvāra ), standing at the end of a pada (8-4.59). tvañkarosi, tvamkarosi 74. In (the case of) s coming after d, dhut (8.3.29) In the case of 5, coming after d, (the augment) dh is optionally (appended). 75. (Augments) having indicatory t and k} the initial and the final (1.1-46). (Augments) with indicatory t and k are (to form) the initial and the final parts respectively of that for which they are enjoined. sattsantaķ, satsantaķ. 76. After n also (8.3.30). (In the case) of s, coming after what ends in n , (the augment) dh is optionally (appended). santsaķ, sansaķ l V reads o T fdfa^ Bx D This sentence omitted, 3 B2 adds çzṛRf after Y D omitted IF ^ T T ^ fI before Hffuswr*riT V 9 V 9 HFT I 5T 5R» : C N^T i H ^ ^ F HC i ^ H ^ fiT: > S I O * 6 d*uvwu ^FPFT # ṭTP I St^ST I vs^ q?Fṛn5T n ç ttd ṛr \ tRRTIēT N # ēnp « > 3TI « ç if N e r o r I 5Wr*ffeTOT I ^ fe n ii 77. When followed by ś, tuk (8.3.31). (In the case) of n, standing at the end of a pada, when followed by ś, (the augment) t is optionally (appended). sañcchambhuķ, sañchambhuh, sañcśambhuķ, sañśambhuķ 78. And when followed by ch (6.1.73). (In the case) of a short vowel, when followed by ch, (the augment) t (is appended). acchā. 79. After (a long vowel at) the end of a pada, optionally. (6.1.76) After a long vowel standing at the end of a pada, when followed by ch, (the augment) t is optionally (appended). laksrrñcchāyāy laksrrñchdyā. Thus ends (the section on) halsamdhi. 6o StTSTOt 5: ll 6.^.%%, II AAHHFT H FT o A:’ < r'Tfc 6\ « u u M d t f a i e n t a : ii <t.^.?Kii H^FēlTīT T * A ? I 6?, f ^ t * f h T v n m II d . ^ . ^ X I I tšrftl fûr^TTčTT I •o <t^ AT 5TfT II 6 . ^ % II T A tfA P T f%HA: I ^ft5% % l Ķft.: 51% I 80. In the place of s and sājus, ru. (8.2.66). In the place of s standing at the end of a pada , and in the place of (the word) sājus, ru (is substituted). 81. When followed by khar (is pada . 82. or a pause, visarga (8.3.15) .: substituted) in the place ofr,standing at the end of a In the place of a visarga, s (8.3.34) (is substituted), when followed by (a letter of the pratyāhāra) khar . visņustrātā. 83. Optionally, when followed by śar (8.3.36). In the place of a' visarga, a visarga (is substituted optionally), hariśśete, hariķśete. ? D V is added after 75: ^ V fe^pf: added after 3 V reads this sentence as ṭrfTfaṭPTHT fatpff A T HHH I ^11 d^.^vsll ^ ṛ r h ^ h s ļ1 fircnfor sr ^ 5F * ^ ftfē f T^fēT l <tK T ^ fa [ ^ X, ^ f H * <rt çṛr: i ^ iṛr N fa*PT: i l ļ*: q tñ fit I ç N *PTfa I tšRfṛT I ^ -V I «Ft ^ F ē T I ii^ v ^ ii t " | ? ^ T S ēT T ^ fafo A n : I 3Tr3T^ 5 H: I ç^FM ^ēTCfēī: I I H f a c jf ^ r g r^ T ī^ H I 3Tčf> e V ^ d i c t ^ II v t - n u at^ērī^ēr: O toa- rt çitTēr ^ N •a p > 0 s f ṝ r iR r ^ t s ^ : i 84. When followed by ku and pu, jihvāmūtiya and upadhmārñya (8.3.37). When followed by (a letter of) the kavarga and the pavarga, in the place of visarga, jihvāmuliya and upadhmārwya are (substituted). By the force of ca, visarga (also is retained). ka iv karoti, kaķ karoti, ka V khanati, kaķ khanti, ka v pacati, kaķ pacati, ka A phalati, kaķ phalati. 85. And in the words beginning with kaskaķ (8.3.48). In these (words), in the place (of visarga), coming after iņ (i ot u ), s (is substituted); in other cases, however, s (iś substituted). kaskaķ, kautaskutaķ,sarpiskuņdikā, dhanuskapālam, etc. 8 6 . In the place of ru, coming after an unprolated at, when followed by an unprolated (at) (6.1.113). In the place of ru, coming after an unprolated a, u is substituted, when followed by an unprolated a. śivo3rcyaķ. \ D added after ^ ^ B2 omitted 6* Ķ fa * II ēPTT I R ^ ft ^ r : I 66 ’ Mlîlḍttn^ 4 wr ñteRni tTHē^«T T h rf^ ītsR r I ^ n I I V*f\Ķ 3T^rtH ^fčT çfRTr fHTīēTT: I ctHT *k % ^ 6\ ṭrfo ?w iFni < s .v ^ n ?tpt v5>t: f h h i >fr t*rr: i m rt jn rc# i si^ft V fte g frn č. 5 t ^ .^ ii a r^ t ^ q n ^ rt n g f a \ ’ a r^ rf: \ \ 87. And when followed by (a letter of the pratyāhāra) haś (6.1.114). The same. śivo va n d y a ķ 88. When preceded by bho, bhago, agho, and a, y (is sub stituted), when followed by aś (8.3.17). In the place of ru preceded by these, the substitute (is) y, when followed by (a letter of the pratyāhāra) aś. devā iha, devāyiha; bhos, bhagos, and aghos are nipātas ending in s. After their (final s) is changed to ru, and (then to) y, (the following sūtra finds scope). 89. When followed by hal, of ali (these) (8.3.22) In the place of y (of ali these words) preceded by bho, bhago, agho, and by a, when followed by a consonant (hal), elision is (substituted). bho devāh, bhago namaste, agho yāhi. 90. r, when not followed by sup (8.2.69). In the place of ahan, repha is substituted; not, however, when followed by a case-ending. aharahaķ, ahargaV'ūķ, \ B2 added before <ṅlM: l ^ ŚfefoiT: II ^ M t^ fT fH Ū T rn ft: 1R Ķ T«ī ^ STF^ I f e ī f e n u TT ^TFTST || TT 91. FTRT II ^ 5TF# I ^ē% fī%, ‘f f ir I 3HT TH% t ffēT 3ē%, ‘f [ fe’ s f a In the place of r, when followed by r (8.3.14). elision (is substituted). 92. When followed by the elision of dh or r, in the place of the preceding aņ, a long (aņ is substituted) (6.3.111). When followed by the (dh or r) causing the elision of dh or r, in the place of the preceding aņ, (its) long (form) (is substituted). punā ramate . In the case of manas ratha, after the substitution of ru (for the s of manas) is effected, the change of ru to u by haśi ca and the elision of ru by ro ri are equally available. In this position: 93. In (the case of mutual) contradiction, the posterior should be effected (1.4.2). In the case of a conflict (between two rules) of equal force, the posterior one (among them) is to be effected. When accordingly elision presents itself for being effected, n 6 . ņ . i ii ^fē[ 'f t f r ’ I ṛ ^ ī ī f H ^ r ṛ T ^cīTT^tt g^hftsvhCT^PTT^’ ķ ī & 3TV^T7īfltēTTR>#: %: I HH>T«T: 1 ' ē^Tt f f a I H| ircf f ^ ṅo r : I H HCH: O I 3[^t: f%*Tl ^ HH^> * ftpī: I Ķ fa f%H I g rft^ r I l 3TH^HHTçr fķ H " 13TH: s ( ? fa faHHHfaj: ) n ç f k s* n n : u 94. In connection with what precedes, not effective. (8.2.1) By thiś rule, thē rule ro ri becomes ineffective; and hence the substitution of u (for the ru) alone (has to be effected). manorathah 95. In the place of etad and tad, the elision of su, when not having (the letter) k, or when not in a nañ compound, when followed by a kal (6.1.132). . The su. (nom. sg. termination) of etad and tad, not having k appended to them, is elided, when foilowed by a consonant ( hal ). Not, hovvever, in a nañ compound. esa visņuķ, sa śambhūķ. why akoh? (The answer may be found in statements like) esako rudraķ. Why anañsamāse? asaķ śivaķ. Why hali? esoltra. Thus ends (the section on) samdhi. ( st«t ETĪH 3TJT 5R*roRT ^ ^ fa ē iṛT 3 m ṛTN5T5^'T STTflrTfoF> D5R f^feēTT Rft HHRHcT1 ṛPTT W . I çUiv.*.î|V % 3Ū *[Ķ S[«T H T I 3TH sftsr 5RT fāsfhTM ST «TĪH frRT 3ŪH H # q r I $ **TPT vrrgr ^ f f | s f r vṛriH w r t 'T^THt I 3T T H H*Śt I f e 3ftH ģH H ^ īfl | 96i A significant (group of letters), other than a root, or a (suffix or a form ending in a) suffix is (designated) prātipadika (1.2.45). Any significant foim of a word, excepting a root, a suffix, or a formation in a suffix, has the designation prātipadika . 97. krt, tāddhita and samāsa also (1.2.46). Formations in krt suffixes, in taddhita suffixes, and compounds also are šo (designāted). 98. su, au, jas, etc. (4.1.2). su, au, jas, nominative; am, au t, śas accusative, tā, bhyām, bhis, instrumeņtal; ne, bhyām, bhyas, dative; iiasi, bhyām, bhyas, ablative; ñas, os, ām, genitive; ñi, os, sup, locative. t Bj ; D. ^nm nw ^•jrnsnrčrT R îd 1 S^cNēT 3TRfērrtT $00 11 * •? .? n _^ 5l?nnT: i g q :? 11 n g n : ^ tf" ī ^tfcr la i «e'M i)& <M 4*4|a rt çṭr: i 11 ?oe^ 11 \o ṭ( ffTT*its^TRņ II II ^T?HTH I ^rfk«PŪ *l TTH: I 99. After ñī, āp and prātipadika (4.1.1). After a word ending in m , after a word ending in āp, and after a prātipadika, the case-endings su etc. are (appended). Of the sup (1.4.103). Of the case-endings, each group of three expressions are respectively designated singular, dual and plural. 101 . In the sense of two and one, dual and singular endings (1.4.22). In the sense of dual and singular these (appended). 102. (endings) are Cessation is (designated) avasāna (pause) (1.4.110). Of letters. Change to ru and to visarga. rāmaķ. I Bx missing ^ V This sūtra and the com. on it missing *03 11 11 t^>fa*ī*ēft JTifH H ^ H T ^ ĶVZīfa H *CT*R> t^T fcpaffi- | $oY 5 tW Ū : ^ļ«Kt«tui: II V f ? ° ° II 31^: 5T«r*T1fāTčfl2T«ftTf% ^HSTJKhT 1 tr^ T ^ r: I ffēT STFH I ^TR T ’ «t§n n p ^ r n || II I f f e : 3 I TTHl I 11 11 103. Of (those), similar in form, (only) one is retained, when followed by the same case-ending (1.2.64). Of the (prātipadikas ) , which are seen to have the same form, only one is retained, when followed by one (and the same) case-ending. 104. In the place of the first two (cases), a letter homogeneous with the former ( 6 . 1 . 1 0 0 ). When ak is followed by ac of the nominative and the accusative, a letter homogeneous with the former is the single substitute (for both). In this position, 105. Not in the case of a or ā, when follovved by ic (6.1.102) Long vowel, homogeneous with the former (vowel). vrddhi. rāmau. 106. In the sense of multeity, plural (1.4.21). $ B2 original °*raur corrected into °f[^qfī. ^ B2 addi 3T R T ķT ī ? T before 3 *oV3 n(Z ‘ OC NU ?.3X3 * ' II 9ē*nīi3rV *ēt: I \ o 6 fasrfoēTS^ II 'ļ .v .i o v II g H fč ī^ ?T fasraēft § ^ n : II fa'HfšēTFH: ? ^ h h t #h: I Ô tK ļī^ R II II rṛf: I II HFT Ht^HT i T1HT: I 5PTHR1: I H ? stcJR l^fu çčR Tfe s t ē n ^ s ^ T ii ii *T : 5RT?fr HrHfčT fo*TH ēT?lf? ēfftHvT^ r4TH I 107. cu and tu (1.3.7) standing at the beginning of a suffix are indicatory. 108. And vibhakti (1.4.104). sup (case endings) and tin (personai endings) are designated vibhakti . 109. Not in vibhakti tu, s and m (1.3.4). The letters of the tavarga, s, and m, standing in a vibhakti are not indicatory. Accordingly s (in jas) is not indicatory. rāmāh 110. Singular (is designated) sambuddhi (2.3.49). Of the nominative, in the sense of address (sambodhana ) . 111. W hat begins with that after which a suffix is enjoined is añga when follovved by the suffix. (1.4.13). The form of a wcrd, beginning with that after which a suffix is enjoined, is (designated) ahga, when follovvred by that (suffix). \ B2; V added before ņ B2 reads rļčrf^TṭiT^TTT ĶŚ) ?r \ for ēļîrT ñ * č T : I 11 II H t ^ % ē T I | ^TH I n^fiTīH •^P H ?ēri^l^rēT ĶV | TFŪ I | TTHT: I H3 3tPT ?p: II V ? \ ° \ II ^ S T t l f a ’ ^ P T tp F T ^ r: | TUPT I Tīīft | II l - ī - 6 II ?H fečr^srē^trraT «tsra^nr? p r : p t: i HK ētpn^rit m < 1% 11 v ? ? ° ? 11 HTt H: HH: W. s čTPI H: A% I 112. After eñ and after a short vowel of sambuddhi (6.1.68) A consonant, coming after a base ending in eñ or in a short vowel, is elided, provided it belongs to sambuddhi. he rāma, he rāmau, he rāmāh . 113. When followed by am, the former (6.1.105). When ak is followed by the vovvel in the case-ending am, the form of the former is the single substitute (for both). rāmam, rāmau. 114. I, ś and ku in (a suffix) other than taddhita (1.3.8). The letters l, ś and those of the kavarga standing at the beginning of a suffix other than taddhita, are indicatory. 115. In the place of śas coming after that, n in the masculine ( 6 . 1. 101 ). In the place of the s of śas, that comes after the long (vowel) homogeneous with the former, n (is substituted) in the masculine. \ B ,; D omitted. ^ B,; °afṇrrT° D 0^TT0, 3 V h ^TT: f r ṭṭ; II č.ti.'R II 3(Z ç s r f T^T 3TT^ HH TT#5^#IT3TTHWA f a fe d ^ T V V 3srin sfa1 to p s o t ' t t f t ^ «r: h h h 't š i ?fēr s tf h i \\y& ? M<WW II ḍ K - V 9 II l īt H I TTHTH I \ \ 6 dl*R l*«inM kt«i: II *.%.%?, II 3T<r?ṛnēT . I UR^T * \ dKtHīfHHR^T: WO > I TI^TH I ^ II ī d . h l o ṭ ṭ || *T5ft^ gf<T 3īčftS^q- Š\Š: I TTHr^TH I 116. Even after intervention of at, ku, pu, āñ and num . (8.4.2) Even in case of intervention of a (letter of the pratyāhāra) at, of kavarga, of pavarga, ā, and (the augment-) n, singly or in any possible combination, in the place of n, coming after r and s in the same pada, ņ is substituted. In this position. 117. Of (n), at the end of a pada (8.4.37). In the place of n, ņ is not (substituted). rāmān. 118. In the place of tā, ñasi and ñas, ina, āt and sya (7.1.12). After ( prātipadikas) ending in a, in the place of tā etc. ina etc. are substituted. Substitution of ņ. rāmeņa. 119. And when followed by a sup (7.3.102) When followed by a case-ending beginning with a (letter of the pratyāhāra) yañ, in the place of a base ending in a, a long vowel (is substituted). rāmābhyām. ^V 3 3Tčft f a tf 3ĪH^ĪW % H II \9 .? A II I Tīt: I W Š i : \\ V9-M 3 ll aīčfts^TH l ^ ffçr ^ r f a ^ r č T II V(' II i tu ttc T re m m r i ^ H?$ēT II || šTēH ^ « T f ^ H g f a 3 [ ṝ ft s ^ ç t ^ īT : I TTŽ03T: I 120. After at, in the place of bhis, ais (7.1.9) (A substitute) having more letters than one, or having an indicatory ś (is substituted) in the place of the whole (base). rāmaiķ . 121. In the place of ne, ya (7.1.13). After a base ending in a . 122. A substitute is like that in whose place it comes, except in the case of an injunction pertaining to the letters (1.1.56). Accordingly being like the original (i.e. sup), a long (vowel, is substituted) according to (the rule) supi ca. (No. 119). rāmāya, ramābhyām. 123. When followed by jhal in the plural, et(7.3.103). When followed by a plural case-ending beginning with a (letter of the pratyāhāra) jhal, in the place of the base ending in a, the letter e is (substituted). rāmebhyaķ. II II | TTHrēT " N ^TTHR N mTTViTm * \TTH«T: T TH ^ I X īi\ 3*1% n( || V3.^.?oV II 3RŪS^Fh>TT: I T īW r: I H? II (9. ? 3TTH: I ^V9 *n% II V M 3 T 5 R rrfR 124. II I TTHT1HHI 7THI T O l : I f* t I II Optionally, when followed by avasāna (8.4.56). In the place of the (letters of the pratydhdra ) jhal, the (letters of the pratydhāra) car are (substituted). rāmāt, rdmdd, rāmābhyām, rdmebhyahy rāmasya. 125. And when followed by os (7.3.104) In the place of a base ending in ay the letter e (is substituted). rāmayoķ 126. After hrasva, nadl and dp} (the augment) nut (7.1.54). In the case of dm (of gen. plr.). 127. When followed by ndm (6.4.3). In the place of a base ending in ac, a long (vowel is sub stituted). rdmdņdm, rdme, rdm a yo ķ. After the substitution of e is effected, \ Bx omitted ^ V reads ļTRHTt TC n 3TT^TJīčUqu>: II č . ^ % ^ u ṛ^ zṛf i fn fs^ m r I) *T : W. ēTSS i 'TrrtTH^HēT^KH: 3 T ṛ q i ī R q ^ sft rn ^ r ^ h : i t īh h IT# fitsnTRHts^ēH:’ l ^JT m T flī U ?.?NV9 II H# fa?Hī H^r HTR ¥ :R ŠHT 31HJ 3ṭHTčfT HH HH ftfH I ṝrc ^ ^ o t T ^ Ķ<ļṛj ^ ṛ^T ē^ ^ tH T f^ ^ R H ’iītrTTl'TTTHnf'iī 5l[^FTT^!HH> Hzp fg; q-ciṛç O " N srçjrç * \ '* ṭ^ī -S ftn r \i ?r,īTiTT I FTHtfTfHžrTPçīmTPT I 3H.K 2 ff^ H tT H ^ IH ift: I 3RT: ?ft || V9.?.?V9 II arcfçrrer ç r s it r : i i 128. Of a substitute and a suffix (8.3.59). In the place of the s, which is a substitute or a part of a suffix, not standing at the end of a p a d a , (and) coming after (a letter of the pratyāhāra ) in and kavarga, a cerebral (s) is (sub stituted) . In the place of the īsadvivTta s, the letter s of the same type (is substituted). rāmesu. Similarly kT?ņa and other words ending in a (are to be declined). 129. Sarva etc. (are) pronouns (1.1.27). sarva, viśva , ubha, etc., purva, para, avara, dakšiņa , uttara, apara and adhara, when not samjñās, and when restricted in their sense (are pronouns); sva (is a pronoun) when it does not signify jñāti or dhana; and antara (is a pronoun) when it signifies outer or an under-garment. tyad, tad, yad, etc. 130. In the place of jas, śī (7.1.17). After a pronoun ending in a. sarve. \ V C iftscq^rr: Vo HTTftfSTfçreīlHŚt 3TH : #: f# I I 3 ^ 5 ^ : FnēTfaFŪ UV9.?.?K U 3RT: $3 3 3T T Ū T ?T^nF?T: 3T«n>rfrdld TTPT H#TTH * SI H#teTH I N I S^HlēT * \ I II \ 9 - ? .^ II fa%TFTTH: g £ I ŚPT H W " NI 3Uift I ^^rr«TlH 1 H?T*ft:( I g ñ f^^r^ftsczK fH T: I 131. After a pronoun, smai (7.1.14). After a pronoun ending in a3 in the place of ñe9 smai (is substituted). sarvasmai. 132. In the place of ñasi and ñi, smāt and smin (7.1.15). After a pronoun ending in a. sarvasmāt. 133. In the case of ām after a pronoun, sut (7.1.52). In the case of ām enjoined for a pronoun and coming after (a pronoun ending in) a , the augmentr (isappended). Substitution of e and s.sarvēsām , sarvasmin .T he rest likerāma . Similarly (are to be declined) visva and other (pronouns) ending in a. ubhau , ubhābhyām, ubhayoķ \ D omitted ^ B2 3 B2 reads frčT fģṣr^RFçT: before ^rsft etc. ?3Y tiH T īb ī « u ^ ṛ R F r a ir n tF T n Vt-3* » tņ r t « n ^ m n h m r t h ^ h h t h i h h 'j ī ^ t č t tn 3T i 3# * rr 5 n cṛ r r : i1 s rīfire s T R ra T fo T : sthçtt s ’stt ^ rf% s r r ? i ç % f t t : i 3TTč*ftqT STTēHTH f Ū T 3 T I S T T f a e R s r r ñ T C ^ FTT: I fT T ē P f ts ^ i ^ ī \ \ī% 3 R R n f ^ n l M d c M M t i l : n n r ^ T fc n F T ^ u t 3 R r e s r « F p t r h t '^ tt h ? tt s r f a 134. Pūrva, para, avara, dakšiņa, uttara, apara and adhara, in a restricted sense, when not sañijñās. (1.1.34). These, in a restricted sense and when not sarnjñās, have the designation sarvanāma before ali case-endings, according to the gaņasūtra. It is (hereby) declared to be optional before jas (nom. plr. ending). purve, pūrvāh. 135. sva, when not meanng jñāti or dhana (1.1.35). The word sva, meaning something else than jñāti or dhana, getting the designation ( sarvanāma ), (according to the gaņasūtra), has it optionally before jas (nom. plr.). sve, svāh meaning ā tm īyā h or ā tm ā n a ķ, But of (sva) signifying jñāti or dhana, (the form is) svāh (only) meaning jñ ā ta y a ķ or arthāh. 136. Antara, in the sense of outer, or an under-garment (1.1.36). The designation ( sarvanāma) applying to the word antara in the senses of outer, or an under-garment (according to the gaņasūtra ), is optional before jas . \ B2 after this is added ç s rīf^ rfis ft fafafR R t I R 3 S1TRT I sfa*RR^T: I fST^T l V adds çsnpT ^n^ft— sfiPIT *TR^T: I f^TW T ^R*T: \ arcrṣrrcf ftnr 1 SrTCT: f m : I ^ V FTR I 31?^ a īr r n h ^ī: \ «rf^rr ņ z m : \ a ra rl w n ^r s t t ^ t : i T fro R ta T ^ r : i ^V 9 ^ f f e s ñ t ^ t u 13.?.?^ n ’rm ft i f e n t : rfHčftbrAt 37 rṝr: i I HH H#7H 1 h ^čt i •jtftfPT ^ r I ^ t\č s w m R n a t n w r a e f i r w ^ n ? ^ n ? .? -3 3 n tTH !3īfH 3T i 5 r ^ SPTHt: l? ŠTĪ T m ēT i H*T HHT: \ Šfa *FT*TēT I rflUFT f e ē g 3 «T TI fc rta e # fe fh n n ^ r f e \ ^ s d .s : i antare, antarā va grhdķ (where antare) means bāhydh. antare antarā va śātakdķ (where autore) means paridhāmyāh. 137. After the nine words, purva etc., optionally (7.1.16). After these, in the place of ñasi and ñi, smāt and smin are optionally substituted. pūrvasmāt, pūrvāt , pūrvasmin, pūrve . Similarly of para and others. The rest like sarva. 138. Prathama , carama, taya, alpa, ardha, katipaya , and nema (1.1.33). These, when followed by jas, have the said designation optionally. prathame, prathamāh. The rest like rāma. neme , nemāh . The rest like 139. A (formation in) when followed by case endings with indicatory ñ, optionally has (the samjñā, sarvanāma ). dvitīyasmai, dvitīyāya, etc. Similarly trtiya. \ B2 omitted ^ After this B2 adds 3 B2 f e g f ṭ | ?Ko II V S .^ o ? II aRTI^ f a ^ ē f t I ’T ^ i f s p R ^ ; HFT r T C ? ^ V( I f a f o r c — S T R T ^ iī 5 R S I ^ T R ^ T ^ T 1 ?RČčT I t j r ^ ^ ī f ^ f ē f f R R ^ f a P rfa d E fn ^ T H : i Ķ*s,śt r t t h w h i f^ ^ T ī: I t ñ n f v o t f t t ^ ii v ? - ? ° 3 «i H 3 I faç a rū fa^ T T : fa^H TH " \ f^ ^ ft I 140. In the place of jarā , jaras, optionally (7.2.101). 1 I f a ^ T : 1* When followed by a case-ending beginning with a vowel. In the topic ( adhikāra) of pada or añga, (a rule applies) to that (which is stated in the rule) and also to what ends in that. The substitutes take the place of that which is actually stated. W hat is partly altered does not thereby become some thing different. Accordingly in the place of the word jara (in nirjara ), jaras (is substituted). nirjarasau, nirjarasaķ, etc Alternatively, and when followed by a consonantal case-ending, (it is declined) like rāma . viśvapāh. 141. After a long vowel, when followed by jas also (6.1.103). And when followed by ic, the long vowel homogeneous with the former is not (substituted). viśvapau, viśva p ā h , he viśvapāh; viśvapām, viśvapau. I ^ ^ * B2 °sft V omittcd B2 reads after ^ V | f^^Tī: omitted ^r#5TT»Tç«rT?T^fW īf?T’ o I 3TC * * \ 5im Rfspr O ^ īf? H O ^{R H rH PT R 1 O 1 C x3 <K ? * Y * Zff a W II II FTTēT * \ I ^rrf^r O 3T3hF<r o V( ^<T5R5RrefaGr n o 3 h r h t* r « th h « cra c\ tn r >i ?*K 3T T * M K lie T ŚST II ? .* .? II fēT 35£# 3RRT: ^HUTTH ^T čf: s m f a ç H * HH7 ^ T ī I ? T T TTĪ 3T?RÎ5rT V[ I 142. sut, not of the neuter gender (1.1.43). The five case-endings beginning with su, not of the neuter gender, have the designation sarvanāmasthāna. 143. When follovved by pratyayas beginning with su, other than the sarvanāmasthāna (1.4.17). Before suffixes, beginning with su and ending with the pratyaya kap, other than (those designated) sarvanāmasthāna, the base (to which they are appended) is (designated) pada . 144. W hen followed by y and ac, bha (1.4.18). When followed by (suffixes), beginning with y or beginning with a vowel, from case-endngs ( svādi) upto the pratyaya kap other than (those designated) the sarvanāmasthāna, what precedes is (designated) bha . 145. U pto kadāra, one designation (1.4.1). From here upto the sūtra, kadārāh karmadhāraye (in the case) of one, only one designation should be recognized, (namely) that which is posterior and without any scope (othenvise). aTTrft enrft: II II ^TT: 1 I f a ^ T : I i HTēft: f o n i 3TT^[TTfēft d t srrēļTēTSFēT^ ? f ^ q r fa ^ T n R T H ^ r r f e i ^ fTfTHI ĶfX: I ^ f l I ?Y\9 Āīfa ^ || V9.^.?o^ || ■ ^ T R r e m ^ r * *rn:i ķt $:\ ?X 6 ^ w « n«t: II v s . ^ o ṛ t ii H ^ fšd I I 146. I ĶfTH ĶT\* ^ ftH I In the place of a root ending in ā (6.4.140). In the place of the bha anga, ending in a root that ends in ā, elision is substituted. viśvapaķ, viśvapā y viśvapābhyām, etc. Similarly śa ñ k h a d h m ā and other words. Why dhātoķ? Tre answer may be found in the forms like hāhān . hariķ, hañ. 147. And when followed by jas (7.3.109). In the place of a base ending in a short (vowel), guņa (is substituted). harayah. 148. In the place of a short (vowel), guņa (7.3.108). When followed by sambuddhi. he hare, harim, hañ, hañn . \ After B2 reads ^ V omitted 3 Bi ? ^ D V B2 ^ omitted \ Vt, II ?.Y.V3 II ’ Ķ ç ṛ l HffVfčft čTvrf H f e f A fHH^TH9 *V> 3 ^ ^rfrsn rm u n I I W. T^JT 1 3īīāi Ķ$[2THITT I ^T<JTT IffT^TIH I ?<\? n f e f a ii ii gf'T Hiī: I ?V* i^Ft 149. I ff<j«T:' I »TW fiH I II V M ° £ H ^ĢOTŚprT^: | | ^ff: I |fl'JTTH I The remainder is ghi, except sakhi (1.4.7). A word ending in short i or short u , except the word sakhi, has the designation ghi . 150. In the place of añ, nā, except in feminine (7.3.120). In the place of ( ān ) coming after ghi. āñ is a designation of tā. hariņā, haribhyām, haribhiķ . 151. In the place of ghi, when followed by a suffix having an indicatory ñ (7.3.111). When followed by a ( ñ it) sup (case-ending), guņa (is sub stituted) . haraye, haribhyaķ . After guņa is substituted, 152. When followed by ñasi and ñas also (6.1.108). When eñ is follovved by the short a in ñasi and ñas, the fonu of the former is the single substitute, (for b o th ). hareķ, haryoh, hañņām. \ ^ ļ V D reads çfčT B2 adds fiRčr l V Blf D. I before ^ 3ĪX^ u : H V 9 .V m » #TtēT HTēf \ r^ to ttct : I i 3THF # IIV 9.M 3 » ^TJ d t *ft I OT S i a R F S " O ^ arçtls^m ṝr ç p g ro n u ?•? H^HHTPTTH H i^ z rta H ^ r ^vs 153. u II \.) f.6 II ś H Ī sht ^ « ii i u tr^ ^ c r: And at in the place of ghi (7.3.119). In the place of ñi (loc. sg. ending) coming after i (short) or u (short), aut (is substituted); and in the place of ghi , short a (is substituted). harau, hari§u. Similarly kavi etc. (are declined). 154. anah} when followed by su (7.1.93). In the place of sakhi, anañ (is substituted), when followed by su, (which is) not sambuddhi . 155. W hat stands (immediately) before the final al (is desig nated) upadhā (1.1.65). 156. When follovved by the sarvanāmasthāna, sambuddhi (6.4.8). other than In the place of the upadhā of (a base) ending in n, a long (vowel is substituted), when followed by a sarvanāmasthāna (case-ending) other than sambuddhi . 157. aprkta (is) a suffix having (only) one letter (1.2.41). Ś fa fa tļf d H m d ^ 'TCṛr SvJ vjcq% | C ''• N O ^ s t ç q u ^ stčuuçjçrjnr n 5R qt o II Vt.^VS II ^ H H T H T T Š b ff dt š ^ F Ū H ^ H r ^ T T 5 fṛr % Ķ ^ s - n çqrēr Ni 11 fq- h ^tE th ? r ^ l q : arTfēTTf?^t?^cr srīfērrf^^H if1 i r tN d.^.vs i # t : i su r i II V 9 \'\R II HW C o :? <T o H#HTHFTFT furgēT* I n 158. After hal, ñī, and āpy su, ti and si (when reduced to) a single consonant (6.1.67). su, ti and si (reduced to the status of) a single consonant, coming after a word ending in hal, or (a word) ending in long m and āp, are elided. 159. After the elision of a suffix, the effect of the suffix (1.1.62). Even after a suffix is elided, the operation depending upon it should be effected. 160. The elision of n, standing at the end of a prātipadika (8.2.7). In the place of n, standing at the end of a pada, which has the designation prātipadika, elision (is substituted). sakhā. 161. After sakhi, other than sambuddhi (7.1.92). The sarvanāmasthāna, except sambuddhi, coming after sakhi is like that which has indicatory ņ. * V 3 Iṛçf qč? ^ D, V add 3TfTčf after ^RoZṛ: v frrsr ^ttčt ^ 3t^d fs*ī% II V 9 w fe : i çr^ n ft H 1 1 h # i h ^ t^ th ērerrtt w ) h HWT TP?t I sn ēn ra «rc?n u V M ? ° n fgfčms^TViTr ^tṛft5T5?TWTT fijīrriiT ī^tV īrt d h s r H: i h ^ o t: i *V* 3 ^ II š fe - II fēfr #TlēT I Hlstfj I ŠTH * V \ q fe : faēTīT: I ^«īētt* I u u I ^faTēT I H H īt 5 ? <Tēt TēS: 'T ē ttl t t 162. In the place of ac, when followed by what has indicatory ñ or n (7.2.115). vrddhi (is substituted). sakhāyau, sakhāyaķ . he sakhe; sakhāyam, sakhāyau, sakhfrn; sakhyā} sakhye . 163. In the place of ( ñasi and ñas) coming after khy and ty ( 6 . 1. 110). In the place of the at ( a ) of ñasi and ñas, coming after the letters khi, ti, and khft, fi, (turned into khy and ty) with the operation of yaņādeśa, u (is substituted). sakhyuķ. 164. aut (7.3.118). In the place of ñi, coming after (bases ending in) i, au (is substituted). sakhyau. The rest like hari. 165. pati in a compound only (1.4.8), has the designation ghi . patyā} patye, patyuķ, patyau . The rest like hari. In a compound, however, bhūpataye. { Ba omitte ^ V omitted 3 B2 hereafter adds I V n ii 7% 7 II W . R \ II TṛīRTT 7^7T H JH 5TT PTīēf I II SRRTHt: I * \ 757^*77755577 : n ç . ç . ^ t i i 557577774: fH 77T71 ēT cH IT *7TH • O\ O O> , \ ēT NI 7% 7 ffēT H’ĪT 7F5t I o ?V 9 0 rf II II 777T 5147 7<%7p5Tf777S77T7 7 *7T7 I 7fēT? I Tfafa:1 7 ^ 7 : ° I 7ēft7r7 T^fčFT3 I 166. Bahu, gana, vatu, and dati (are designated) samkhyū. (1.1.23). 167. And dati (1.1.25). A scttnkhyā) ending in dati, is designated sat. 168. After the $at-s, elision (7.1.22). In the place of jas, and śas. 169. In the place of a suffix, luk, ślu and lup (1.1.61). Disappearance of a suffix, caused by the words luk, ślu and lup, is respectively designated by that name. When by (the rule) jāsi ca, (No. 147) guņa becomes imminent, 170. Not in the place of the añga (afīected) by a term containing lu (1.1.63). After elision has occurred on account of a term containing the letter lu, the operation in the añga to be leffected by it, does not take place. kati, katibhiķ, katibhyaĶ kafinām, katisu. * B2 7 ( B2 V ļ' After ;p%q> 3B2 ad^s \% 6 7 7 * 4 7 7 II 19. nonn ^¥'TT: I W. I % i$ \ ^ I f a f tī: I fa v tī: I ii i 3 . t i aiTŪ T i ^ m ^ r n r*\ i b r ro i r J T ? T ? ln m : II V 9 . ^ . ^ o ^ II ’ f ^ T ^ ē f t I f t W H T H T ^ f e I t\ I ST¥JTTW | g ^ f t: || T T t: < r * f t 'TṁT: I I 'ī 'f t : I T Ū H I qṁTT T T t^ T T H T T l f a : I T f t ^ T : I q ^ T : I ^ R T t: 'TC^ T HN I T T f H 'f tHV D I » mmvmm n s ṛ^ ft: | arf% r 5 n ^ T 5 w g n l f t n ^ n d l n v * - '» '» ii trayaķ, trim, tribhih, tribhyaķ 171. In the place of tri, traya (7.1.53). When followed by ām . trayāņām, trisu. 172. In the place of tyad, etc., a (7.2.102). When follovved by vibhakti. The isti extends upto (the word) dvi only (in the tyadādi gaņa). dvau, dvābhyām, dvayoķ. Pafñķ, papyau, papyaķ; he papfiķ, papīri; papyāy papībhydm , papibhiķ; papye, papibhyaķ; papyaķ, papyoķ, papyām; papi; papisu . Similarly, vātapramī etc. Pradhfcķ. 173. When followed by ac, in the place of i and u of śnu, a root, and bhru , iyam and uvah (6.4.77). X B2 3R8f Pnrart I S H S ç īP T H ē lF T s d t s s r r e ī srjt# i ^ Ī^ F T sn<% i n līsV ^ « t d ^ L d d h i ^ n ii v * - ^ E ri^ z R -ļiz ftiT ^ l H >T*% * T ^pfcčT ^ēft d t HTJ^TFēFT 3 ī # f H ^ t s ^ T i T i p * 3 Ī5 T R 1 S T č ^ I 3TH <T<Tt3tT II IfR ifl: l? JTStT: s rfs iī 1 I š t l M H i U H b i j : II l9.Û\ H ļTFT'RTTH I In the place of the aņga ending in the suffix śnu, of a root ending in the letter i or u, and of (the word) bhrū, iyañ and u va ñ are (substituted), when followed by a suffix beginning with ac. In this position, 174. In the place of (an añga) having more vowels than one, and (ending in) i, which is not preceded by a conjunct con sonant (6.4.82). In the place of an anga of more vovvels than one, ending in a root, ending in the letter i which is not preceded by a conjunct (which is a) part of the root, yaņ (is substituted), when followed by a suffbc beginning with a vowel. pradhyau, pradhyaķ, pradhyam, pradhyi. The rest like papñ. Similarly grāmanph. 175. In the place of ñiy ām, after nacft, āp and m (7.3.116). grāmcfliyām. { B2 ṭpaṛ: sṛszpṛ rcpeated, srfeiṣ om itted; B1 adds sfttṛ: before Sīferr ^ D adds ^ ^ after anroft: ļ g«DdN+<v|«l \\3 \ II ?.Y . ^ 0 II tn^T: fw *ft*r TīfHHfTī: **T > 9: I ^\9V9 ôf a z f h l^ č ?T g g f a n t : II V * - ^ II Z T < J T 3[fH gf<T I gfspft çfHH: II3 tprPrsjatfçr 5 # : i g ç $ i g ērfr^ m fēr gat: i gṛg: i u ñ 's r d b r ç ii •t^td I * r « jffo R [ I ^ 176. ^TIRT^T: i And gati (1.4.60) pra etc.j when in contact with kriyā, are designated gati. 177. Yaņ is not desired (to be substituted) in the place of a base, the former member of which is (some thing) other than gati and kāraka. śuddhadhiyau. 178. Not in the place of bhū and sudhl (6.4.85), yaņ, when followed by a sup (case-ending) beginning with a vowel. sudhiyau , sudhiyaķ. Sukhi is one who desires sukha. sukhjuķ. Suñ is one who desires suta. sutyuķ. The rest like pradhī. Šambhu like hari. Similarly bhānu etc. $ Bļ from before ^ v 3 v ( W ... omitted up to °*nrr: > a I omitted. B2 reads this after *19^ II 1 9 .? .^ II s r c r ^ s t h # hthç«īīh i snftMsJT 5ēn*h i \6 o ^tēfl *m: 1 5 r r % o i II 19.3 * ? ? ° II ?C? ^ f5 ĪW 5 ^ ?H tS H ^ T t * II 19.?.V *II ītṭ^HrHHTHHHI^Ht =^TH3i tft I ’ drarŪHmarnTT O ^ h IshO r^ k r ^ R : i ^ ts j R H^ i C \Ni \ 179. krostu, like (a word ending in) tfc (7.1.95). When followed by a sarvanāmasthāna, except sambuddhi. This means that in the place of krostu, krostr should be substituted. 180. In the place of rt, when followed by ñi and sarva nāmasthāna (7.3.110), guņa (is substituted). In this position, 181. And in the place of rt, uśanas, purudarhsas and anehas (7.1.94). In the place of (words) ending r short, and of uśanas etc., anañ is (substituted), when followed by su, which is not sam buddhi. 182. In the place of ap, trn, trrc, svasr, naptr, nestr tvastr, ksattr, hotf, potr and praśāstr (6.4.11). In the place of the upadhā of ap etc. long (vowel) is (sub stituted), when followed sarvanāmasthāna, other than sambu ddhi. krostā, krostārau, krostāraķ, krostāram, krostum,. \ V. reads before a^Ktal® • ļč ī firntnT n o -tv » u 3T3TT^r ^ ē f* I O HēfUīfeH C > D 8^ v 31 HC \6 V 3ēT II || ^īēit s f e ^ r f ē T HH i g ^ H : I T'TT: I \ 6 \ ttč t ?rç®r n č .ņ .'ņ * ^BRT? H*T>TRēRzr • O A 11 A i>j*Ž A| vṭtHĪ HTHR^ I V m f^RPT: \*6 \' nnk o ied ^ e train > k tH it* hh«> g < \s f a s r f h ^ H u I HSJ S C \ * SI ^^ rc t V( ^R^T^ēril o > 183. Optionally, when followed by case-endings from instrumental onward, beginning with a vowel (7.1.97). When followed by vowel terminations from the instrumental onward, krostu is (declined) optionally like a word ending in trc. krostrā} krostre. 184. After 7t, ut (6.1.109). When at of ñasi and ñas, comes after r (short), u (short) is the single substitute, followed by r. 185. After r, in the place of s (8.2.24). In the place of s only, and none else, standing at the end of a conjunct consonant, and coming after r, elision (is substituted). In the place of r, visarga (is substituted). krostuķ, krostroķ 186. In contradiction to a former (rule), nut in preference to num, the rule aci ra etc., and the trjvadbhāva. krostūnām, krostari. In the altemative and when followed by consonantal (case-ending), (it is declined) like śambhu. \ B2 reads ^ V ^ļṭr^: •a a and omits sftisž a 3 B2 c " s 4tl I \6i3 3Ū g f a II % .V .tī ll H M^fēT * T ^ W . H ^ rft *fr *HH: s iH ^ i^ d s ^ ftr JTur r*TTH stfo gf<T i gç®rrçn:ii FHT: II C N FT*T«ft o ^rqbr: C Si \ 6 6 « w b n tw II VY.£V ‘I src*r jīot m v ^:' n tç# s rfa g P r i ’s ra fc ft n tTTērr I I H TēT: I tṛīčīR t I h ū h u h , h ū h v a u , etc. kh a la p ū h 187. In the place of u, when followed by sup (6.4.83). In the place of an añga, of more vowels than one, ending in a root, ending in the letter u, which is not preceded by a conjunct (which is a) part of a root, yaņ (is substituted) when followed by a vowel case-ending. khalapvau, khalapvaķ. Similarly sulū etc. svabhūh , svabhuvau. varsābhūh . 188. In the place of varsābhū also (6.4.84). In the place of this (w ord), y a ņ (is substituted), when followed by a vowel case-ending. varsābhvau. dhātā, he dhātaķ , dhātārau. { D omitted 3TW T II W T O I tHṛ ?F*T^T: | ^ ī f a r ^ r 5qṛ'T%T^ fvRHT^H I ^ 5T i Ptcīt fn ṛ r ñ flra r: i š r e «tth^ h i nr * rū i* ^ rn M K 4: n \\o tJ«MI % .* .% , II ’ arçīT HTfH *T Ś ltf: I H^HH HHĪĪTT I e ' t \\\ fa ēt II vs.^ .^ o II a f a t r o s firffṭr *pfar*rcnra f e r i nt: nrad *ttst: i 189. In the place of n coming after r substitution of ņ should be declared. dhātfņām. Similarly naptr etc. The mention of naptr etc. is meant to restrict (No. 181 to these words only), in case the view of derivability (of these words acc. U ņ 252) is adopted. Hence (it does) not (apply) here (i.e. to p itr ). pitā, pitarau, pitaraķ, The rest like dhātf . Similarly jāmātr etc. (are declined). na} narau . 190. And nr (6.4.6). In the place of this (w ord), when followed by nām, long (vowel is) optionally (substituted). nrņām , nfņām . 191. After o as of go, ņit (7.1.90). sarvanāmasthāna, placed after the letter o, is as if having an indicatory ņ. gauķ, gāvau, gāvaķ. \ V adds ^ D. omitted j sftēftsīTçml: II aMtSHHHV ^ ift: I TPŪ II V9.^.CH II II 3īf% 3TRTĪT içtPT^r: I H TH? H T : I W ! *fšnT?čñ 3TfbR:: l T T : TRT TP-tthT II Tēff: i^ n ṛ U Tē^vzrnr ?ē*īTfe i Hfflr 3T5RĪT: qfh«^*IT: ^ > 0 " N II 192. d in the case of o followed by am and śas (6.1.92). In the place of o when followed by am and śas or by a vowel, the letter d is the single substitute. gdm, gdhy gavd} gave, goķ. 193. In the place of rai, when followed by hal (7.2.85). When followed by a case-ending, the letter d (is the single substitute). rdh) rdyaui rdbhyām. glauķ, gldvau glaubhydm etc. Thus ends (the section on) ajauta pumlliñga declension. * D 3fWts*T5rcft: omitted ^ V adds Tīļcft after jjjķ 3 V adds ift'sņVR after iṛ% V V reads f Ķ&nft B2 adds ṭpi: after ṭrzft ^ B2 adds xīķ after V 9 V adds after II fc^ n r i srt II i * V \ d t e 3TFT: II II ’ sft I 3ffe Ķfa afarpePnrcrr: HfH I ap* sr^TT: | * II || 3TPT i*ļHT: 3 I | 3ī^ | aOiī: st^tht sr^rr: | ?^V9 anfe ^PT: ll 13. 3 . ?o<\ II 3Tfe afrfH V[ 3T FT tç^riT: I 3TW SRP^TH S R īfa: | 194. After aja, etc. and after words (ending in) at, (the suffix)' tāp (4.1.4). In the sense of feminine. ajā. 195. In the place of aun, after (a word ending in) (7.1.18). āp, šī (is substituted). aun is the name of the case-ending au. aje, ajāh. 196. And when followed by sambuddhi (7.3.106). In the place of āp, the letter e is substituted. he aje, he ajāh, ajām, ajāh . 197. When followed by āh also, in the place of āp (7.3.105). When followed by añ and os, in the place of āp, the letter e (is substituted). ajayā, ajābhyām, ajābhiķ. \ B2 aTTJRTT^T^ sfte I D has a n ^ T ^ lc T $fV by the same hand. ^ V adds çiṛṛçr after qq?TT: 3 D. this sūtra and comm. on it omitted added after \\6 nT^FT: II 11 feēT: I 3T5fR 3T5rr«T: aranTT: 3T3Pt V S R īg I tr# |»īfc*T: I ^ H #T ĪR : II 19 ^ .? II 3T3TTHTH ? *nrfanr ^ i spprsrraṛr i ^rr^ÎT: I ^ o o 3TMWH<iW$9: II V ṣ.ôV ṣ II 198. ydt, coming after dp (7.3.113). (is appended) to a case-ending having indicatory ñ. ajdyaiy ajābhyaķ, ajdydh3 ajayoķ , ajdndm, ajdydm, ajāsu. Similarly durgā, etc. 199. In the case of a pronoun, sydt} and a short (7.3.114). (vowel) In the case of a case-ending having indicatory ñ, coming after a pronoun ending in ā, (the augment) sydt (is appended); and in the place of dp, a short vowel (is substituted). sarvasyai, sarvasydh, sarvdsdm, sarvasydm. The rest like ajd. Similarly viśvd and other (pronouns) ending in dp. 200. In the place of synonyms of ambd and (in the place of) nadt, short (7.3.107) { V omitted ^ V adds after tfērfaī* ūfTT 5R*ft W t$: ^ T ī f e I T O '1 ai^TT^ēT II TftHT f ^ T H H I *Tṛft: ? I VCČH I 30 * fe% II II f c r c i ^ t s t a r a i *ṛr> f e f a i a n ^ ra r: n 11 H^HēTTčT S T ^ t EēTlHIč NI When followed by sambuddhi . he amba, he akka, he aUa. jarā} jarasau, jarasaķ, etc. Altematively like ajā. gopā (is to be declined) like viśvapā. matiķ, m atyā. 201. When followed by (a case-ending) having indicatory ñ and short (1.4.6). Fem. words (ending in) ī or ū } admitting the substitutes iyañ and u va h y except the word stñ, and (words ending in short i or u, in the feminine, are optionally designated nadī when followed by (a case-ending) having an indicatory n. 202. ātj coming after nadī ( 7 .3 . 1 1 2 ). In the case of (case-endings) having indicatory ñ, coming after words ending in nadī, āt (is appended). \ V. omitted ļ B2 «tFcT ; 3TT?5^ II II 3ṛr^rsf% icjf e ^ T ^ T : I H ēt HēPT HṛiTT: Hṛj: I f |? « r m n ii H^HIT^Tk-īTTflT^t-īrr, #: ON çfiviK i č re § rt: f r w i fēm ^ēm 11 3HH Nļ HēiTHT N Hēft I n rēfr f a w t i ^ arfa t ^ ē t: ii v 9 .^ .? o o ii fatf^ēreft: ^tēfr TT^5Ttsf% | fērer: fH H c c .br: fē TH e . ^: | 203 And in the case of āt (6.1.89) In the case of āt} when followed by ac, vrddhi is the single substitute. matyai, mataye, matyāh) mateķ. 204. After short i and short u (7.3.117). In the place of the case-ending ni, coming after (words ending in) short i and short u, having the designation nadl, ām (is substituted). matyām, matau. The rest like hari. Similarly buddhi etc. 205. In the place of tri and catur, in the feminine, tisr and catasr (7.2.99). In the place of these two, having the feminine gender, these (two) are (substituted), when followed by vibhakti. 206. When followed by ac, r in the place of rt. (7.2.100). In the place of the short r of tisr and catasry r is substituted, when followed by ac. tisraķ, tisrbhiķ, tisrbhyaķ . ? om^tted īf l a k a t i II tr ṝ r q > H f f H H 5 S T w rrç s n t:i ô<t fn ? rn < l(4 « R ^ II f r ^ t ś ta •N : || | f H ^ H H I fēTH H I || ^ ii %.ḥs.?*6 n ^ t© ^ fa< W T ^ fT : ṝrfe % V f \* M u ^ R i t i l h t ! ii ? . v . ^ ii h W * ftf: 1 H ' f t 'H š ñ ç č ī : i | H t f r i n t f l H T f lf f ṣ ṛ : i f ) f ṛ f f a f : t f k > l T H h M h » ñ f t a I IT ^ HSTT5TC: II ^ fl i | fe n 207. Not tisr and catasr (6.4.4). In the place of these two when followed by nām, long (vowel) is not substituted. tisrņām, tisr§u. dve, dvābhyām, dvayoķ 208. After sit and after gaura, etc. (4.1.41). In the sense of the feminine, (the suffix) ñīs (is appended). 209. In the place of i and a (short or long) when followed by it also. (6.4.148). In the place of the letter i (or ī) and the letter a (or d) of the bha, elision (is substituted), when followed by the letter ī and by a taddhita (affix), gauñ , gauryau, gauryaķ . 210. (The vowels) %and ū , having the feminine gender, nadl [ 1 . 4 .8 ). Words ending in long ī and long ū, alwavs feminine in gender, are designated nacū. he gauñ, gauñm , gaurīķ g a u ryā > gauñ bhyām, gauñbhiķ, gauryai, g au ryah ) gauñņām, gauryām, gau risu. Similarly nadi etc. stñ, he stri. I V. ļfļTṣV for ṛjļfl; ' 3 « t? f r w : II II 11 %-lm s p s tr! ī [ ? z r 1 f c R : « i m i d l : ll %.v.6o n ff^ R Ī Ķ?š( I FTfH f c R : ^ f t: f e R foR T : ç ļfb ru r r ^ < j n sft: f«pft f«R: I II t-Y.V II f a r f i r f n t : ē T R t ^ ē ū ;r ^ ū | sft: I f«R f«R f^RT:3 f«R: I* 211. In the place of stñ (6.4.79). *r ? ṛ r t ^ 5 i iyañ (is substituted), when followed by a termination begin ning with a vowel. striyaķ. 212. Optionally, when followed by am and śas (6.4.80) In the place of stñ, iyañ (is substituted). striyam, stñm , striyaķ, stñķ, striyā y striyai, striyāh} stñņām, stñsu. śñ ķ, śriyau, śriyaķ. 213. Not (those), vvhich admit iyañ and uvañ, except stñ (1.4.4) The long t and the long ū, which are substituted by iyañ and uvdi, are not designated nadī; not, however, (the word) stñ. he śñķ, śñyai, śriye, śriyāķ3 śfiyaķ. \ V omitted ^ Bi, D. 3 b 2 f«pṛrṛṛ V B2 omitted ... ^ W ST T Ū T II H fir^ o^ « * sT R t ^ i ç z f f g c\ aīrfa ^ t h ^ — ' çrū çṛft .. '..O «ftiiTH Psptīh i fsrfa i # ļH fē r^ r i ^ U \\ 1FT SHifr'j Ś ta II v.*.«\ II ?fbTCT*r • Ni ^ n sft * i * M ^ rN i ’T^ṛT i C\ O V 214. Optionally, when followed by ām (1.4.5) ; Long %and long ū, always feminine, which can be substituted by iyañ and uvañ, when followed by <*m , optionally have the designation nacfi; not, however, (the word) stñ. šūnām , *ñyām, śriyām} śriyi. dhenu (is declined) like mati. 215. And in the feminine (7.1.96). The word krostu, signifying feminine, gets the form like what ends in trc. 216. After rt and n, ñlp (4.1.5). In the sense of the feminine. krostñ, (to be declined) like gauñ. svayambhūh like the masculine. \ B2, V. omitted ^ V ^<T FTTčf I n v .^ o # T" I N ç^ hī u «pīt??? ff^ērr h «īt i irrēT T Hī^fH ^ (T ī’ ^ H R V ^ f H ī : II I H TH T fTēPTēT 1 HffT HīēT: I c ' t ^fbff^ēr * I Tī: <ñTēr O N I hW T ^ēT NI II ?% 3RTĪČTT: r e t f o ^ T: II 217. Not after sat and svasr, etc. (4.1.10). The suffix ntp (is not appended). svasr,tisr, catasr, nanāndr , duhitr, yātr (and) matr, these seven are declared to be svasrddi. svasā, svasārau. mātr (is declined) like pitT. When follovved by śas, (the form is) matrk. dyo (is declined) like go; rai (is declined) like the masculine ( rai); nau (is declined) like glau. Thus ends (the section on) ajanta stñliñga declension. \ B2 omitted ^ Bg omitted V3 3T#S?T II n 3[ēfts^rēT ^d^TēT FnTĪTH I ?THH I | ?T T HI || id.l.^% II s rte jčt i ii ii irp jfa ^ Ķfa !TFH I afte: 5UT jrfW?T: II 5T T HI «RSRīt: fiī: II v s. ^ . ī) o ii ^šTTH I 21&. After at, am (7.1.24). After a base, ending in short a, of the neuter gender, in the place of su and am, am (is substituted). jñānam, he jñāna. 219. And after the neuter gender (7.1.19). In the place of a u ñ } śī (is substituted). 220. In the place of i and a (short or long) when followed by tt also. (6.4.148). When (by this rule) elision (of a) is imminent, 221. In the place of a u n y when substituted by šī, (the substitution of elision) is prohibited. jñaņe. 222. In the place of jas and śas, śi (7.1.20). After (a word of) the neuter gender. feī II t .l .V R II MMreīgT IT?.^: II V9.?.V8^ II UB*5rçnriRrç«ī? h h > 3 * \ h # h th ftih i W Ū R % fç u T ē Tq r: n n 3 T « r tH t q - ifts ^ iT :ē F H Ī H T :ē W 7 F ē T r7 W tŪ T ē fT U T ē T S 7 N " \I S T R lfa I S ^ F ē T g ē TI Š F T'T ^ ē TI ^ E R K 7: I M llflM R + tAI I^ .^ .1 0 9I I 3T3p^rm I «flT HT'T^ēr I 223. śi (is) sarvanāmasthāna (1.1.42). 224. In the case of (a word of) the neuter gender (ending in) a jhal or in a vowel (7.1.72). In the casc of a word of the neuter gender ending in a (letter of the pratyāhāra) jhal or in a vowel, when followed by sarvandmasthāna, (the augment) num (is appended). 225. (T hat) which has an indicatory m, after the last vowel (1.1.47). ' That, which has an indicatory m, (is placed) after that (vowel) which is the last among the vovvels (in the base), and forms the final part of it (i.e. the base). jñānāni. Again like that. The rest like the masculine. Similarly dhana etc. (are declined. 226. In the place of a prātipadika in the neuter gender, a short (vowel) (1.2.47). In the case of (a word) ending in a vowel only. śñpa like jñāna. { B2 this suita and the comm. thereon omitted; but added later, ^ ^ added after °?čR3ṭ ^V 9 ļ • > i ^īfT i 11 V 8. * . ^ II f^RW?ft II \9.^.V9^ II f a ē ^ r ē īN HH O* \ I ^īfTbft ^ ī f l H l H ’ oSH^TFTīO n q : [ | n f t | ^ ī f r i t f e f a f f r hw s rr ^ \ C N x « ^ ī f c ^ 3Tft1T r: ^īfcufT: ^ R b īlH ^īfTfur I 227. In the place of su and am after the neuter (7.1.23). elision (is substituted). vāri. 228. ? [fw | gender In the case of ik, when followed by vowel case-ending. (augment) num (is appended). vāriņī, vañņi. Because (the rule) na lumatā etc. is not obligatory, alternatively guņa (is substituted). he vārē, he vāri. When, by (the rule) gher hiti, (substitution of) guņa becomes imminent, 229. In contradiction to the preceding (rule), (the augment) num (is appended) in preference to vrddhi, and substitution of au, and becoming like (a formotion in) trc, and guņa. vāriņe, vāriņaķ, vārihoķ, vāñņām, vāriņi. When followed by a (case-ending) beginning with a consonant, ( vāri is declined) like hari. o ṭe$o I HrrfH-a i>n 3*Ttī: II \9.?.V9tṭ II ^ 3 ? 3T?ē5>fo;T: II V * - ? 3 * II a r^ m ^ ttH ^ H iH F -T īH H ^ ife ^ rf^ rd ^ĪH: I <?£H T ŠEH ^ fam ^T fe$dt: II ^ssff: l II *rter ṛrçiTT^prçn 3 T îW T t ^ i f c s i ē M i f t ITISH HFTĪ^ĪT^T * m t ^T fe5*Tt: I çsrfa i m ^ r f r ^ r i ņ ^ Ķ aṛfiF^r n f ^ r arfsr i 230. In the place of asthu dadhi, sdkthi, and aksi, anañ aeute (7.1.75). When followed by (a case-ending) from tā onwards (beginning with) a vowel. 231. In the place of a of an, elision (6.4.134). Elision (is substituted) in the place of the letter a of the an, which has after it a case-ending (svādi) beginning with y or ac (a vowel), excepting the sarvanāmasthāna, and which (an) is a part of the adiga. dadhnā} dadhne, dadhnaķ, dadhnoķ. 232. Optional, when followed by ni and śl (6.4.136). When followed by ñi and śī, elision is optionally (substituted) in the place of the letter a belonging to the an which is a part of the añga and which has after it a case-ending beginning with y or a vowel. dadhni, dadhani. The rest like vāri. Similarly (are declined) asthi, sakthi and aksi. g f a gfspft g sftfa | çh | n fa hF hht i HH I * 3TT5^T: | O HEpft O HHfH D I V W t |V HH \ 5 ^< ' HoHTT I o c o « of c\ a < o o srīēT | vm : ^ | «nṛr m ī i .tw C ErrēTiflerrērfiT C t -C tn ēC ^ īr^ rre n :’ i S T S T 5T?THl SRrfHSržTHī 3 c c cs o srfr s r M t jrmcJTTH ^ s rfb rm> i Ti 5 ^ sTTtfnr 1 s ift^ d i i ^ T T f^ 1 11 II ffr-SM PaT H W E f o ^ r: sudhi, sudhinī, sudhīni, he sudhe, he .sudhi, sudhinā . madhu, madhurñ, madhūni, he madho, he m adhu . Similarlv (are declined) ambu, etc. sulu, sulurñ, sulūni, sulunā . dhāir} dhātTVĀ, dhātf-ņi, he dhātaķ, he dhātr, dhātrņā. Similarly (are declined) jñātr, etc. 233. In the place of ec, ik, when a short is to be substituted (1.1.48). pradyu, pradyuni> pradyūni, p ra d yu n ā \ prari, p ra riņ ī prañņi, prariņā . W hat is modified in a part is as if not different (from the original). prardbhyām, prañņām. sunu, sunum, sunūni, sununā, etc. Thus ends (the section on) ajanta naputfisakalihga declension. ^ D omitted ^ D iH’TTiHṛ:; V ṣTTēpF^foī: ^ B2 omitted V D omitted 5: 1 1 <£.^.3 ? >l līfē J ’T^T>% A I f e j fe § I II Ai^nfcrt: a: 1 fa s fv ^ d fa s * A T A AlABlfadu: II T š īfo t a r I a i ^ t?TTAt sṛçft h h 3TS?a*n ç r ū : 11 č . ^ i d 11 ATēÂAAÂATAd ^ č h a a a ! a a* \ ṛ r c ī^ a 1 a *f > a n a a> ? s» t A ^ A t ANsrars • o 0V > 3 0O 1 234. In the place of h, d h (8.2.31). When followed by a (letter of the pratyāhāra) jhal and at the end of a pada. lits lid, lihau, lihaķ, lihā, lidbhyāms litsu littsu. 235. In the case of a root beginning with d, gh (8.2.32). When followed by a (letter of the pratyāhāra) jhal and at the end of a pada9 gh (is substituted) in the place of h, belonging to a root(noun) beginning with d in the upadeśa236. In the place of baś, belonging to a monosyllabic (verbal root) ending in jh a s, bhas (is substituted), when followed by s and dhv. (8.2.37). In the place of a (letter of the pratyāhāra) baś , forming part of a monosyllabic root, a letter (of the pratyāhāra) bha§ (is substituted), when (it is) followed by 5, dhv, or (it is) at the end of a pada. dhnk, dhug, duhau, dhugbhyām, dhuksu. ? B2 šrfo VSFŠ ^ omitted V; has it after ^ V adds tTēf to 3 D omitted sṛ: W tHrr ? |U II 4 * * 1 II 3T’ *T : I 5Tfo H^Rt V( I SW sçff o j* i ķķ: * i sçnRmj; s ^ w r n [ « ç t ļ « ^ « ^ ç g i ç ž i r * m&rik: n: m n v t - 5 3 u *!R» h¥ u' i » f?H ^ O* \ ç-nU «' O > çO N \i W ^ o * n w : *T*SRTTT*PT II ?•?.*<* II ?TĶ 3*5 II H 3JĶ: ^F5rfTR0TTO I 237. Optionally in the case of druh, muh, sņuh, and sņih (8.2.33). In the case of these roots, in the place of h, gh is optionally (substituted), when it is followed by a (letter of the pratyāhāra) jhal or (it is) at the end of a pada. dhruk , dhrug, dhru%> dhrud, druhau, druhaķ, dhrugbhyām> dhrudbhydm, dhruksu, dhrutsu, dhruttsu. Similarly mut. 238. In the place of s, commencing a root, s snuk, snug, snut , snud. Similarly snik. (6.1.63)- 239. (The substitution of) ik in the place of yaņ (is designated) samprasāraņa ( 1 . 1 .45). 240. In the place of vdh, ūth (6.4.132). The samprasāraņa (substitute) in the place of the end) of a bha> is ūth. ņ D omitted ^ Bj omitted 3 B2 omitted V V reads *r?: I for ņ z>I \ a ^| " O > V O O N V 3 > O \ B2 omitted vāh (at 19* 11 n i A*AATWAfA ?,*ṭļ II % .\,66 II 3TAWfa q;^T€n: At: s f s A A f e ^ T ^ A : I f A - īA ^ :? WēAīfe? | A^TAAjftTTAATTT.' II V 9 II AAATAFTIA I R it i H M H ^ : II V3.?.<^ II A oA > I AAAATA ^ >I 241. After samprasdraņa also (6.1.106). When after samprasdraņa, (a vowel) is followed by a vowel, the form of the former is the single substitute (for both). 242. When eti and edhati and ūth follow (6.1.88). When (the forms of) V* and V edh which begin with ec and when the ddeśa ūth comes after the letter a (or d), vTddhi is the single substitute. viśvauhaķ, etc. 243. In the case of catur and anaduh, (the augment) ara, acute (7.1.98). When foliowed by sarvandmasthdna. 244. When followed by su, in the case of anaduh (7.1.82). (The augment) num (is appended). anadvdn. ^ V reads this after sūtra in the com. on the preceding W ll II \ | Sñ^TH I 3 T H ^ r|l 3ĪH¥^:’ | ^ w g ç t g ^ ^ T | ^ t ?: II < ^ X 9 ^ || çthī^ h - ^: T?r% i a p nO ftT ri X zmN ^vvs 3 tf>: H R : W. II h |: II H ī^ T ^ H?JT HSRH^ĪT:: I 5TRTTS ^TTHīft' gTT- nTS«n*T * \ - I ^ * 6 feR 3ŪH || V9.{.£Y II fo ; iīifd^ld+eM 3fṛrx h > i g ? ñ : i 245. am, when followed by sambuddhi (7.1.99). In the case of catur and anaduh. he anadvan,cmadvāhau, anaduhaĶ. y 246. In the place of vas, svarus, dhvaihs, and anaduh, d. (8.2.72). In the place of (the final letter of) a pf. part. in vas ending in s, and in the place of sravhs etc, d (is substituted), (when it stands) at the end of a pada. anadudbhyām. 247. In the place of s of V sah (in the form) sād. (8.3.56). In the place of s of the (verbal root) sah having the form sād, a cerebral is substituted. turāsāt, turāsāhau, turasādbhyām . 248. In the place of div, aut (7.1.84). In the place of the prātipadika div, au is (substituted) when followed by su. sudyauķ, sudivau. \ b2 3 V this sūlra and comm. thereon om itt d i * v afar \9^ f? * TSRr I n HKfHJHd ^ > 1 R<ft II I ^ r T : ^$ T : ^gfcr: ^ 4 : II t^ o u d ^ t ļu i^ r ii i s . ? . v \ ii trtpjṛ 3ṛnft H£ I TOTKri Jft «t: II 6 .V .l II W g fr ii ii f f r ī fīreri:’ g f a i ^ 3 ^ 249. i In the place of div, ui (6.1.129). When at the end of a pada . sudyubhyām. catvāraķ, caturaķ caturbhih, caturbhyaķ. 250. After sat and catur also (7.1.55). In the case of dm coming after these, (the augment) nut (is appended). 251. In the place of n, coming after r and s in the same pada, ņ (is substituted) (8.4.1). caturņdm . 252. In the place of ru, when followed by sup (8.3.16). In the place of ru alone, visarga (is substituted), whcn followed by sup (of loc. plr.). catursu. ^ B2. The following two sūtras and comm. thereon omitted. g^tTW<ui!ṛ ^ UT?Ū: 11 < ^ .V * II 1^1?% i w r i srsrnfr 5t^tt*t: s r ī f ^ t p ī i ṭ ( \ V f%«T: 9i: II v s . ^ o ļ II f^PT^ēŪ I % I tH qṛi> I ç ^ lft W. || V9.^.$o<' II ii v s . ^ m ii ^T : W 3 ttū n w I T O I ē*ṛ?rsīē% I ll v ? A * i' i arotfrerRT * \ aiēft n^t o 253. In the place of m of a verbal root, n (8.2.64). At the end of a pada . praśān, praśāmau, praśāmaķ śānbhyām. pra - 254. In the place of kim, ka (7.2.103). When followed by a vibhakti. kaķ, kau, ke. Like sarva . 255. In the place of idam, m (7.2.108). When followed by su (of nom. sg). Exception to the rule laying down the substitution of a in the place of tyad etc. 256. In the place of id, ay, in the masculine (7.2.111). (In the place of id) of idam, when followed by su (of nom. sg.) ayam . After the substitution of a by the rule tyadādīnām etc. 257. When guņa follows after at (6.1.96). When, after a short a, not standing at the end of a pada9 guņa follows, the form of the latter is the single substitute. W w II Hf II I š ñ I ēīR'r^: H īfeī ?fēT HṛHH: I W 3HF£TC»: II 19.^.??^ H 3T7ñļ>TT*JT ^ \o f^tSHrfT f^nTRtl I 3fī<T SRITT^TT: I 3PTH I Š iT . II V9.3-*!VH ^>7 s n f r ^ p ? A i HTH^%s#rs^rfafšr: arr^m rfTTH ^ i 258. sti^ ttr; i And in the place of d (7.2.109). In the place of d of idam, m (is substituted), when follovved by a vibhakti. imau, ime. The general rule is that tyad etc. have no vocative. 259. an (is substituted) in the place (of id) not having k, vvhen followed by dp (7.2.112). In the place of id, belonging to idam, not having the letter k, an (is substituted), when follovved by a case-ending (signified by the pratydhdra) dp. dp is a pratydhdra (formed with d in tā of instr. sg. and the indicatory p in sup, loc. plr.). anena.260. When follovved by a consonant, elision (7.2.113). In the place of id, belonging to idam, not having the letter k, elision (is substituted), vvhen follovved by (a case-ending signi fied by the pratydhdra) dpy beginning vvith a consonant. The rule alolntyasya does not apply to that vvhieh has no meaning (of its ow n), except in the case of the modifications connected vvith reduplication. abhydm. 11 V 3 * 1 1 3T^TT?ftfa?H ?H t: fHH 3ī^q- 3HHTt: çHHT 3TftiHT pH I TT^TT I 5T f iR P ļ^ a f t : HēftT: I I TT'jf^TTH •s I ?T ^ « Ū m S ^ T t ī II V Y« t 3 * II J^TRrçnfiHTH ^ r f t ēšfrt h i sts^ pt : ^ ^ i r r HN i ■ \ 3R : 3t šTflT^n ŠT^TT I II 6.^.č II H I <rf% ṛ: i 3[^h rr«r 3F*TTēT TT5FT TT^THt TRTH: TT3THPT1 TIšT: ^ī?Tī? 261. Not after idam and adas, not having k (7.1.11). After idam and adas, not having the letter k , in the place of bhis, ais (is) not (substituted). ebhiķ, asmai, ebhyah, asmāt, asya, anayoķ, esām, asmin, esu. rājā, 262. Not, when followed by ni and sambuddhi (8.2.8). The elision of n. he rājan, he rājānau, he rdjānaķ, rājānam, rājñaķ, rājñā} rājabhyām . 263. Not, after a conjunct consonant, ending in v or m . (6.4.137). In the place of the letter a, belonging to an, coming after a conjunct consonant ending in v or m, elision is not (sub stituted). yajvanaķ, yajvabhyām ; brahmaņaķ , brahmaņā . \ V adds ṭruļ-pft after TEiļTTH ^ V omitted 3 ^ēT ° 6< > 5TT% ?T H'THRT Š\Š : \\ 3 V \ t l l w II U ’ ^KVfTTHHHRT ^ b ffS H r^ at *Ū I Ķ^Ķṭ | ? rç * rs re m tt «t: ii 6 . * . ^ ii tKFF3TēTT'īŠ *TFT HHT^T '^ 're P JiM H rT ĪH T ^ H^T W. I n p f j f t I 264. In the case of in, han, pūsan and aryaman, when followed by ii (6.4.12). In the case of these, in the place of the penultimate, long (vowel is substituted) when followed by ii only. 265. And when followed by su (6.4.13). 3 I In the place of the penultimate in the case of (words ending in) in, etc., long (vowel is substituted), when followed by su, not (of the) sambuddhi. vrtrahā, he z/rtrahan. 266. In (a compound) having a monosyllabic lattcr member, ņ (8.4.12). In that compound, whose latter member has only one vowel, ņ (is substituted) in the place of n standing at the end of a prātipadika, or in (the augment) num, or in a case-ending, when it comes after the cause (for the cerebralisation) standing in the previous member. vTtrahaņau. ^ Bx this sūtra missing ļ D. «T T ST T fr0 3 V» II f^ ifo farfṛr V[ s r ^ || h ’ Vf ^ ^ % f^ ī f v ṛn i s*4if< i 3tnṛ w f e R 3PTHH ^ n r 1 ITU^f 3 § ? R II V * * t ^ H 3T H * ^ IT Š 5 r: I w ^ēT I ti4HWWMSQT<ft: M V3*?*V9o II 267. In the place of h belonging to yjhan , when followed by suffixes having indicatory ñ or ņ, or by n (7.3.54). W hen followed by a sufīix having indicatory ñ or n or by n, in the place of h belonging to the verbal root han , kutva, (i.e. gh) is substituted. vTtraghnaķ etc. Similarly (are declined) śārngin, yaśasvin, aryaman, pūsan. 268. (In the case of) maghavan, mostly (6.4.128). (is) mostly sub In the case of the word maghavan, tr stituted. (In tr here) r is indicatory. 269. In the case of that which, not being a verbal root, has uk indicatory, and in the case of (the verbal root) añc, when it is followed by sarvanāmasthāna. (7.1.70). X Bi> b 2, v ^rf^Tfrr ^ Bx riṛ ^ D. omitted * V . Î?čTT^T: 3THTēft: HfiTēft H^f*PTts3Rṝt^T HW H ^RTH ^R I H W H* N H 'R r I H H R ī: | RTH? 1 HēīT'HTt H^RH J P r e R V N fcrṛčī: HH^R> T R 3cf I ^V9 o 5gWWfTU>rmHf5% U 33fvr?čTRT W nR TH | ITf 5^H z(z(H I * NO « V \ H^THTTOTīU l HHtH:'' x ^rRr^TTHčrfe% In the case of that which, not being a verbal root, has indicatory uk, and in the case of the verbal root añc which has its n elided, (the augment) num is (appended), when it is followed by a sarvanāmasthāna. maghavān, maghavantau, maghavantaķ, he maghavan, maghavantam, maghavataķ, maghavadbhyām. In the absence of the substitution of t r ( = t ) , when followed by (the case-endings signified by the pratyāhāra) sut, (the word maghavan is declined) like rājan. 270. In the place of śvan, yuvan and maghavan, when followed by (a suffix) not taddhita. (6.4.133). In the place of these words ending in an, which are bha, when followed by (a pratyaya) other than a taddhita, sampra sāraņa (is substituted). maghonaķ, maghavabhyām. Similarly (are declined) śvan and yuvan . ^ B 2 adds H STJH ēft after HSRRH I ^ D adds after I 3 Bļ, B 2 aH H čTT'ri V V ^ B j, B 2 çīhčt \ v h t I r h e t^ h h h tļļ«l?çU M >T '*P ļ ?r srE srcrrtṅ i jC t h: ^ \ o« stsruto to ii v ? * V » >> m r* »i II V 9. ? . < t ^ ii W ^ tr fw a j^ « T m itT dt I WHtSH H ^ H T H ? * ṛ R 1| \ 9. ? . < ^ I I < t « t i^ : i ^ \ 9Y «Ū II V 9.?.<tV 9 II tssr r ^ r : H t ^ T T f T ^ H I q w n : 'T -’T Ī ^ I ll q fsṛṛT « ft: ^ >tçq ēsifa: n *m ī% : i q s r : ’ i q f* r* * īT H i tn * * F T ī : ^ P J S T T : I 271. When followed by a samprasdraņa, not samprasdraņa (6.1.37). yūnaķ, yuvabhydm. 272. In the place of pathin, mathin and rbhuksin, dt (7.1.85). When follovved by su (nom. sg.). 273. In the place of it, at, when followed by a sarvandmasthdna (7.1.86). In the case of pathin etc. 274. In the place of th, nth (7.1.87). In the place of th, belonging to pathin and mathin, nth is substituted, when followed by a sarvandmasthdna. panthdh} panthdnau . 275. In the place of ti of bha, elision (7.1.88). In the case of pathin etc. pathaķ, pathibhydm. Similarly manthdih, rbhuksah . Bļ omitted > a re ii ii <ṛH ēT T HFēTT ^ qo^TĪT : 1 I ^w s ^ rm m : n v y .v s HWT reHīTr N » FTTēTI .N T^rftT: HT^^FTtTHFTT ^Nff HīfH I ' T ^ thīH | | W W 3T <S?n 3tT fo t^ Ū II ņ.R.Č'* II |ī7Kd H T çJTR T v -\ I ?TC?T«t 3ibT ||V 9 .?.^ ? || f ē lī^ R K ^ H t ^R Ū ñ^l 3Ī^ 3TS£Tfa: WTVXT: ṛp^čTH | ^ T d T H 3ps2Tg I ? 3HčSTf^l% ^ 276. (A numeral) ending in s or n (is designated) sat (1.1.24) A numeral, ending in s or *n, is designated §at. pañca , pañçabhiķ,' pañcabhyaķ. 277. In the place of the penultimate of n (6.4.7). In the place of the penultimate of (a word) ending in n, a lbrig (vowel is substituted), when followed by nām. pañcānām, pañcasu. 278. In the place of astan , ā, when followed by a vibhakti (7,2.84), is optionally (substituted), when follovved by (a case-ending) beginning with a consonant. 279. In the place of astan , aus (7.1.21). In the place of jas and śas, coming after astan , in which the letter ā is substituted, aus (is substituted). astau, astābhiķ, astābhyaķ, astānāfn , āstāsu. In the absence of the substitution of ā} astan (is declined) likt pañcan. { Bļ omitted ^ Bj From 3nc^T^TT^ uPto fWT omitted rç ^ M b t^ ^ rt * » V R -\ \ n . irvir: fšfčR l 3[3%: v^TOTR^T fH H lē^ l ^RTfaēft I W f* f? ī3 W 3 - M 3 U m ^ fs p p rft: ^p% H- « r i R ñ ṛ ^ fH ^ b n r: s r h t : fērcbr: l W % T ļw a ? n i i v ? - ^ n ^ T : II $ a w m t u i9.?.\9? u HJT o -\ H#HTHFHH l 280. And in the case of Ttvij, dadhfk, sraj, diś9 usņih, añcu, yuji, and kruñc (3.2.59). After these the suffix kvin (is appended). After A /añc, when it has a word ending in a case-ending ( sup i.e. subanta) as its upapada, and after y/yuj and V kruñc by themselvcs, (the suffix kvin), and the absence of the elision of n in the case of V kruñc, are declared (to be correct). k and n (in kvin) are indicatory. 281. (A pratyaya) other than a tin (is designated) (3.1.93). krt In this topic conceming roots ( dhātu ), a pratyaya, other than tin, has the designation krt. 282. In the place of vi, aprkta (6.1.66). elision (is substituted). 283. In the case of yuji ( V y u j), not in a compound (7.1.71). by a The (augment) num (is appended), when followed sarvanāmasthāna. frčR5tčinrc*r f : \\ \\ ’ fa^TSTēZFrt ZFHTēT* ēTFT WTfsFTT?iH: <reF% I s n h īīJēr^lT: I çē%H HFf šk I ^ O > D> f : II <t.R.ô n ^r^TçiT čp^T: çqTH sçfopF ^ fc n n * T iH i ^ I W V3TTĪ1 « qč?*r: HVfiHH O > 0 * \ | I 284. In the place of (a formation in) the suflix kvin , ku (8.2.62). In the place of that, after which the suffix kvin is appended, kavarga is the substitute for the final, at the end of a pada . Elision is (substituted) for the final of a conjunct consonant. Owing to the substitution of ku , in the place of n, ñ is substituted. y u ñ , yuñjau3 yuñjaķ, yugbhyām. 285. In the place of cu, ku (8.2.30). In the place of cavarga, kavarga (is substituted), when followed by a (letter of the pratyāhāra) jhal or when at the end of a pada. suyuk, suyujau, suyugbhyām. Ttvik, Ttvijau, Ttvigbhyām . 286. In the place of vraśc* bhrasj, srj, m rj , yaj, rāj, bhrāj and (roots ending in) ch and ś, s (8.2.36). \ Bx From f^STč^nft upto ^ D adds foTrt after TRīfiĶ 3 D adds after $F : omitted dV9 Stfo T^T ' fa w" \ ^<t\9 ^ I \ TTJ ^ 7 ī¥" NTFJft T T* \^ f H* \1 I Z> \ N f c tfHC īH T ln R rh ^ ^ II 6.^.t(% II 'K l ^ f īf o ^ *T : Hņ\K: ç rīiŪ : ’ *PP m<T: \ īaz CN \ ^Hē%H 5T: I SHSt 3T5T 5t: I ?Tī5rV ^c «* T P T■ ■ o > ?]fH C ■ vI ē n ^ īi r ^ i \C C ēRt: ?T «NH<Ttint: II V 9 ^ ? o ^ || when follovved by a (letter of the pratyāhāra) jhal or at the end of a pada. (Then takes place) the substitution of jaś and of car. rā^ rdd3 rājau, rddbhydm. Similarly (are declined) vibhrdj, devej, and viśvasrj287. In the place of s or ku, standing at the beginning of a conjunct consonant, at the end (of a pada) also. (8.2.29). In the place of s and ku, standing at the beginning of a conjunct consonant at the end of a pada, or when followed by a jhal, elision is substituted. bhft. In the place of s, ś (is sub stituted), by the substitution of ścu. In the place of ś3 j (is substituted), by the rule jhaldm jaś jhaśi. bhrjjau , bhvdbhyām . (In the case of tyad), take place the substitution of a, and of the form of the latter. 288. In the place of t and d, not final, s (is substituted), when followed by su (nom. sg.) (7.2.106). \ B2 adds ^ Bx omitted after TT^TT*T V V adds * T S 5T : after 66 •o a t a r o t : H ^ R f *Ū I W . ē*Ū 3 ' I W. ēfl < J I V: \ çq: iTṛft tin | ?,6% #STWŪTW II \3 .\,R 6 II q;GH?FRViTt H ^ T #: R%o d l II V 8.^ .V * II 3īht ^ : | ^ 5tn ^ T : V 9 .^ .^ o || tTṝpftffeīyfrr: l ar^sr I In the place of the not final t and d belonging to tyad etc., s is (substituted), when followed by su. syaķ , tyau} tye; saķ, tau , te; y a ķ ; esah, etau , etc: 289. In the place of ne and of nom. and acc., am is sub stituted (7.1.28). In the place of ne and of (the case-endings of) nom. and acc. coming after yusmad, and asmad, am is substituted. 290. tva and aha, when followed by su (7.2.94). In the place of these two, upto (the letter) m. 291. In the remaining (cases), elision (7.2.90). In the place of these two (words), elision of ti (takes place). tvam, aham. \ Here V adds čUSTčfrTT ^ V adds I ^Tīfer I ii ^ -3 -^ 1 ii č n re ē ū i II 3^3 H«THFTT5^ ^TTHHHH II l^nftTTē^H I ņW[H STT^TH I UU^Ū 3tfh II V9.^.^^ II ^ h^ 3V \ w N tft i C m \ n >r 'n tm > i II I8 . 1 R.V9 II tptçñsR Ū Ū H f ī ^ R ^ f a ī R ī F Ī 5 I 292. yuva and āva, when followed by dual (case-endings). (7.2.92). When two are expressed, in the place of these two upto (the letter) m, when followed by a case-ending. 293. And when foliowed by the dual of the nominative, in common parlance (7.2.88). In the place of these, ā is (substituted). yuvām , āvām, 294. yūya and vaya, when followed by jas (7.2.93). In the place of these two upto (the letter) m. yūyam . vayam. 295. tva and ma, when followed by singular (7.2.97). When one is expressed, (tva and ma are substituted) in the place of these two upto ma, when followed by a case-ending. \ V adds içtrit ^ft before fsppKft | ^ B2 AU this omitted W ? )l V 9 II 3RiŪTTṛr N çxTRT \ I R IH * S H RN I w 5HŪ * II V 9 .$ .^ II STORt 5Rft H: I 3TT^: H T R I * R h lF ēR T «ČtT: I *T<RFT •O -\ 3R H R I w - ñ h f t t n la.ņ.6% ii 3TH qW ^r: 3 R I^ T S 5 |R l I ē^TT H R I W n w r ? * n * > ? n t 5 r ii v s . ^ . ^ n a R d fa r ç FTTH 3 R [ ^ f^ T S t fa srļēft 1 * R T R R 3TT^T- wṛHT 3TçHīf^: I •s HRTfH: O' 296. And when followed by the accusative (case-endings) (7.2.87). In the place of these two. ā is substituted, 297. In the place of śas, n (7.1.29). tvdm, mām. After these two, in the place of śas, n (is substituted). In the place of the initial of the latter. Elision of the final of a conjunct consonant. yusmān, asmān. 298. y3 when followed by a vowel (7.2.89). In the place of these two, y is substituted, when followed by (case-ending) beginning with a vowel not a substitute. tvayā, mayā. 299. In the place of yusmad and asmad, when followed by a pratyaya that is not a substitute (7.2.86). In the place of these two, ā is substituted when followed by a vibhakti, which begins with a consonant and which is not a substitute. yuvābhyām, āvābhyām, yusmābhiķ, asmābhiķ. 300 II II S T n ^ T t^ m ^ F T I fe ^ t T : I 3 * < m H ^H T I $o \ 11 asrr^TT t t ç e t i id .iJ^ o o 11 * \ 3ī ^ h ' « t h*\ i ll< M x M W ^ | | \ 3 . \ J W II 3TITq-r s ^ T ē f •\I ē 3 ēT HēT -\ * \ I M » x |« t | 3TČT | | \ 9. ? . ^ ? II 3H « ī t V JH : | o JTSHēT > ^ H ēT >I ôḥf ē l^ ft II V S .'R .^ II s R z ftH 'ļ^ ē r F r 1 30^ I p T O S f r ç H r f S S fe S T II V 9. ^ . x V 9 II HH w « d : sr m t: I 300. tubhya and mahya, when followed by ne (7.2.95)In the place of these two, upto ra. Elision of ti. tubhyam, mahyam . 301. In the place of bhyas, abhyam (7.1.30). W hen coming after these two. yusmabhyam, asmabhjam . 302. And of the singular (7.1.32). In the place of ñasi coming after these two, a short is substituted. tvat, mat. 303. In the place of the ablative, at. (7.1.31). In the place of bhyas coming after these two. yusmat, asmat. 304. tava and mama, when followed by has (7.2.96). In the place of these two, upto ra. 305. After yusmad and asmad, in the place of ñas, aś (7.1.27). tava, mama, yuvayoķ, āvayoķ. ^ 0% . flPT 3ṛR>*T II II siçcfrg | ^ H P T I ē^rfīT n f a 3 o \3 5f5Śfqg«if%çitqp;?nTl5rf»TRfl II č . ^ . ^ o || H^TH H’ jft: MTī^T^d fcsTṝPTt: H ' ^ T l f c E i h n ^ l *ēt:i ī*č SHfTCŪ II II u s f č r E r s n f tT H J f t: ^ s ^ ī f ^ ^ f •O ^ H ī ^ ē n i t : src * r? \ rc ft * h : i M 306. çṛr: i In the place of sām, ākam (7.1.33). yusmākam , asmākam. tvayi, mayi> yusmāsu, asmāsu. 307. In the place of yusmad and asmad standing in gen., dat. and acc. vām and nau. ( 8 . 1 .2 0 ) In the place of these standing after a pada and not standing at the beginning of a pāda, when attended by gen. and other (case-endings), vām and nau are (substituted). 308. In the case of the plural, vas and nas (8.1.21). In the place of these two as described (above), attended by the plural case-ending of gen. etc., vas and nas are (sub stituted) . 309. te and me in the place of the singular ( 8 . 1 .2 2 ). In the place of these two, as described (above), these two are (substituted). feēfhrmT: i i i i fe f tt^ ^ H F ē T jf t: ē^T Hī iTčft ç^TAt h Jrsft- h ķT v. II nd fa*r: n ^ r d s ^ ?-. H H: n «ft^Fē^T^g HTŪf ^tHH H žtsfa 5PT H: I «Tīg g i# 3T Hd ^ T ē ^ ^ ī: 'TlH^fHf'T Hd ĶĪk: I ^tsssTīffd H: ftr# *rd nd 3 \ \ tp u n ro V ^ h i srd^H gTīčT gT.?d ^ T K :3 I 310. tvā and m ā in the place of the accusative (8.1.23). In the plsice (of these two) attended by acc. sg. case-ending, tvā, m ā a re *(substituted). May the Lord of Śri protect thee and me also here; may he bestow happiness on thee as also on me. T hat Hari is thy as also my lord; may the omnipresent (lord) protect you two and us two also. May the Lord give happiness to you two and us two also. Hari is the Lord of you two and us two also. May he protect you and us (also); may he bestow bliss on you and (also) on us. He is the object of worship here to you and (also) to us. 311. It must be laid down that the substitutes of yusmad and asmad (should be used) in one sentence. A sentence is what has only one verb. Hence (they can) not (be used) in sentences like these: odanam paca, tava bhavisyati. supāt, supādau, supādaķ. % Bļ This sūtra and the comm. thereon omitted ^ D, V omitted ntRTÎT: I t^Pfaāī ^FPTH II i ṛr^ « r f ^ īf tr 1 'T ēT II 't r s s s r t h || ṛrcsra«rcn < h ?k 3t: i çt ?: i g'TR^TĪH I 3 %3 ?3TfHforr ^ē7 UTOR : s p f f # II V * .^ Y «I 3^-ēfrH rH rH feṛrrH ^R īH T H R r ^ t: 1 *fofgr f s # i HH I HiftHHērFT ^t<T: I H**T fē%H T< 3T*: II V * -^ < S U o SIT? S T T ^ S T ī^ : | vtiH: I 312. In the place of pād> pat (6.4.130). In the place of the word pāda, forming part of that añga bha which ends in the word pād, pad is substituted. supadaķ, supādbhyām. 313. In the place of the penultimate of consonantal (bases) not having an indicatory short i, when followed by what has indicatory k or h (6.4.24). In the place of the penultimate n, belonging to the bases ending in a consonant and not having an indicatory short i, elision is substituted, when followed by that which has an indicatory k or ñ. (The augment) num (is appended). Elision (is sub stituted) in the place of the final of the conjunct consonant. In the place of n, ñ is (substituted) by the substitution of ku. prdny prāñcau, prāñcaķ. 314. In the place of ac (6.4.138). In the place of the a, belonging to the bha of (the verbal root) añc with its n dropped, elision is (substituted). ç Bļ omitted ^ B ļ thissulra omitted ļ Bx reads srfrfcčTT 3TSTFIT0 I Y B2 From f%f^r fefčT upto °?čT*q- omitted n \ ^ u HT ^ R i H V S T ^ trčiT^Hd Hčfī^: \ 1 I HTH:? STH^HT I H č ^ H lH \ \ 3* ! ^ t i - v * - m « > , TrriT O N » i W īlJ fēī l I 3?\9 S * : flfa M ^-V V * II I H-&JĶ HTiS^d HHi^: 315. When follovved by cu (6.3.137). 1 ^ ^ « T iH I When followed by the (verbal root) añc with its n and a elided, in the place of the preceding aņ, a long (vowel) (is substituted). prācaķ, prāgbhyām; pra tya ñ 3 pratyañcau, prañcaķ, pratyagbhyām . udañ, udañcau . 316. After ud, It (6.4.139). Long l (is substituted) in the place of the letter a, belonging to the bha, the form of the verbal root añc which has its n elided, coming after the word ud. ucficaķ, udagbhyām. 317. In the place of sam, sami (6.3.92). When follovved by the verbal root añc not having a pratyaya at the end. sa m ya ñ } samyañcau, sam^caķ, samyagbhyām. \ V ^T^rt; B2 ^ Bx; B2 omitted; V adds S T T ^ T aLcr siT^: ^ V omitted S&7. II V 3 A * U ēT «T Tl I f a T f tṛ n H f t ii V 3 A 3 ii 31i7CHi^lT' S^Hčfl iīHčJTiTFH o f a r ^ r : \ £ p b « i n rV i 3^0 I fiflhi f ē H T ^ v ļ ^ i t 'p u n t * u v ^ d « ii ^ s rra F T rs^ ē ’fc ’ī <šta> h i s r s s n ^ ? i H oftqrm ^K - *frrt h i trn ^ r: srns’BTnr8 i sn s sr i ņ ž $*rar sren^ran: i Ô ■ 5 |i3 ^ O V i VO . V . 318. In the place of šaha, sadhri (6.3.94). Similarly. sadhryañ . 319. In the place of tiras,tiri, when followed by ( añc ) (with its a) not elided (6.3.93). tiri is the substitute for tiras, when followed by (the verb al. root) añc with its letter a not elided and not having a pratyaya at the end. tiryañ} tiryañcau, tiraścaķ, tiryagbhydm . 320. Not in the case of (the verbal root) añc in the sense of pūjā (6.4.30). In the place ofn, belonging to (the verbal root) añc signifying reverence, elision is not (substituted). prdñ, prdñcau . Owing to the absence of the elision of n, there is no elision of a (also). prdñcaķ, prdñbhydm, prañksu. Similarly (are declined) pratyañc etc. in the sense of reverence. kruñ} kruñcau, kruñbhyām. \ ^ ļ' * B2 °«P1<|S^čtV B2 From silWt upto STT^: omitted After ST T ^^T \ t V reads ^roft: • s O 'f N O sifṭ ēn V reads ^ f> 3 ^r iustead of ^VTṛitl I •o -s ■ s \ > O I STCṣT N^ I N t <rñhr"Rmr Ov »g jfhO O v -\ SfHFTTHH ON »I HFēlH^čT: HU>TFT II \ Y .?o || a R rc p fh rc n h^ h nt h^ r : HFīt'TsrRT çfcifssrsndt H#HĪH^T# I H^TH 1R HfRēT: I | H Ķ \ HĶṛ[: Hf\«TTH I ^ 3TFRR3FT TOr:<ft: II V * -T * II 3^ēTRft'THHTT'i ^W f HTgbTtTRHēTFT =3TO*pd F l I 5RTR1 H ^ H J HhTTH «ftHRid I | payomuk, payomucau, payomugbhyām. Here (the augment) num is appended owing to its being (formed with a suffix) having an indicatory u. 321. In the place of (a conjunct consonant) ending in s, or of mahat (6.4.10). In the place of the penultimate of the letter n, belonging to a conjunct consonant ending in s or to mahat, a long (vowel is substituted), when followed by a sarvanāmasthāna other than sambuddhi. mahān, mahāntau, mahāntaķ, he mahan, mahataķ, mahadbhyām. 322. And of that, which ends in atu and in as, and which is not a verbal root (6.4.14). In the place of the penultimate of that which ends in atu, and of that which ends in as, but is not a verbal root, a long (vowel is substituted) when follovved by su, not a sambuddhi. dhžmān, dhīmantau, he dhīman. When followed by (caseendings) beginning with śas, (it is declined) like mahat. ^ V om itted; D adds sftjprT: before | sftipT I %6 II 6 . ^ srrēft^srTJTT p R Ś t^ lh T I II <ft#: 'K H # I ftAŚt: fHHfeHd ^ n ftR n r ^ R R sn ^ T n sftr ii č.^.\6 \ \ ir#: 5R W szr^HTHsfT ? irjv q T <TTFT H^T H: I T # rjT'1 H: I f'T'TŚtcH | "V v v f% IH faāTHt ī fagH I ^ TOt: II V * - ? 3 ? II TT^ī HPtTHRTT FHēTJ frfH : fag^BTIA 1 323. In the place of ik, the penultimate of (verbal root, ending in) r, or v, a long (vowel) (8.2.76). In the place of ik, the penultimate of a verbal root ending in r or v, a long (vowel is substituted) when at the end of a pada . pipathīķ, pipathisau, pipathīrbhyām. 324. Even in (the case of) intervention by num, visarga, and śar (8.3.58). Even in the case of intervention by these, severally, in the place of s coming after iņ or ku, s (is substituted). Owing to the substitution of stu, in the place of the former, s (is substituted). pipathīssu. vidvān, vidvāmsau, he vidvan. 325. In the place of vasu, samprasāraņa (6.4.131). samprasāraņa is substituted in the place of a bha, ending in (the suffix) vasu. vidusaķ, vidvadbhyām . 6 Ba ; V ali this omitted W II I %srr:’ tsrcft |N %h: II | 1 3 HH JHTHt HH:'1 I $ raīP T I %dl«rrarV »i 3 ^ 9 3T?H 3Ū g ^ T 5 ^ II \9.^.*oV8 II 3KH sftēT FT ēT ^1 I 3Rft | II *t^ i ^T * II t srTsṭrT^r^nçr 3R^sļTī?çrçg ^īcttçt ^ f t ççft ^ 3 : I sp ṭ I "RT: 5?h *FT: 326. In the place of purns, asun (7.1.89). When followed by a sarvanāmasthāna. pumān, he puman, pumāmsau, pumsaķ, pumbhyām, puñnsu. vedhāh, vedhasau, he vedhaķ, vedhobhyām. 327. In the place of adas, au, and elision of su (7.2.107). In the place of adas, aut is substituted, and su is elided. asau. 328. In the case of adas, not (ending in) s, coming after d, u (short or long), (and) in the place of d, m. (8.2.80) In the case of adas, not ending in s, in the place of that which comes after d, u or ū is substituted; and in the place of d, m (is substituted). Owing to the principle of closest similarity, in the place of short, short u, and in the place of long, long ū> (is substituted). amū. In the place of jas, śi (is substituted). Then guņa (is substituted). ? B2 3*mr: before q^: ^ B2 omitted ç oo W t^ēT II č .'R .č t II 3RH> S T ēT H T ^ T Xļ$ ^T ^ *Ū WO TV ’ H T ē% fT# ñr^RTFTf H T ^ T T ^ : I . 3H C \ \ .I H V O 3 3 o * * * II C HĪ^TĪ% II fH I a p ft ^ H^TT^ft HīfH^: | 3THHT 3nT«TR O o C \ 3THtbī: 3 īhgh Tift¥çr: STH^nēT TH^ 3ThWR ^Hf^FT O 3 O N .3 O appft: O > 3 a p Ū *<o \ n u 329. In the place of et> %, when followed by plural (8.2.81). In the place of e coming after d, belonging to adas, ī (is substituted) and in the place of d, m (is substituted), when the sense of the plural is to be expressed. arrñ, amum, am ūn . After mu is substituted (for d ), the designation ghi becomes applicable and hence the substitution of nā (for tā). 330. m u (is) not, when n (is, or is to be, substituted) ( 8 .2 .3 ). After the substitution of nā is made or has to be made, the substitution of mu is not (to be considered as being) ineffective. a m u n ā ) amūbhyām> amībhiķ , amusmai, amībhiķ, amusmāt , amusya, amuyoķ, arrñsām, amusmin, amlsu. Thus ends (the section on) halanta pumllinga declension. l Bx omitted; B2; D ^ omitted p B2 ' B, anṛ: e s 7 D snṛcadded after anṛir: o >7 V adds ^ T ^ fH fē T I 3fHH 3H T 3H H TI 3 3 ? ^ u : ll 5ṛfW H^PcT ^ | II n f ^ f e ^ n f i r e fir a r ^ P w 11 vÛ H n f a s R ^ īg T Š\Š: I ^HTHēr ^ T ī ^ ^ 1 H W ^ H fw *q7H | ift: fe^ft šo P-TTih« *| h ): ^Tī?RTqTH 3HT- ūrcV m v irm 1 y i ^rercr: w * p r m * i ^T % WJ: H ^ ē T I 331. In the place of nah, dh (8.2.34). When followed by a (letter of the pratyāhāra) jhal or at the end of a pada. 332. When followed by the verbal roots nah, vrt, iffs, vyadh, ruc, sah, and tan with kvi affixed to them (6.3.115). When followed by these, ending in the suffix kvip, a long (vowel is substituted for the vowel in what precedes them ). upānat, upānahau, upānadbhyām3 upānatsu. usņik} usņihau, usņigbhyām . dyauķ> divau, dyubhyām. gth, girau, gīrbhyām. Similarly (is declined) pur . catasraķ, catasrņām . kā, ke, kāh, like sarvā. \ ^ V * B2, V omitted B2 omitted B2 P r : added after fird V. added after °*pjrr*T 3 3 3 u: ^ II V 9 .R U 0 N *T:? I ^TH I ēn^TSRanr I STT I S5%fa H: I 3ITVZTR a n fa : areñ arettr: am ro r a ^ r t r ^ tt: ih t h ang i * \ ^ r ṛ# ēqr: i rçaf ēr? *r? rççrç i ^ N ^r=^ ^TrvṛļTH Ni arpT: arī: 1 33 " \ ^ rV tvitth i * 3TTt fit II '$.'*,'*6 || aprçṛft >TRl 5R*rn l a rf^ : arçwT: a r m arcj* 1 333. y, when followed by su (7.2.110). In the place of d belonging to idam, y (is substituted). iyam. The substitution of a by the rule tyadādīnām etc. (Then) tāp (is appended). Then m (is substituted for d by the rule) daśca . ime, im ā h } imām , anayā} ābhyām, ābhiķ, asyai, asyāķ} asām, asyām, āsu. srak, srajau, sragbhyām. syā, tye, tyāh. Similarly (are declined) tad, yad, etadvāk, vācau, vāgbhyām. āpaķ, apaķ. 334. In the place of ap, when followed by bh (7.4.48). In the place of ap, t (is substituted) when follovved by a case-ending beginning with bh. adbhiķ, adbhyaķ, apām, apsu. \ Bx V ķ: h:; B 2 ^ ṛ f t D omitted 3 D çv3 f: added after V After 3ṛqj V reads: 9 ççift m ^%fčT I I^ I čT^T f T: I <T FT sfi: I \ o3 x fč^rV fefVJHṛr I īļī; ēf^ft 3H«TTH | x c x c c x X X fvTC fc p ft X X C\ | C\ Fē=TH I «3T: H^rdl O C S X I ^THift: 3 n f w t ? S t T ^ ^ HX I V CS X o c\ x c s 3RŪ I ^ H ē % I 3HT 3TH: 3PTH 3THITT apr^T*? aRŪT: C a n r^ O suttīt : CN a m ^ ī : appft: apPriH 2 app^Tin afHH I O VO C \ X ' O X C\ 0 II ? f a II dik, diśau, digbhyām . drk , drśau, dygbhyām . tvit, tvisau tvi<ļbhyām. The substitution of ru (takes place in the following words). sajūh, sajusau, sajūrbhyām. āšīh, āśisau, āślrbhyām . asau. The substitution of u and m takes place (and we have) amū, amūh, am ūm , amuyā, amūbhyām, amubhiķ, amusyai} amūbhyaķ, amusyāh, amuyoķ, amūsām, amusyām, am ūsu . Thus ends (the section on) halanta stñlihga declesion. \ V for: after fo ft R B2 srrfor: after snfcvft 3 V omitted * Bi ĶZFŠt: I ?oY I Šfa 'T3ČT •O N I I 1JHrēTSēT I 3T: 3TCt ^īfT ^ĪTT I ^ T īfT 1 far<T % ^TfH I ĶZĶ %% ^ H īfa I št^t i n yW>'Mi Hvfrit ^T 5n^T: II | WfT I ŠTĶPT I *$P>ft I 3(Ķ: sṝfHt 3T|Ht STfrffT I 3 3 ^ 3Tfļ II II (In the case of svanaduķ ), there occurs elision of su and am; and substitution of d. (Thus we get) svanadut, svanaduhī, svanadvāmhi. Again like that. The rest like the masculine. vāh} vāñ, vāri/ vārā} vārbhyām. catvāri. kim , ke, kāni. idam , ime, imāni. brahma. 335. When followed by sambuddhi, in the case of the neuter (words), the optional elision of n should be stated. he brahma , he brahman, b rahm aņī. ahaķ, ahrñ, ahani, ahāni. 336. Ahan (8.2.68). 3T|H VĶFŠ I tT ^Ī'^riļ I ^fa^īft ^ o f ļf V | hh ? 9 ēra; % ērrfa i Hēī ^ ē rN ēraēft i 33\9 W T h ra fa i ^ ṭrṝnfH i II \d.l.is% II a n ^ ē r r a ^ ś t e r a 'n s r a t a r ^ ^fēT I epra i h h 3 ē r a r a n ^ r a i sr< ?fra In the case of ahan, ru is substituted when at the end of a pada . ahobhyāmdaņdi, daņdinī, daņdini. tat, te, tāni; yat, ye, yāni; etat, ete, etāni. dadat, dadañ. 337. Optionally in the case of the neuter (7.1.79). (The augment) num is optionally (appended) to śatr coming after a neuter reduplicate, when follovved by sarvanāmasthāna. dadanti, dadati. tudat . X V adds after | ^ Bļ iT çfčT tTct ^cTī^T repeated once again. B V adds t^ T T č T after ^ N Tttjt ^ II i3 .\.6 o II sR-ēriH q r t v: ç rļT ^ rç ṛre ^ ç rc n ^ t ' ^ č f l 5?ēfl $<?f% i H ^ēd \ W 5N5nfīlŪīēmT II ld^.6% II hh d tn e t: i 338. (The augment) num , after a , when followed by šī or nacft (7.1.80) (The augment) num (is appended) optionally to the part of šatr, which comes after (a base) ending in a, when followed by ^ or nacfi. tudanfi , tudaft , tudanti. pacat. 339. After śap and šyan, obligatory (7.1.81). (The augment) num (is appended) to that which ends in that part of śatr which comes after the d of śap and śyan> when it is followed by & or nadī• pacantī, pacantu dXvyat> dīvyanñ , dīvyanti . ç Bļ omitted ^ B2 omitted V faēT after V V after ^ V omitted ^ V omitted 3 ? o\ṣ hh : spth E •o o «prffr i es o x i n;# ^ s rtfa e rP T : i ’ 'P ī::! <PTīfa3 'PflPTR'v ,I are: api* rfa i šre 'TSēT c\ a pcs o s. l ffa II dhanuķ, dhanusl, dhanūrhsi, dhanurbhyām. Similarly (are declined) caksuķ, haviķ, etc. p a y a ķ ) payañ} payāmsi, payobhyām. adaķ , amū, amūni. The rest like the masculine. Thus ends (the section on) halanta kliba declension. $ After çprcft \ 0 V reads ^ D omitted ļ D qzTH T after eprifa V D omitted I « X X 5ifaPĪ<ftfa I ?o<t F r r• Ns r r : « \ srīēre* \ hhčtt O >’ Ķ 3Ī^ ṭTč( IT^H HHH h^ h N h H thN ,^ n fe i h ^ī %Hrfc I ā H ffč m T tč ft I āT5CTkK|cgq: II ņ .'t.č ņ || STczpīiH f^f^ēTFTf'T: g'RH ?ĶH ñīH fo ī^ H o I ^ Ī^ H T I 3 T « TI ^ fa līfe īH I V( H^H o q?T «fflr rr?53HTH > II II ffēf 3T3U*nfh? II II 3ffa ^W[«IH II avyaya 340. Svar etc. and the nipāta (are designated) (1.1.37). svar, antar, prātar, etc.; ca, vā, ha, aha, eva, evam, nūnam, śaśvat, etc. Both these are ākrtigaņas. 341. In the place of āp and sup coming after avyaya. (2.4.82). In the place of (the suffix) āp, and the sup (case-endings) enjoined in the case of an avyaya, elision (is substituted). tatra, śālāyām; atha. That, which is the same in (ali) the three genders, and in ali the cases, and in ali the numbers, (that is) which does not change, is avyaya (in the literal sense of the term ). Thus ends Here ends \ B2 om itted ^ Bx o * i< thi: D adds after sparcrfr I 3 This colophon found only in V. (the section on) avyayas. (the section on) subanta. ( am ) N včte * \ " S vsz • \ vsz v z •N'O^C's ^ O N vVĶ -v C '- \ II o ?t: vnf®r sr Wī% V^TTTT: = E TI 3 * 3 n& TH «ff II ^ I I II ^hPc Vf W . I 3HfHT%mr *T T % ^ f a H Č m r ’ sm C nfçft: Ht^H I t N i atsifiRŪ i h ^ tt'jthth h Ič * \ M ^STR t M C ' HHT^riH NI ^ f aC c \ <s ^fṛf fm% | lat, litJ lut, IrtJ Iet, lot, lañ, liñ, luñJ Irh (are the ten lakdras). 342. I, in the sense of the object and (the a ģ e n t); and after intransitive (verbs) in the sense of bhāva and (the aģent). (3.4.69). The lakāras are appended to transitive (roots) to signify the object as well as the aģent. To intransitive (roots, they are appended) in the sense of bhāva as well as the aģent. 343. In the sense of the present, lat (3.2.123). After a root pertaining to a present action, lat (is appended). (In lat ) a and t are indieatory; l is not indicatory, owing to the fact of its announcement. y b h u = t o be. When there is a desire to express the aģent, (we get) bhū la . In that position, ? B2 ^N H F fc^r 0 ^ V adds piTrf after ļ B2 fč^ 0 fa<T3fffiT fiE m ēm n ^.v.ṭ9<i H I || ēnām «m tFrH m r tTēlSiSHT^r vJI^TT: W. T t ē # R n II TēT't'T^HfH: FT:? I > s ^ *ēta H R T ēHHTṛ*T II ? X ? o o || ēTš 5RiTTfīT: 3*vs ain?TTTfeēī sjtēn n 'rçņ a p• R Ī^ TN O . < t? ftrt 11 %čH5H: FC I yW 5nqm S : I n aft f e fN . ēF ^ ēlT ^ HTēft: SFTTH 3TRRH— i 344. ṭi/?, tas, jhi , gzp, thas, tha, mip, vas, mas, ta, ātām, jha, thās, āthām, dhvam, it, vahi, mahiñ (3.4.78) These eighteen are the substitutes of L 345. ly parasmaipada (1.4.99). The substitutes of l have the designation parasmaipada . 346. ta ñ and āna, ātmanepada (1.4.100). The (endings in the) pratyāhāra ta ñ , śānac and kānac* have this designation. (This is) an exception to the former desig nation. 347. After (a root), having anudātta indicatory (svara) or having an indicatory ñ, ātmanepada (1.3.12). After a root, that has anudātta indicatory svara or an indicatory ñ in upadeśa, ātmanepada endings are substituted. I Bx 3H^n: ^ Bx omitted ^ Bx This sūtra and the comm. thereon omitted f^ rē R ^ «TTēftTTēHH'K ^ H T fa fH f w ^ 1*% ’ stalēTJPHfT M'«4tq** II l .ī .l d č II 3HēfTHH?fHrHtī|tHTēr «TTēTt: y \o fṝre^sftfa sflfa 5t«nT*Ts*nitTmT: u fḍ[T- gmpft: 'T^rt: ^rfT W T : W ṭT * ^ēRŠ^T: •TT^HT'? ^ ē T 3 I n l I 348. After (a root), having svarita indicatory (svara) or having an indicatory ñ, when the result of the action is meant for the aģent (1.3.72). After a root, having svarita indicatory or an indicatory ñ, ātmanepada (is substituted for Z), when the result of the action is (intended) to accrue to the aģent. 349. After the rest, parasmaipada, in the (1.3.78). sense of aģent. After a root, devoid of the condition for (the substitution of) ātmanepada , in the sense of the aģent, parasmaipada is sub stituted. 350. The three triads of the tin (endings), prathama, madhyama and uttama (1.4.101). The three triads of tin , of both the padas , have these designations respectively. \ ^ \ v B2 The whole sūtra and the comm. thereon omitted Bļ This sūtra and the comm. thereon omitted V omitted v šfilis: m -. II HITTfH mo: I II H ṝW A ^ H H T fd - ^<R?TR^ fa ^ ” \^ T W T ^ 3 T fa fH H^TH: I m T fo u fa HmH: II H"trfA V O 3HTH5HHĪH O SPTm " 3 *TR l| ^ 3<\3 3W*TOrW II ?-Y ?<>V 9 II ēr«rm^ c s i 3<V* ? r s m : ii i . v . t o č ii m fṝr un# i 351. They, severally, (are designated) ekavacana, dvivacana and bahuvacana respectivelv. (1.4.102) The three triads having received the designations prathama etc., severally are designated ekavacana etc. 352. When yusmad is used as upapada in agreement or even (when it is so) understood, madhyama (1.4.105). When yusmad , expressive of the kāraka to be expressed by the tin} is used or (even when) not used, madhyama (endings are used). 353. When asmad, uttama (1.4.107). Under similar conditions. 354. In the rest, prathama (1.4.108). Thus, when (b h ū la) has become bhū ti . ■ \ II f e ^ f r 5I<T II II II ftT H ^ Hīč^fH^TTl^HT tTHēHfīT: ĪĶ: \ HRHTļ% HTēft: HH I 3V3 ^TīluTplTUUTgît: II v s I I 3HHTt: H rq> :? w r: I l » F t r f * r r ^ ī *P»T: I 3ī ^ t^H : I >T^% 5ŪS??T: II « • M II STČH'H^ī^fH ITPT 3R fT^r: | 3Tṛft H^T I TT^f?H I SRrftf | 355. tin and ( pratyayas) having indicatory ś (are design ated) sārvadhātuka. (3.4.113). The tin endings and the pratyayas with indicatory ś, that are enjoined in the topic concerning dhātu, have this designation. 358. When followed by (a tin) signifying aģent, śap (3.1.68). Whcn a sārvadhātuka (ending) signifving aģent follows, to a root, śap (is appended). 357. When followed by sārvadhātuka and ārdhadhātuka (7.3.84). When these follow, guņa is substituted in the place of an añga , ending in ik. Then (takes place) the substitution of av. bhavati, bhavataķ. 358. In the place of jh, ant (7.1.3). In the place of jh, (which forms) part of a pratyaya, ant is the substitute. (Then applies the rule) ato guņe; (and we have) bhavanti, bhavasi, bhavathaķ, bhavatha. \ Bļ sūira omit ted ^ V omitted ^ 3Tēī> II V9 . ^ . ? o ^ U 3Tēfr3^FT 3Tf w f a 3H^T 3^0 H^TRl HRHT5 % I w f a ^PT ^T^TH: | ii 3 W W T: ^ WT I H: ^ f H I ēd VRH: I H H ^fvf I vṛ SPTfH q ft^ II > ^HT'Tg'HHHCriTr'T^d': Hīēft: f ^ c\ c FĪTēT I > n %TH I fčT^T^T: I qTfHqd R i ^ g g ^ w f ? r » t ē q m : u fe-īftčT^KlHr UT^R*T:? WO . I ’H C N3[ 359. yañ. (7.3.101). In the place of at, a long (vowel), when followed by In the place of a base (ending in) at, a long (vowel is substituted), when followed by a sārvadhātuka (ending) beginning with a (letter of the pratyāhāra) y a ñ . bhavāmi, bhavdvaķ, bhavāmaķ . saķ bhavati, tau bhavataķ, te bfiavanti, etc. etc. 360. In the sense of paroksa, lit (3.2.115). After a root employed to signify a m atter of the past, not of today, and not seen (by the aģent), lit is appended. In the place of l, tip etc. (are substituted). 361. In the place of the parasmaipada (endings), ņal, atus, us, thal, athus, a, ņal, va and ma (3.4.82). In the place of tip etc. of lit are Thus (we get) bhu a; in this position. \ D omitted substituted ņal etc. ^ B? °5sft TO TO: ^ ^ 3T% I II \ x . t t II 3^3 fo fe a r r f ^C H i^ : N htçh jt -.J u %.\. č \ \ f o f j iT srdt'H iH rj'1 s r r e e r ^ r w tj^rsr: s m ç i r £ *ṛr: i feēfto^T i ī r e s. tC r\as. O II st ^f% fçsr# i i(^fs¥qTO: II m £ £ ēHTt: I ^ t f e : 7T1: II vs.V.ô II 3T ^H F T dīīf^ f oS % £ q £ ? | 362. In the case of V b h ū , vuk , when followed by luñ or lit . (6.4.88). When followed by (luñ and lit beginning with) a vowel. 363. When followed by lit, in the case of a root other than abhyāsa (6.1.8). When followed by lit, in the place of the first monosyllabic part of a root other than abhyāsa, two are substituted. However, in the place of the second part, coming after a vowel standing at the beginning. Thus when the position becomes, bhūvbhūv a, 364. The former (is designated) abhyāsa (6.1.4). (The former) of the two that are here. 365. The first hal, śesa (7.4.60). The first consonant of the abhyāsa remains. \ b2 °*zTm srTččṛ° ^ V adds arīr after | II ll TTSRk: II vs.y.«3 II « R ^ R T f ^ R F T 3ī: çrrrṛr f a f e i īļč 3T«n% ’ Z Š II č .'t.'ļ* II arssnšr ?T^f =3T: I 3*nr c\ \\% f o s * ll c\ o snw c\ o: I ll I HHT'1 ^T HT if-T f lç ^ ^ r f e r s r 3TTusrrg=F:? i 366. A short (vowel). (7.4.59). In the place of the vowel of the abhyāsa. 367. In the place of y b h ū , a (7.4.73). In the place of the letter u belonging to the abhyāsa of y b h ū , a is substituted, when followed by lit. 368. In the abhyāsa, car also (8.4.54). In the place of the (letters of the pratyāhāra) jhalin the abhyāsa, (letters of the pratydhāra) car are substituted, and (letters of the pratyāhāra) jaś. The specification is jaś (letters) in the place of jhaś (letters) and car (letters) in the place of khay (letters). (Thus we get) babhūva , babhūvatuķ , babhūvuķ369. And lit (3.4.115). tin, which is the substitute in the place of lit, is (design ated ) ārdhadhātuka. ^\3o II II «nrfasT īijīK T ^ «nrfaH I C \ C s ^: O šṛ*Pī C \ iiW3 C \ «O C \ C \ 31 s ? aR ST ^^ni n ^rfA^fH 3ī H?ĪHHSH STRftvfe o î 30 ^ çitēmft č ^ t : ii v \ ?-33 > > HTčfftēft iFēfr W17ĪT: TTH: I SRĪSTRK: I vt ffṝT W §& i\c .o c c *\ c 31 33 anusng^ II ^ .V .^ K II I I fH šif^yftSH Tt STTēft: ffēf f ^ H : ’ HčHH 370. In the case of an ārdhadhātuka (ending), beginning with a vai, it (7.2.35). babhūvitha, babhūvathuķ, babhūva, babhūva, babhūviva, babhūvima. 371. In the sense of (future) not of today, lut (3.3.15). In the sense of a matter of the future, not of today, after a root, lut (is appended). 372. sya and tāsi, when folknved by Ir and lut (3.1.33). In the case of a root, these two are appended, when Ir (i.e. Irt and Irñ) and lut follow. (This is) an exception to the śap etc. By Ir, both lrn and Irt are to be understood. 373. The rest, ārdhadhātuka (3.4.114). A pratyaya, enjoined under the adhikāra, dhātoķ, other than the tin and those with indicatory ś, have this design ation. (The augment) it (is appended). ç Bl5 D This sentence omitted \\6 313* štc: n rc h ff: ll ņ ,'X .6 \ II 30^ i : II V * - ? * 3 II w f ^ £ 1 fefēr i f e ē ^ H īH ^ iē r ā m ^ i U śvtf'T: \ ^ fa n r i ^133 II «.*.<*<> ll Hī £1 5R*FĪ t £ I 31319 f r ^ u vs.v.h? 11 Tr?d 5Tē*ra H«TT I ^ f ē T R t HkTHPC: T lfa ṛrrfa ^ N ē n ? « ī: STfaēTT?T ^rf^ēTlftH t r f ^ R ī T : T rfa a H ’J: 1 374. In the place of the prathama (endings) of lut, dā, rau, ras. (2.4.85) 375. In the place of % i (6.4.143). Of bha, elision is substituted, when followed by a pratyaya, having an indicatory d. By the force of (the affix dā) having indicatory d, elision of the ti, of even that which is not bha, takes place. (Hence we get) bhavitā. 376. In the place of tās and as, elision. (7.4.50). When followed by a pratyaya beginning with 5. 377. And when followed by r (7.4.51). The same, when followed by a pratyaya, beginning with r. (Thus we have) bhavitārau, bhavitāraķ, bhavitāsi, bha vitāsthaķ, bhavitāstha, bhavitāsmi, bhavitāsvaķ, bhavitāsmaķ. \ Bx F ro m here upto STc*!? I o m itted ^ Bx o m itted ^ 6 55? 5TO ^ II II ç?T: l ^ H T ēft: CN f w « ī f a t f ^ n z r r H H ^ T H ē ^ t H I I ^ f ^ ^ ī f ē f ^ r f ^ ē f : 'H f a ṁ r f a r ^ f ^ i [ f H ' ) ṭT fčT E ip ṛ ^ U ^ l T f H ■¥Tf% çq-R‘: H f ^ iT T H : I Š t ļ * II. o H S T T ēfl^ rfe•v | II 3?o ’ a n fo fa fcsF55ltū ll ī<z\ r ç * : ll ī -V . 6 % ll < št? f^ T T ç ir s : l ^ 3 378. I And in the remaining cases, Irt (3.3.13). After a root used to signify a matter of the future, Irt is appended, whether there is or is not another verb (denoting an action performed) for the sake of the (future) action. (The affix) sya and (the augment) it (are appended and then we have) bhavisyati,bhavisyataķ , bhavisyanti, bhavisyasi, bhavisyathaķ, bhavisyatha , bhavisyāmi, bhavisyāvaķ, bhavisyāmaķ. 379. And lot (3.3.162) In the senses of vidhi etc., after a root, lot is appended. 380. In the sense of benediction, liñ 381. In the place of i} u (3.4.86). and lot (3.3*173). In the place of the letter ibelonging to lot, u (is substituted). bhavatu . \ B2 o m itted ^ B2 F rom here u p to arīferfa o m itte d ^^fhFčīīēT^ ānf5īG M T Ma tt-Mi*ļ II a n fa fa 51TtçčHeT5 ^T | <TTē3TēT \6 \ wl£t <55JR[II II h A^SP II I H qW I oSrJ^ļlHK'T: I HoSTT^ I Ī 6 * H P tF ^ T T trt#čTW: II ļ.Y .? o ? II ferR ^ rf īč W : I WTTH ST^Fī I u \ ^ a rP t^ r n ^rtsr: % % i H l s f n ^ i ī č ļ 3Tčft ll % .){ .\o \ || vFF o " v I *pr’ SFTHīēT > ■ *RēHT ■ " \ ST3ēr 1 382. In the place of tu and hi, tātañ, in the sense of benediction, optionally. (7.1.35). In the sense of benediction, in the place of tu and hi, tātañ is optionally (substituted). O n the strength of postēriority, (this) is a substitute of the whole. bhav.atāt. 383. In the case of lot, like lañ (3.4.85). In the place of lot, tām etc. (are substituted); and 5 is elided. 384. In the place of tas, thas, tha, and mip, tām, tam, ta and am (3.4.101). In the case of the four (lakāras), having indicatory ñ, tām etc. are (substituted). bhavatām, bhavantu. 385. In the place of si, hi, and apit (3.4.87). In the case of lot, in the place of si, hi (is substituted). And it is apit. 386. After at, in the place of hi (6.4.105). elision (is substituted). bhava, bhavatāt, bhavatam, bhavata. % B2 omitted U sfe : i II u i h \ 6 t a n ^ rth ç n Pnrar h Ttt^ hçh w P r ^ r i fç s ftç ṛ# h i ^ ft^ r< v ī- HT*parfēT •\ I W f H I ^ fa č tf f e a : ii ^ x . \ \ n ^TTHēTFiT fefxTHFT oṭTT:? I UPTR W ^ o ar^gṛTH u 3^ I . ? ? ? it a r^ H H ^ ē r m ^C S f f ē r t ^ ^N 1 C \ 387. In the place of mi, ni (3.4.89). In the case of lot . 388. In the case.of the uttama (ending), āt; and pit (3.4.92). In the case of the uttama (endings) of lot, (the augment) āt (is appended). And it is pit. In the place of hi and ni, u is not substituted, owing to the force of the announcement of i (in them ). bhavāni. 389. Obligatory, in the case of ( lakāra ), having indicatory A. (3.4.99). In the place of the uttama ending of a lakāra with indicatory n} ending in the letter velision (is substituted). bhavāva, bhavāma. 390. In the sense of (the past), not of today, lañ (3.2.111). After a root, employed to signify a m atter of the past, not of today, lañ (is appended). \ Bļ From here upto omitted ^ V façzf added before ^ rt: } B2 ' • • O N ' N C'V O ' * irc ^ ^ rrī i fēt5sr ii ^ 4 0 0 11 f e f ī vSFT HT^H'ī^fH fUTHH HH ’S HFT ^t*T: I ’ ^ ^ ē fN 3īwwērrH N artfRFT * • anra: > anrsRr * \ anrara 1 smRT*r 1 3^3 ftfu ^M ^"U M ^«ntnw w sR ^rr^w f e s 11 3 . 3 . ? ^? 11 m īļš q<w t3uaTfū feṛr ^ 11 3 .*.? 03 11 f^^: «TOfaSFTT mg§T»PŪ? fe^T I 391. In the case of luñ, lañ and lrn , at , udātta (6.4.71). In these ( lakāras), the añga has the augment a t (appended to it). 392. Of it also (3.4.100) In the case of a lakāra with indicatory ñ , elision (is sub stituted) in the place of that which is parasmaipada and which ends in i. abhavat, abhavatām, abhavan, abhavaķ, abhava tam, abhavata, abhavam, abhavāva, abhavāma. 393. In the senses of command, directing, inviting, expression of wish, enquiring and asking for, Un. (3.3.161) In these senses, to a root, liñ (is appended). 394. In the parasmaipada endings, yāsut, udātta and with indicatory n (3.4.103). In the case of parasmaipada (endings) of the liñ, the augment yāsut is appended, (and it is) ñit . ç Bx From here upto 3PT 3T : omitted ^ Bx after °Tiṛft > II VS.^.VS^ II U m r^foS 'dsH -ṛīT F T USU vtlH: I f f a SFcT I 3Tṛh un: II \9.^.<io || 3TH: 'R F I HRUTēJÛU^ZT Ur fēUFT ¥ { I ’m : I S V » « I n t « ñ n f e ii v b V t ii *T% H ^H T H I N . > ī% 6 f e II I U%n: « || H%HH * • U%ēf » N U%U I '•fasTisifu ii 3 - v . m s n R rfa f o s f ^ T s h r r g ^ ir : i 395. In the case of liñ, in the place of not final s, elision. (7.2.79) In the case of the sārvadhātuka Un, in the place of the not final s, elision is substituted. In this position, 396. In the place of yā coming after at, iy (7-2.80). In the place of the yā, a part of the sārvadhātuka (ending), coming after at, iy (is substituted). Then, guņa (takes place). 397. In the place of v and y, elision, when followed by vai (6.1.65) bhavet, bhavetām . 398. In the place of jhi, jus (3.4.108). In the case of liñ. bhaveyuķ, bhaveķ, bhavetam, bhaveta, bhaveyam, bhaveva, bhavema . 399. In the sense of benediction, Un (3.4.116). The tin, belonging to the liñ in the sense of benediction, is designated ārdhadhātuka . \ B2 T his sūtra om itted v o o f ^ īftr fh ii 3 3ī ī M h htçī ii fw i h ^ īt : i * o? ’ f e f a ^ n ?.? «\ ll S * fnērfcH ^ feftrfaṛr h v oḍH^r C h rṛr: i 'h h ih C \ > w ç \ *ēTIH ^TIĪTH: I w : HHRHH W ^H I ■NCÔCN C \ ” \ THTiçī C S C \ H HN C N Tl^ HHTTH C Š3TII H ? ! » *rērm sriēfr: \ C N II ^T^T^RT?: I 400. In the sense *of benediction, having indicatory k. (3.4.104). (The augment) yāsut of the liñ in the sense of benediction is (to be considered) as having an indicatory k.Then (takes place) the elision of i. 401. And when followed by what hasindicatory k,g, or ñ. I» ^ II ( U ‘5) The guņa and the vrddhi, indicated by ik, are not (sub stituted), when the cause (thereof) has an indicatory k or g or ñ. bhūyāt, bhūyāstām, bhūyāsuķ, b h ū yā h } bhuyāstam , bhuyāsta, bhūyāsam, bhūyāsva, bhūyāsma. 402. luñ (3.2.110). (is appended) after a root (employed) to convey a matter of the past. 403. In the case of lu ñ } cli(3.1.43). (This is) an exception to śap etc. \ B2 T h is sūtra om itted Y o )g II II vo m' i r r i t a r a or o rc\ a r: ṁṁ" « >I ^ <r w ^ o ii ^ . y vsvs ii Y o ^ v r g ^ t f e r f e n \ 9 . v d £ ii tT^-zft; HRHT5% fṛrfe Hm H l 3T 'H ēT 3TM HTH 3 ī^ H 3PT: C N 30THH C S \ 3[ṭļṛr C \ 3lW C NT anRčT C \ spflrH C \ | Y o V3 f a g i f l n u t II 3 - 3 - m M U.^fdfHTTH I p .v j TrfAṁT^«T HTēfr% I In the place of cli, sic (3.1.44). f w q r a rfro rū Jimnrnr’ * \ i ap rioraN arTrr^^rH * \ arvrf^TH * \ i 404. 405. In the case of gāti, sthā, ghu, pā and bhū, in the place of sic, when parasmaipada endings follow. (2.4.77) Elision (is substituted). 406. In the place of \/b h ū and V sū, when followed by tin, (7.3.88) In the place of (the roots) bhū and sū, when followed by a sārvadhātuka tin, guņa is not (substituted). abhūt, abhūtām , abhūvan, abhuh, abhūtam, abhūta , abhūvam, abhūva , abhu ma. 407. When there is an occasion for liñ, Irñ, m the sense of non-completion of an action (3.3.139). The relation of cause and efīect, etc. (is) the occasion for (affixing) liñ. When it is there, after a root employed in the sense of a matter of the future, Irñ (is afīixed), when the noncompletion of the action is implied. abhavisyat, abhavisyatām , \ Bx ^ V ṭ çtrT^FTnr 3T^f^Gq-: 3nrf¥*Tēr«T aṛ^rf^rrsīfçf snrfaG ire s ra ñ p a rra ^T H I ṝK Ī gfHaTHUTf^H I 3īo HTHēttHHH I aRTfir’ | V a t 3RT an%: 1 1 va.v.vso ll 3HBTTT^f^ēft 5hr: i 3HH a n ^ : an tū r^HT I arrç: s j ī l ^ ī aTīēPj: 3TRT aTrčT 3[TfēFT anfčHT | 3ļf^RTT 3 ^ 1 * % 3RT5 I Su«'*U^l»U*ļ H % X.*R II s r ^ r r ^*ļ ^ tr ç h ih i NON C . > O i strth * \ 3t%ēr N arē^TH N anč^rrfa fa fft i abhavisyan, abhavisyaķ3 abhavisyatam, abhavisyata, abhavisya?n, abhavisyāva, abhavisyāma. suvT§0 ced abhavi?yat tadā subhiksam abhavisyat, and such other illustrations should be understood. at — to go constantly. atati. 408. In the place of the initial at (7.4.70). In the place of a short a, at the beginning of abhyāsa. long (vowel is substituted). āta, ātatuķ , ātuķ, ātitha, ātathuķ , āta, āta, ātiva, ātima, atitā, atisyati, atatu. 409. 72). āt in the case of (roots) beginning with a vowel. (6.4. In the case of an añga, beginning with a vowel, (the augment) āt (is appended), when followed by luñ} lañ or lfñ. ātat, atet, atyāty atyāstām. After luñ is affixed, sic is appended, and (the augment) i is attached, * V adds aṛerčT : amfcr SRTfa arflr«r: 3T čT «r Sf^Tīfa 3 [ ^ : 3 C R T T * T :I ^' V « \ •» ^ N Y ? o 3 T f e T f ^ Ū S q # II f^ rH T H ĪH * tt ^ f f e » 6^.RČ II II T ^ a p p ^ Ķ vt iz' I *PFT ^>T: I f iī5 ^ q tr v i^ r fa srt ?n u: u a iīṛ f lH*\ 3TTfHG£TH -s . | f in t w tf a R t f a w t ļ n ii f H ^ t s ^ f ṛ r r ē r• SU ^ h q ^ ç * r f e č s r a f a p r t O* \ i ā c f H Ho: 3 H ēfr: 3 n f ṝ H 5 H a r r f i m -\ a n f ṛ n s r 3 n f H ṁ r 1 3 n f a w r e r *\ i * s3 h ^ 5 * rc s t r ṅ ē r n r r ^ r r f a i * n ? fn i 410. In the case of a single (consonant), coming after V as or after sic (7.3.96) In the case of a single consonant, coming after an existing sic or after asti ( = y/as), (the augment) ī is appended. 411. After it, when followed by It (8.2.28) . In the place of s elision is (substituted). 412. It should be stated that the elision of sic is recognized as having taken place, in the case when a single substitute is made. āfit, ātistām . 413. And after sic, abliyasta and \/v id (3.4.109). In the place of jhi, belonging to a lakāra having an indicatory ñ, coming after sic, abhyasta, and V vid, jus (is substituted). ātisuķ, āñķ, ātistham, ātistha, ālisam, ātisva, ātisma. ātisyat. V gad = to speak articulately. gadati. \ V f 9 WW. II v s .Y .^ II 3 T Č Ta m : II V9. ^. t?t II ^ f e 'f^TfH fafēT H 5 T ^ | 3PII5 ^TR 5 :q 3pT|: aPīfesT: api^T: o aPTS I «P*rPTl 5 T T II V9.».^? II ’ Pith çmṛr. i apīrc ^ r% i 414. i t o i n f e r r i nfe- i is n ṛ r i In the place of ku and h, cu (7.4;62). In the place of kavarga and the letter h, belonging to the abhyāsa, cavarga is substituted. 415. In the place of penultimate at (7.2.116). vrddhi (is substituted) when followed by a pratyaya having indicatory ñ or ņ. jagāda, jagadatuķ, jagaduķ, jagaditha , jagadathuķ, jagada. 416. ņal (of the) uttama, optionally (7.1.91), is (to be considered) as having indicatory ņ. jagāda, jagada, jagadiva, jagadima, gaditā / gadisyati, gadatu, agadat, gadet, gadyāt. I Bļ D omitted ^ D before fbṛčr0 V?V9 3Trft snrf^G^ṝf i N II vs.^.vs II fa fa i s h t ^ čt 3ī t r 1h i *rj tštvt i 3 «IjanfirftBTftrTfHtBT 3ntr: n ç ^t p ī .? .^ n i 5RIRT 3F^ II \ X . \ o II % «JT^H^T:'1 | « ṛ ī ^ l - ?WT^3T UTčl^: II 3 - ? . ^ II HHRH: ē^ST^T: | *ô ^ 417. In the place of laghu a} preceded by a consonant (7.2.7). In the place of a laghu a preceded by a consonant, i/rddhi (is substituted) optionally, when followed by sic and parasmaipada endings preceded by (the augment) i. agādit, agadīt, agadisyat. V gup = to protect. 418. After (the roots) gup , dhūp, vicch, paņ , and pan, āya. (3.1.28). In their original sense. 419. Those which have san etc. at their end (are designated) dhātus (3.1.32). Those (bases), that have at their end, the pratyayas beginning with san (in 3.1.5) and ending with {kamēr) ņiñ (3.1.30), are designated dhātu . Because they are dhātus, lat etc. (are appended to them) 420. Short is laghu (1.4.10). ? V °ṣrvr: F.— 9 II II ^ i r t t -Ķ tš »re i ^ *F' i g*rer e n q srer ^ u # T ī? r fl i n ^ n ? .v .^ H JipēTC*! ^HTHPT ^ T ^ r w r iFT: H l^ '-H ^ rT H H r^ ^ : I arraren a n tis n g ^ ^ r n v ? - 3 ? n ^ T * i g ^ f e ^ [ ^ r H R ^ f W r īiH çh: i 1R<\ 3TTH snfētsm 1 1 f o f e 1 i ^ h h 3Hfļf^HrHHfTrtr HVwK i 421. When followed by a conjunct consonant, guru (1.4.11). When followed by a conjunct consonant, a short (syllable) becomes guru. 422. And long (1.4.12). guru. 423. In the case of (a base) having laghu penultimate and ending in puk (7.3.86) In the place of ik, belonging to a base ending in puk ( = p) and of (a base) having a laghu penultimate, guņa is substituted, when follovved by sārvadhātuka or ārdhadhātuka (pratyayas). gopāyatu 424. āya etc., in the case of ārdhadhātuka optionally (3.1.31). When ārdhadhātuka is intended to be stated, āya, iyañ) and ņin are optionally appended. 425. In the case of ^/kās and of roots of more syllables than one, (the pratyaya) ām should be stated, when follovved by lit. Owing to the enjoining of ām in the case of V kāss m (in ām) is not indicatory. ç V o m itted fdḍ-'cfSRīT’iP ļ 3Tēft || II a m N ī f ļ i t 'T ^ ^ ç ^ ē f HFTīēfT oHT 3TĪH:Hč]% I V^V9 arm: II II 3rr*r: HrrH ^• ON i f e f e II Ī .I .V o II 31THHHfc-^?'TTT: fH 3TČT II VS.V.^ II 3TT!He^T ^tēftSH 5T ē*H T I f f e : I r f r H H I ^ r ^ R :' | fe^TH TTvT ēT ītfoT STFcT I 426. In the place of at, elision (6.4.48). In the place of the a (short of that, which ends in a, when the ārdhadhātuka affix is enjoined, elision (is substituted) when followed by an ārdhadhātuka affix. 427. After ām (2.4.81). In the place of what comes after ām, elision (is substituted). 428,. And krñ is used when followed by lit. (3.1.40). After what ends in ām, V&7\ V b h ū and V as with lit after them are used. The reduplication etc. takes place in them. 429. In the place of r, at (7.4.66). In the place of r (short), belonging to the abhyāsa, at (is substituted), vvhen fo!lowed by a pratyaya. Then (this a) undergoes vTddhi. gopāyāñcakāra. When because of posteriority to (the rule enjoining) reduplication, yaņ becomes imminent, ? B2f3T>™0 ^ After this D reads iftTPTT^fn* iftT'iffHfriT ift<TPTH^*ni iftTTJHHTH snft'T «ĪHtflhTfvHĪ fVīT I 3THif)H qTrfqf?o5Z | H TlrT | śjfiTtj: i and from u to vTtṛfa is omitted I çfolT fā’ē^īf?' I mrfasTīēraīhTŚt > S f ā ^ f a f a ṛ r s f V a r? a n fo ū ^>5 : i i f h m n » ^ : i h i iftT p rr^ - II VS.^.?o || H H Š'ŠT 3ṛr H T ^ ^ Ī ^ Ī tT ^ H ēT 3;? ç .? ? # H| 1 11 ^ fčrç ^ o r^ fjpOOO T H ^ f^ ^ ) sīfsrhr: ^ wrr V( C oC t " S 430. When followed by a vowel (1.1.59). rnHī: o fHžHr: ^ c (causing) reduplication When followed by a vowel (which is) the cause of redupliction, in the place of ac, a substitute is not (placed), when (as yet) reduplication is to be effected. g opāyām ca kratuh3 gopāyām cakruķ. 431. After (a root) that is monosyllabic and is anudātta in the original enunciation. (7.2.10). The augment it is not appended to the ārdhadhātuka ( pra tyaya ), which comes after a root, which in the original enuncia tion is monosyllabic and anudātta . With the exception of roots ending in f« and f and the roots yu, tu, ksņu, śī, snu, nu, ksu, śzri, dm y śri, x/ņi and vfñ, ali monosyllabic roots ending in a vowel are declared to be nihata ( = anudātta). \ D °f% ?» V adds 3TŚ^>TTfē<S£ T T č T * >f^T I 3T^nftT > > 'ī ñ\ SFFcto N O • o5 T ^ ^ : I C HF: * I N O * N N O " N N> *(Z « S| J r f H fN ^T^ ^ ^ ^ r• ^T ^H N O ē if * N * N n o^JF n n n^R n ijprārn o ^ >*sc ^ r* e ^ fč * \f f r n ; "N i ^ arc src ' O ^N O' SNN īī>īĶ ĶĶ: H l^T I ^ T C H S īfa s fa g fa H ? f ^ HFH*T j «FH mN n W X ST VlJH 3T ST o ^N O* N STH N O" S ^w n o O *N* \ T > ■N n O 'N HĪH > fH^TT HļTT» I HFHH H t €( \'T IF T HN R N O H - ^^ O 3T1T * N fa < T " Nm o N HH " \ fṛF T ■ > ṛC .T <?cqfētq > - W<T 3H HH H q ^ q f a 5 T I *TFH H I C . N O ' S ' N > ' \ C n O N S H F^* I 3TFHH Ô T • OTTHHHHHT^ē^R: > * \ * \ N O N 'S ^ * s * n35T C* nH5T C* nf o r• * > ^ r fo sr f o r c r e r t entr \ h f h h f t f e re 3 ^ fgrç fH fa n f o r ftīH 5FT t(^ T ^ r I HFH'J SFFTHēft €[ I ?[F#H ^ Among (monosyllabic anudātta roots) ending in a consonant, (the following) 103 roots are anudātta,: (among roots) ending in k, (only) one, namely śakļ; among (those) ending in c, six: pac, muc, ric3 vac3 vic and sic; among (those) ending in ch (only) one: pracch ; among (those) ending in j3 fifteen: tyaj3 nijir, bha), bhañj, bhuj, bhrasj, masj3 yaj3 yuj3 ruj3 rañj, vijir3 svañji3 sañj and sr); among (those) ending in d3 sixteen: ad3 ksud, khid3 chid3 tud, nud3 padya3 bhid, vidya3 vinad, vvnd, śad, sad, svidya3 skand3 had; among (those) ending in dh3 eleven: krudh, ksudh, budhya, bandh3 yudh3 rudh3 rādh3 vyadh3 śudh3 sādh3 sidhya; among (those) ending in n3 two: manya, han; among those ending in p3 thirteen: āp, ksip, chup3 tap, tip, trpya3 drpya, lip3 lup3 vap, śap, svoap, srp; among (those) ending in bh3 three: yabh3 rabh, labh; among (those) ending in m 3 four: gam, yam3 nam, ram; among (those) ending in ś, te n : kruś, dañiś, diś, drś, mrs, riśy ruš, liśy vis, spfś; among those in in sy eleven: krs, tvis, tusy dvis, dus, pusya, pis, vis, śis, sus, ślis; among (those) ending in s two: ghas and ^TTTfīTÊxT^WRt •o 3T?KT 0 t ^!T - 0 s r R T ^ īf ip F ^čHT " NII īflT HfHTH1 ^HītT I II H>TIHT^«T H t'TR Ī^ST: o HI'TIH m ; H iT P īR ^ IT ■nt'TPTt- V(īiT ^ftrr?TRf,w īft'TR R fH T I ? 3t^q>qtēTrēS? fa č ī II *33 3ĪHiTtmēT T cj: ■ N TTtsPrfēSre > ffēT^ ^ lē TN .I W o-o ^ O •c o | H <(d^fd^rfH U H feēT> ^ T T II vs.^.VY II ī t t t f t ^ r ^ r r t n ROR ^ ^ V » 3T i ^nitfasr O îrVr^r i HtTrftrērT Htfačn HtcHī i »ftaT fa«īfa Ht^RfēT •o * \ Ht'TTHH O I 3[īftrTqṛr " \ I HtTRH * \ I A lT T ^ H ^ HṁTTH V O * • I 3[īftHHftH * \ I vas; among (those) ending in h, eight; dah, dih, duh, nah , mih, ruh , lih, vah. gopāyāmcakartha, gopāyāmcakrathuķ, gopāyāmcakra, gopāyarncakāra, gopāyārhcakara, gopāyāmcakTva, gopāyāmcakTma; gopāyāmbabhūva, gopāyāmāsa; jugopa. 432. After a not conjunct consonant, lit, kit (1.2.5). A lit, that has not an indicatory p, coming after a (not conjunct) single consonant, is (considered to be) kit. ( jugupa tuķ, jugupuķ) 433. After the roots svr, sū, sūya, dhū and roots with indicatory ū , optionally (7.2.44). In the case of ārdhadhātuka pratyaya beginning with vai coming after svr and other roots, or a root having an indic.atory ū, (the augment) it is optionally (appended). jugopitha, jugoptha; gopāyitā, gopitā, goptā; gopāyisyati, gopisyati, gopsyati; gopāyatu; agopāyat; gopāyet; gopāyyāt; gupyāt; agopāyīt. ç V omitted ^ V reads this sūtra and the comn. thereon after above. See note 2 on p. 131. II v s . ^ || ^ f e : f a f a T rrA n lH i ? fo 19N.V II T^n?) fnfH ^ c T fq 3ī?y> sTē* n < :.^ % n h fh i i arifī'ftH ^ ttV h Ih i 5T^: Teçq- Httr vdTt šffo I 3HftczrPT āTiftcg: ^TH W t: 3T#ēTH * \ % apfhēT 31HVHH -\ 3ĪH i^ ^ āīHt^H I āHftTīfH^TēT > , iç ç r 3īififdcī[H ■ N 3 īif m ē r ^ i srTH i ^rzrfer fcrerpr fa fc rç : i f*THH STHH 1 434. In the place of the vowel belonging to the roots vad, vraj, and roots ending in a consonant (7.2.3). In the place of the vowel belonging to these (roots), vrddhi (is substituted), when follovved by sic, (and) parasmaipada (endings). In this position. 435. Not, vvhen follovved by it (7.2.4). z/rddhi is not (substituted) in the place of (a base) ending in a consonant, vvhen follovved by sic preceeded by it. agopīt, agaup&t. 436. After jhal, vvhen follovved by jhal . (8.2.26). In the place of s, coming after a jhal, elision (is substituted) vvhen follovved by a jhal . agauptām , agaupsuķ , agau p sū h > agauptam, agaupta , agaupsam, agaupsva, agaupsma. agopāyi?ayt, agopisyat, agopsyat. Vfcsz = to vvane. When by the rule imminent. ksayati, ciksāya, ciksiyatuķ , cikçiyuķ. etc. the prohibition (of it) becomes ^ 1 1 'i spifoRT IT^- f o j ÛT H ^ r n I 3HirFH[^fHJtsf'T *ITTH | * \č 3TH^čHqH ^ f H ? > f o m t II V>.R.W II s 'r ^ r s s R ñ *rt arrpēTTHd fo ^ T fo r hh: 1 «r^ ^ r h i *3% •«fclsrttrf: II V9N-^^ II ^ T ^ r s ^ ī T ^ ē T I ^ fHFTTfHJ: HTFT «T^ ^*T H I YYo ^ «tRSTTSiçīt II V9.^.^^ II 437. After the roots kr, sr, bhr, v ī, stu, dru, sru and śru, when followed by lit (7.2.13). In the case of lit coming after V kr etc. only, (the augment) it is not appended. After others it is appended, even if they are anit . 438. After (a root ending in) a vowel, which is necessarily anit before tās, thal does not take the augment it (7.2.61). (The augment) it is not appended to thal coming after a root which in the original enunciation ends in a vowel and is necessarily anit when follovved by tāsi. 439. After that which has an at in the upadeśa (7.2.62). (The augment) it is not appended to thal, coming after a root which has an at in the original enunciation and which is necessarily anit when followed by tāsi. 440. After Tt, in the opinion of Bhāṛadvāja. (7.2.63). t V çrčf: < rht *\ ṛm ft fHēmf'Td: ^ s ṛ r . i h r w t fīRiT F ī T ^ I f a f a f t r ī f a f e r M i S7HT tffHrfçr w ? att^ H i4 tn g * n ś fn : arsnçnpr ś te d n re t >nrç f a f a < rr* ^ n k 11 hj ^TFŠrnsrçJī h% \ %dr- MtHP-T: faftf*? fa$THT fA<H7 ^ 3 11 arersēr st^čt i v s .v .i^ 1 h 3 fē«rpfcrr^>nt: 1 çfhnçr 1 V8.^.i »i I 31^h1h 3T$tZKT 1 îīiēTīîT?īr a r f e f a f e ērr * R rrt \ trrfēr ^ r t i t ’ i In the opinion of Bhāradvāja, (Lhe augment) it is not appended to thal coming after a root that is necessarily anit when followed by tāsi and ends in rt only. Hence in the case of other roots (it) is appended. ciksayitha, ciksetha, ciksiyathuķ, ciksiya, ciksāya, ciksaya, ciksiyiva, ciksiyima . ksetā, ksayatu. ksesyati, aksayat, ksayet. : 441. Long, when followed by not krt, and not sārvadhātuka . (7.4.25). Long (vowel is substituted) in the place of the base (a root) ending in a vowel, when followed by a pratyaya beginning with y. But not when follovved by krt and sārvadhātuka pratyayas. ksīyāt. 442. When followed by sic, vfddhi, in the parasmaipada. (7.2.1). In the place of a base (a root) ending in ik, vrddhi (is substituted) when followed by sic (and) parasmaipada (ending) . aksaisīt, aksesyat. "\/ta p = to bum . tapati, tatāpa \ V omitted **3 ara n n H 'HīfēT ṛ r i ī l ^ a T H 1 rrç^rprar «tf-J ^ *tfe 1 1 ^3 >% f r f a f ^ f e I çṛta$: ^ 5 : l II «tfo V[ 5TT<nRT FTRT I elfļ’ 4 ČTČF4 HT^: o o HH I ṛrēT.'T ēRTT HppT Hfr*T I ēTcēTT H'^TfēT ēTTg aTēTCēT H'TH čT^TTēT SRTHHlēT •\ afēTRTIH āTēF^TēT « \ > \ I » 11 ? fa 11 443. In the place of at, standing between two simple consonants, not beginning with a substitute, when followed by lit (6.4.120). In the place of a (short), standing between (two) single consonants, (and) forming part of a base ( añga ), which does not begin with a substitute caused by lit, e is substituted; and elision, in the place of the abhyāsa, when followed by lit kit. tepatuh, tepuķ . 444. And when followed by that having it. (6.4.121). When followed by thal having it, what has been said above, takes place. tepitha, tataptha, te p a th u ķ , tepa, tatdpa, tatapa, tepiva, tepima, taptā, tapsjaii, tapatu, atapat, tapet, ta p y ā t , atāpsit, atāptām, atapsyat. Thus ends (the section on) the Parasmaipada ( bhvādi gaņa). ^ v ç[črr< T before CH ^ i || ?.V. 0 \ u fetf 3Tlē*HH<iHi fd ṛft ē H H 'R T H T II I H 'H H I H T ^ U T ff.T T fq rī II fe jH I vtfvs anṛft fečf: II īS .R .6 \ II 3RT: TTFT feēTĪHĪH I r)H ^ I v v < i « n ? r : ^ i i 3 . y .<s o i i fsē ft I rr«T H 1 l ? t A TTH ī t h ī H ^ rrS T H T | I 5 '5 H % 5 ^ ip ç H c iL d 'c ts : II II ^ r if e r f «n^T ^H FT ^ s ē ^ R r . h h fa fc i yjedh = to grow. 445. In the place of ti of the ātmanepada (endings) of the tit ( lakāra), e (3.4.79). In the case of a tit lakāra, in the place of the ti of the ātmanepada (endings), e is (substituted). edhate. 446. sārvadhātuka apit (1.2-4), (is to be considered) as if it had an indicatory n. 447. In the place of āt belonging to a nit ( lakāra) (7.2.81). In the place of ā} belonging to nit ( lakāras), coming after (a base ending iri) a, iy (is substituted). edhete, edhante. 448. In the place of thās, se (3.4.80). In the case of a tit lakāra. edhase, edhethe, edhadhve, edhe, edliāvahe, edhāmahe . 449. After a (root), beginning with ic and having a long (vowel), except A /Tech (3.1.36). After a root, other than A /rcch , that begins with ic and has a long vowel, ām (is appended) when lit follows. ',3T F S T ṛU ^ fToftSHHH>TFT II II arrçSTfērçT g R H 'T R R H R T H f^rtSRTēHHT?sr I i r s r t ^ iTcrH^ra- r & f r tf tķ i rrnt^frH i r t n w # i r ' ī * d N ^ f a s t ^ S f T ē T II ^Rr.čTfTēT çsrm # 6 .^ 6 II 5: I tņ*h|$5% I ir īh th i trfhṛrT n M ^ sfo e T HR ir s r t^ f^ l t R R ^ i tr tr th t rrfsrHid' trftļṝrrT:: iTfHHrA TrffTēmTR I 450. As after (a root) having the pratyaya ām, in the case of VAt that is used. (1.3.63). ātmanepada (endings) are appended after V kr which is employed after (a base ending in āra), as after the base ( = the root) having ām appended to it. 451. In the place of ta and jha of the lit, eś and irec (3.4.81). edhāmcakrçe, edhārhcakre, edhāmcakrāte, edhāmcakrire; edhāmcakrāthe. 452. In the place of dh, belonging to sīdhvam, luñ and lit, coming after a base (ending in) iņ (8.3.78). In the place of dh belonging to śidhvam, luñ} and lit, coming after a base ending in an iņ, dh (is substituted). edhāmcakrdhve, edhāmcakre edhāmcakrvahe, edharñcakTmahe. edhāmbabhūva, edhāmāsa. edhitā, edhitārau, edhitāraķ, edhitāse, edhitāsāthe, \ B2 sūtra omitted fa3*H5PPT<jpT ftī ^ II 6 .ṭ(.R \ II «TRl H ē ^ HrfrT: I Hf?JērTS% I Y<\Y ^ t^ T II \9.V.<^ II ēTTHîft: H?q- I trfa ṝrr! i 3n ^ : H v * - v n iTēr srrtr i çsrHTH g tč rrn ļT*T«ri II II trfgj^rç^l irfHH[çq-| | trftṛa r^ trfsr^H t^ a ^ p # | irfgṛGīṛçr t r j ^ c ^ 1 ^ 7 6 % tļfg-G^ rrfsṛ- ith hh iī i H^PBTt T^ZT ^ tē T :'1 I PHFC qt«H H ÛV3H I 453. And when followed by dh (8.2.25). Elision of s (takes place) when followed by a pratyaVa beginning with dh. edhitādhve. 454. h, when followed by et (7.4.52), (is substituted) in the place of s belonging to tās and to y/as. edhitāhe, edhitāsvahe, edhitāsmahe, edhisyate, edhisyete, edhisyante, edhisyase, edhisyethe, edhišyadhve, edhisye, edhisyāmah€. 455. ām, in the place of et. (3.4.90). In the case of lot, in the place of e, ām (is substituted). edhatām, edhetām, edhantām. 456. After s and v, v and am (3.4.91). In the place of e belonging to lot, coming after s and v. edhasva, edhethām, edhadhvam. ^ V tflžcT; qēī ^ II i II fñ irsrrHf i srre:^^ i gsiH gH ttsrnṛF^ ç s rr e ff i p Û rçtR r i i gspH: r ^ n r V \ 6 f a ? : *ŪUZ II ^.V .V o^ || HēfM: I tJ'tēf trŚrcrēTTH I STÔ r T* II ī . * . l o \ || i pšrrH i «TH«rī: gšnTRTH ^ V%o fŠtsṛT II Ī . V . \ o \ || fa s fo re ir g ? fN t: 457. 1 0^ i gHT tršhrFf īthhF^ i 3.Y.?ovs 11 11 In the place of et} ai (3.4.93). Belonging to the uttama (ending) of the lot. edhai, edhāvahai, edhdmahai. And āt (is prefixed). aidhata, aidhetām, aidhanta , aidhathah, aidhethām, aidhadhvam, aidhe, aidhāvahi, aidhāmahi . 458. In the case of liñ, śīy u t (3.4.102). Elision of s (takes place). edheta, edheyātām} 459. In the place of jh, ran (3.4.105). In the case of liñ. edheran, ed h eth ā h , edheyāthām, edhedhvam. 460. In the place of it, at (3.4.106). Belonging to the substitute of liñ. edheya, edhevahi, edhemahi. 461. sut, in the case of t and th (3.4.107). fds*m5M>OṭR f^ ç ē p rt:' i rçftpftsr tTfsrsflim^HT çfsnflTH i trftpft^T : trfsr^hrr^H T I [ trfEPE- ^far^rēTHT I 3nē*inqtt^īrT: II II I trfgṛ^ftzr trftTH 7f§ gf?T- 3THīē7T?7iēHHcr$7 fH^T 3TH l ^ fH W çfHCSH ^ irflr^ rr trfhfsr tTfspsqf^ l ^ ftī g f^ rT ^ ^ ^fsr^^rr: § fa # T P T * • O « v7 1 % i In the case of t and th belonging to liñ, (the augment) sut (is appended). edhisista, edhisiyāstām, edhisīran, edhi§isthāh, edhisiyāsthām, edhi^dhvam , edhisīya, edhisivahi, edhisīmahi . aidhista, aidhisātām, 462. In the case of the ātmanepada endings, not coming after a. (7.1.5). In the place of jh, not coming after a in the ātmanepada endings, at (is substituted). aidhisata, aidhisthāh, aidhi§āthām , aidhidhvam , aidhisi aidhisvahi, aidhismahi; aidhisyata , aidhisyetām , aidhisyanta, aidhi$yathāh} aidhisyethām , aidhisya • dhvam, aidhisye, aidhisyāvahi, aidhisyāmahi. y pac = to cook. \v° fa r « ft: ^ V 3 V Y V ^ V omitted omitted omitted omitted II II ^fa«T T^ēTTH I HIēftTrin tTH %T. I ’ H^fēT 'T;ī # I TTT^ T m ? I ^T% I cRHrfH 'T^ēTTrT I TçtfH q W 3 I STT^T • S sn^ēT I q%H • > H^ēT I T^TēT V T ^ f te I 3NT$ftēT N 3PHfēT : apr^īTēr * \ 31H;iTH I ii f f a im fird ii 463. Initial ñ i , t u and du (1.3.5). These standing at the beginning of a root are indicatorv. pacati, pacatej papāca, pecatuķ, pecuhy pecitha, papaktha, pece . paktāsi, paktāse, paksyati, paksyate, pacatu, pacatām, apacat, apacata, pacet, paceta, pacyāt, paksīsta, apāk^t, apakta, apaksyat, apaksyata. Thus ends (the section on) the bhvādi gana . \ V adds cp^; w f% after Tsrfa; and after o V adds tfasj: TTT^T and omits ali forms from ' o upto sn ^ č r 3 D Om itted; Bx D from qrçq% upto 3TT^T omitted V Golophon found only in B2 3R ^ I n I 3T% 3TvT: āRf?cT 3[fčH 3Tč?T: ST č^T 3{Rt 3T£: 3TH: \ || ^.Y.Yo || srfom fṛnar: 5TT: II 3R> c I^HTH I h tn ṛ m sr ī^ t'fts sr ī^ fšgfçr i tren i * V » 5 !T % ^ m tīT t ^ II d . ļ . ^ o || ^ U īf « r r ^ t HFT H: I ^ 3TT|: I 3: 5TSJ:I^Pļf^T I 3TPṛ STTî = to eat. 464. In the place of śap coming after V ad etc. (2.4.72). elision (is substituted). atti, attaķ, adamrti, atsi, atthaķ, attha, admi, advaķ 5 admaķ 465. When foliowed by lit, optionally (2.4.40). In the place of V ad, ghasļ (is substituted). jaghāsa466. In the case of (the roots) gam, han, jan, khan and ghas, elision, when followed by kit or ñit ( pratyayas) other than an (6.4.98). In the case of these (roots), elision is (substituted) in the place of the penultimate, when followed by a kit or a ñit (pratyaya ) , other than an, beginning with a vowel. Then takes place the substitution of car in the place of gh. 467. And in the case of (the roots) śās, vas and ghas (8.3.60). In the place of 5 belonging to these (roots), s (is substituted), when preceded by iņ or ku. jaksatuķ , jaksuķ, jaghasitha, āda; ādatuķ , āduķ. \\ 3K sžN t; II pvīr: ?ṛvṭt fHčHfHH; I 3Tīfe«T l 3TrH I 3TēWf% I 3TrT T T Č T O 3ĪV -S 3[ṛTTlT'1 N STCñf O I * % \ g5TF«it |f u : II V * - ? ° t 1 1 3 īfe STēHēT3 tT3 3^1% 3 R R * 3F?TH* I * • 3[ tTH3 ” \ 3T V\3o 3T?: flšfan r II V3.^.?oo || 3pds<T^HHrtHT5^rq' ^ i stt^ t stītitr; str h srreṭ 3RT: O I snēTH^ SļTvT^ 3TRH 3ĪT£ 3THT* I aT ^ JT cT N N 3ī ?ITHTH'" > srarēr^ * \ srarçṛnH* * s i 468. In the case of the roots ady Tā and v$ey it ((7.2.66). (The augment) it is necessarily (appended) to thol, coming after the roots ad, Tā and vye. āditha, attā, atsyatiy attuy attāt} attām, adantu . 469. In the place of hiy coming after hu and jhal, dhi is substituted (6.4.101). addhi, attāt, attam, atta, adāni, adāvay adāma . 470. After V ady (in the opinion) of ali (7.3.100). In the case of an apTkta sārvadhātuka, coming after V ady (the augment) at (is appended). ādaty āttām, ādany ādaķ, āttamy āttay ādamy ādvay ādmay adyāty adyātāmy adyuķy adyāty adyāstām. V omitted V omitted 3 V omitted V 9 V omits this; and reads amfaTRT ^ TT^T^TT^: C V omitted \ ^ V V omitted \ V omitted ^ V omitted 3TT5RnRT before \ f?T?ī?TJWT«T»T II II ?Vi9 VV9? 3 R :i W 3*tTfeflēnSēffçṛT: || 'TT^r H ^*T5I ^ J T T f^ ^ T 'J ĪJ ^ ītd ē rīt^ ē T ^ ' spīflēr * S I 3 J ī ē ^* NI s fte fth i VV9^ sfte: tfTOTīg% r n l II V 9 .v .^ II 5t# SRT# I V\3* S ītst 471. II « ,? .* II When followed by luñ or san, ghasļ (2.4.37), (is substituted) in the place of V ad. 472. After V pus etc., V dyut etc, and (root) having indicatory I, when follovved by the parasmaipada (endings). (3.1.55). In the place of cli, coming after V pus etc. of cl.4, after y/dyut etc., and after a root having indicatory ļ, añ (is substituted) when followed by parasmaipada (endings). aghasat, ātsât V śī =n to sleep. 473. In the place of guņa (7.4.21). śete , śayāte. 474. In the case of Vśī, rut (7.1.6). when followed by sārvadhātuka , ^ jpt | i i te n i hh s r r š M - spt ’ ^ N T i h čtr w f tr a t f iR n ī# ’ R rR n ^ i ^tūrtt - H R•\ #TčfTH3 > I 3TŠRT 3RPTRTR > 3 R R * I ^nftēT H R R ē R C ^ STlftrHU ' I HpHHtR | 3 R T t e | ā R fa R H I * \ %Ķ s r ç ^ h 5R*ēRhifseī: I) č .ņ .V o II m : T* fR «RtfttEṛRjflsff H 5 çsn%: I T P h IfT # fR R |R r f§ ? § |# č T sfl% § fa r fR R %Ķ | ^ r | i f ū f n l i š ta r r i 1 d te n fir'- sften# i ^ t r I ^tfFŪT I | R R I^TēTĪH f i R R H R S ^ R R ņ«sr«T In the case of the at, substitute of jha, coming after (the augment) rut (is appended). ścrate, śese, śayāthe, śedhve, śaye, śevahe, śemahe; śiśye, śiśyāte, śiśyire; śayitā, śayisyate; śetām, śayātām, śeratam; aśeta, aśayātā?n, aśerata; śayīta, śayīyātām, śa^īran; śayisīsta; aśayista; aśayisyata. V duh — to milk. 475. In the place of t or th, coming after jhas, not belonging to \/dhā, dh. (8.2.40). In the place of t and th, coming after a jhas, dh (is subs tituted), but not (in the place of the t or th) belonging to V dhā. dogdhi , dugdhaķ, duhanti , dhoksi; dugdhe , duhāte , duhate, dhukse, duhāthe, dhugdhve, duhe, duhmahe; dudoha, dudiihe; dogdhā; dhok§yati, dhoksyaie; dogdhu, dagdhāt, dugdhām, duhantu, dugdhi, dugdhāt, dugdha, dohāni; dugdhām , duhātām, duhatām, dhuksva, duhāthām, dhugdhvam, dohai, ņ V omitted 3 After this V adds V V omitted ^ B2 From here upto ^ V omitted ^P T T S T T IT Im \ V omitted omitted ŠVĶ I ? ī | ŠjĶT^Ķ 3T |^r I IfTTtT I STsfr^ 3TfTg[-[iļ 3T|fH I 3T§tsj ST^THTH f55: TŪ f%ēfT ^ēf: I «reftss 1 o *1319 5FJ flTOITCfNT: S Sl II O f^ Ķ s n ē ^ 'K 'T rfH -H II TOT&T: I ’ ^RTSTēT O * sI II 19. 3 x 93 H ērfe I 3T|tsr 3THSTH I H: ^ ē f : ēR ^ T ^ S : XV6 ^ T ITTĪ f *nFī ^ T T dohāvahai , dohāmahai ; adhok , adugdhām , aduhan , adugdha , aduhālām, aduhata; duhyāt, duhila . 476. /?’ ñ and jzc, when followcd by ālrnanepada (endings) ( 1 .2 . 11 ). The (substitutes of) liñ and mc, beginning with a jhal and coming after a consonant that comes after an ik, when followed by the ātmanepada endings, are (to be considcred) fo’č. dhuksīsta. 477. In the place of (e/z), not having z ’ t, (is substituted) fod, when it comes after (a root ending in) a śal and has an ik for its penultimate. (3-1.45)ksa is substituted in the place of a eli, not having it, and coming after (a root) which ends in a śal and has ik for its penultimate. adhuksat. 478. Elision, optionally, in the case of the (roots), duh, dih, lih and guh, when followed by an ātmanepada dental (ending) (7.3.73). In the place of ksa, in the case of these (roots), elision is optionally (substituted) when a dental tañ ( ^ātmanepada ending) follows. adugdha, adhuksata. % Bļ From here upto 3 ļc£ T E T omitted l\o II V9.^.V9^ II SĪ^Kd ērfe ^ I [ vfcr: \ 3THSTRTTH snrePTT: 3RT£[T: n O ^3TH¥HT n O N O N O a r a s iT e r n r r a -fç īā T H ^ H īr fei a r s fte r e r r a h P R ri n O " Nw O ^h ” Si a \ 3 N O ^ * Na II ? % 3T5Tf%:‘* | | f I )i6 o 5|^tanf?«T : 5H: II ^.*.V9K II W[: I 479. In the place of ksa, when a vowel follows (7.3.72). In the place of ksa, when followed by a ta ñ ( = ātmanepada ending) beginning with a vovvel, elision (is substituted). adhuksātām, adhuksata, a d h u ksa th ā h • a d u gdhāh adhuksāthām, adhugdhvam, a d h u ksi , adhusāmahi; adhoksyat} adhoksyata. Thus ends (the section on) the adādi gaņa. to sacrifice, to eat. 480. After ^Jhu etc., ślu (2.4.75). In the place of śap. I Found in V, B2; B1 has çfa a r^ iṛ: | *č\ II II srrēfrf ççr: i ^ ftfn «rgṛr: i *6^ ii v ? A II ^TSSfā^ST^ŠT d Ķ f^f^r H HH HHfefT 3TTHrṣrHt çčT: I * 6 1 3T?«T?ČTTēT II id .t.* || I * 6 * g3*gft II \ . * . 6 ^ II f 481. < = fl SHīil < = H îT 3rf% ^Ī#SIT3% I i When followed by ślu (6.1.10). In the place of a root, reduplication takes place. juhoti , juhutaķ. 482. Both (are designated) abhVasta (6.1.5). The two (i.e. reduplication) that are enjoined in the reduplication section in the sixth chapter, are both colltctively designated abhyasta. 483. at, coming after abhyasia (7.1.4). In the place of jha. 484. In the case of V/m and śnu, when followed by a sārvadhātuka (ending) (6.4-87). In the place of u of y/hu and of (the bases ending in the vikaraņa) śnu, having more vowels than one and not preceded by a conjunct consonant, yaņ (is substituted), when followed by a sārvadhātuka (ending, beginning with) a vowel. juhvati. X6\ II 3 . ? . ^ II trvif] fo fc 3TTH č[T FTTēT I STīfA V[ I ^ t - ^ rc O ^ sdērr ^ srgtṝr ^rpriēr ķhth 1i ^ v . f ṝ r o> N O> 3 0 * S^\ D O * \ *<t3 ? 5t% ^ ll V9.3«t^ ll f*FēTF^Rzr HuftS^TSt Hlčf 3 1 ^ W I ii ? % sr^ te n fe :3 ii | 3 [ ^ | : ( ^|JTīēT ^ Ī H 3Tf>- 485. In the case of the roots bhl, hñ, bhr and hu, like ślu also (3.1.39). After these (roots) when followed by lit, ām is optionally appended; and vvhen ām follovvs, operations as before ślu (will be m ade). juhavāmcakāra, juhāva, hotā} hosyati, juhotu, juhutāt, juhutām. 486. And when followed by jus (7.3.83). In the place of a base ending in ik, guņa (is substituted), vvhen follovved by jus beginning vvith a vovvel. ajuhavuķ, juhuyāt, hūyāt, ahausīt, ahosņat. Thus ends (the section on) the juhotyādi gaņa. * V and D add ķ ķ čfH T 5Tf § ^ V From here upto 0v5ļT^ 3 Bj Golophon omitted ĶĶZftfa SF^rT omitted )!6V> f e n f e s m 5*TC (I HTTmR: I II *66 ^ ta fē T ^ ^ II d.^.V9V9 II ^'TRPēTRT HTēftlRHRr ^ T Ś h ī: I Ś t^ fH I fe ^ T ^f% čTT 3 3R131TH f^HRT ar^ftēT 3 T ^ f^ [H I ^ ēRļ^čTTH I ii sf?r fe ? n fe :? ii Hot •o ṁ 3[brH^ i V div = to plān, to desire, to win, to traffic, to shine, to praise, to rejoice, to be mad, to sleep, to love, and to go. 487. After V div etc., śyan (3.1.69). An exception to śap. 488. And when followed by a hal (8.2.77). In the place of the penultimate ik of a root (ending in) r or v, long (vowel is substituted). (Bvyati) dideva, devitā , devisyati, cūvyalu, adHvyaty dīvyety dwyāty adeiñt, adevi?yat. Similarly (is conjugated). V siv = to sew. Thus ends (the section on) the divādi gaņa. V su = to extract (soma juice). % B2 omitted ^ B1? B2j D Golophon not found >9 *6% ç n ī f o r a r : vr. u ļ . * . v s ^ u i H H tfṛr ç h h : Y ô g H t f a ç h «t : ç h j g n t f H i H w r: i I g « T Ī? r i g n ē rn ç h h i I g ^ T II i ^āT H || ^ hhth i ^T H H T g ^ H iH S t t a 5 g T ç E t F i t r r c ? * r i « Ū : II ^ . Y . ? o V3 II a r c n i h r ç # ç ! T s r ē ^ ^ r r ^ r v f t 'r t m ĶĶW. ĶvW. i H t ṛ r r h V t (% 3ēT ^ t ^ 'r i g n > 5 ç jrT īē r ç j ē r m a īç p frH ^ rē T s R irc ttfr g ^T T C g H ^ IH I tp T F ĪR I 489. After V su etc., śnu (3.1.73). Exception to śap . sūnoti, sunutaķ , sunvanti, sūnosi, sunuthaķ , sunuiha, sunomi. 490. And elision, in the place of this, optionally, when followed by m or v (6.4.107). In the place of the u, belonging to a pratyaya , not preceded by a conjunct consonant, elision (is substituted) optionally, when follovved by m or v. sunuvaķ , sunvaķ , sunumah , sunm aķ ; sunuie, sunvāte, sunvate, sunuvahe , sunvahe , sunumahe, sunmahe; susāva, susuve; sotā, sosyati, sosyate; sunotu, sunutāt, sunutām, sunvantu. 491. And after a pratyaya , (ending in) zt, not preceded by a conjunct consonant (6.4.106). After the z/ of a pratyaya not preceded by a conjunct consonant, elision (is substituted in the place) of A z. .m/izt, sunutāt, sunutam, sunuta, sunavāni, sunavāva, sunavāma; sunutām, sunvātām , sunvatām , sunusva, sunvāthām, sunudhvam. % B2 adds after u 3 - v .^ gnt ii § JT * n r f i srgH tH a R ^ a n r a r ^ f ļ i ^ ^ ī : ^ W i *W m ??Ķ ^ T * **TF 1 W srg^nēTTH a n j« ra 3ļgH H ī: 3rg?snnnT a r ç ^ s n r a ^ f h r 3Tg?^f^ S īçH H 'ff 3 ] ^ H f ^ I HHHĪH ^ T īē T T H I 3 F m R T T ē T II V M K " 3 P R R T ī| fir T t ^ ñ i r ^ r : i 5 ^ : 1 ç ^ ī t : ^ t r p t h h 3TTēr I HH?rrH N O N O ~ N 00 *PRTPT I N N O N O O H^t^TēTīH N O N H^^reH N O ” \ I H*TīH N O * N H H >£ H H U r ^HT H lTH N O N O " \H N O >I 492. āt in the case of the uttama, and pit (3.4.92). sunavai, sunavāvahai, sunavāmahai; asunot, asunutām, asunvan, asunoķ, asunutam, asunuta, asunavam, asunuva, asunva, asunuma, asunma, asunuta, asunvātām, asunvata, asunuthāh, asunvāthām, asunudhvam, asunvi, asunuvahi, asunvahi, asunu mahi, asunmahi ; sunuyāt, sunuyātām. 493. When followed by us, after (a or a) not ending a pada . (6.1.95). (in the case of a or ā), not coming at the end of a pada, when followed by us, the form of the latter is the single sub stitute (for both). sunuûķ, swnuyāhy sunuyātam, sunuyāta, sunuyām, sunuyāva, sunuyāma; sunvīta, sumñyātām, sunviran; suyāt, susīsta, sufiyāstām, susiran. I B1 } B2 > D 3TRTf*W omitted n 1 9 .3 .1 9 3 II fa ^ T ^ ĶZ N I3T H T T rH * NS R f a f f 3T # a R rII f f a ^ T f ? : ' 1 II cļĶ oīTžTH I * V \ 3 ? T f e « T : 5T: II V * . V 9V9 II iH 'T L 'T ^ T ? : I f ṛ f ē T 3 ^ 5 ēfT ? 3 ṛ f t f c s T 3 3 t ēflrT T ē d č ^ f č T O I ç ñ ṛ ç jR lr i čO t ^ tO t č\3 r ç t p t* t ^ t^ a r O g ^ r i ēO r tṛ rO n t ē r i ṛra Si s rO N O T ēr " \ S T ṛfteftēT> I 3TčTtT o I S T ēftēriT s ēr I « R f īč P lr r I 11 f f č t 3 ? r f o ? 11 494. After y jstu, yjsu, V dh% when parasmaipada (endings) follow (7.2.72). In the case of sic, (the augment) it (is appended). asāvlt> asosta, aso§yat, asosyata. Thus ends (the section on) the divādi gaņa. \/tu d = to torment. 495. After V tud etc. śa (3.1.77). Exception to śap . tudati, tudate, tutoda, tuloditha, tutude; tottā} totsyati, totsyate; tudatu, tudatām, atudat, atudata, tudet, tudeta, tudyāt, tutsista, atautšīt, atutta, atotsyat, atotsyata. Thus ends (the section on) the tudādi gaņa . ^ Golophon found in V only ^ Golophon not found in and D 3Tl«pvr | ķt B?thaT ^ F * n i V^\3 W fe « T : 3H*T II ^.?.V9^ II srotsnsrre: i w f e i 9«tdl<«^>T: ii V M t ? ii ^ ç tfīrṅ s H īH t # T : KVž: JiVš w f o H W<i-W. I W f r f a I ^ 5 : ^ r f % ’^ īfēH «• ^ ;H!% ^=9% I W T bīgn^T ^ 1 5o ^H^TH ^ ^ T Vp% ^ h ;h | ^ ? č h | I VTTh ^ W T fTē^fēT ^TH ^ IH W H lfH ^HTHTH ^SfēTĪH 3TW ĪH •s 3[W iR > . I y/rudh = to obstruct. 9VWJ ^ J ītJ ī^ t ^vrHTH|3 3T^ṅīēT 496. In the case of ir, the designation it should be stated. 497. After V rudh etc., śnam (3.1.78), Exception to śap. ruņaddhi. 498. In the case of śna and \/as, elision of a (6.4.111). In the case of śna and of as, elision (is substituted) in the place of a, when follovved a sārvadhātuka ending, having indicatorv k or h. runddhaķ , rundhanti , ruņatsi, runddhaķ , runddha, ruņadhmi, rundhvaķ rundhmaķ; runddhe, rundhāte, rundhate, runtse, rundhāthe, runddhve, rundhe, rundhvahe, rundhmahe ; rurodha , rurudhe ; roddhā\ rotsyati , rotsyate\ ruñaddhu, runddhāt, runddhām, rundhantu, runddhi, ruņadhāni , ruriadhāva, ruņadhāma; runddhām, rundhātām, rundhatām, runtsva, ruņadhai, ruņadhāvahai, runadhāmahai; aruņat, arunddhām, arundhan. \ B2 From upto omitted p Before this V adds 31T3TĪPI fT ^ 1 •o 3 D o m itted 5 5 ^ I) <t.^X9tṭ || nR fttç*r 't^ t-h çh firPr ^ r f i 3 tw h m w . 3p&?s*r N ^ rrcf 3 t w ’ i s R fs : aļ^«rrēTTH m rm i ^ ē ^ fle i H<>o f R ē ū wr II M - V » ii w r T H ^ sftēd i I m m• N3īf)ēH lēī N 3 ^ 5 a r d ē ^ H 3Rtē?qṝr 1 t? rf% rr fa r *ī f% s t e i 1 f e f e rN t s f a ^ v r i īr \ D N *fhr 1 HTēft: ii f f a w f o 9 ii hh 499. o fžreṛn^ i And in the place of d (8.2.75). In the place of d of a root standing at the end of a pada, ru is optionally (substituted), when followed by sip, aruņat, aruņaķ, arunddham, arunddha, arunddha, arundhātām, arundhata; rundhyāt, rundhūa; rudhyāt, rutslsta . 500. In the case of (a root) having indicatory ir, optionallv (3.1.57). In the case of a root, an (is substituted) in the place of cli. arudhat, arautsīt, aruddha, arotsyat, arotsyata. Similarly ^Jbhid = to break; V chid = to cut, to split; and \/y u j = to join. Thus ends (the section on) the rudhādi gaņa. \/tan = to spread. \ D After this B2 adds 3 1 ^ ^ sṛ^SJT I D omitted ^ D omitted \ Bx °fĶ: : D No colophon V? 3: II II HTTST^T^: 1 I ēTHTfēī HHH I ē R R \ HH čffHHF Hf% R% H fasīR I ē R R HHēTTH STēRfēT 3R H H \ ēRJTR HRTčT I ṛT R R dPl'ktR I SRHIčT aRTRtīT I II ^.Y.V9^ II ēRR: 3T *Rī ēRTHt: I aTcTēT aRfr*? 3R?[T: 3R ft W : 3RfH^TēT •s 3Rf?PRēT I Sfior -\ ^TTOT I ^-dfēT I tṭo^ 3frT ^ČT f lR 9rī5 % \\ II SSRZRRēTfRt 3R 3 čT HRHTH% fT fa I JRH : I S * 501. After y/tan etc. and after \/k r , u (3.1.79). Exception to śap. tanoti, tanute; tatāna, tene; tanitā; tani?yati, tanisyate; tanotu, tanutām; atanot, atanuta; tanuyāt, tanzñta; tanyāt, taniśista; atariīt, atāmt. 502. After V tan etc. vvhen follovved by ta and thās (2.4.79). In the place of sic, coming after V tan etc., elision is optionally (substituted), vvhen follovved by ta or thās. atata, atanista, atathāh3 atanisthah; atanisyat, atanisyata. ’ s/ ky — to do. karoti. 503. In the place at, ut, when a sārvadhātuka follovvs. (6.4.110). In the place of sic, coming after V tan etc., elision is optionally the end, u (short is substituted), vvhen follovved by a sārvadhātuka ending, having indicatory k or n. kurutah. % A fter this V adds < p r 3T **T I V K ?r tqçn ii ii *r ?1 h : II %.)s.\eč II i f # fc r i tļotṭ faṛti '^ r ' \o^ 3frd%: srç JP Ū ^ R F T ^ It T *ķ \: l f # : f A : I f # ^ēīT I ^ ñ t : *U II V9.^X9o II ^ šr> ST^fTēT Sīf^ēT I I =^R ^ R >5 f W R f \o\& U t ī || f3T || iT R t H ē W I fsrfēT f^ fē T I 504. Not in the case of bha, V^T and V char (8.2.79). In the place of the penultimate of bha and of \fk r and A Jchur , a long (vowel) is not (substituted). kurvanti . 505. Necessarily in the case of VAṭ (6.4.108). In the place of the vowel u, belonging to a pratyaya, coming after 's/kr, elision (is substituted) when followed by m or v. kurvaķ , kurm aķ ; kurute ; cakāra, cakartha , cakrva , cakre; kārtā. 506. After rt and \/han, vvhen followed by jjm (7-2-70) In the case of sya, coming after (a root ending in) r} and after \Jhan, (the augment) it (is appended). karisyati, karisyate, karotu, kurutāt, akarot, akuruta. 507. And when followed by y (6.4.109). In the place of u of \ fk r } elision (is substituted), when followed by a pratyaya beginning with y. kuryāt, kur vīta. X B2 \o č \ 0% ^ēf: I « \? o * N » • O II V S .V '.^ || # q f% 3 rc re rd H T č j% f n f e ijļpsr ii ^ JT fē ī V( ^ ṛft i fw n i \.ṭ{.\ṭļ 3 [ ^ ,# f | ii 3TlčHH'T^TTfH^ ^ ^ ē f t f ^ t f t : II h TŪ fl^ R t ^ t K ^ - l ē T II s f r r t n E ? i 3ī ^ 1 3 R [ f o s q ṛ r sre rfo s re r i ? * n * rf< « ri ^ ñ ṛ ū w » h i V T A 3 V M a T ī« rt ^TTH : S g I H F b T tf o 1 I I . f % rH T fe :'1 II 508. RiñJ when follovved by śa, yak and liñ (endings). (7.4.28). In the place of r short} ri is substituted, when followed by śa. vak and an ārdhadhātuka liñ ending, beginning with y . kriyāt. 509. And after r (1.2.12). A liñ ending, beginning with a jhal and sic, coming after the letter r, are to be considered kit, when followed by ātmanepada endings. krsista, akārsīt. 510. After a short base (8.2.27). In the place of sic, elision (is substituted), when a jhal follows. akrta , akarisyat, akarisyata. 511. When y / k f comes after sam or pari in the sense of decorating (6.1.133). > Iri the case of V-At, coming after these (two, the augment) sut (is appended). sañnskaroti. Thus ’erids (the section on) the tanādi gana . . ^ ? Bļ D No colophon N O ^ w f e « t : 5»TT II ī . l . č t II i ^ t’JīīfH l H ?3 f ^ r n t : u V * - H 3 » ^HT^ēmtTīēT i 1 ?TT#«rT3% f|fčT ^ K ? v g?n*r e w k KT: n v * * ? ? R » I ^ l’jftēr: I yjt<r: fTfēr i ■ S * i #JTTfa #«TT^ ^ tiīH I ^twt«ī ^twrfH # iīī# I īptufta: ^tśftq-:? l \ / k ñ = to buy. 512. After y jk ñ etc. śnā (3.1.81). Exception to śap . kñņāti . 513. ī} when followed by a consonant, not in the case of ghu (6.4.113). In the place of ā} belonging to śnā and abhyasta, l (is substituted), when follovved by a sārvadhātuka ending, begin ning with a consonant and having indicatory k or h. kñņītaķ. 514. In the place of ā belonging to śnā (6.4.112). and abhyasla Elision (is substituted), vvhen follovved by (endings) having indicatory k or ñ. kñņanti , kñņāsi , kñņīthaķ , kñņītha, kñņārrii, kñņīvaķ, kñņlm aķ; kñņite, kñņāte, kñņate, kñņlse, kñņāthe, kñņīdhve, krlņe, kñņīvahe, kñņhnahe; ? V *ç ^ Bx D , V o m itted •s I i w r w x fo ôftHTH ^ T H T H f a f ^ : fa ñ p ņ | fa^ T f^ fa sT | i sp b n g ?śbftērnr ^ ^ 5 1 ^ b īēT R \ a^ftuTTH'1 l ûftJTTH ļfaftēT I vffaTēT # t f t e | 3[#Htēf 3T#^r I 3T#Gī[čr 3Ī#QTH? I II ffṛī W f e d II sreifew ū b r *ñ ll \» .% o « .y > \» ç^ī5? 1 11 ^ftTīrfH i cikrāya, cikriyatuh, cikriyuķ, cikretha, cikrayitha; cikriye; kretā; kresyati, kresâte; kñņātu, kñņītāt, kñņītām , kñņantu; kñņītām , kñņātām, kñņatām \ akñņāt, akñņīta, kñņīyāt} kñņīta, kñyāty kreslsta; akraisāt, akresta; akresyat, akresyata. Thus ends (the section on) the kryādi gaņa . V cur = to steal. 515. After satyāpa, pāśa, rūpa, viņā9 tūļay slokas senā, loman, tvac, varman, varņa, cūrņa . and V cur etc., ņic (3.1.25). In the original sense. corayati. \ Bl omitted Ba D V omitted 3 B1 D V No colophon 3 w II fuī^ērKīēHH'T? n I i I .( T F i l t ^tT^Tēn i :# t w ' ‘. i W ^ rw rH 3pṛrt?rēT a r s r t o E f - i : i « fc fa fe n v * A ? >i a r f n s i ^ r a n r ^ * N fa : i ^ f ē r t II \ \ 6 ft»rf«ī?^«T: rptfft gr? II = 5 ^ ^ S i? ^ * f vfš I % 3T H ft«TH I t T= “ T ? 5 ; -č; y 516. And after ņic (1.3.74). After a base ending in ņic, ātmanepada ending (is appended) to signify that the result pf the action: accrues to the aģent. corayate, corayāmāsa, coraVitā3 corayatu, corayatām . acorayat, acorayata, corayet, corayeta. . i 517. In the place of ņi, when followed by an anit (ending) (6.4.51). In the place of ņi, elision (is substituted), when followed by an ārdhadhātuka ending, not beginning with it. coryāt, corayislsta. 518. After ņi and after V^ri, of the aģent, cañ (3.1.48). V dru and V sru in the sense ___________________________________________________r,< lš'rf?* ī\ g In the place of cli, cañ (is substituted) in the sense of an aģent, when followed by lu ñ , /W hen thus the pbsition. is ti£or * i a t. ~ r ,, before this. v e * v f; ç B1} B2 D omitted ^ Bļ omitted; V adds uṭ^ļTēT \ \\ «ft «ft ti.va.v.$ u črç^fhT^TT^rr ^ ^ r : i Vt© II v t * t t » sm Rm rsrīē^T^FT trepr*:'* .a m r ^ t i *ēr: i a r s r r e f e ē f t^ i ^qT ,» i n 4«I'1 nf^r i V *3 ñ h ñ s ñ t : u HTH iftaPTRft ^H'TiçēfTH H H ^ ^HT FTTēT vś.v . v * ii SIS; When ņi, followed by cañ} follows, in the place of the penultimate, a short (vowel). (7.4.1). . In the place of the penultimate, of that base, which is followed by ņi followed by cañ, a short vowel is substituted. 520. When followed by cañ (6.1.11). In the place of the first monosyllabic portion of an unreduplicated root, two are substituted. In the case of a root beginning with a vowel, (the substitution takes place) in the place of the secoņd (portion). S2 1 : Like san, when followed by a short vowel (of a base), follow.ed by £añ, when there is no elision of ak. (7.4 93), Operation, as when follovved by san, takes place in the /case' of an abhyāsa follovved by a short vowel, belonging to a base that obtṛins bēfore ņi followed by cañ , if before this ņi, a (letter from the pratļjāhāra) ak has not been elided. 522. In the place of a short (vowel), a long (vowel). (7.4.94). t V SPQ TTW 3 T ļtr f n « ī^ a N t d r o r \ ii ssn rtf ii V*3 SJērf II *.Y.<V* II fw*TT ^ R r ^ o r fa^% < ftsn: i V*V ēTēīmhīVt | | 5 ^ II ? .* .V \ II spftaspt |hh¥: ip ^ b r ^ i Š 5 * fa * 1 1 n ra n fir i In the place of a short (vowel) belonging to the abhyāsa, a long (vowel, is substituted) in a case which is like san . aeūcurat, acūcurata, acorayisyat, acorayisyata. Thus ends (the section on) the daśagaņl. 523. Independent, aģent (1.4.54). The matter, which is intended to be stated as being in dependent as regards the action, (is designated kartr). 524. And what actuates him (is designated) hetu also (1.4.55). W hat actuates the aģent has the designation hetu and also kartr . 525. And in the sense of the hetumat (3.1.26). In the case of a root, the suffix ņic (is appended) when the activity of the actuator, (namely) actuating etc., is intended to be expressed. bhāvayati = ( bhavantam) prerayati. 9 1 1 snTM taṛnn^ ston^t- * r^ r srīē itm i w ar^Fēr Bi F ro m h ere u p to irtjft: I o m itted 3Ū: u vs.v.<jo n ķ: *rf?r * r ^ H ^ r ^ r ^ T īH ^ ē r : cFītcr Oa^T^r N O tch : i 3r«ftaqṛr > i ^īēT H srw ir^ ii s% |gpw Iqfasrfw , n W uTtū: m n " sfo īrfa it snnt: ^ fa w ^ f^ īt r h h ^t ^ n r r c r i <T3 SJṛļHFTt ^Tīfa I I 526. In the place of u, when follovved by pu, yaņ or j, (themselves) follovved by a. (7.4.80). In the place of u, belonging to the abhyāsa, forming part of the añga vvhich is follovved by san, i is substituted vvhen follovved by (a letter of the) pavarga, yaņ} or the letter j, (vvhich themselves are) follovved by the letter a. abībhavat. Thus ends (the section on) the hetumaņņyanta prakriyā. 527. After a root, having the same aģent as the act (of vvishing), in the sense of vvishing, optionally (3.1.7). After a root, forming the object of V if, and having the same aģent as \/is , san is optionally appended, to express the act of vvishing. '\fpath = to recite clearly. it ? B2 ° v m \z : ^ D, V N o colophon W *fW I W H II Z T ā^ēT F T H ST^HT^T^ I ?H: I 3T5TT^5 feft^T ?*T rT : II V9.Y.va^ II •3T«TTH^TTēr ^ Hfa \ Hfe^fa^jfčT. P refen fa I f% HI *R: | •o I II ffēT nw R ^»w 1 f% H I ftī®Tī: TS^ ffčī ^ f % II u 3. f^PT R nrbt^tt ^ lM I II # 1 :^ 528. In the case of san and yañ (6.1.9). In the case of a base ending in san or in yan, in the place of the first monosyllabic portion, two are substituted. In the case of a root beginning with a vovvel, (this occurs) in the place of the second (portion). 529. When follovved by san, in the place of at (7.4.79). In the place of a of the abhydsa, i short (is substituted), vvhen follovved by san. pathitum icchati = pipathisati. Why say karmaņaķ? (The ansvver may be found in statements like) gamanena icchati. Why say samānakartrkāt? (The ansvver may be found in statements like) śisyāh pathantu iti icchati guruķ. Thus ends the sannant section. 530. After a monosyllabic root beginning vvith a consonant, in the sense of repetition or intensitv of an act, yañ (3.1.22). -When- repetition or-intensity is ta .b e -indicated. £ D, V No colophon āTSTTHFT I 3H: JHTfčTHHH ?[ ^ F h 5 T tW I ii f % nr?ṛm fipuTī ii g t s tr* * ? fq W T ? 333 ii ī . \ . č ii g ^ ē T ^5® Pīt 1 g<it uT§Mīrṛmfir+til: u ^ v.vs? u ^Hjftv^T^riT g n t vījK \ ^ ii \ s . y . ^ n 3Tčpfoq- | | 3TTČHH: I^F h ^ F h <^v J ^ īF h 1 II f f a ?n*TUTg5rfw3 II 531. gurta, when followed by yañ or luk. (7.4.82), (is substituted) in the place of abhyāsa. bobhūyate means punaķ punar, atiśayena vā} bhavati. Thus ends the yañanta section. 532. After a sup, pertaining to oneself, kyac (3.1.8). After a base ending in a {sup) case-ending, and signifying the object of desire, pertaining to the desirer himself, (the suffix) kyac is optionally appended, in the sense of desire. 533.In the place of a sup belonging to a root or to a prāti padika (2.4.71). In the place of a sup forming part of these two, elision (is substituted). 534. And when followed by kyac (7.4.33). In the place of the letter a, ī (is substituted). Thus putñyati means ātmanaķ putrām icchati. Thus ends the nāmadhātu section. \ Bļ D, V No colophon ^ Bx °sfnffbr ^ Bļ D, V No colophon trvifE ^n¥?īfH? c\ HT^Vīft fHtŠ c\ S ē ^ fc I ii I ^ f » T N HT3ff%Wr i «naft n r ia r ftrç tf ii ifinf y*TH 3rdēftē*T«ī: I f^TlfafHHĪT lfrṛq- ^Tčffr srRHH'TčnT I 5ī[i%o5HtH I 3H*TFT " • < C II f f a Sii^TTf?:3 II t ^ \9 ^ N + H ult: II ^ çzfīēW R H I II ^.?.^V9 II 535. After kandū etc. yak (3.1.27). After these roots, necessarily yak (is appended) in its original sense. V kaņdū = to scratch. kaņdūyati, kaņdūyate etc. 536. In the sense of the aģent, vvhen reciprocity of action is to be indicated (1.3.14). When reciprocity of action is to be indicated, in the sense of the aģent, ātmanepada (endings) are used. vyatilunite, vvhich means: he performs teh act of movving, appropriate for anya (some one else). Thus ends the kaņdvādi section. 537. In the sense of bhāva or karma (1.3.13) In the place of la, ātmanepada (is substituted). 538. When follovved by sārvadhātuka (endings), yak (3.1.67). II ç B2 omitted ^ D omitted 3 Bļ D, V No colophon trrē ft^ «tnRufaTfafr h f N t3% i f w i ht ^ m ^ ^ ^ P T ^ T P T ST , ^m TT^TT% ^W ^Īēr C \H I O * s snsnrj^: i r d ^ r ^ r f^ n H fg ē ^ s rf Hīfe | f% 5 t^ T ^ T O tē & fa : I ē^PTT W C \ I 3 p t^ I K3V tFnfe^Rfftnffṛnfttn ? u n ^ w N ,rt5īS35PTO^ç5n nT E rM R i ^ n % x .%r ii 3<T^ŚT ?ŪS^ H^TfT’Tt ^TKtHT ^ fa n fte rf^ FT 5fT **TTēt I çm fo j ^ m n p jīt’TPT^Tmt: i çnTśhnftsprH ^r i After a root, yak (is appended) when follovved by a sārvadhā tuka ending expressive of bhāva or act. Bhāva means act. It is stated by the lakāra which has the sense of bhāva. It has the prathama purusa (endings) only, owing to the absence of (its) agreement with yusmad and asmad. Nor (can it have) the dual etc. owing to non-applicability of duality etc. (to the kriyā ), since the kriyā, which is denoted by the tihļ is not of the nature of a dravya . O n the contrary, it has singular number invariably. tvayā mayā anyaiś ca bhūyate} babhūve. S39. When syay sicy śiyut, and tāsi follow, conveying the sense of bhāva or karmay the roots ending in a vowel in upadeśay and the roots hany grah and drśy are optionally like ciņy and take it (6.4.62). In the case of roots ending in a vowel in the upadeśay and in the case yjhan ( V grah , and ’ \fd r ś ) y operation on the ahga occurs optionally as before ciny when follovved by 531*7 etc. and, vvhen bhāva or karma are indicated thereby. And in the case of sya etc., the augment it is appended). This it (is r «ļT2Tfaj I I MīfHTH C \ -\ 3ī ?TTH C \ HVo f%”T 5%: f%oy 3TOfacqēT 1 ST^nr^tsfH Čjfe: 1 'H īf^rr srfaH M ; C ' ṭf r f š p ļf e V '- ' II H iT i ■ NH W J " II 3*? :; JA ...; Sf^Tīfa ^ iffĶ fH 3 I 3T ^ fW O .- "., F : ,- I STH'HHH* 3TTH*?\> C N V P -.C N tF t^ T vPTT H ?TT ^ I 3HT*RH 3R •O c\ OW C NH ḍ trn C N I ^ H īfa - H T H lH* \ af^vrf^HTHTH * \ I : ■ ii ī* ' . ff?r«n^nTO Īfeiny n ■, a n ffēī fa^fēnr* n appended) in the alternative, where operation takes place as before ciņ . Owing to ciņvadbhāva, vTddhi (is substituted). bhāvitāj bhavitā, bhāi)isyate, bhavi?yate; bhūyatāms abhūyata , bhūyeta, bhāvislsta, bhavisīsta . 540. ciņ, when follovved by ( ta in the sense of) bhāva or karman (3.1.66). In the place of cli, ciņ (is substituted), when followed by the ending ta signifying bhāva or karman . abhāvi, abhāvisyata, abhavisyata. Even an intransitive (root) becomes transitive by the force of a prefix. anubhūyate ānandaś caitreņa tvayā mayā ca. anubhūyete, anubhūyante; tvam anubhūyase, aham anubhūye; anvabhāvisātām, anvabhavisātām. , ^ Thus ends the bhāvakarma section. Thus ends (the section on) the tmanta prakriyā. | Bj omitted ^ B2 D omitte i 3 D. V. anif^RT omitted V Bo •OC at the end of the sentence N Bj, D, V This colophon not found \ V adds HHĪ'HH after ;ṭṭf[ / s:N ? $4?čtsmr»Pī snçft: II 3-M ? > » a n čR ftzṛffe T T T ^ n?čf t srē^RH Hīṛft: ’ rn: i •c* „ ° ^ ^m îhsfç^tnTR m 3 . \.%)t u ! • ' 3īf?īHT Sriē^fH^īt 3m^SHiṛr; ē5RīH T: ' īrH K Ķ J S T ī SH H ^ : I ^TfspFTrtsfēī faHT I «V *S fēUT:3 II ll 1 , ( ? d - n O ^ tčī: srr^ fiēqw: çç i $ēT II II SFH I 541. After a root (3.1.91). The suffixes, vvhich are enjoined (from this sūtra) upto the end of the third chapter, are to be appended to a root. 542. Optionally, non-similar, other than feminine (3.1.94). • ļ n ṭ this section dealing with dhātu, a non-similar suffix {forming) an exception, is optionally sublative of the general śņjfix, excepting the one mentioned in the topic of the feminine gender. 543. krtyas (3.1-95). Suffixes enjoined upto (and excluding) the sūtra, ņvultfcau are designated kftya. 544. In the sense of an aģent, krt (3.4.67). .; In this position, t V °ēft: 3 Bļ, Bjj, D °5Tčiph?HifçiI 3 V adds 5TT? W n u f t u f ē U U ē P š tn u f : ll ļ . v . i s o ITH çu: l 11 \€ % u s u ^ n s u p frrc : n U T ēffter žppu^pt ^ u ṛ u tṭv v s » i ’ *tt% , : u te r f5 rc > - i ç fsrē n a p r ^ h h I ū č ^ rtt V[ i f%5T = u u h i % H 5 ī R ^ ī H h ī t 3T u * f e u u r i 3 T ^ t u n II 3 * ? * V 9 II % uu i <\Y<£ f š l f U II II 3TRT: | m o : I ŠUU ^ I 545. In those very senses, krtya, kta and khalartha (3.4.70). These (suffixes) are appended (to roots) to signify bhāva and karma only. 546. tavyat> tavya and arñyar (3.1.96). After a root, these (suffixes) are appended. edhitavyam , edharñyam tvayā. When bhāva is to be conveyed, singular number and neuter gender is the rule. V ci = to collect. oetavya& cayaniyo vā dharmas tvayā. 547. After a vowel, yat (3.1.97). ceyam. 548. ū, when followed by yat (6.4-65). (is substituted) in the place of ā; (then) guņa (is;substituted). deyam . X D ,V ^ ° ^ B2 o m itte d W W o ^*q*M farf^Tçfçt šē*ī: I H 1 1 V ? •'s0 ll ll I HHJ 3 T H fw t I V \? srm 5 ēī s r^ it: n FHčT 3[fe u f|fē T I f^ T : I 5TRT ^ H H R T : 3TF?ē*r: 3j«r: l e o W ^ Ķ & t* Š Ķ II II m ^ n ī ’-dia <^3 ’RTH \ s^ ft: $ fu ip n ṛit: l( V 9 .v ^ ll ^3ft: FTTēT fafēT iHfēT ^ I 549. After the roots i, stu , śās, vT, d r and ju s, kyap (3.1.109). 550. In the case of a short (vovvel), when followed by a krt suffix with indicatory p, tak (6.1.70). ityah, stutyaķ. V śās = to govern. 551. In the place of śās, it, when followed by an or ha l . (6.4.34). In the place of the penultimate of V śās, i (short) is (sub stituted), when followed by ah or a consonantal ending having indicatory k or ñ. śisya ķ, v rty a ķ , ā d rtya ķ, ju ? y a ķ . 552. After r and hal, ņyat (3.1.124). After (a root) ending in the letter r or in a consonant, the suffix ņyat (is appended). 553. In the place of c and j, ku, when followed by a ghit (suffix) or by ņyat (7.3.52). In the place of c and ku is substituted, when follovved by a suffix vvith an indicatory gh or by ņyat. $ ļ HIThī^RT~d ļAt \\-€ facSTUmfa? ffēī ^T5UH II H I H53JH 1 W H ^ fW t II V9.^.??* « u t^ s r h h i h ih t : i V t t ṭļfaj TOt II sftoīR T H« *I II W II 3*??33 H H T ^ ē f t rn : i fiH ^fēr i || V9,?*? II *3: I ççrf \ 554. It must be stated (that kutva takes place) in the case of (a root) which does not take it, when followed by nisthā . Hence it does not take place here (that is, in) garjyam. 555. In the place of \Z?nrjy vrddhi (7.2.114). In the place of ik belonging to V m fj, vrddhi is substituted, when follovved by a verbal suffix. mārgyaķ. 556. bhojya in the sense of eatable (7.3.69). bhogya is different. 557. nvul and trc (3.1.133). After a root these (suffixes) are appended, in the sense of an aģent, according to (the rule) kartari krt. 558. In the place of yu and vu, ana and aka (7.1.1). In the place of these (suffixcs), when nasal, these are sub stituted. kārakaķ, kārtā. W HržTĪ^: ēH: HifrSīTH I \% o Hvd^H3Hr5^T ’ ' e\ >o ē u f o r r e : II M h: II I <TH : | 3[[fr|%- THK: sr5 ? rHĪH I Hr?H: I * R \£ h : vSSpJT: I H īf l1 F4TH)' II i w *r. i HoṭifFr fčnprfṛr i r ^ U w r vtJ: i ^ rt* ftesn ļ ii ^H'T'T^TīTH o N 1 ii H ^^-īvT lA Â offT iT !^ ^ ī ^ č l d f% «Trf HāTT^- 559. After V nand etc., \ / grah etc. and ifpac etc., lyu, ņini and ac (3.1.134). After \/ncmd etc., (the suffix) lyu (is appended); after V grah etc., ņini; and after y pac etc., ac. nandayaii iii nanda naķ; janārdanaķ , lavaņaķ; grāhī, sthāyīy m antñ; pacaķ. This is an ākrtigaņa. 560. After mvliavibhuja etc., ka. mahMhraķ, ku- mūlāni vibhujati = mūiavibhujo rathaķ. dhrah. 561. Thcre, (the word) standing in the locative (is designated) upapada. (3.1.92). upapada is the designation of a v/ord cxnre.ssivc of the matter such as kumbha etc. which occurs as the significate of the expression harmaņi etc. which, in rules like karmaņy aņ etc., has the locative ending. ^ D , ^ ū i r a f r i ṛ r ^ ; V tfrtTufhzīT^ om itted II II ļTHfnī HTT? UTēfīTW ļ JTTT ^dēftfēT Jṁ īTnT: | <^3 srrçits^nT^ wl: u HR: l I 3.^.3 n tṭV* fowq ^ n 3.^x3^ ii STTēTtls^ I \ \\ I fHCST II ? ? N k II ’ pčft facSTHITT ^T: I fttfcT II II fqw ņ I fa^šf ṣTH|-ç^^HTfr: I STTēT H^T I ^ r lT ē ^ T fū^T H I 562. When the object (is an upapada), aņ (3.2.1). When the object is an upapada of a root, the root has the suffix aņ (appended to it), k u m b h a m karoti iti kumbhakāraķ. 563. After ā} not having a prefix, ka (3.2.3). godaķ, kambaladah. 5C4. And kvip (3.2.76), is seen (appended) to a root. parņadhvat . 565. kta and ktavatu (are designated) nisthā (1.1.26). These tv/o (suffixes) are designated nisthā. 566. nisthā (3.2.102), (is appended) to a root, standing in the sense of a m atter of the past. snātam mayā; stutas tvayā visņuķ; viśvarh krtavān. ^ Bi> v P r^ r | o m itted ^dēflfēT W ’ anṛit l fsro fē ib n ^ . 3 . 3 3 11 \ 'TFT: JRH I frre: V O 13H^r O W * \ I HR: fa r R I ?^T|: I \ 3 3«TRu>5rg?m u V -? 11 2R H R HWRr R : | % f^?f^f|ērT 3TR^TT: I H5TT5 t r r ^ T ī k SRqJTR^ čT čT : tT I 567. uņ. After (the roots) k f> vā, pāy ji} mi, svad, sādh, and aś, karoti iti kāruķ. 568. After (a root ending in) ā} yuks when followed by ciņ or krt . (7.3.33). vāyuķ; pāyuķ = gudam; jāyuķ = ausadham; māyaķ = pittam ; svāduķ; sādhuķ; āśu=śīghram. 569. Uņ etc., diversely (3.3.1) These suffixes (are appended to roots) in the sense of the present tense, and of a savnjñā. Some, not enjoined here, also, should be understood (as indicated). In the saThjñā words, (after finding) the forms of roots, and the suffixes (coming) after them, on the basis of the 3 Blf D sūtra o m itted C N O > □ tṭV9o g+j'ļ'J'^ṁl fw-£TĪ7T f o r u m i JTīftT i <V3? wr% u 11 fiPTT^thTFT H 3 * V ? ° II s trū ^ ū *ṛr: i $<*i 5 ^ q rfr 1 $*®r fH^FTFTT'T# 8TRf«f 71^7 HTēfTH^ I 7PP: I W ^ I' TO I 11 operation (that has taken place), the indicatory letter (of the suffix) should be fixed up— this is the method as regards the nņādi suffixes. 570. (The suffixes) tumun and ņvid, vvhen an action (performed) for the sake of (another) action (is an upapada ). (3. 3.10). When an action (performed) for the sake of (another) action is an upapada, to a root these two (suffixes) are appended. krsņam drastum yati; krsņa'tn darśako yāti. 571. In the sense of bhāva (3.3.18). When the sense of the root, that has reached the State of accomplishment, is to be expressed, after a root, ghañ is appended. pākaķ. 572. After i, ac (3.3.56). cayaķ. ç Bļ omitted <^3 ^>T: l ī^r: I ^9T:'’l H KV8* feWT faēH II V V V * II ^ f t f ^ ^ R ī S t faēPT I H oTtS'H H ?: | f l f a : ç § % : I tṭvsK UHFTOņeñt: II l . V . ṭ ļ l II STTē^Tift: «Tiēft: I ^T l ?ffRT W5T% I fgR H H R H '1 ( ^ T ṝ^ r HdRT «ftē^T KV9^ H H T^sH ^îr *ṛnt ? u y n o.?.^v9 n 573. After r (short) and u, ap (3.3.57). karaķ, yavaķ, lavaķ. 574. In the sense of feminine, ktin (3.3.94). In the sense of a bhāva etc. in the feminine gender, (the sufīix) ktin (is appended). (This is an) exception to (the suffix) ghañ. krtiķ , stutiķ. 575. (To the root) denoting (an act occurring at) an earlier time, out of the two (acts)that have the same aģent. (3.4.21). After a root standing in the sense of the earlier one among the two acts ( dhātvartha) having the same aģent, the suflix ktvā is appended, in the sense of bhāva. bhuktvā vrajati, The duality (here) is not obligatory. snātvā bhuktvā pñtvā vrajati. 576. In a compound, not having nañ as the first member, in the place of ktvāy lyap (7.1.37). ç Bļ om itted 3T5qq-J#q^SH3THHĪ^ 3v īt ē ^ ī ? H : I H V 9V 9 3 tn ftw * II i} .Y .^ II 5^ ( Hfē^T I # T :$ ? q irtē# ^ f a ē T C ’ <\V 9<t fTTēq^tU t: II <t.?.Y II aiTTftçn^ ^ C HHTT =q šftēH fēT3^%<J arsapreRRr’ i ^ t a çhc ^ī c ^T H l fe A FHH I 3 n ^ t W çhi T =q | çH R HHfēT ftpnT I ç«Tēqr qr i C 11 sFṛr f ^ č i n ? 11 In a compound, having an avyaya except nañ as its first mem ber, in the place of ktvā, lyap is substituted. (The augment) tuk (is added). prakrtya . 577. In the sense of re-iteration, ņamul also. (3.4.22). When re-iteration is to be indicated, in the place of ktvā, ņamul (is used). And ktvā. 578. In the sense of continualness and succession. (8.1.4). When continualness and succession are intended, the word is reduplicated. ābhiksņya in the case of tiñanta words and krdanta avyayas. smārañn smārañi namati śivam, smftvā smrtvā vā. Thus ends (the section on) krdanta . \ D O -S ( II srtr W II ) q«n?T ll II ' façēfnftsīfēr^: srTfērHfç^H^:'’ I HīfēPTfcfHSĪHT# HHTTlTTftm H ^T H I# H SPTHT ^ R f I 3=5#: H tt: çctī:. «ft: 5ĪĪHH I *teīT I t^F: \ 6o I H£: $ i \ HčH 1 'TfTfTFīHT^3 I ?>W> šftff: I ķ\ z(ĶV: \ çh ^ Isr ^ ii ^ .^ .v v 9 ii 579. In the sense of merely the prātipadikārtha, parimāņa, and vacana, p r a t h a m ā (2.3.46). linga, prātipadikārtha is that meaning which is invariablv present. In the sense of mere prātipadikārtha, in the sense of gender etc. in addition, and in the sense of mere number, prathamā (is.used). uccaiķ, nicaiķ, krsņaķ, ś r ī h , jñāna?n. In (the sense of) mere gender: tataķ, tati , tatam; in the sense of mere parimāņa: droņo vñhiķ. vacana means s a m k h y ā (nurņber) ekaķ, dvau, bahavaķ. 580. And in the sense of address. (2.3.47). prathamā (is used). he rāma. ç B 2 omitted R Bx f ^ T T ^ m T ...............īTFnr o m itted B B 2 V omitted O « irjñ fa rč R P T 11 ^ č •O f : f^ tfīT T 3ĪTc;T Of w ? T H 11 I \6?, tflšfa f s r ē f tu r ii 3TH # I I ēy$*qr u ST^fcT I 3 ī b r f ^ ^ I 5 s p r f e ļ s r^ H T I s f R * W II ? . v . v ^ || f w ’ f i r e t S T f ^ V p P R ^ sfRVT FTTēT I \6X « ^ « I t i t f c ļ ' i t a l II ^ 3 - K II 3 T H ^ 1 W T ^THTR ^ ē f t ^T vSf | 581. That, which is the most desired (object) of the aģent, (is designated) karma. (1.4.49). The kāraka, which is the most desired object to be obtained by the aģent by an act} is designated karma. 582. In the sense of the object, accusative (2.3.2). When (the object) is not (othervvise) stated. harim bhajati. When, hovvever, the object etc. is (otherwise) stated, nominative (is used). hariķ sevyate, lak§myā sevitaķ. 583. That, which is the most efficient, (is karaņa (1.4.42). designated) T hat {kāraka) , vvhich is the most conducive to the accomplishment of an act, is (designated) karaņa. 584. In the sense of the aģent and of the karaņa , instrumental. (2-3.18). When not (othervvise) stated. rāmeņa bāņena hato vāli. ? V f^TH IT: q>n<»iT 1 1 H H fḍA fčT H HTSP?RH?T: I ii \6% ^§«Ū II II 3 TN H # I faSTTC *īt <?<nfēT I 3 \6V> SqqHtT R S q r^ F H ļ II STTFTt l.V.RV II c\ > I I črfçHH * s II STTTST* R .ī.^ 6 II t r m r c F n f a i H T ^ēfts^^īH qṝrfH 1 \C% n c ś t 5T* II ^ .\o || 585. That, which one aims at by the object, (is designated) sampradāna . (1.4.32). That, whom one intends (to connect) with the object of the act of giving, is designated sampradāna . 586. In the sense of sampradāna , dative (2.3.13). When not (otherwise) stated. viprāya gām dadāti. 587. That, which is firm when there is seperation, is (design ated) apādāna (1.4.24). apāya means separation. When that is to be accomplished, that which serves as the limit (i.e. the starting point) is apādāna. 588. In the sense of apādāna, ablative (2.3.28). grāmād āyāti; dhāvato’śvāt patāli. 589. Genitive, in the remaining (senses). (2.3.50). ç^ rū n n ^ T fe cfGjt I TTJf: 55«T: I ^H^-TTHfa H ^ H H T ^ Hčft HHH I H^HT ^T^ftcT I Hī^: RTTfr I ^sft tt# šth: i h ^ I ^ z ftq T f^ I I TĪ^THt HC H: I f f a II ^ -3 -V \ II l>iffH ^Kīft ^Hrfar ^ n ^śt i fisṅrpī !•%: i stjth: \\o ^ṛrf $w»r: i \W sra irc h ftn rc 'irç n ? .tr .v \ n ^fTH āRT ṛrfcrcsfanzrr: I śesa means the sense such as the ovvner and the ovvned, etc., distinct and separate from the senses conveyed by the kārākās and the prātipadika. In that (sense), genitive (is used). rājñaķ purusah . In the case of karma etc. also, when mere sambandha is intended to be expressed, genitive alone (is used). satām gatam; sarpiso jānīte; mātuķ smarati; edho dakasyopaskarute; bhajc śambhoś caraņayoķ; phalānām tTptaķ. 590. In the sense of the aģent and the object, vvhen follovved by krt (2.3.65). When connected vvith a krt (formation), in the sense of the aģent or the object, genitive is used. kr?V'dsya krtiķ, jagataķ kārtā krsņaķ. 591. Substratum (is designated) adhikaraņa (1.4.45). (Substratum) of the action pertaining to the aģent or the object, through the aģent or the object. ? Ba KV* ^ ii ll =qT ēT fT īffēr% ^: I 3 fK #fiR T t t w f ^ ' , sbT5īr['T^%ē^T« ṛīT ^ H T I ^ 3TT?# I FTĪ?^t 3īffēT% ^T I I ^ ī f t ē ī I H#fFT^TēHīter I 3FTç*T ^ ii ? f a g ^ « d : ii 592. And in the sense of the adhikaraņa, the locative (2.3.36). By the force of ca, after (words) having the senses dūra (far off) and antika (near). A substratum is of thrce kinds, namely (actually) contiguous, (figuratively) objective, and coextensive. kate āste, sthālyām pacati, mokse icchāsti, sarvasminnātmāsti. vanasya dūre antike vā. Here ends the (section on) subartha. $ Bx ( u 3t«t * n r m ī: u ) HHFH: srm^ēpisreHēfhr: i srr^H ^ĪST5TH PTt TSÎT: i 1 H H fa n TH^rfarHHdrT: o i I H R ^ 'W r ? m H T H t feH: i Ķ-Ķ: 5T«rH : I 3TFT7!' ^'T^srSTĪHtssirift^r^t fjṝfhr: | tTTHiftrTTH^Ī^- W ?t h 4 : < r c f a f s r : i i n jfr fefsr: H HHsrffaēft ^tsr: I \% * m «PSTTītT ç r tc t: n n Compounds are of five vārieties. That, which has not any pardcular designation, is the first (veriety designated) the kevalasamāsa. That, in vvhich, as a general rule, the sense of the first member is prominent, is the second (varietv, designated) the avyaylbhāva. That, in vvhich, as a general rule, the sense of the latter member is prominent, is the third (variety, designated) the tatpurusa. karmadhāraya is a (sub-)varietv of the talpurusa; and dvigu is a (sub-)variety of the karmadhāraya. That, in vvhich, as a general rule, the sense of a vvord other (than those in the compound) is prominent, is the fourth (variety, designated) the bahuvrlhi. That, in vvhich, as a general rule, the sense of both the members is prominent, is the fifth (variety, designated) dvandva. 593. A rule, pertaining to a pada, is samartha (2.1.1). A rule, vvhich pertains to a pada, should be understood as pertaining to competent (vvords). 594. Prior to kadāra, samāsa (2.1.3). ( 3.? .^ ) fHbpiTH I ^ rṛr: h rt m m zm - KV\ gsT 11 R -% ^ < i g n ç h t Hf? 3T1 g g r ir g i gqrgṛgT g srifčrrfo F ē^ g t i 3 m "F g g t W ^ (< v 3 A 3 ) i f g f g ^ n g ^gfggrg: i i ?%g* *wrcrt fg g g ç g v to ? ^ u g rg g f m i gTfrgffgg i ii f t g u Prior to the rule the topic. 595. kad ārā h karmadhmayes samo-sa is made With a sup (2.1.4). A sup is optionally compounded with a sup, Because it is a samāsa, (the compound word) becomes a prātipadika; and hence, the case-ending is elided. purvam bhūtaķ = bhūtapūrvaķ. Here (the word bhūta) is placed first on the strength of the mention (made by Pāņini) in the rule bhūtapūrve carat. 596. With iva, a compound (is form ed), and there non-elision of the case-ending (of the other word). vāgarthau iva, vāgarthāviva. Thus ends (the section on) the kevala compound. ļ D, V omitted is ^ Bx °^ -? r B2 V V . D. read ērr after artuīftmsr:1 II 3[fsppR: 5H^ ^ < £ 3HHH II I f3^1«rnti*il't^Ml^ēJJs?rsTfļļiq iṛqq m *3fṛttl«3RI!II II fdHdčHdlfe'T o ?fčT fPTH 1 5r«nrrr?rl%cx ^HHĪHHSEfH H o dR d HĶ ^ fdē*T H H W I sṭRH^'r fdēdHHTH: I 3R ^*R f^Tfr d ī I fdHdēft Ķ?X f e arfsr h h īh ii ii HHlHHird TdnTfdfeeH'TH^dH O * \ CTiṛT * \ I 597. Avya, )rībhāva (2.1.5), forms the topic, prior to tatpurusa. 598. An indeclinable, in the sens es of a vibhakti, sarriipa, samrddhi , vjrddhi, arthābhāva, atyaya, asamprati, śabdaprādurbhāva, peJcāt, yathā, &nupurvya, yaugapadya, sādrśya, sampatii , sākalya, and anta (2.1.6). An indeclinable standing in the sense of case-ending etc. is invariably compounded with a word having a case-ending. That, vvhich has no dissolution, is (designated) nitya compound. O r that, which has no dissolution with its own members. ( Illustration of an indeclinable) in the sense of a vibhakti : hari hi adhi, when this is the position, 599. That, which is mentioned in the nominative in a com pound, is (designated) upasarjana (1.2.43). In the rule laying down a samāsa, that, vvhich is mentioned in the nominative, is (designated) upasarjana . \ Bļ omitted ^ B2, omitted \0 0 n 1 1 tfHT# I ^fēī art: HT^ snfhī: l 3t5qtt^TW?^ II 3 t« p t *nrçr i i II ?Fh srfsrṝļfç 1 ^Tčtnflṭin^Rēits^ ^ n r ^ n n : u r - v . c ī '< 3r?;ṛrr? aroqzftî^jH ṛrrt h ^ i h ^ t q ^ r t ) f fa n i 3tht•n o O > ŠSFr* I f ^ F T ?T*ft«m<TfOTnT I \o ^ g ē O q i « td « i lq g ^ II ^.V.ṛt'd II 3R?^īôZHftṣHq[H | gqf.OTpr HTfṁiļH upasarjana, first (2.2-30). | 600. In a compound. Hence adhi is placed first. 601. And avyayībhāva (2.4.18), is an indeclinable. Hence the elision of sup . harau iti adhihari. 602. Not after an avyayībhāva ending in a; but am, except in the case of the ablative. (2.4-83). After an avyaylbhāva ending in a, there is no elision (in the place) of a case-ending; and in the place of it, except that of the ablative, am is substituted. krsņasya samīpam = upakrsņam. 603. In the place of the instrumental and the locative, diversely, (2.4.84). After an avyayībhdva ending in a. upakTâm , upakrsnena, upakrsņe % D çft ff o ^ Bt °fčTT3irfyo 3ṭt. 5 T^ I omitted 'O TRTiīt HHfe: C N O \o )£ fa tr | % e\ hhh ^ h NI s īr ^ H H« Cf e ^ N O \I II ç .^ o r* 1 1 h i ^h^hh i h 3 T īfa 'T T H : 1 11 11 ift dt^rs?: çsflsrč-TJīifçf ^ ṛrc h ft sn fa rū r^ n ṝ^ T : I Hfçr^FTĪHMRt fanfŠT^H I |ftSfs?*zr 5ṛ^T^T:q ^fēT ffd I faroft: ^ T ē T 3 R f ^ w I madrānām duryavanam. samTddhiķ sumadram. yavanānām vyrddhiķ 604. And that which has one fixed vibhakti, except for purva nipāta (standing first) (1.2.44). That, which stands in a fixed vibhakti in the dissolution, is (designated) upasarjana. But it is not placed first (in the com pound) . 605. In the case of go and of feminine words, when upasarjana . (1.2.48). A short (vowel) is substituted in the place of a prātipadika , which ends in the word go or a word ending in a feminine suffix, vvhen it is an upasarjana. maksikāņām abhāvo nirma ksikam; himasya a tya ya ķ atihimam; nidrā samprati na yujyate atinidram; hariśabdasya prak-īśaķ itihari; visņoķ paścāt anuvisņu. ? B2 SJTJīTfa added before S R 7T 5T : ^ Bļ, B2, D read only; and V also has 31% added by the scribe marginally to be inserted between ^fcf and JTtnrH STHĢi'TH I I ^T^TH^f HftT Hč H^H I ^fečnTHfēHtHiT 3To3Tl^ṭn% * W .& II ļ .$ .6 o II HfRT H: I | T H |f t ffēT 3[Hñ^ H 3T% 1 I ^ 1% 5 I I ^#*1 H^FTH H ^ H I H W H H % I S T ^ m H*HfēT: HDT^H I H'iīHT HtrfT;H:5iT HH^H s c e. «\ 3[fTHn;W HHHH^ h iP h I %0i$ ēt% ēn: II -tf.ç.v^ II āHH^HHHH ccT vEtÎT : I Worthiness, repetition, non-transgression of something, and likeness are the senses of yathā. rūpasya yogyam anurūpam; ariham artham prati pratyartham; śaktim anatikramya yathāśakti. 606. In the case of an avyayibhāva , when not in the sense of time (6.3.80). In the place of saha, sa (is substituted). hareķ sādrśya'rh sahari; but when time is to be conveyed, (saha is not changed to sa). sahapūrvāhņam. jyesthasyānupūrvyeņa iti anujyestham , cakreņa yugapat sacakram. sadrśaķ sakhyd sasakhi; ksattrāņām sampattiķ saksattram; trņam apyaparityajya satrâm atti; agnigranthaparyantam adhīte sāgni. 607. taddhitas (4.1.76), • (form) the topic upto the end of the fifth chapter. ? B2 #:HTzft^T° F— 13 ^ 3T5ijīhHT% T O srç fT O : n v < M oV 3 u ^ *«• HHTHFēT::ļ I T O : HH hH'TTOH I HUfe'TTHH I o s 3TH5^ IIV **?® ^ H a r e R n r o ^ T O R r■ \ s^r * \ i %\ o ii V M * * ii HTñTfiT T O t « f a : H%?t I HTTMH ■ s I 3T«TTēHH * \ I sn a g * e ii i» arfsr^Tr: trrn «rgsrtt: i II çflf ariutŪ TO : II W % n w H N - ^ 3 II I •o 008. In the avyaylbhāva after śarad and other words (5.4.107), tac (is appended) as the end of the compound. śaradaķ samlpam upaśaradam; prativipāśam. 609. And after an (5.4.108) After the avyayībhāva ending in an, tac (is appended). 610. When followed by a taddhita (suffix), of n (6.4.144). In the place of the t% of the bha ending in n, elision (is sub stituted), when followed bv a taddhita. uparājam; adhyātmam. Thus ends (the section on) the avya.yībhāva. 611. tatpurusa (2.1.22). (This forms) the topic prior to bahuvñhi. 612. And dvigu (2.1.23). (is a variety of) tatpurusa. \ V °^ : çirTļ ^ V ṣp^rflr«T: ZĶ tt? feftOT f«TēTTēŪH'T%H*Tēn^HSrT'frTq#: II fenfaTR EīHifesr^fēr#: g ^ d : HĶ 3T II i f i^ i Ū5RT: frvrf^TH: I Hčft^n Hē^HT^R HēftTFēT H ēfl^TR r^f *ŠPJ?: JiT g^M os: | W h t ^HP-TT II 3 ° ll 3RH V HrRēf «H R īn: I II «T§5Ś HTRēT I ^ H iē T : I <5q*R«r fRT n j a * II līR ft *R"r H H#THT i 613. Accusative, with śrita, atlta, patita, gata, atyasta, prāpta and āpanna (2.1.24). A word in the accusative is optionally compounded with the inflected (forms of) śrita and other words. kT^ņa'di śritaķ krsņaśritaķ. 614. Instrumental, with a word expressive of the guņa, which is made by it, and vvith artha. (2.1.30). A word in the instrumental is, as above, (compounded) vvith (a vvord) expressive of the guņa, effected by the object conveyed by the vvord vvith the instrumental ending, and vvith (the vvord) artha. śahkulayā khaņdaķ śahkulākhaņdaķ, dkānyenārtho dhānyārthah615. In the sense of the aģent and the instrument, vvith krt, diversely (2.1.32). A vvord in the instrumental, expressive of the aģent or the instrument, is diversely as before (compounded) vvith (a vvord) ending in a krt suffix. haritrātaķ, nakhanirbhinnaķ. $ V o m itted îJRRRfzT ^ T ē T HāTf^HT 3 R ? fe fa ^ ^ č |R R HTRH I f 7 R 3T5 Hq'7R 1 '^ F T STtīfafafifēRR RT# I ^V9 3T3R fHRHHTOt fe ^ R fe ^ H T %fr fg ^ R R fg^TR: $T: I fosrm? ■HṛRfo: I HtffčR I i f r ^ H I *ŪT%ēR I W T II II ^ T RN MiR * \ ^ T tR H* * • I %\% **Št II II STTR T I TTfT: r ļiR : T *[ iW I l HHi? H I TRHR I I fg^TR HH: I 616. Dative, with a tadartha (object), and with artha, bali, hita, sukha, and raksita (2.1.36). (A word) in the dative (is compounded) as before with that word which is expressive of what is meant for the matter expressed by the word in the dative, and with artha and other words. yūpāya dāru yūpadāru. By tadartha (is meant) the relation of the material and its modification only. Hence (this rule does) not (apply) in the case of: randhanāya sthāll 617. It should be stated that with artha the compound formed is nitya and that it has the gender of the viśesya. dvijāyāyam dvijārthaķ sūpaķ; dvijārthā yavāgūh; dvijārtharh payaķ ; bhūtabaliķ, gohitam , gosukham , goraksitam. 618. Ablative, with bhaya (2.1.37). chorāt bhayam chorabhayam . 619. Genitive (2.2.8). (is compounded) with an inflected word as before. purusaķ rājapurusah , rājñcķ HH.HSrarOiftr 1 1 ^ . $ . Y o II V čF H vT sfblT fefir: STF^r ^ I 31^TH N O ī j \ oV: 3R R fb?: I fečflHIHčftHṝJT feATHUr H!HIH SRIsrrf'T f e f h n f e f ^ R ^ r T SRhpRTRl HHTHt ?R: I H f e ē n « f f r ī^ H lT T ^ ^ II ṛife rn f STH^H I C II fia^ren HHlH *[[ṛ[ H3HFHT ’ s ṛ R 'r ? V( TtērT h h t ^ V( HT^lHF SR: ^-JkTī^T3 HsresTR: I O * v 620. Locative, with śauņdas (2.1.40). A word in the locative (is compounded) a5 before with śauņda and other words. aksesu śauņdaķ aksaśauņdaķ . On the strength of the separation (as an independent sūtra) of (the words) dvitlyā} trfiyā etc. (in the relevant sūtras ), compounding of accusative and other cases elsewhere (i.e. with other vvords) also should be understood, in deference to usage. 621. When the sense of a taddhita (is to be expressed), when follovved by an additional word, and also when an aggregate is to be expressed (2.1.51). When the sense of a taddhita is in question, and when an additional word follows, and when an aggregate is to be expressed, (words expressive of) direction and number (are com pounded) as before. pūrvasyām śālāyām bhavaķ. In pūrvaśālā, when this compound is formed, the word purvā takes the mas culine form, according to the rule that a pronoun assumes the masculine form in ali z/rttis. ? V fltčrriRT omitted ^ Bx TnTTTčT: 3 D çfcr *r*rm: i fr> r v B1 °m^ b2 ..........-str! f i r ç p h r o r a r a T *r. u v .^ .? o o n 3TçhīH : STHfTRrH N H3TŽT4 3T * SI rT fe^R ^T H īl: II v a .^ .^ v s II fsrfer fnf% h Hfeṛr w h t ^ > f f e i uçufrī T( 1 1 v * .^ II 'TtfHTvJ: I H3R HRT HT ;j ç q fa fa'T? «Tfšfttfl 1 W 5 ffēīē3^ tlh ç T ĪrT ^ »ftTēīf5 ē t ^ 1 1 \ - * . \ R II I 622. After (a compound) having a vvord expressive of direction as a former member not in the sense of samjñā, ña (4.2.107). After it, in the sense of bhava etc., ña is appended, of course, not in the sense of a sañijñā . 623. When follovved by iaddhitas, in the place of the first of the vovvels. (7.2.117). When follovved by a taddhita vvith an indicatory ñ or n, in the place of the first among the vovvels (of the base), vfddhi (is substituted). 624. Of i and a, vvhen follovved ī and (a taddhita) (6.4.148). paurvaśālaķ. In a bahuvñhi vvith three members, vvith the dissolution, pañca gāvo dhanañi yasya. 625. When an additional vvord comes after a dvandva or a tatpurusa, the compound should be declared to be nitya. 626. After go, except vvhen there is elision of taddhita (5.4.92). nrstčrrčr cr^ r* R S R : i jh çiṛrçr HRTHHēfr h ṛ r f e ē r ^ fr \ ^V 8 rTē^H: HHFTTftRīT’iT: 7 < h rm t: II TOTrçvf feiļ: II HfečTiSTčHH I W f e ^ B W P ī ^ II ^.V .* II ff^T#: HRT^R i r ^ H RTTēf I *T H^rr " s I ^ 3 ? fsrereif feçnRur a g ? n ļ ll ņ .l.kṭ'a ll II ^.V.?V9 II II II ?TH T ^ f e ^ s ^ r r H'THfHT I 'T^^THT īR Ī Hm^TT: T ^ - After a tatpurusa compound ending in go, tac is appended as the ending of the compound; (but) not vvhen there is elision of a taddhita suffix. pañcagavadhanaķ. 627. A tatpurusa , having the samc adhikaraņa, (is designated) karmadhāraya (1.2.42). 628. Having samkhyī as the first member, dvigu (2.1.52), (as specified in) taddhitārtha etc. 629. A dvigu , singular (2.4.1). The sense of dvigu, aggregate, is like one. 630. It is neuter (2.4.17). When samāhāra is expressed, dvandva and dvigu arie neuter in gender. pañcānām gavām samāhdraķ pañcagavam. 631. A viśesaņa, with a viśesya, diversely (2.1.57). ô o HīTfiT'āPdTi)M « ft šfp HtēTtO ś 5TH3cT N | HteHē7*j O ČT^H I ^f^ tr^ H ēT ^ f ^ ē r fa R H I «F^RTT: I ^TiRTOT: | ^ 3»RHTfn S R I R ^ H : II ? ,- \ .'\ \ II Ķ? RHT: ^ I t n l TTHt \ 3 ^ * T trd ^ ^ š ftr% T fu w rriir u 3RtffaHT 'jTrčHT: HHf HcT | ^ *>ṛ=rcrRTfafW5%ēT i ar^JT^t I ’ṛ^H HTH rT^T?: I ^=f * rR « r $®h»R: I aPTO>W? I iTīfnfsRntf f o n i ^#5 ® ie p īt u A qualifier is diversely (compounded) as before with the qualified, standing in the same case. rñlam utpalam nilotpalam. By the force of the word bahulam , at times, (the compound thus formed is) nitya : krsņasarpaķ; at times (it is) not (s o ): rāmo jāmadagnyaķ. 632. Standards of comparison, with words expressive of the common quality (2.1.55). ghana iva śyāmaķ ghcmaśyāmaķ. 633. pūrva, apara, adhara and uttara, with ekadeśin, when it has eka adhikaraņa (2.2.1). W ith (a word expressive of) the whole, pūrva etc. are compounded, provided that the whole is characterised by numerical unity. This is an exception to the sasthī - ( tatpurusa) compound. pūrvara kāyasya pūrvakāyah; aparakāyaķ. Why say ekādhikaraņe? (The answer is to be found in cases like) pūrvaś chātrāņām. 5 5 * aru 3T?jfqcq<jft 1 ii 3 .3 .3 11 1 ^ p rfa R H t a n h r ^ t Etč^t h h t^ h i 'm fq ^ q T 55^t 5U«t>Mīf^TçtHTHTT'tq<4«JM5^' II ^Fpfsnī: Hīf%q: 3TTWf«īq: I ^ f ī ^ r o r : I 5 3 5 *rç 11 3 . 3 . 5 ç t t s tt^ h I 550 11 H v M 5tsq: Hod 11 5 . 5 .13 3 II 1 11 *štq 11 5 . 5 .13 5 anrr^nir: 1 55 <t črc*fresfcr ^HH^FTēT d: « i HH H ^ F T ^ F H ^ H « > I 3RFC I 634. ardha, neuter (2.2.2). The word ardha, expressive of exact half, is always in the neuter. It (is compounded) as before. ardhañi pippalyāķ ardhapippaU. G35. In the case of śākapārthiva etc., elision of the latter member. śākapriyaķ pārthivaķ sākapārthivaķ; devabrāhmaņaķ. 636. nañ (2.2.6), (is compounded) vvith (a vvord ending in) a case-ending. 637. In the case of nañy elision of n (6.3.72). In the place of n belonging to nañ , elision is substituted, vvhen follovved by a latter member. abrāhmaņaķ. 638. After it, nut, when follovved by a vovvel. (6.3.73). A latter member beginning vvith a vovvel, coming after nañ vvith its n elided, has (the augment) nut. anaśvaķ. W jn fk srra n : u 11 <U Hh Ah fdē^T HH?h A l ^fēTT: c ]bqr: ^ 5 H : I %īSo II % . K u ^ṛrfezn'1 ôīffčīī oT^-TTīīH Hf-^fičiT T J 'T - ī l ^ I V*? ^qrq?nfēT? u n I HfçfHsTT: I Sl'dfīṝH o ^TtēflfēT *WTOTT: I śīfēfg: f e ī[ | Hī W H W I H īfe o5^ 'O *vN « \ C \N O -S ( M •?« K ) H^HlfH^HlčT HJĶ HdH^T I 639. ku, gati and pra etc. (2.2.18). HqH? W-HT faṛiT HHçiTH I ārfči^H^H HHĪH: I These words are invariably compounded with a competent word. kutsitaķ purusaķ kupurusaķ. 640. ūñ etc., cm and dāc, also (1.4.61). ū ñ etc.,and formations in cvi and (formations) in dāc, when connected with a verb, have the designation gati. ūñkrtya, śukūkrtya, patapatākrtya; su p u ru sa ķ. 641. An upapada, not (ending in) a tin (2.2.19). An upapada is invariablv compounded with a competent word; and the compound aoes not end in a tin. kum bharn karoti iti kumbhakārah. Why sav atiri? (The ansvver is to be found in statements like) mā bhavān bhūt. Here māñ is an upapada, on the strength of its mefition in the locative in the sūtra, māni lun . ? B2 ;sqļfčf55ZFčTT: 5*3 \\ t^Rīt FHH I Hīčī | n 5*5 T T ^ i ^ T : <jfa II 3 .* -3 5 II <Tṝr??ēft 1 '^ f c t ī ^ ^ t 3 t^ th : i h#- TJW. 5** H^TTēfTĪ^: I * m rrçp WŚhW 11 fgTHHT I 3[%TFr: I 5* ^ T r s n ^ f S F H ^ || <v*.<^ II 3 ^ ^ H ēJW H Z% I TFFrST: | 642. In the case of rātri, coming after aha/n, sarva, (a vvord denoting) a part, sarhkhyāta and puņya, (5.4.87). In the case of rātri coming after these, ac, is appended (as samāsānta). By the force of ca, after a numeral, avyaya, etc. (also). 643. rātra, akna and aha, in the masculine (2.4.29). The dvandva and the tatpurusa (compounds) ending in these are in the masculine only. ahaś ca rātriś ca ahorātraķ; sarvarātraķ, pūrvarātraķ , sa/rhkhyātarātraķ. 644. rātra, preceded by dvirātram; atirātraķ. 645. sa m k h yā , neuter. After rājan, ahan, and sakhi , tac (5.4.91). After a tatpurusa ending in these, (the samāsānta) tac (is appended). paramarājaķ. 3TFH^čr: 1 1 || JT|RT5f: I ī R R R R ^ ī ē f m I H^TSRITT HpbTčfU: I %)S\$ H^TTqTH^^^t5ftēH>: II II 3TTH RfēT I g^rfn^T ^=T ā R H 1 srerfśrerfa: | %*č <RWfrē5^ II ^ . Y . ^ II ^ ^ ī rc\AT W *T I HZRkRRdff o O c\ o o ? h ) I 3T^f7R?fr I \) S\ *T.*TTR n $ n r ç II H| q= qfṛf i sriṛf: ^hhrh i II H ēgW II 646. ā in the place of mahat, when a word in the same case and (the suffix) jātlyar follows (6.3.45). mahārājaķ. The suffix jātīyar is mahāprakāraķ mahājātīyaķ. 647. sa m k h yā , expressive of prakāra; In the place of dvi and astan, when followed by a not bahuvñhi, not aślti. (6.3.46), āt is substituted. dvyadhikā daśa dvādaśa; astāvimśatiķ. 648. The gender of dvandva and tatpurusa, like (that of) the latter member. (2.4.26). kukkutamayuryau ime, mayūñkukkutau imau; ardhapippali. 649. In (the case of) general application, neuter gender (is used). mrdu pacati, prātaķ kamaniyam. Thus ends (the section on) the tatpurusa compound. ^ tṭo 3T^Û7?TS5f II II C \ī s : i 3TH^ 5T«THr HfF^'HīPU ^HHTH 3T HH^TcT H srp flff: | s t r p• t^ O *( tr r-ē f t^ ^ rr h t t t : i g ^ r t s ^ i s " T RNi s ^ H ^ d k d T Wl<Š[ | r ū ṛ m ^ t ?>E: I V *t ?^ p fl% 5 b r ^ stgsfr^ u R-R-i'*, ii ^ « R T fW T'J[ ^ ^gšfrgt HIK: 1 rHTH I % \R g ^ a t r T Wr{* T: HSTilHH II % J .6 II fPRTTā 3R7.=rīH W R T r 3T-7^ | <ļ><J5TP~: | 3ṛčT HšJ Wrt^TH sqrftRTW īŠt* srpT fs: I 650. More than one, in the sense of a difīerent padārtha. (2.2.24) bahuvñhi is that compound in vvhich more vvords than one, standing in the nominative and signifying together a matter other than vvhat is conveyed by these vvords, are optionally com pounded. prāptam udakarn yam prāptodako grāmaķ; upahrtapaśū rudraķ; uddhrtaudanā sthālī; pltāmbaro hariķ; vīrapuruso grāmaķ. 6 51t Locative and an epithet, in bahuvñhi (2.2.35). A vvord in the locative and a qualifying vvord is placed first in a bahuvñhi compound. 652. After a vvord ending in a consonant or in a, in the place of locative, non-elision, in the case of a samjñā (6.3.8). After a vvord ending in a consonant or ending in a, there is non-elision of the locative (ending). kaņthekālaķ; from this very sūtra as jñāfraka, vyadhikaraņa (type of) bahuvñhi (is inferrcd). ļ B1 ° q ^ T q r ^ V from here u p to szrf€ṛ«p"ûfq^Y om itted ļ B1 ^Jrsrgçftf^; ■o n ^ rfa n ^ R H ? fsraTfš* II -o v *nTHTfersfR*r f?3rom<jT«ñ<T3RRīo < i c\ S^fērT^TēT 3^*TRT V,V( ēPTRraFT I 3 d w f e H f%H I ^ēHīiftftTīT: I \\* s rp il^ ^ r^ T ē f n « < ¥ T tjm tļ HHTHlfH^rūt ? I H 5 5 ^ R t* fsPTRd H I f ^ H : I 653. In the place of a fem. word not ending in (the fem. suffix) ū, and having the same sense as the (corresponding) masculine form, the corresponding masculine form (is substituted) when followed by a feminine word in juxtaposition, excepting an ordial or (a vvord of) the priyādi class- (6-3.33). In the place of a word expressive of a female, which convevs the samc sense as the corresponding masculine form, and which has not (the fem. suffix) ūñ (appended to it), is substituted the corresponding masculine form, when a feminine vvord in juxtaposition follovvs. Not, hovvever, vvhen follovved by a fem. ordinal, or a vvord of the priyādi class. citragaķ, rūpavadbhāryaķ. Why say apriyādisu ? The ansvver may be found in compounds like) kalyāņīpriyaķ. 654. In a bahuvrihi compound, after sakthi and aksi denoting a part of the body, sac (5.4.113). After a bahuvñhi compound ending in the vvords sakthi or aksi expressive of a part of the bodv, (the samāsānta) sac (is appended). ç Bt omitted B2 adds V B2 3 after this H RTH 5rqīT'ST*r U: S R I T R II II ^ o1 3 3HfeftH * \ I 3 ) W R : I fHrīHĪT N ? * :s rç fk « r: II 'n I sT T T T T Ssfr | II s’ R C \R R Č I fs!H H fW : I W 5TTTf§:^l'n īl II ^HTHrHFcrrT q - fn |: q?q m i ī r r h ’r : tt^ tw t: i II ffēT II 655. s} of a pratyaya (1.3.6). The initial (s) is indicatorv. d īr g h a s a k t h a ķ . Here nīs is appended because the pratyaya has an indicatory s. v ā m ā k s i. 356. After tīras etc., kap (5.4.151). vyūdhoraskaķ; priyasarpiskaķ. 657. After the remaining, optionally (5.4.154). After a bahuvñhi compound, for which no samāsānta has been laid dov/n, (the fjratyaya) kap is optionallv appended. mahāyaśaskaķ , m a h ā y a ś ā h . Thus ends (the section on) the bahuvñhi compound. fffj: II II 31H^ fSFH H R ^TēTH TH 3T s *śfcr^rat*rcnTTšTTT^rT*rf: i f a e ^ S T F Ī R ^ t^^rfçTO^RT: 3FJēn:çiT •a hh HS^ST: I »re ^ s n r ^fṛr q T m I f W H ? HT HFHH ?fcT I I 3FTifftgTiT«īfcr n HHtHT H I fa fo ṛrR rH R R ?ērlērrdhr: i H fH H bRR H i snrerR 'd' f e f n r tfH f: HHT^ĪT: I \\% < N ^ d T f? n <TTR R -'R 'H II ITH p s p f R ī f TT rJTH i ^ R R t ttrt tr r r : I 658. In the sense of ca, dvandva (2.2.29). More inflected words than one, signifying the sense of ca, are optionally compounded; and that is (designated) dvandva . Community of reference, collateralness of reference, mutual conjunction, and aggregate are the senses of ca. Of these, samuccaya means common syntactical connection of more than one mutually independent words with one word, (as in) izvaram g u r u m ca bhaja. O n the other hand, when one of the two (words, thus connected) is incidental (as in) bhiksām ata gārh cānaya, it is anvācaya. Of these, no compound is formed, owing to absence of sāmarthya (competence). Itaretarayoga is the contact of words together, (as in) dhava khadirau chinddhi; while samāhāra is aggregate, (as in) samjñāparibhāsam. 659. In rājadanta etc., later (2.2.31). In these compounds, that member, vvhich should ordinarily be placed first, is (placed) aftervvards. dantānām rā jā rājadantaķ . I B2 ^ fa II || T? rTTH I ^fT^Td I 3T5TīlR?ēm II ^ . 3 3 II f i W snfagnñnTtfMrç n ^.v.^ n igṛf Ķhg I TTfaT'TRH | Tiref^PTFlfofHT | ^fspf>TI ^^FēnēT ll V *M °^ I* ^■^^ēTIH ^ H ē T Ī ^ 5-āT T ēT ^ ÎčT HHT^l^ I ^ P ^ Iē I I I ^ft<THçFT I fhH I HR^Rdd I II ffēt 5^: U 660. In a dvandva, ghi (2.2.32). is placed earlier; hariharau . 631. A word beginning with a vowel and ending in (2.2.33). īsakrsņau. tt? at 662. And dvandva of parts of prāņin, tūrya and senā (2.4.2). dvandva formed of these is like unity (aggregate). pāņipādam; mārdañgikapāņavikam; rathikāśvāroham. 633. After a dvandva ending in cu, d, s and h, when aggregate is intended to be expressed (5.4.106). After a dvandva ending in a letter of the cavarga, or in dy s, or h, the samāsānta tac is appended, when aggregate is intended to be conveyed. vāktvacam, tvaksrajam, sam^drsadam, vāktvisam, chatropānaham. Why say samāhāre? (The answer is to be found in cases like) prāvrtśaradau. Thus ends (the section on) the dvandva compound. \ B x omitted; B 2 V tv * n \.)g.\a)e \\ ç n rrc rc ir s ī h č h i t t s h t t ^ ^ : i ^ *īt h : h ^ t T F t H I 3 n H : I f a ^ J ļf O T I f^H ^T 'T HT: I TT^fHTH I 3fŠ § 3TSTH: I 3SH: 3RT: I HlW-T: I c. C \ ŠW. I H \% \ n 3 * ^ 1 1 ^ H F t I h q ^ n : HHTHHēTT H rH : | JJT R T 3?fṝTTRT 1 \\\ « a rfa n tri* 'ļTHTT'jf: I 1 1 664. In the case of re, pur, ap, dhur, and pathin , 0, except when {dhur) signifies tf&sa. (5.4.74). In the case of a compound, having rc, etc. at the end, (the samdsānta) a is appended as the final portion. But not in the case of a compound ending in dhur which pertains to aksa. ardharcaķ, visņupuram, vimaldparn saraķ, rājadhuram. When pertaining to aksa, however, aksadhūh, drdhadhūh aksaķ . sakhipathaķ, ramyapatho deśaķ. 665. Not after (words conveying) praise (5.4.69). The endings of compounds {samdsānta) are not appended after (these words), when they stand after words conveying praise. surdjdy atirdjā. 666. After su and ati only. paramardjaķ . ļiṛte T re tfa usftafo eiļ; n w ? ° < ^ u f w : <l ṣT% <? P c č t t E t p h «t t h t hC Ih i \ f n f t čTOTfaqWēr 1 HStčHT ÛTf^f^#Wdī^TTH 'THT^T.H II ^ T l f c II II ? % SUTOFēTStčSUT:3 II ii ffčt n 667. prsodara etc. as actually mentioned (6-3.108). in (These) are to be considered correct in the very form vvhich they have been uttered by sistas (the elite). Through the augmentation of a letter is established harrisa; simha, through the transposition of letters; g ū d h o tm d , through the modification of a letter; and through the disappearance of a letter, prsodara; and so on. Thus ends (the section on) samdsānta suffixes. Thus ends (the section on) compounds. ^ ^ ^ V B1# B2) D omitted V adds after this; Bx, B2, D add Blf D No colophon; V omitted Found only in V ( II 3T «T a f e u : II ) %%č HH«rhn H«THT^T II v . ? . ^ 5IT ^H u ^TRēT I % \ \ Sn^bUčŪSUT II X . \ . 6 Ī II çteīfēr SIT^ 3[tir 3Tfafo3Fl I ṭnr?t-.HčftqW4H o I fc A ^ īR fe a n fe^ ī: I nr^T'TR:1 l V9? ?gçUTft»*ftS^T^ II V .ņ - č ļ II after: l I s rf e e R T f c ē ^ ^ ī 6 6 8 . Optionally after the first among the competent words. (4.1.82). Here a topic is commenced (to continue) upto prāgdiśaķ. 669. Prior to dīvyat, aņ (4.1.83). Upto (excluding) the sūtra, tena dīvyati, the suffix aņ is made a topic. 670. Afetr diti, aditi, āditya and (a compound) pati as the latter member, ņya (4.1.85). To convey ali the senses upto divyati. diter dāityaķ; aditer ādityasya vā āditvaķ; prājāpatyaķ. 671. After utsa etc. añ (4.1.86). having apatyādi autsah ç Bļ, V omitted ^ V From here upto fspf^f ^ || omitted W i V »? f^«P ^ n Q3T ^ i f ķ f o tC || \ 9 . ņ . \ \ 6 II 'sRTO TŠT^t f f e : l W ^ ī t r m f e r ^ u?f n ’ftT’TēiTTfe * \I l *V9^ HçqrTčmT II 'K.\.%R II H^^čTTēT fTēTH-H: 3T ç*T: o I 672. In the case of bahis, there occurs elision of its ti and yañ (is appended). bāhyaķ; 673. And īkak (is also appended). ^ H T i ī T ^ STēMT 674. And v/hcn followed by what has an indicatory k (7.2.118). z/rddhi is (substituted) in the place of the vowel that is the first among the vowels. bāffikaķ. 675. After go, vvhen follovved by a suffix beginning vvith a vovvel, yat. gor apatyādi gavyam 676. Off-spring thereof (4.1.92). After a vvord in the genitive, that is competent and has formed its connection, in the sense of apatya, the suffixes stated and to be stated are optionally appended. \ Before this V adds čTfeçt^ṛ^TiTT^: ^ Instead of cRpf: V reads I *TĪW*T \ ^vsv9 3Ttm»r: ii n «TPT T O f e J I H TH dT'TčifH l'H R : I ?ē*I: I \ l s č artrīt q b ts īH rē ī 11 h 3TqčJTē^H U^rfoTēi1 qW rf^ h i ^ h i t çjtih \ %*% tṇ š l ii v . ? . ^ ii H ī# r ç ç qrsr 5TČT=T: rḍTH I H H if T n f H n ^ H 3 Ū T O : I ļč o n ^ r N 11 *.?.?«<* n HT^TTṛq- I tt-T^JT HT^PT cīT ittht : i arTṛçn: I 677. In the place of u, guņa (6.4.146). In the place of a bha ending in the vowel us guņa (is substituted), when followed by a taddhita suffix. upagor apatyam aupagavaķ . daityaķ . 678. Posterity beginning with a son’s son (is designated) gotra (4.1.162). Grandson etc., that is intended to be spoken of as being posterity, is designated gotra . 679. One, in the sense of gotra (4.1.93). In the sense of gotra, only onesuffix is appended. upagor gotrāpatyam aupagavaķ . 680. After garga etc., y a ñ (4.1.105). In the sense of gotrāpatya. gargasya gotrāpatyam gārgyaķ; vātsyaķ . ? B jl trts c rs ti^ * JToToh?^ II II ifH HH H^FHd'^'RT H ^ ^ r n t t č p f f c f 5 !» ēīē^% ^TfēA I H 3 f ç W H l HHT: I VṛHī: 1 ^ sfarfa g «reti u ^ r ii * .? .? * , 3 n f A ^ ^ t sfcrfH < ū ?filr^q ē# ^ « r ī f e ç h īh i h? JjJrcbržra ^ 6 $ H > ^ raR tf^ ru w II Y .?.V * 25RTH H C N jr^rcrerr o 681. 1 11 Ht^SRiTJTHēīī^^ HčH^: ^TēT * \ I f^T*TT H O H In the place of yañ and añ also (2.4.64). In the place of ya ñ and añ, forming part of ya ñ and añ formations in the sense of gotra , elision is substituted, when the word takes the plural. Not, however, in the feminine. gargāh, vatsoh. 682. If a descendant is alive, (the designation is) (4.1.163). yuvan When one in a line of descent, father etc., is alive, the descendant of the grandson etc., from the fourth onwards, is designated yuvan only. 683. In the sense of yuvan, other than feminine, gotra (only) (4.1.94). after In the sense of yuvan apatya , the suffix is appended to a base ending in the gotra suffix only. In the feminine, however, the designation yuvan is not available. %č)t n f a n ita r u *•??< > ? n H l# īft līf^TofT ēRfṛTRT N I u %6\ 3rran<frftfln: ’p s ^ s ^ r s t ^ R h r m ii Stē^ḍT^: W T 3H3TH $FT rn : i ir ç ^ t ^ z [ fn ^ T çtstrut: fJT i H3Tcrčq nim fām : i ^T ē^R H A i II %&% 3m foī II āī'Tēh ?īfer: I \6 l3 II H «n^fa: l aftsçštfa: l a fm v fm d i 684. After y a ñ and m also (4.1.101). The suffix phak is appended to the base ending in ya ñ or iñ, which are appended in the sense of gotra, 685. In the place of ph, dh, kh, ch, and gh, at the beginning of a suffix, āyan, ey, ln, ly and iy (7.1.2). In the place of ph at the beginning of a suffix, ayan (is substituted); in the place of dh, ey; in the place of kh, in; in the place of ch, iy; and in the place of gh, iy. gargasya yuvāpatya'ñi gārgyāyaņaķ. vātsyāyanaĶ; dāksāyaņaķ. 686. After vvords ending in a, iñ (4.1.95). In the sense of apatya. dāksih. 687. After bāhu etc. (4.1.96). bahaviķ, audulomiķ, audulomī. ņ B2 o m itted ^ B2 o m itted \CC 3§«SRnT> n*Etar: II «nļ|r?t3itscrērT<?: i g f ç f tm : i \ 6 \ fiī^Tfe«ŪSUT ii ~ ti.\.\\ \ II 3īqṛ# i Rr^çīTT'ļē# # r : i 5?P II K . ^ i ļ o || ç?ī )3r w ;%« t: i # h^ h : i % \\ člTOt^ t t l ? II W h II u h 19. 3 . 3 q?T?m «ri ļ w f § ffe : i %fxT ^ t u i 't^TfēTRJīf n n m r t ' m n W ē T ^HT^īHHd ?ēT: I H m rt ^ f f 63C. In the place of loman, in the plural, when followed by the apatya suffixes, substitution of a should be stated. This is an exception to the suffix m to be appended after bdhu etc. udulomāh . 689. After śiva etc., aņ (4.1.112). In the sense of apatya. śivasya apatyam śaivaķ. 690. After feminine (bases), dhak (4.1.120). After bases ending in feminine suffixes. vainateyaķ. 691. (He) studies it, knows it (4.2.59). 692. Not after 3/ or v at the end of a pada , but before them, aic (7.3.3). In the place of the vowel coming after y or v at the end of a pada, vrddhi is not (substituted). But prior to them, respectively ai and au (augments) are attached. vydkaraņam adhīte vetti vd vaiydkaraņah. HīrfA^ I'd ^īT H čtt ^ T H T T tT II ḥS.R.l II sFHtHūī TdčT fdHHTH N I *n*a ^ rtt n v .^ v ii Ķvij ?^hī 3tçh it?? W i tih ^ h h i d ç ç n *tstt: n V ^ . x % u TJTbJH STT tlHST: A \J H ^ ṅ ī 1 H A 1 čr ç ot r * w ii v .^ A 3 n *HT: I ii ^ ^ fe u R R m T fe ç s ? ?.?.V9^ n c HH^HT^RT H R sn fe^ fe: ēT? C C N 693. Dyed by it, after rāga (4.2.1). kasdyeņa raktam kāsāyam. RTēT > I 694. It is the deity therof (4.2.24). indro devatā asya aindram haviķ; pāśupatam. 695. Prepared, food (4.2.16). (Grains prepared in frying bhrāstresu sarhskrtā bhak§āh pans) bhrāstrāh. 696. There abiding (4.3.53). srughne bhavaķ sraughnaķ. 697. Vrddha is that (w ord), first among whose vowels is vrddhi (1.1.73). T hat group of letters, the first among whose vowels is vrddhi, has the designation vrddha. \ B2 °čft vjftf: Ķ&TZ®: II •> STHSPīi TR-: ^TiofliT: I %%% f ç n īfç ^ il ī r t u fo zn r i i * \ * \ vaoo ç r Jt T«W«(I^ n II V -V V e H ^īṝṛnr ûsṛfH i * \ * N ’ 11 V 9o \ 3T65Tē*n%: 33T V3o^ II \9.^.tṭO ll Hē^JTTl: I 3T«HēH ST^H STTSJTīfēH^H I vso^ s tn u ^ n tR ln f v u v s . ^ o sflfēHfHT h H W Pp5rfe: f3T% M e r fīfčT H I a n fa tf^ F H^ I 3]Tfac 1 I 'T R o tlf ^ H I 698. After vrddha cha (4.2.114). śālāyām bhavaķ śālīyah. 699. After diś etc., yat (4.3.54). diśyam, vargyam. 700. And after a limb of the body (4.3.55). dantyam, kaV'thyam. 701. After adhyātma etc. the suffix thañ is desired. 702. In the place of tha, ika (7.3.50), (forming) the beginning of a suffix. adhyātmam bhavam ādhyātmikam. 703. And in the case of anuśatika, etc. (7.3.20). vrddhi of both the padas (occurs), when followed a suffix having indicatorv ñ, ņ } or k. ādhidaivikam, ādhibliautikam , aihalaukikam, pāralaukikam . \ V d ro p p e d o V 9 oY ifNīRīhīčT n y ^ x \ č n \ H tf^ lT ls e (q ^ r śfT Tp^H | T ^ r R I \3 o \ ?Ī5Ī a r ç : II -li.)s.%6 ll HTHç HīH: HTHHī: I 3fi=q: \ ^hojt: \ HTṁT: I V9o^ ṝfcī ^ṇīf fa>UT ^fd : II *v?*? ?K II šTT^Pfa ļēî ^rīH’ iRčT 3ttflH I vaovs ṛrcn ii < v ? - m ii īrfim wr?: I HĪ*rk: jflē^H IT T Č HI idaC r«U*d \9o^ hhrt I dWēT g trc rç^ e n sṇ n T O n N3 I h SRT'JPRT ^ R H *\ 3^HnHT * \ I 704. After go and payas, yat (4.3.158). gor vikāro'vayavo vā gavyam; payasyam. 705. Adept therein (4.3.98). sāmasu sādhuķ sāmanyaķ; agryaķ, karmaņyaķ} śaraņyaķ. 706. Similar to that, if action, vati (5.1.115). brāhmanena ialyarh brāhmaņavat adhīte. 707. The State thereof, tva and tai (5.1.119). bhāva is the specification in the knowledge arising from the prakfti. gor bhāvaķ gotvam, gotā. 708. The formation ending in tva is neuter; that ending in tai is feminine. 709. In the sense of pramāņa, dvayasac, daghnac and mātrac (5.2.37). ūru pramāņam asya ūrudvayasam> ūrudaghnam, ūrumātram. v9?o *§< t ii v ^ .v * h in^sfHTffHñr * \ 3T n fo r m ^ T Hs i V3H 3 ^ II U , 5P: 5czrRf< t I ^ m ^ rrs ^ ļī: l > W n 11 ffe a rrts s s rts ^ T : i 3TčUU^HT^TTH?i^ S T T 3P Ei II « v ^ t II | ?fl^n£: I H3% I V9?V ST5nf?VU5^ || V * - ^ U 3T0T i ç ^ m ī i st*t stt?t: i t^ ṛr: i * ra ? r: i II r T f e m :’ II 710. In the sense, it belongs thereto, or it is therein, matup. (5.2.94). gāvo'sjāsmin vā santi gomān . 711. In the sense of unknown. (5.3.73). (The suffix) ka is appended. kasyāyam aśuo’śvakaķ. 712. In the sense of contemptible (5.3.74). kutsito’śvo’śvakaķ. 713. In the case of avyayas and pronouns, akac, prior to tu (5.3.71). uccakaiķ , rficakaiķ, sarvake. And after prajña etc. (5.4.38). aņ (is appended). In the original sense. p ra jñ a ķ eva prājñaķ. daivataķ, bāndhavaķ. Thus ends (the section on) the taddhita. ç Bx o m itted ^ Bļ, B ? °çf; 714. ( II 3T«T ^ŪJTrtTlTT: II ) hU ^c t t c t N snfčrrfe^īṛr N r i HTHṛrt i " S fer o pS Hēft I I \9 ^ HZZ N fe^5P»T5TfU?T3rçrH^HT5[yēt5PT5^5^>^îT: || V . ^ ^ 1 1 3THTH^H IRT Hd?H H^ft I ' t t t*\Š ift I H t w f t I ^ ^ q r r*\ n»ṛ j t \ Ķ fer 3ĪW I 3ftč*ft I 11 V 9?0 H*U5*ļ II V . 3 .^ 0 II 3 ^ H l S^HTvfr I 11 \3 \č m *.?.*< : SHHfHr 'TH H TičT f ^ l HHH Hēft s f a I Hl'T^ ' 1 çsfl- HT'ft 1 715. After what has indicatory uk (4.1.6). After a crude word ending in a suffix having indicatory uk, the suffix ñīp (is appended) in the sense of the feminine. gomañ. 716. After tit, dha, aņ, añ} dvayasac, daghanac, mātrac, tayap, thak, th a ñ , ka ñ and kvarap. (4.1.15). The suffix ñīp is appended to a base ending in a, which ends a tit suffix etc., which is not an upasarjana. kurucañ, nadat nadī, devāt devī, sauparņeyi, indrasyeyam aindñ. 717. This belongs to it (4.3.120). In this sense, aņ (is appendend). autsī, ūrudvayasī, w udaghanl, ūrumātñ. 718. In the case of a name got through contact with the male (4.1.48). The suffix ñīp is appended to the designation of a male, vvhich applies to a female through her contact vvith the male. gopasya stñ gopi. ? B2 îrfēT ^ 1 3^0 11 ht i ^ hrt ftn r i 11 $irf»T*ēinit: 3 V( š^TT = H ^ 1 T^T I V8^t 3^5T: 1 1 Y . * . t t II 3 HHF^TīTH rHH^T5TTRf īīlfHH: f^tTTH o > 3 ^" • I H ffēnfe^srrfērrfc^ T ēr i t t ^ t fe^ ^ rfçrssçirrf'T v ķ v ķ i W' W 719. 1 5^5TT^!Ū^rTT^Tr^t'T^ II =^r?^ C \ * s i sn«r: o i After sūrya, cāpy in the sense of devatā. sūryasya stñ devatā sūryā. Why say devatāyām? 720. In the case of sūrya and agastya, when followed by the suffix cha or by ñīy elision of y takes place. sūñ —kunfi. 721. After ut, ūñ (4.1.66). The suffix ūñ is appended to a word expressive of a human being, ending in u and not having y for the penultimate. When a prātipadika is stated (in a sūtra), the base, characterised by a suffix indicating gender, is also understood. By this rule the case-endings su etc. become applicable (to these feminine formations) owing to their being prātipadika . kurūķ, 722. In the case of śvaśura, elision of u and a. By the force of ca, the suffix ūñ (is appended to it). śpaśrūh. U?īfçčT: II V.?X3\9 II f ^ r m r* \ zr^fēr: o 1 II ^ S ē S U T : II fēTT o I H t ^ r r ^ S ī ^ i T H T H H ^ č ft fv fī II 723. After y u v m , ti (4.1.77). In the sense of the feminine. yuvatiķ. Thus ends (the section on) the stñpratyayas. By Varadarāja, son of the son of Durgā, has been composed the Sārasiddhāntākaumudī, for introduction into the knowledge of the Veda. (By him) has been composed (the Sārasiddhāntakaum udī) comprising seven and a half hundred (rules) for introduction into ali śāstras. ? Blf D °<*r£sft° ^ V ^THF^° 3 B3 The whole stanza omitted II f f a H H F H T ? II Thus ends the Sāṛasiddhantakaumudl composed by V aradarāja Bhatta. 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V(V6Č •Ķ^HT ’TH: I \ V6 |?hīht fqfd f f d d ļ i H V ^HjnrfTēr ih ?» 'T'TH% 5TT% q-r^^çīT I uVḥ NOTĒS V aradarāja:— a disciple of Bhattoji Dīksita, the famous author of SK , is responsible for three abridgements of S K — the Madhya-, the Laghu-, and the Sāra- Siddhāntakaumudi. The Sāra-SK is the shortest abridgement, obviously containing the quintescence of SK and is sure to serve even today the purpose, for which it was designed. munitrayam : Pāņini, Kātyāyana, and Patañjali are reputed as the three great authorities on SK. grammar. Their authority and their mutual relation has been well expressed in the two sayings, trimuni vyākaraņam and yathottararii munīnām prāmānyam . bālabodhāya : The vvord bāla here signifies not a child, but a student who has not studied vyākaraņa, but is able to understand it vvhen instructed. a i u ņ etc: These fourteen sūtras are often called Śivasūttras or Māheśvarasūtras; and it is supposed that they vvere produced by god Śiva at the end of his dance by souding his dnim fourteen times. Since these sūtras enumerate the letters of the alphabet, the name aksarasamāmnāya is also assigned to them. (cf. PŚ 1 and Nandi-Kā). N holds that the sūtras together vvith the anubandhas in them have been composed by Maheśvara himself (cf. BŚŚ. p. 5f). But ancient vvorks like the Kāsikā do not appear to subscribe to such a vievv. aņādisamjñārthāni: The sa^hjñā.s or designations referred to here are othervvise called pratyāhāras, vvhich are formed according to PA 1.1.71 (No. 4) belovv. For a detailed discussion and F IA 1 Sārasiddhānlakaumudī information about these see Notēs on that sūtra. It may here be observed that these sūtras are also called pratyāhārasūtras. akāra : Letters of the alphabet are referred to by attaching kāra to vowels and akāra to consonants. (cf. VPr. 1.37-38). So akāra = The vowel a. hakāra — The consonant h. uccāraņārthaķ: For the sake of pronunciation. For, as Pat. has rem arked: na punar antareņācam vyañjanasyoccāraņarn api bhavati (M B h. on PA 1.2.30). It may thus be seen that the consonant at the end of each of these (Śiva)-sūtras is meant for the formation of pratyāhāras. These are not, hovvever, to be included in the letters denoted by the pratyāhāras (cf. p ratyāhāresvitām na grahaņam ) ; and the vovvel, attached to the consonants being only for facilitating pronunciation, also is not included in them. 1. This sūtra presents a difficulty, by using the word hal. By the rule of pratyāhāra, hal would mean a consonant. But the rule for pratyāhāra cannot work and the pratyāhāra hal (or in fact any pratyāhāra) cannot be established unless the designation hal ( = a consonant) is established. Thus there is itaretarāśraya betvveen the itsam jñā rule and the rule for forming pratyāhāras. An attempt has been made to remove this difficultyby reading this sūtra twice as Bh. has actually done it in hisSK . (Pat., Kāśikā} etc. have tried to overcome this difficulty in a slightlv different way). V naturally turns a blind eve to this technical difficulty and takes the pratyāhāra hal in this sūtra to signify a consonant. upadeśa: Bh. explains this as first utterance ( ādyoccā raņam ). A more lucid description of upadeśa is found in the following couplet: 2 t \ Notēs S4 dhātttsūtragaņoņādivākyaliñgānuśāsanam/ dgamapratyayādeśā upadeśah prakīrtitāh / /. it: This is to be derived from V i to go; and means a letter that - goçs or vanishes, that is, is not allowed to form part of th^. ultimate or the finished form of a word. Such letters are technipally called anubandhas and have been used by P to serve several purposes. In fact it is one of the most powerful means oised by P to secure brevity or terseness in his worlc In this sūtra P has defined lopa . In this connection one may with interest read Pat’s discussion about saūijñā and saūijñin and the concluding ṭem ark: sarvatraiva hi vyākaraņe pmvoccāñtaķ samjñī paroccdriiā saūijñā (M Bh on PA 1.1.1). Thus lopa (elision) means disappearance of what is due to appear. Thus, for example, the prātyāhāra aņ signifies only a, i, and u, but not ņ. O r ac signifies "ali vowels but not the consonants at the end of the several sufras. This. disappearance (of the consonants) is lopa . And this is what the follovving sūtra lays down. 3. P has stated which letters are to be considered it and in what position {PA 1.3.3-8); and now here he has laid down that the letters that are it are elided. 4. This sūtra shows how pratyāhāras are to be framed. The first letter (this mav in fact be any letter in the sūtra and not necessarily the first only) together with the final it consonant (of an) sūtra) forms a saūijñā and signifies the first letter and also ali the other letters standing betvveen it and the final it consonant. Thus, as shown above, ac stands for a (the first letter) a rd i, u, T ā l, e, o, ai, and au, which stand in the sūtras 2. 3 Sārasiddhāritaķaumudī between a and c . In this connection we must note the gjeneral rule, that has been already quoted above, namelv pralyā\iāra*v • itām na grahaņam. Before we note • the several pmtyāhāras formed according to this rule, we have to note that ân it can form a pratyāhāra only if it is antya, so much so that no pratyāhāra can be formed with the it letter t (in tā of instr. s g ) ; and hence the pratyāhāra sut can signify the/first five case endings only and not case-endings upto tā (instr./sg.). Secondlv it has to be noted that pratyāhāras are formed not only on the basis of the Śivasūtras, but on the basis of P ’s own sūtras also. Let us note here th t pratyāhāras based on the Śivasūtras first. They have been pithily summarised in one couplet found in the Kāśikā : ekasmān ñañaņavatā. d vā b h ya m sas tribhya eva kaņamaķ syuķ/ jñeyau cayau caturbhyo raķ pañcabhyaķ śalau sa<ļbhyaķ// The ņ at the end of the first sūtra gives us only one pratyāhāra, namely aņ ( = a, i, and u ) ; k at the end of the second gives us three, namely ak, ik, and uk; n of the third sūtra gives only one, namelv eñ; c of the fcurth sūtra gives four, name!y ac, ic, ec and aic; t of the fifth sūtra gives only one, namely at; ņ of the sixth sūtra gives three, namely aņ, iņ and yaņ; m of the seventh sūtra gives three, namely am, yam, and nam ; ñ of the eighth sūtra gives only one, namely yañ; s of the nineth sūtra gives two, namely bhas and jhas; ś of the tenth sūtra gives six, namely aś, haś, vaś, jaś, jhaś and baś; v of the eleventh sūtra gives only one, namely chav; y of the twelfth sūtra gives four, namely yay, may, jhay, and khay; r of the thirteenth sūtra 4 Noies S 5— 8 gives five, namely yar, jhar, khar, car, and śar; and lastly l of the last sūtra gives six, namely al, hal, vai, ral, jhal, and śal. It may thus be seen that there are in ali 41 pratyāhdras (based on the Śiva-sīttras) used by Pāņini. In connection with these it has further to be noted that ņ occurs at the end of two sūtras and is, therefore, likely to cause some confusion regarding the exact signification of the pratyahāras formed with it. Hence it has been traditionally fixed that the pratyāhāra iņ will always be taken as being formed with ņ of the latcr sūtra; and aņ with that of the earlier sūtra- The only exception to this general rule is aņ in PA 1.1,69 where it is to be understood as being formed with the ņ of the later sūtra only. This has been very well stated in the following couplet: pūrveņaivāņgrahāh sarve pareņaiveņgrahā m atdh/ rte’ņuditsavai'ņasyetyeka eva pareņa tu / / Another point that may be noticed here in passing is that there is a difference of opinion regarding ,the letter m; and those who reject m totallv, would say that the pratydhdras to be got with m, should be had with the help of ñ. This rejection of m, however, is not accepted by ali. (see M Bh on Sivasūtra 7). Similarly there is a controversy regarding the a in the sūtra laņ. Some would take it as an it, others would not. (For details see Kdśikā and B SS p. 7f). 5— 8 . A vowel is classified in two ways: (i) according to the time (or mdtrds) required to pronounce it; and (ii) according to the actual position or spot (in the m outh) at which it is produced. Thus sūtra 5 States that a vowel is designated hrasva 5 S 5—8 Sārasidhānlaķaumudī (short), dīrgha (long) or pluta (prolated) according as it requires one, or two, or three mātrās for its pronunciation. The sṛme vovvel can be designated udātta, anudātta or svarita accord ing as it is produced at the upper portion, the lovver portion or a combination cf the two, of the sthāna in the mouth vvherevvith it is pronounced. We need not enter here into details regarding the exact signification of the vvords uccaiķ, riīcaiķ and sam āhāraķ . We may only no te that the tvvo divisions referred to here are, not mutually exclusive and hence putting them together vve get nine different vārieties of each vovvel, each one of the former having the three latter vārieties also. A vovvel may further be nasal or non-nasal, so much so that in ali vve may have eighteen different vārieties of a vovvel. 9. This sutra defines anunāsika . As vve shall presently see, kaņtha, tālu, murdhan, danta and ostha are the sthānas of the produetion (or manifestation) of the various sounds (or letters). Ali these are the sthānas in the mouth and hence covered by the vvord mukha. But there are some letters vvhich require for their produetion another sthāna, in addition to mukha; and that sthāna is nāsikā. The letters vvhich require mukha and nāsikā for their produetion are designated anunāsika. It may here be observed that any vovvel can be uttered either simply by the mouth, or by the mouth together vvith nāsikā (nose). In the former case it is ananunāsika; in the latter, anunāsika. tad ittham etc. The vovvels a, i, u, and r are short, long, or prolated; then they are also udātta, anudātta or svarita; and finally they may be anunāsika or ananunāsika. This shovvs that each of them hṛs eighteen different vārieties. ļvarņasya etc. Novv the vovvel ļ is either short or prolated; then it may be udātta, anudātta or svarita; and further it may 6 Noies be anundsika or ananunāsika. Hence ļ can have only twelve vārieties, the six long vārieties being missing. ecdm api etc.: Similarlv e, o, ai and au have no short variety; and hence these also can have only twelve vārieties. 10. In the preceding sūtra we have seen that letters are produced at several places in the mouth. Now it has to be observed that they also require prayatna (effort). The present sūtra gives us the definition of savarņa (similar letter). The letters vvhich require the same ( sthāna in the) mouth and the same (type of) effort are designated savarņa (of one another). To understand this sūtra fully, it is now necessary for us to knovv the sthāna as well as the prayatna that is required by the various letters; and this is what has been given in the follovving lines. 11. Tlvatf}ayoķ etc. Before actually noticing the sthāna and the prayatna of the various varņas, it is necessary to note that r and ļ are to be considered as savarņa of each other, though they actually are not covered by the definition of savarņa given above. Their sthānas are different; that of r is mūrdhan; vvhile that of ļ is danta. And yet they are to be considered as savarņa. This is a vārttika, composed by Kātyāyana, who coming about two centuries after Paņini sought to remove the deficiency in P ’s rules. It is not impossible that some deficiencies might have crept into the A stā d h y ā y l in spite of P; but what is also (and even more) likely is that the language vvhich formed the basis of his rules, being a living language, undervvent several modifications, thus making P ’s rules deficient in course of time. It vvas, therefore, but natūrai that some rules or portions thereof, vvhich had fallen out of date, had to be rejected; and others, vvhich were found rather too narrovv, had to be sup^ 7 Sārasiddhāntakaumudi plemented. Occasionally some fresh mies also were found necessary. Ali this need was supplied by Kātyāyana by composing what are known as the vārttikas. This fact has been very pithily stated by N in one short sentence, namely sūtre uktānuktaduruktacintākar atvara vārttikatvam/. For further information and references see K. V. A b h y a n k a r , DSG p. 323f. akuha etc. In these lines the author is stating the āsya (i.e. the exact spot or portion of the āsya) where the various letters of the alphabet are produced. Here we have to note the words ku, cu, tu, tu and pu which stand for the letters of the kavarga, cavarga, tavarga, tavarga and pavarga respectively. In these words the vowel u is it and is meant to form these designations. In 1.1.69 P has laid down that udit words serve as designations for ali savarņa letters. The terms ku, cu, etc. are formed and are to be understood accordingly. The sthāna of a, ku (=letters of the kavarga), h and visarga is the throat ( kaņtha); that of i, cu, y and ś is the palate {tālu ) ; that of Tr tu, r, and s is the head ( m ūrdhan ) ; that of ļ, tu, l, and s is the teeth ( danta ) ; that of u, pu and upadhmānīya is the lips ( ostha ); that of m, ñ, and n is the (respective place in the mouth) and the nose ( nāsikd). edaitoķ etc.: Here it has to be noted that a mute t has been attached to e and ai. Ordinarily a mute t attached to a vowel indicates only the vārieties requiring the same kāla as the base to which it has been attached (cf. PA 1.1.70) . Here, however, it is not so. The vowels e and ai in ali their vārieties have the same sthāna namely kaņtha and tālu together. The same holds good in the case of ot and aut. Their sthāna is kaņtha and ostha. In these cases the mute t is attached for avoiding ambiguity (cf. edaitor ityādau taparatvam asandehārtham eva, BŠŠ, p. 40). 8 Noies jihvāmūRya and upadhmānīya are the names given to visarga when followed by k, kh or p, ph respectively. The sthāna of the former is the root of the tongue; while that of the latter is ostha. Nose ( nāsikā) by itself forms the sthāna of anusvāra. An anusvāra can thus be distinguished from an anunāsika letter, which has for its sthāna, not merelv nāsikā y but nāsikā together with some other portion in the mouth. yatno dvidhā: After discussing the āsya (or sthāna ) in some details, the author now proceeds to discuss the next term in the sūtra, namely prayatna which, he declares, is of two kinds: ( 1 ) internai ( ābhyantara) and ( 2 ) external ( bāhya ). The former is further of five kinds, while the latter has eleven vārieties. ābhyantara pravatna : This effort is termed internai because it takes place (takes effect) inside the mouth and immediately precedes the manifastation of the varņas. T he difference in the letters is obviously due to the difference in the prayatna which consists in the touch ( sparśa) of the particular part of the mouth with the tongue. Read: ^ TttTpr i B ś ś . p.48. ādyah p a ñ c a d h ā : The internai effort is generally sāid to be fourfold fand not fivefold) (see Kāśikā on PA. TT.9)'.'" But our author here,. as also in his Laghu-SK States that it has five vārieties, adding Isadvivrta to the list given by others. The exact source of this fivefold classification of this effort 9 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudi is not knovvn. But it is most probably to be seen in the following couplet of the P ā ņ in īya -śiksā : aco’spT?tñ yaņas tvīsan nem asprstāh śaraķ smTtāh / śesāh sprstā halaķ proktā nibodhānupradānataķ I I 3 3 IL In this couplet yaņaķ are said to be īsat ( sprsta ) ; and śaraķ are said to be nemasprsta. It may be seen that the assignment of the prayatna to the various letters given in the above couplet closely corresponds to what we find in our text; and it may not be quite wrong if a distinction is made between īsat- and nemasprsta of the couplet, and if they are taken as correspondi’ n g to our author’s īsatsprsta and Isadviz/rta (which would mean slightly vivrta and slightly sprçta) respectively. Also read M Bh on PA 1. 1. 10, vā 3. The terms sparśa, yaņ3 śal etc. are explained below by the author himself. etc. appear to be similar to v ivrta , saihvTta, etc., we have to remember that the former are external efforts; the latter, internai ones. These are the vārieties of external effort because they function after the production of the varņas; and their operations are also external with reference to the varņa. cf. *rrfa-ç%‘ T ^ B ś ś p . 54. bāhyas tvek ā d a śa d h ā : Though vivāra , sam vāra , For a clear view of the sthāna and the two kinds of prayatnas of the various letters of the Sanskrit alphabet see the charts given in the Appendix B. 10 Noies Similarly for the pratyāhāras khar, haś, yaņ} śal, ac, see Appendix A. kādayo etc: sparśa is the designation given to the twentyfive letters of the Sanskrit alphabet from k upto m (i.e. the letters of the five classes of consonants known as gutturals, palatals, cerebrāls, dentals and labials respectively. cf. sarvam śeso uyañjanāny eva tēsām ādydh sparśāh, pañca te pañcavargāh / / R V . Pr. 1.6 ff) The pratyāhāra aņ in this sūtra is formed with the indicatory ņ in the sūtra laņ, and hence signifies ali vowels, semi-vowels and h . The sūtra lays down that a vowel, a semi-vowel and the terms ku, cu, etc. are designations of themselves as well as their savarņa . apratyayaķ = avidhīyamānaķ, that which is not enjoined. This goes with aņ only and not with udit also. Thus e. g. in PA 2.4.3, the substitute is as ( = a only, and not anv other variety of a ) ; for it is not apratyaya. But in PA 6.1.87; 7.4 32; etc. where a is not vidhīyamāna, it signifies the other vārieties also. tad evam etc: a designates ali the 18 vārieties of a (as explained above). The same holds good in the case of i and u. In the case of r and ļ it has to be observed that they have been declared to be savarņa of each other; and further note that I has no dīrgha vārieties. Thus r has 18 vārieties and I has 12; and ali these are savarņa. Hence r and ļ designate these 30 vārieties each in ali. Further e, o, ai and au designate only 12 vārieties each. For in their case the hrasva vārieties are wanting. 12. 11 Sārasiddhāntalâumudī yavalā dvidhā: y, v, and l are either nasal nasal, and hence they signify two vārieties each. or non- 13. The closest contact of letters with one designated sañihitā. another, is 14. anantarāh not separated from each other by a vowel. So. samyoga always stands for a conjunct consonant (comprising any number of consonants not separated from one another by a vowel). 15. sup is a pratyāhāra formed on the basis of PA. 4 1.2 and stands for ali the case-endings. Similarly tin is based on PA 3.4.78 and signifies ali personai endings. These are two pratyāhāras which P has coined on the basis of his own sūtras, on the same principle on which pratyāhāras like al, hal, etc. are formed on the basis of the Śivasūtras. Some other pratyāhāras which P has coined on the basis of his own sūtras are āp} sut, and tan. It has to be noted here that P has already laid down a general rule: yena vidhis tadantasya, PA 1.1.72, according to which the word anta is .to be supplied in his rules. Thus, for example, er ac (PA 3.3.56) means ivarņāntād ac pratyayo bhavail If the vvord anta is thus available bv this tadantanyāya, (or tadantavidhi) why has it been used in the present sūtra? In the Kāśikā this question has been ansvvered in the follovving vvords: padasamjñāyām antagrahaņam anyatra sañijñāvidhau pratyayagrahaņe tadantavidheķ pratisedhārtham . (on PA 1.4.14). The tadantavidhi is not applicable in the case of rules or sūtras laying dovvn samjñās. Hence it is that the vvord anta has been put by P in the sūtra under discussion. 12 Notēs S 16 By way of illustration we may take the sūtras, taraptamapau ģhaķ (PA- 1.1.22) or tau sat (P A . 3.2.127) or ktaktavatū • nisthā (PA. 1.1.26), where the samjñās gha, sat and nisthā have been laid down. iHere it is evident that the samjñās gha etc. stand for the suffixes only, and not words ending in them. In these sūtras the tadantavidhi is not applicable because these sūtras lay down samjñās . Another sūtra resembling the sūtra under discussion and having the word anta therein is sņāntā sat (PA. 1.1.24); \vhile for sūtras, not having the word anta in them, see PA 1.1.7; 26; etc. samjñāprakaraņa : P has dealt with several samjñās of his Śāsira in the first chapter of his work. For a general discussion and remarks on P ’s samjñās read K. V. A b h y a n k a r , M Bh. of Patañjali, prastāvanā khaņda (Vol. V I I ), p. 163-4; also read pp. I59f, and pp. 230 ff. 16. The operation enjoined in this sūtra is generally referred to as .yaņādeśa, which term is self-explanatory. ikah gen. sg. of ik, which is a pratyāhāra rignifying the vowels i, u, r, and ļ, in ali their vārieties. The genitive used in a sūtra laying down an ādeśa always has the word sthāne understood after it as laid down by P in 1.1.49. Hence ikah = ikah sthāne (in the place of ik). yaņ is a pratyāhāra signifying the semivowels y, v, r and l; ac is a pratyāhāra signifying vowels. Aci loc. sg. of ac- In P ’s system when an operation is laid down by using a word in loc., that operation is to be performed in connection with what comes immediately before the word in loc. The force of loc. can thus be brought out in the words: when follovoed by —, or when — follows. Thus aci = when followed by an ac, or when an ac follows. While 13 S 16 Sārasiddhāniakaumudī cxplaining the meaning of the sūtra, our author has used the word sarahitāyām, showing thereby that this substitution takes place when saūthitā (combination or savadīti) is to be effected. Othervvise, of course, there vvill be no change. In this connection it may be remembered that sam hitā is obligatory under certain circumstances only. Otherwise it depends on the will of the speaker. This has been concisely put in the follovving couplet: — savahitaikapade nityā nityā dhātūpasargayoh / nityā samāse, vākye tu sā vivaksām apeksate / / Śiva. 5 .) (SK on iti sthite : This is the phrase used to State the position arrived at vvhen some further remark is to be made in that connection. Now in the present case the position is sudhā upāsyah; and we have to apply here the sūtra discussed so far. Before actual application, hovvever, the author thinks it useful to acnuaint the student vvith a technical rule (paribhāsā sūtra) laid down bv P himself vvhich one has to observe in ali such cases. It pertains to the exact signification or force of the locative. This is what is done in the next sūtra. 17. O ur author clarifies the implication of the vvord pūrvasya by qualifying it vvith varņāntareņa avyavahitasya. P has laid dovvn several paribhāsā sūtras like this in the first chapter of his w ork; and Bh. has collected some of these together under the heading paribhāsāprakaraņa (The second section of his S K ). 18. On the basis of the above rule it is novv is to be substituted in the place of ik; and that in consideration this substitution is to occur in the sudlñ), vvhich is follovved by u. Novv the sūtra clear that yaņ the case under place of ī (in lays dovvn the 14 Noies S 20 substitution of yaņ (i.e. the four semi-vowels) for ik (i.e. the foitr vovvels). But vvhich semi-vovvel is to be substituted for vvhich vovvel? This question is ansvvered in another paribhāsā sūtra, vvhich States that a substitute vvill always be antaratama ( = sadrśatama) to the sthānin. Here it may be noted that āntarya (or sādfśya) betvveen the varņas can be determined on the basis of sthāna, artha, guņa and pramāņa; and in cases vvhere more types of āntarya than one are available, that de termined on the basis of sthāna should be taken into account. For that is stronger than ali the rest. This point has been fully discussed by N under the paribhāsā, yatrānekavidham āntaryam tatra sthānata āntaryam balīyaķ/. Also read Kāśikā and M Bh on PA 1.1.50. In the case under consideration i vvill be substituted by y, since they are antaratama to each other, as can be clearly seen from the table of varņas shovving their sthāna and prayatna. (see Appendix B ). 19. Novv the position is sudhy upāsyaķ. Here novv crops up a peculiar circumstance. P has laid dovvn that the final of a conjunct consonant occurring at a final position of a finished word is elided. Accordingly y (the final of dhy) must be elided. Note that sarhyoga has been defined by P in 1.1.7, vvhich has been alreadv exnlained above. Strictly speaking samyogānta means a pada vvhich has a samyoga at the end; and then according to the rule alox ntyasya {PA 1.1.52), the lopa vvill substitute the final al of a pada ending in samyoga. This is made clear by our author in the vTtti on this sūtra. 20. It has been already seen above that a substitute is laid dovvn vvith reference to a base by putting it in the genitive (the sthāneyogā gen.). Novv vve are told that it is not the vvhole base (having the gen. ending) that is substituted. Only the final 15 S 20 Sārasiddhāntakaumudī al (vdtftia) of such a base (or sthānin) takes the substitute. This, however, is the general rule; and we have to remember that there are cases where the whole sthānin is substituted ( and not merely its final ā t) . For this, see anekālśit sarvasja PA 1.1.55. (No 42 below). Accordingly now the final y (in sudhy) will have to be dropped. . This reads like a vārttika. Actually, however, the vārttika conveying this sense is found differently worded as sarriyogāntasya lope yaņaķ pratiçedhaķ (ya 1 on PA 8.2.23). Pat. reproducēs it and. adds the word vaktavyaķ, giving dadhy atra, madhv atra as illustrations. Then it is explained that here the rule about lopa does not apply, because the yaņādeśa depends on two phonemes belonging to two different padas; and is, therefore, bahirahga as compared with samyogāntalopa which is antarañga, since it pertains to eka pada . Hence by the paribhāsā asiddhañi bahirañgam antarahge ( Pbh , 50), yaņadeśa becomes asiddha with regard to samyogāntalopa. R ead : yaņādeśasya bahirangalaI;šaņasyājiddhatvāt sarayogāntalopo na bhavatiļ Kās. on PA. 8-2.23, and Nyāsa thereon. Also read Pbh, 50. 21 sudhyupāsyaķ etc. These are the four illustrations showing the substitution of y, v, r, and l for i, u, r and ļ respectively. It may now be seen how step by step several sūtras of P are to be applied and how ultimately the operation known as yaņādeśa is to be established. Sūtras 16-21 mark the whole process. 22. ec is a pratyāhāra signifying the vowels e, o) ai and au . The gen. here is, of course, sthāneyogā. ayavāyāvaķ is nom. plr. ayavāyāv (i-e. ay, av, āy and āv). O ur author in his exolanation of this sūtra supplies the word aci, which is obtained by 16; N oies 5 23 anuvTtti from the preceding sūtra (as seen in the work of paņini). anuvTtti = continucd course or influence of a preced ing rule on what follows (M W ). Nyāyakośa is more precise v/hcn it explains this term as fo!lows: p w va sū trasth apadasyottarasūtre dkānksāpūraņārtham anu sam dhdn am /. According to this principle, a word or words from a preceding sūtra can be understood as existing in an immediately following sūtra and in as many further sūtras as necessary, provided thcre is no break. anuvTtti , therefore, may be rendered as continued existence (of a word or words) from an antecedent sūtra into one or more subsequent sūtras after it, If, however, a break occurs and the word is required in a sūtra after the break, it can be had on the basis of the principle called m aņ dūkapluti (a frog’s leap). This is said to be only a variety of anuvTtti. Here it may be remembered that this principle of anuvTtti is based on the order of the sūtras as given by P. and not on the order in which they have been rearranged by Bh. To facilitate the study of his SK , Bh has in almost ali cases supplied the word or words which have to be read in the several sūtras by anuvTtti or by m aņ dū kaplu tiy though he has not actually made any remark to that effect in each sūtra. It is.for the student to find out in each case how anuvTtti has worked. 23. In the previous sūtra four substitutes have been laid down for four sthānins. But how to decide their mutual relation? Which ddeśa is meant for which sthdnin? The answer to this auestibn is given in the present sūtra which lays down a general rule for ali similar cases. When the sthānins and the ādeśas etc. are equal in number, they are to be understood as related to one another in the serial order only. In the present 17 F 2A S 23 Sārasiddhāntaiçaumudī case, for example, e, o, ai and au are the sthānins; and ayy avy āy and āv are the ādeśas; and they are equal in number. Hence according to the principle just enunciated they are related to one another in the serial order only. Thus ay is the ādeśa for e; av for oy āy for ai and āv for au . Read: yatroddeśisu samesu samānām vidhānam pāghrādisu pibādīnām, priyasthirādisu ca prasthādlnām) tatraiva yathākramam pravrttiķ syātļ Jñā. Let us now take up the illustrations: haraye (dat. sg. of hari). The vvord hari is subject to the designation ghi (PA. 1.4.7). The dat. sg. ending is ne (i.e. it is ñit). So vvhen that ne is appended to hari, the final vovvel of hari takes guņa (PA 7.3.111) and thus vve have hare e. Here is a case for the rule under discussion, namely ayādeśa; and accordingly e (ls t sthānin) is substituted by ay (the lst substitute). Thus vve finally get the form haraye. Similarly is to be explained the form visņave. māyakaķ is derived from y/ni + ņvul (PA 3.1.133); then ņvul = aka (PA 7.1.1); the vovvel of yjriī takes vfddhi (PA 7.2.115) and thus vve have nai + aka; and then by the present rule by āyādeśa vve get nāyaka. pāvaka may be similarly explained and derived from ^ pu. These four vvords iīlustrate the four cases laid dovvn in the present sutra . 24. vāntaķ i.e. the ādeśa ending in v (from among the four ādeśas noticed in the preceding sūtra). The vānta ādeśa thus is av or āv. yi is loc. of y; and loc-, as vve have already seen, means ‘vvhen follovved by \ yi pratyaye = yādau ( = yakārādau) pratyaye pare- (Here has been utilised a pbh. which vvill be explained belovv). Novv by the yathāsamkhya rule av and āv are 18 Noies S 27 ādeśas for o and au only; and no special mention to that effect is necessary in the sūtra. It may thus be seen how in the composition of his sūtras P has tried to bring utmost economy, eschewing from it every word that can be brought into it on the strength of any technical principle. Let us now study the illustrative words. gavya is formed fṭom go + yat (PA 4.3.158). Here o is followed by a suffix beginning with y. Hence it is substituted by av and we get the v/ord gavya. •:iāvya is derived from nau + ya (PA 4.4.91); au~āv by the present rule; and finally w vya ( —nāvā tāryam). 25. In this sūtra P has laid down the samjñā guņay stating that it is the designation given to at ( = short a, PA 1.1.70) and eñ (pratyāhāra) = e and o. 26. In the preceding sūtra we get the term at (i.e. a having t after it). This act of attaching / to a vowel (either after or before it) is known as taparakaraņam . In this sūtra P is stating the purpose served by this phenomenon. In one previous sūtra we are told that aņ and udit letters are samjñās of savarņa. Now here we are told that attaching 1 to a vowel restricts the samjñā to only such vārieties of that vowel as are tatkāla. Thus a is a sam jñ ā for ali the 18 verieties ofa; w hile at is a samjñā for only those six vārieties of a which have the same kala as a. Nyāsa has shown why the word tapara in this sūtra has to be explained in two ways, namely as pañcamt tatpurasa and as bahuvñhi. The former applies in PA 7.1.9 while the latter is required for sūtras like PA 1.1.1. 27. at is abi. sg. of a (vvhich, not being tapara, is not restricted in its kāla). In this sūtra the word in the abi. (namely <*0 is actually used; and that in the loc. (namely aci) is 19 S 27 Sārasiddhāntakaumudī obtained by anuvTtti. T hat the operation stated in this sūtra is to be done vvith reference to the para as well as the pūrva, follovvs from the adhikāra, ekaķ pūrvaparayoķ. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn guņa as the one substitute ( ekādeśa) for both the pūrva and the para . Ali this is clearly stated by our author in his explanation of the sūtra. Here is another instance of hovv terseness has been marvellously achieved by P. The illustrations are upendraķ ( = upa+indraķ) and gaūgodakam ( = gangā+udakam ). e and o are substituted for a + i and a+u respectively, (on the basis of the sūtra, sthane’ntaratam aķ). 28 upadeśa has been already discussed above. In No. 1 above P has stated vvhat consonants in the upadeśa are it. Here he has done it vvith reference to vovvels. A vovvel that is anunāsika in the upadeśa is it. Here it has to be remembered that the anunāsikatva of the vovvels in the upadeśa is not actually shovvn either in vvriting or in the recitation. It is to be knovvn and ascertained on the basis of tradition only. In the Kāśikā we are clearly told: pratijñānunāsikyāh pāņim yāh/ Bh. is quite explicit in his statement vvhen he vvrites: yadyapi sūtrakārakrto'nunāsikapātha idāriim paribhrastas tathāpi VTttikārādivyavahārabalena yathākāryaūi prāk sthita ityanumīyate iti bhāvaķļ P M p. 31. laņsūtrastha etc.: The purpose of the above sūtra is to shovv that the vovvel a in the Śiva laņ is an it. Novv vvith this it a, it is possible to have the pratyāhāra ra, vvhich vvill designate r and l (acc. to No. 4 above). There is an acute difference of opinion among ancient authorities on Sanskrit Grammar- This pratyākāra is accepted by Kaiyata, Bhattoji and, of course, Varadarāja. N., hovvever, does not accept it (see Kāśikā on 20 Noies S 31 Śiva 6 ; B ŚŚ p. 7f and also M Bh on PA 1.1.9). It must be noted that our author accepts this pratydhāra and holds that it has been used by P in 1.1.51 (No. 29, the next num ber). 29. uķ is gen. sg. of r (which stands for r and l, according to the vārtiika rļvarņa — ) and this gen. is sthāneyogā. aņ is a pratyāhāra signifying a, i and u. Often enough any one of these three vovvels is enjoined as a substitute for r. raparaķ = having r after it, follovved by r. Acc. Kās. etc. ra in this sūtra is a pratyāhāra and signifies r and / as said above. This, therefore, means that aņ coming in the place r or I vvill be follovved by r or l respectively. It must be noted here that even those who do not accept ra as a pratyāhāra find the same sense in this sūtra (on the basis of the vā. lasyeti vaktavyam ). O ur author, therefore, has naturally avoided the controversy and tacitly accepted the view sponsored by the Kāśikā and SK. Hence he has given two illustrations, namely krsņarddhiķ (krsņa + rddhiķ) and tavalkāraķ ( tava + ļkāraķ) for r and ļ respectively. 30. By anuurtti vve have to get into this sūtra the vvords avarņapūrvayoķ (cf. apūrvasya in PA 8.3.17), padāntayoh (by padādhikāra in PA 8.1.16), and yavayoķ (cf. vyoķ in PA 8.3.18). So also vve have to read aśi from PA 8.3.17. The vievv in this sūtra is that of Śākalya. But this view is not necessarily accepted by other ācāryas; and this makes the rule optional. This is vvhat our author has stated in his explanation of this sūtra. aś is a pratyāhāra comprising ali vovvels, semivovvels, and the soft consonants (from ali the five classes). 31. In this sūtra P has laid dovvn a rule vvhich is of the utmost importance in the application of his rules. This sūtra 21 S 31 Sārasiddhānia!(aumudī divides the work of P into two parts called sapādasaptādhyāyī (chapters 1-7 and the first quarter of chapter 8 ) and tripādī (the last three quarters of chapter 8 ) respectively. This sūtra lays down first of ali that what follows (namely the tripādī) is asiddha (not established i.e. as good as not existing) for the purposes of the application or non-application of the grammatical operations prescribed by the rules in the preceding seven chapters and a quarter. It is further to be noted that this is to be understood as an adhikāra; for, it is by doing so that each succeeding sūtra can be understood as being asiddha with reference to what has preceded it. R ead : pūrvatrāsiddham adhikāraķ / parasya parasya pūrvatra pūrvatrāsiddhavijñānār tham / anadhikāre hi samudāyasya samudāye'siddhavijñānam/ vā 3-5 on PA 8.2.1, From this now is clear the further idea implied in this sūtra, namely that within the tripādī itself, each succeeding rule ( sūtra ) is to be considered asiddha (not established and hence ineffective) with reference to the preceding portion including the immediately preceding sūtra. O ur author has stated both the ideas conveyed by this sūtra as explained above. O ur author has given hara iha and haray iha by way of an illustration. In the position hare iha , e of hare, being followed by i, will be changed to ay, and we shall have haray iha (No. 22). Then by No. 30, the final y in haray will be optionally elided, because it is followed by i (a letter included in aś). This gives us (i) hara iha and (ii) haray iha = haraftha. Now in the first alternative a final a is followed by an initial i ; and hence by No. 27 one may be inclined to substitute e for a and i, and have hareha. But this is not correct in view of the present sūtra. According to this sūtra , rule No. 30 (= P A 8.3.19) is asiddha to rule No. 27 ( = PA 6.1.27), 22 Noies and hence the elision of y is as good as not accomplished. Hence in the above case, a final a is not followed by an initial i; for y is stili present there when No. 27 is to be applied. This only means that there the two vowels (a and i ) do not combine, but remain as they are. The illustration visņa iha and visņaviha also is to be similarly explained. 32. This, like No. 25 above, is a sa'thjñāsūtra. As a general rule in such sūtras what is stated first is the saūtjñin (the m atter or thing to be designated); and that which is stated next is the sañijñā (designation). In this sūtra, however, this order is reversed; and the sarhjñā is placed first and samjñin later. P has done it for maūgala , as Pat points it cut when he writeś: etad ekam ācāryasya maūgalārtham mTsyatām. It may further be observed here that in this sūtra both ā and ai are understood as being tapara (taķ paro yasmāt in one case, and tāt p a ra ķ in the other). see M Bh on PA 1.1.1. and also K ā s . 33. From No. 27 (PA 6.1.86) āt is to be read in this sūtra by anuvTtti and the sūtra is to be explained in a similar manner. No. 27 is a general rule while the present sūtra forms an exception to it. Naturally, therefore, No. 27 can find scope only in cases where this rule does not apply. For as is wellknown apavādavisayaparihāreņaiva utsargā abhiniviśante /. krsnaikatvam etc.: These are the four illustrations to illustratc the samdhi of a preceeding a or ā with the following e, o, ai and au. krsņa ekatvam = krsnaikatvam / gangā oghaķ = gaūgaughaķ/ deva aiśvaryam = devaiśvaryam/ and kT§ņa autkaņthyam = k^^nautkaņthyam ļ 23 S 34 Sārasiddhānlalâumudl 34. From the preceding sūtra (i.e. PA 1.4.58) we have to get prd d a ya ķ by anuvrtti. This sūtra gives us the sam jñā upasarga which applies to pra etc. v/hen thev are connected with kriyā. Othenvise, however, they are designated only as nipāta (along with ca etc. when not signifying a sattva). cf. PA 1.4.5Ģ-58. These upasargas acc. R V . Prā are 20 in number; while acc. Gaņapātha, Kāšika, etc. their number is 22, because they ali read nis and clus separately from nir and dur. Read: prdbhydparānirduranuvyupāpasainparipratinyatyadhisūdavdpi ļ upasarga vimśatir arthavdcakdh sahetardbhydm, itare nipdtdh / / R V . Prā 12.20P. It may be useful to quote here the following couplet giving the accentuation of these upasargas: — viūiśater upsargdņām uccd ekdksard nava / ddyuddttd deśaitesdm antoddttas tvabhltyayam / / (R V . Prā 12.22). 35. This also is a sarhjñāsūtra declaring that dhdtu is the name given to bhū etc. which signify an action. The Kdśikd tells us that dhdtu is a sam jñd used by the ancient dcdryas and P has taken it over from them along with some other technicaļ terms. An interesting discussion is raised about the exact interpretation of the word bhūvddayaķ. According to some it means bhvddi and vddi (the word ddi being connected with bhū as well as vd according to the well-known maxim, dvandvdnte śrūyamdņa'th padala pratyekam_ abhisambadhyate ). W ith bhū9 ādi means etc., while with vd it means resembling vd (i.e. denčtative of action like 's/vd). In the 24 Noies Kāśikā we get the following couplet in this connection: bhūvddlnām vākāro}yaūi mañgalārthaķ prayujyate/ bhuvo vārtha'th vadanñti bhuvarthā vādayaķ s m rtā ķ /ļ S 37 O ur author, however, has left out the controversy and simply declared that bhū etc. expressive of kñyā have the designation dhātu . And this is but natūrai in a work like this which is aiming at bālabodha. 36. Having given the definitions of the two* words upasarga and dhātu , our author now turns to the sūtra containing them. The words āt and vrddhiķ come into this sūtra by anuvrtti ; and we get here a rule for the combination of a or ā (of an upasarga) and an initial r of a dhātu . By No. 27 above, the combined ādeśa will be guņa. But this sūtra sets it aside and declares that it will be vrddhi. This also thus is a guņāpavāda. prārcchati ( = pra + rcchati) is the illustration for this rule. 37. Fully draw n out on the basis of anuvrtti , this sūtra will be: āt upasargāt teñi dhātau pararūpam/ The sense of ekādeśaķ is got by the adhikāra, ekaķ pūrvaparayoķ (as shown above). This sūtra obviously is an exception to No. 33 above according to which the combined ādeśa here would be vrddhi (i.e. ā, ai and au as defined in PA 1.1.1). The present sūtra lays down that the single ādeśa will be the form of the latter (i.e. e or o). O ur author has given two examples, namely pra + ejate ( = prejate) and up + osati ( = uposati) 25 S 38 Sārasiddhānlakaumudi 38. This is another sa'thjñāsūtra. It may be observed here that sañijñās are of various kinds; and some of them are quite arbitrary and artificial, carrying no sense but by the sañketa of the grammarians. The designation ti is one of them. According to the definition given here ti is the designation given to that part of a word which begins with the last among the vowels belonging to that word. Other such sañijñās found in P ’s system are gha, ghi, ghu and bha (for which see Index) 39. This is a vārttika of Kātyāyana on PA 6.1.93. In this vārttika K is noticing a class of current words in which pararūpa appears to be the ekādeśa in the place of the para and (not the pūrva, as usual, but) the ti of the pūrva. This śakandhvādigaņa is an ākrtigana (vvhich is defined in the Padamañjañ on PA 2<1.59 as prayogadarśanena ākftigrāhyo gaņaķ ākrtiganaķ/). In the gaņapātha, hovvever, nine vvords are given as forming this gana, three of vvhich have been taken up here by our author. He also,. hovvever, holds this to be an ākrtigaņa; and hence adds oņe more vvord to this list, namely mārtandā. It must be observed here that at least one of these vvords, namely marñsā, is found in R V . Similarly karkandhu has occurred in several sarhhitās of Y V (see V B K ). But apparently these vvords have escaped P ’s notice; and K vvas required to make good the deficiency by adding the present vārttika. This can be said to shovv that P by himself may not be a self-sufficient means for interpreting the Veda, vvhich, hovvever does not (and should not be taken to) belittle the vvorth of P and his vvork as an aid to Vedic studies. śakandhu ( = saka + andhu) explained by the commentator as ia k ā n ā m deśaviśesānām andhuķ kūpaķ/. Similarly kārkāņām rājaviśesāņām andhuķ = karkandhuķ . In these vvords a + a = a {pararūpa). manīsā is explained as 26 Notēs S 42 manasaķ isā, where the pararūpa ī is the ekādeśa for the ti of manas (i.e. as) and $ (of ’ t sā). Similarly mrta + aņda by this vārttika gives us mrtaņda, which then with the suffix aņ appended to it, becomes mārtaņda. It may be observed that mārtaņda is a classical word. In the Veda we have mārtaņda (and not mārtaņda ). 40. In the present sūtra, dīrgha is laid down as the ekādeśa when the pūrva and the para are savarņa ak ( = a, i, u, T and ļ ) . But ļ has no long (or dīrgha) vārieties. Hence the present rule applies to only four of the above five vowels, and our author has given four examples for the same. daitya + ariķ = daityāriķ / ś ñ + īśaķ = śñśaķ / visņu + udayaķ = visņūdayaķ/ hotr + rkāraķ = hotfkāraķ/ . It may be observed that by permutation and combination many more cases are possible. But those given here are enough to serve the purpose. 41. This is yet another sūtra laying down ekādeśa (namely pūrvarūpa for both). For this rule the en (i.e. e and o) must stand at the end of a pada (which is defined by P as suptmantam padam , PA 1.4.14). ati loc. sg. of at, which according to PA 1.1.70, signifies short a only. In this sūtra, the word pūrva-rvpam ( = p ū rva ķ) is to be obtained by anur/rtti from PA 6.1.107 (through PA 6.1.103). Thus the final ^ or o and initial a are substituted by e or o. The two examples for this rule are : hare’va ( hare ava) and visņo’va (vsņo ava ). It may be observed here that this rule cannot apply if the following vowel is not a (short). But in Vedic literature it may be found to apply in cases like gūdho ”tmā ( gūdhaķ ātmā = gūdho ātmā), of course, irregularly. 42. This sūtra lays down a technical rule regarding ādeśa (or substitution). In No. 20 above we have already seen 27 S 42 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudi that as a general rule a substitute is meant to take the place of the final letter (of the base with reference to which the ādeśa is laid down). Now in this sūtra P has laid down exceptions to that general rule. This sūtra contains two exceptions: An ādeśa will be sarvādeśa (and not merely antyādeśa) if (i) it is anekāl (i.e. containing more letters than one) or (ii) it is śit (i.e. has a mute ś appended to it). (The sūtras tinasinasām inātsyāh and idamo3 nvādeśe3 sanudāttas trtīyādau can be cited as illustrating these respectively). With reference to the former it has to be remembered that for the purposes of this sūtra the mute letter or letters appended to the ādeśa are not to be taken into consideration. Thus an ādeśa can be considered anekāl only if it has more letters than one, besides the mute letter or letters if any. This has been fully discussed and explained in the p a rib h ā sā : nānubandhakrtam anekāltvam / , Pbh 6 - In connection with the latter, it may be noted that the presence of mute ś in an ādeśa is enough, to make it a sarvādeśa. It need not be anekāl. 43. This sutra contains a counter-exception to No 42; and lays down that an ādeśa, even if it is anekāl, will be antyādeśa only and not sarvādeśa, if it has a mute n appended to it. (For illustrations see PA 7.1.75 a n a ū , 6.1.121 a v a n , etc.). Thus it may now be observed that ādeśas are either a<ntyādeśa or sarvādeśa. The ekāl and the nit ādeśas fall in the former category, while the anekāl and the śit ādeśas fall under the latter. And the ekāltva or anekāltva of ādeśas is to be determined on the basis of the ādeśa without the mute letter or letters that may be appended to it. 28 Noies S 45 44. Here we have a sūtra , where the above discussion regarding the nature of the ādčś/z m ay be found relevant. This sūtra refers to the view of some ancient ācārya named Sphotāyana; which naturallv means that other ācāryas hold a different view in this respect. This means that the rule given in this sūtra is optional. (For a similar phenomenon see No. 30 above). By anuvTtti we get in this sūtra the words aci and goķ (from the preceding sūtra). So the sūtra lays down avan as the substitute for go when a vowel follows. Now avan (divested of its mute letter ñ) is anekāl and must as such be sarvādeśa (see No. 42 above). The words iti prāpte can now be understood as being relevant to the position that vvould arise as soon as we think of applying the present sūtra to a case like go agram. The application of rule No. 42 is surely not admissible. The reason for this is to be found in the mute n appended to the substitute here. And this is given in the form of a rule in No. 43. Thus No. 43, sets aside No. 42 and shows that avan is not sarvādeśa but only antyādeśa. Hence go agram = gava agram = gavāgram (a + a = ā by No. 4 above). 45. By anuvTtti we get in this sūtra the words goķ and avan as our author indicates it in his explanation. The illustration is go indraķ = gava indraķ = gavendraķ (a + i = e by No. 27 above). It must be observed here that the substi tution in No. 44 is optional while in No. 45 it is obligatory. Hence go + indraķ = gavendraķ only; while go agram = gavāgram or go’gram (see No. 37) vvhen the ontion riven by No. 44 is availed of. From this point of view, it is interest- 29 S 45 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudi ing to note that one of our mss does add go’gram gavāgram). (after 46. PA 8.2.82, vākyasya teķ pluta udāttaĶ, is an adhikāra sūtra which is to be read along with the present sūtra . It may be observed here that acc. PA 1.3.11 an adhikāra sūtra is to be recognised by the svarita accent. Like the nasality ( ānunāsikya ) of a vowel, the svaritatva also is to be known from tradition only. An adhikāra is said to work in three different ways put together in a couplet in M Bh on PA 1.3.11: adhikāragatis tryarthā viśesasyādhikam kāryam atha yo’nyo’dhikaķ kāraķ pūrvauipratisedhārthaķ s a ķ // The modes in which an adhikāra exercises its influence also are three as given in the following couplet: siāihāvalokitarh caiva ma^dvAaplutam eva ca/ gangāpravāhavac cāpy adhīkāras tridhā m atāh// It may be seen that adhikāra to a large extent resembles anuvrtti . O r perhaps it may be more correct to say that the principle of anuvTtti is only an extension of the principle of adhikāra. P has composed several sūtras by way of adhikāra and has actually defined (or described) adhikāra. anavrtti pertains to some word or words which are required in a sūtra; but are not actually included therein, because they are available from a preceding (or at times even from a following) sūtra. An adhikāra forms so to say a topic; anui/rtti does not do so. An adhikāra has also to be distinguished from what is known as paribhāsā. For this read: adhikāraķ pratiyogara tasyānirdeśārtha iti yoge yoga upatisthate/ paribhāsā punar ekadeśasthitā satl sarvarh śāstram abhijvalayati// M Bh. on PA 2.1.1. 30 Noies S 48 Before giving an illustration for this sūtra our author thinks it necessary to take up another sūtra which finds immediate application here. 47. It may be observed here that Kā. reads the word nityam in PA 6.1.1-22 (No- 45 above) and admits it into the present sūtra only by anuvrtti . This is, however, against the express wording and explanation found in M B h . This sūtra prohibits sandhi of the pluta and pragrhya vowels with a follovving vowel. This means that pluta and prgrhya vowels will always retain their own form when a vowel comes after them. Now V gives the illustration: āgaccha krsņa 3 atra gaus* caratif In this sentence the final a of the word krsņa is pluta according to No. 46 above; and No. 47 prohibits its combination with a following vowel. In case, however, the vowel is not made pluta, there is nothing to prevent its combination with the following vowel, and this is what V has shown when he gives the same sentence combining krsņa and atra into krsņātra. 48. The t in It, ūt and et in this sutra is to avoid ambiguity that might arise in its absence. PA 1.1.72 has laid down that when an operation is laid down with reference to some qualifying word or letter, it should be performed over a base ending with it. (tadantavidhi) . Accordingly here idūdet is to be under stood as īdūdedanta (i.e. ending in t, ū and e ) ; similarly dvivicanam = dvivacana(pratyayā ) ntam ( śabdarūpam ). In the preceding sūtra a rule is given regarding the vowels that are pluta or pragrhya. The illustration given there, however, refers only to the pluta; and an illustration for pragrhya is yet to be given. But before that can be done, one must know what a pragrhya is. This is what the present sūtra tells us. And then, of course, bv No. 47, we know that a pragrhya vowel also 31 S 48 Sārasiddhāntakaumiidl remains unchanged before a follovving vowel. V here gives three examples to illustrate the three vovvels, mentioned in this sūtra. 49. In this and the following sūtras P is telling us what words are to be designated nipāta- This sūtra States that ali the vvords included in the cādi gaņa are designated nipāta , provided they do not signify a substance [sattva). This cādigaņa, given exhaustively in Kā on thļis sūtra, contains about 150 words; and the gaņapātha declares that this is an ākrtigaņa. Bohtlingk gives a list of 195 vvords as cādigaņa and declares that this is an ākrtigaņa. The need for defining nipāta can be seen from No. 51 belovv. 50. The prādi vvords are tvventy or tvventy-two in number according as vve take nir and dur as identical vvith nis and dus or not. For these see Notēs on No. 34 above. The vvord asattve is to be read in this sūtra, so that it means that prādis are nipātas, if they do not signify sattva. These prādis are designated upasarga, vvhen they are connected vvith kriyā. Hence it follovvs th ṛt they can be called nipāta, only if and vvhen they are not connected vvith kriyā. 51. Having thus explained the term nipāta, our author novv tums to the rule in vvhich P lays dovvn the conditions under vvhich a nipāta may be pragrhya. Here by the by vve may see vvhy Bh. or our author here has altcred the order of P ’s sūtras. They are trying to deal vvith the various aspects or topics of grammar one by one arranged in their ovvn way, vvhile P has dealt vvith them on quite different lines. The order of sūtras given by P is, therefore, naturally not suitable and convenient to Bh and V. Hence they have interpreted the rules in quite a different order as reguired for their aim. 32 Noies S 52 In No. 48 above, P has told us what is pragfhya . Here is now one more sūtra, vvhich tells us that a monosyllabic nipāta except āñ (= ā ) is designated pragrhya and hence not to be com bined with the follovvinģ vovvel (acc. No. 47 above). For the explanation of this sūtra , it was quite necessary to State what is a nipāta; and for doing this, V has taken up two sūiras in vvhich P has defined nipāta. There are some more sūtras also in vvhich nipātas are mentioned. But our purpose is served by these tvvo sūtras and hence the other sūtras have been left out. ekāc nipātas are i, ā and u. Now ā is either ān (having a mute n) or simply ā (vvithout any mute letter). Only the latter ā is pragrhya. The illustrations are i indraķ/ u um eśaķ/ ā evaūi nu manyase/ and ā evañi kila tat (vvhere ā is vvithout mute n and signifies vākya and smaraņa respectively). In other senses, hovvever, ā is nit and hence not pragrhya. Thus ā usņam = osņam (vvhere ā = īsat , and is n it) . 52. Here it has to be observed that though the sthānins and the ādeśas are equal in number, their mention in this sūtra is not to be considered as being yaihāsamkhya on the basis of PA 1.3.10, No. 23 above, as is indicated by the sūtra śāt ( PA 8.4.44, No. 53 belovv). Stoķ is sthāneyogā sasthī; and means ‘in the place of s and (the letters) of the tavarga\ The vvord ścu means ś and (the letters of) the cavarga. The vvords stu and ścu are to be considered as samāhāradvandva irregularly mas culine in gender. Cf. storiti samāhāradvandvaķ sautram puriistvam (Bh). O ur author has given four illustrations: tvvo illustrations vvhere s has come in contact with ś and c (the first letter of the cavarga ) respectively; and tvvo of t and n (the first and the last letters of the tavarga) coming in contact vvith c and j (the first and F 3A 33 S 52 Sārasiddhāntalçaumudī the 3rd letters of cavarga ) respectively. There is no problem when s is substituted by ś. But when tu is to be substituted by cu, we have to remember the rule sthāne’ntaratamaķ (PA 1.1.50, No. 18 above). Hence in illustrations 3 and 4, the first and the fifth letters of tu are substituted by the first and the fifth letters of cu respectively. 53. Here by anuvTtti we get toķ na from the preceding sūtras. Thus the rule is : tu is not substituted by cu when preceded by ś in spite of rule No. 52 above. The words viśna and praśna illustrate this point, the n coming after ś having remained unchanged. 54. This sūtra is to be explained exactly like No. 52 above. The illustrations given here also are exactly parallel to those given under No. 52, but for the third one, namely pestā. This illustration is given to show that the substitution of stu by stu can occur even if s is followed by tu (unlike the case in rule No. 53). 55. The ablative is to be understood in the light of tasm ād ityuttarasya (PA 1.1-67). The word stoķ stuh are to be got into this sūtra by anuvTtti . This sūtra thus lays down an exception to the above general rule regarding cerebralisation; and means that stu is not substituted by stu , if it comes after tu at the end of a p a d a . This is illustrated by sa t santaķ and sa t te (one for s and the other for t coming after t at the end of a p a d a ). P has defined pada as a word ending in a case-ending (suj?) or a personai ending (PA 1.4.14). In three further sūtras also he has given particular circumstances under which a formation, even without having sup or tin attached to it, is to be designated a pada. 34 Noies S 58 anām in this sūtra lays down an exception to the remaining part of the sūtra. According to it, the pratisedha in this rule does not apply to nām (gen. plr. ending). Thus nām coming after t will change its n to ņ acc. No. 54. The illustration for this is saņņām. Here sas = sat (No. 58) + nām. Novv this sat is a pada (by PA 1.4.17) and yet as stated here, the nām coming after it is changed to ņām, and the padānta t also is changed to ņ (by PA 8.4.45, vā.). 56. P ’sanām by the time of Kāt. was found to be too narrow and hence the latter added two more words thus making the list up to date. Thus the phohibition of cerebralisation of tu coming after ( padānta) tu does not apply to the gen. plr. ending nām and the vvords navati and nagafi. The case of nām vvehave already seen. Illustrations for the other tvvo vvords are: sctņņavati and saņņcigaryaķ. In these illustrations sat is a pada and hence t is a padānta. In the former, sat is the first member of a compound and hence a pada; in the latter, of course, it is nom. plr. of sas. 57. In this sūtra , toķ is gen. of tu ; and si loc. to be under stood in the light of PA 1.1.66, No. 17 above. The vvords na stu ķ are obtained by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtras. san sasth aķ illustrates this exception to rule No. 54 above. The vvord ante here as in several other sūtras of P means padānte. For the pratyāhāras, jhal and jasy see the Appendix. W hat the rule means is : a class letter is substituted by the 3rd letter of its class at the end of a p a d a . The vvord vāglśa is an illustration. vāc becomes vāk (by PA 8.2.30) and then k is changed to g by the present rule. Thus vve get vāģīśaķ. 58. 35 S 59 Sārasiddhānlakaumudī 59. yar is a pratyāhāra, for which sce appendix. The word padānta is to be read in this sūtra by anuvTtti from the prec'eding sūltras. yaraķ is sthāneyogā sasthī . anunāsike (loc.) is to be understood acc PA 1.1.66, No. 17 above. In the place of yar} when it is followed by anumsika , a corresponding anunāsika is optionally substituted. Hence from etad murāri we get etanmurāri or etadmurāri. 60. The above rule of P, however, in course of time appeared to stand in need of some supplementation; and Kāt has supplied the need. The loc. pratyaye is to be understood as usual (acc. PA 1.1.66, No. 17 above). The word bhāsā in P ’s system stands for the language of common parlance as opposed to chandas, mantra, veda etc. which signify the language of the Veda. Thus, tat+mātram and cit + mayam are two illustrations where the preceding letter is changed to a corresponding nasal owing to the following nasal belonging to a pratyaya. Thus after sarndhi we can get only tanmātram and cinmayam respectively. 61. The cpd expression parasavarņa is to be read in this sūtra by anuvTtti; toķ is sthāneyogā sasthī; and the loc. Ii is to be understood as usual acc. PA. 1.1.66 (No. 17 above). Here the sthānin is tu (i.e. tavarga) and the ādeśa l is the substitute for ali the letters contained in it. O ur author has given only one illustration in which t is changed to l. Here we have to note, though our author has not included that point here, that n when followed by l is changed to anunāsika l. Read: nakārasyānunāsiko lakāraķ/ Bh. The illustration for o this as ļjiven by Bh is: vidvdn likhati — vidvāllikhati. 36 Noies S 65 62— 64. Here we have to read the word savarņaķ by anuvTtti; and gen. pūrvasya is on!y ordinary genitive (sambandhasā mānye). The gen. sthāstambhoķ is sthāneyogā sasthī, while udaķ is abi. to be understood acc. PA 1.1.67 (No. 63). The ādeśa here is laid down by using the abi. and hence it vvill be the substitute for the uttara (i.e. the letter vvhich comes after it immediately vvithout any intervention). But the matter is not quite clear as to vvhat exactly is to be considered uttara as stated above. It, therefore, is made clear by another rule in vvhich P lays dovvn that vvhen an operation is to be performed over the para (or uttara, as opposed to purva), it is to be done over the ādi thereof. Novv in the present case, the sthānin is sthā, or stambh both of vvhich are uttara. Hence the substitution vvhich is to be done for them vvill be done for their ādi (initial letter) only. Thus novv it is clear that in the case ud sthā (or ud stam bh ), the s (of sthā or stambh) is to be substituted by a savarņa of the purva (i.e. d ). The savarņatva is determined on the basis of sthāna and prayatna (of tvvo vārieties), and acc. PA 1.1.50 (No. 18 above), the substitute is to be determined on the basis of antaratamatva of sthāna. After ali this consideration one cari see that the substitute for s is th, and vve come to ud ththā (or ud thtambh) — ud tthā (or ud ttajnbh) by cartva (i.e. substitution of t for th ) . 65. In this position comes an occasion for the application of another rule, namely PA 8.4.65 (No. 65). In this sūtra halaķ (abi. = halaķ parasya) is to be read by anuvrtti. The gen. jharaķ is sthāneyogā, and the loc. jhari etc. is to be understood acc. PA. 1.1.66 (No. 17 above). The lopaķ also comes in by anuvTtti, as also the vvord anyatara- 37 S 65 Sārasiddhānlakaumudī syām (from PA 8.4.62). Thus in the present case a jhar ( = t) coming after hal ( = d of ud) is followed a savarņa jhar (=£A) and hence will be optionally elided. Hence now the position will be ud thā or ud tthā (ud tambh or ud tta m b h ). And here arises an occasion for one more rule. 66. In this sūtra, on the basis of anuvTtti we get the words jhalām and caraķ from the preceding sūtras. In the present case d (a jhal) is followed by t, which is a khar; and hence it will be changed to a char (i.e. t ), which is closest to it acc. PA 1.1.50 (No. 18 above). Thus ultimately we have utthānam (or uttthānam ) and uttambhanam (or utttambhanam ). O ur author for the sake of simplicity has not given the forms that we have included in brackets here. 67. In this sūtra, jhayaķ is abi. and haķ is gen. The words pūrvasya savarņaķ come in by anuvrtti from the preceding sūtra. For the pratyāhāra jhay see Appendix. Now the pūrvasavarņa substitute for h must be the fourth letter of the class. Hence vāk hariķ = vāgghariķ or vāg-hariķ (Here it may be observed that k of vāk is changed to g by PA 8.4.53). 68. In this sūtra also jhayaķ and anyatarasyām are to be read by anuvTtti. The word padānta also is obtained by anuvTtti from PA 8.4.59 (No. 73 below). Thus in the case of tat śivaķ, s has come after t ( = a jhay) and is followed bv i ( = an a t ) . Hence by the present rule, ś will be changed to ch optionally. Thus we get tat chivaķ or tat śivaķ. But by No. 52 above, t of tat will be changed to c ; and hence finally we get tacchivaķ or tacśivaķ. 69. The above rule of P was found deficient in view of certain occurrences in the current language and hence Kāt 38 Noies has tried to bring it up to date by the present rule. He suggests that the chatva laid down by P should be declared to take place when (a ś standing after a jhay) is followed by am (rather than at). It may be remembered that at = ali vowels and y, v, r; while am — ali vowels, semi-vowels, and nasals. The need for this vārttika is shown by cases like tat ślokena , where ś is followed by l which does not come under at. But it is changed to ch optionally. Hence instead of ati we should say ami. Thus ultimately, we get tacchlokena or tacślokena . 70. In this sūtra we get the word padasya by adhikāra {PA 8.1.16 padasya, which adhikāra extends upto PA 8.3.55, apadāntasya mūrdhanyaķ ) . This gen., namely padasya, is sthāneyogā, and maķ in this sūtra is intended as its vizēšana, and is as such to be understood to stand for māntasya. (For a lucid statement of this point read K. V. A b h y a n k a r , DSG, P 168 under tadantavidhi). The word hali is to be read in this sūtra by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtra. In the illustration harim vande, m at the end of a pada is followed by v (a hal) and is, therefore, changed to anusvāra; and thus we get harim vande. 71. The gen. naķ is to be understood as sthāneyogā, qualified by apadāntasya. Secondly by the force of ca, m aķ from the preceding sūtra is attracted into this sūtra. Thus the present rule lays down that anusvāra is substituted for m and also n not standing at the end of a pada, when followed by a jhal. Illustrations are yaśāmsi, and ākramsyate. Now before the case-ending jas, the word yaśas takes the augment num by PA. 7.1.72 napumsakasya jhalacaķ; and then the vowel preceding this ns {sānta samyoga) is lengthened by PA 6.4.10, 39 Sārasiddhānlal(aumudi sāntamahataķ satrhyogasya. Thus we finally come to the position yaśāns i. Here is an occasion for the present rule by which n ( apadm ta) followed by s (a jhal) is changed to anusvāra; and finally we have yaśāmsi. In ākramsyate we see apadānta m being changed to anusvāra when followed by s (a jhal). 72. yayi, loc. sg. of yay, a pratjāhāra for which see Appendix. The substitute is parasavarna (i.e. a nasal of the class to which the following letter belongs). The word śānta illustrates this rule. V śam, when kta is appended to it, lengthens its penultimate a (by PA 6.4.15) and the position is śām ta. Here m is changed to anusvāra (by PA 8.3.24, No. 71 above) and by this rule, the anusvāra is changed to parasavarna (i.e. n ) to make the form śānta. 73. The substitution of anusvāra by parasavarna is optional if the anusvāra is at the end of a pada. In the illustration given by our author, the m (at the end of a pada namely tvam ) is changed to anusvāra. This anusvāra (at the end of the pada) is follovved by k (a yay) and hence is changed to n (savarņa of the para k) optionally. Hence we have tvamkarosi or tvankarosi. 74. Here it has to be observed that abi. and loc. have been used together. In such cases we have to apply the pbh. ubhayanirdeśe pañcamīnirdeśo balīyān; and understand loc. in the sense of gen. Thus the word si (loc.) here stands for gen. as is shown by Kāśy where it is explained as sakārādeh padasya . (This is according to N. Pbh. 70). The augment d h u t has mute t'. This shows that it is to be prefixed to s for which it is laid down. Then by P A 8.4.55, dh is changed to t. Before, however, taking up an illustration, our author thinks it necessary to refer to another rule which pertains to āgama. 40 Notēs S 78 75. takitau = titkitau = tit āgama and kit āgama. Here we have another illustration of the general rule: dvandvānte śrūyamāņam padaru pratjekam abhisambadhyate /. Another point to be noted here is the yathāsamkhyanirdeśa . After noting this rule our author takes up the illustration: sad santaķ, where d is followed by s; and hence the augment dh will be prefixed to s. Then as stated above dh is changed to t; and finally d also is changed to t by the same rule. Thus with the augment, we get sattsantaķ; and without the augment we shall have satsantaķ. 76. In this sūtra we have to read si and dhut from the preceding sūtra (by the force of ca) and then the sūtra is to be explained exactly like No. 74 above. The illustration is san saķ = santsaķ or sansaķ . 77. Here naķ, got into this sūtra by anuvTtti, is to be explaincd like m aķ in No. 70 above. Hence our author writes msya padāntasya (which is only another way of saying nāntasya padasya). śi (loc. sg. of ś) = śe = when followed by s. The augment tuk is kit; and hence is to be appended at the end. Hence in the illustration taken by our author (namely san śam bhuķ ), the final n being followed by s takes the āgama tuk and we have, sant śambhuķ. Then by No. 52, t is changed to c (sañc śam bhuķ ) ; then by No. 68 ś is optionally changed to ch (sañcchambhuķ or sañcśam bhuķ). These two we get in the case of tugāgama . In the absence of this āgama we shall have two more, namelv sañchambhuķ, sañśambhuķ. In ali these four, the final n (of san) is changed to ñ by No. 52. 78. In this sūtra we get the vvords hrasvasya tuk by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtra (i.e. PA 6.1-70). Thus it 41 Sārasiddhānlal(aumudl lays down the tugāgama for a hrasva (short vovvel) vvhen follovved by ch. The illustration given here is acchā. S K gives svac.chāyā and śivacchāyā as illustrations, and explains hovv this t is changed to c. These illustrations are clearer than the one given here. 79. In this sūtra the vvords dlrghāt, che, and tuk are obtained by anuvTtti. Thus the tugāgam a in the case of a long vovvel standing at the end of a pada, vvhen follovved by ch is optional. This is illustrated by laksm lcchāyā or laksmxchāyā. Here also the change of t to c is to be explained as above. 80. This sūtra comes under padādhikāra and hence has to be explained like No. 70 above. Thus K ā has actually explained it as sakārāntasya padasya etc. vvhich, of course, means padāntasya sasya etc. The substitute laid down is ru (= r). Thus the general rule in the case of s (at the end of a vvord) is that it is substituted by r. Furthermore, ru is also the ādeśa for sājus. Novv since r is ekāl, it vvill be only antyādeśa (acc. PA. 1.1.52). Here vve have to remember the paribhāsāy nānuban dhakrtam anekāltvam, already discussed under No. 42 above81. By anuvTtti vve get ra ķ in this sūtra and because this sūtra comes under padādhikāra, this raķ is to be explained as rephāntasya padasya, vvhich is the same as padāntasya rasya (as our author has it). Thus by No. 80 a final s is changed to r; and by this rule, a final r is changed to visarga. This change occurs vvhen r is follovved by a khar or by nothing. 82. We have to read khari in this sūtra by maņdūkapluti from the preceding sūtra {PA 8.3.15); and it is laid dovvn that the visarga follovved by a khar is changed to s. In v isņ u ķ trātā the visarga is followed by t (a khar) and hence changed to s, thus giving us visņustrātā. 42 Noies S 85 83. In this sūtra the word visarjanlyasya is got by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtra (i.e. PA 8.3.35) and the word visargasya is obtained from PA 8.3.34, (No. 82 above). Thus the rule is : a visarga is optionally retained, when followed by a śar. When it is not retained, naturally it is first changed to s (by No. 82), which then is changed to ś (by No. 52 above). Thus hariķ śete = hariś śete or hariķ śete . 84. The word visarjaniyasya is got in this sūtra by anuvTtti, and kupvoķ is loc. du. of kupū ( = letters of the kavarga and the pavarga). Here the yathāsarnkhyanyāya applies and the ādeśas are to substitute the sthānins respectively (by PA 1.3.10, No. 23 above). The ca in this sūtra mdicates that visarga (that is enjoined in the preceding sūtra) may also be retained. Four illustrations are given, two for ku and tvvo for pu, vvhere we see that the visarga follovved by k (ku) is optionally retained or changed to jihvāmūliya, and vvhen follovved by p (pu) optionally to upadhmānīya. 85. The word kupvoķ is obtained from the preceding svtra by anuvTtti; and similarly saķ and iņaķ saķ are to be understood by the same principle. Thus in this sūtra P is sanetioning the change of visarga to 5 or s (in the case of kaķ kaķ etc.), vvhere it is follovved by ku or p u . It may be noted here that this substitution cannot be regularly established on the strength of any general rule of P; and hence special sanetion has to be given to them. Secondly kaskādi is an ākTtigaņa, of vvhich 18 vvords have been enumerated. But the list is not exhaustive. (For the vvords in this gaņa, see G R M 1.18f). In the vvords cited by our author, visarga follovved by k is changed to s; and this s is then changed to sy if it is preceded by iņ (i.e. 43 S 85 Sārasiddhānlalļaumudl ali vowels except a and ā} the semi-vowels and h) according to PA. 8.3.39. 86. The words ati and ut are obtained in this sūtra by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtras . Here we find the abi. aplutāt ataķ and the loc. aplute ati used simultaneously. This sūtra is laying down the ādeśa ut for ru only, as shown by the gen. roķ. Take, for example, śivaķ arcyaķ. Here visarga of śivaķ is in fact s, which therefore, is changed to ru (by No. 8 0 ); and then by the present rule, this ru is changed to u . Thus the position now is śiva u arcyaķ. Here No. 27 gets scope-and we get śivo arcyaķ; and then after ekādeśa by No. 41 we finally have śivo’rcyaķ. 87. With the required anuvTtti from the preceding sūtra, this sūtra lays down the substitution of ru by u when preceded by a and followed by haś (a soft consonant). Thus, śivaķ vandyaķ = śivo vandyaķ . This also is to be explained as above. 88 . The word roķ is got in this sūtra by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtra. It is to be noted that bhos etc. are nipātas ending in s. Hence by No. 80 their final s will be changed to ru. Now the present rule lays down that this ru, if followed by aś3 is changed to y. The present rule has one more point in it. The ru is changed to y if it is apūrva (preceeded by a or ā) and followed by aś (i.e. a vowel or a soft consonant). This latter part is illustrated by devā} i iha = devār iha (: = s = ru by No. 80) = devāy iha (ru = y by 88.) = devā iha (elision of y by No. 30). As for bhos etc., the position would be bhos devāķ = bhor devā}i. (rutva by No. 80) = bhoy devāīi (yatva by No. 88). Similarlv bhagoy namaste and aghoy yāhi. 44 Notēs S 92 89. In this sūtra, the vvord sarvesām means sarvesām matena. In No. 30, the lopa of y is attributed to Śākalya alone. This makes yalopa optional. In the present sūtra no such option is left; and it is laid down that y is elided in the opinion of ali; of course, vvhen it is follovved by a consonant {hal). Hence from the positions noted above vve finally get bho devāh /bhago namaste/ and agho yāhi (vvith the elision of y in each case). 90. The vvord ahan ( = ahnaķ ) is got in this sūtra by anuifftti from the preceding sūtra. The nom. raķ gives the ādeśa r vvhich being ekāl is only antyādeśa. The vvord asupi (loc.) means vvhen not follovved by a sup i.e. vvhen follovved by any thing else but a case-ending. Thus ahan ahan = ahar ahar = aharahaķ (final r is changed to visarga by No. 81). Similarly is to be explained ahan gaņaķ = ahargaņaķ. 91. The word lopaķ is obtained from the preceding sūtra by anuvrtti. The sūtra means: r follovved by r is elided. Before giving an illustration, our author takes up one more sūtra vvhich is immediately required. 92. Kā explains drhalope as <ļhakārarephayor lopo yasmin sa dhralopaķ. Thus in simpler vvords dhralopa means that dh or r, vvhich has caused elision of (a preceding dh or r). The loc. dhralope is to be understood in the usual sense as laid dovvn by P in PA 1.6.66, No. 17 above. Hence this vvord means vvhen (the dh or r) vvhich have caused the lopa of dh or r follovv. The rest of the vvording in this sūtra is quite clear. The illustration for this and the preceding sūtras together is punar ramate = puna ramate (by No. 91) = punā ramate (by No. 92). 45 S 92 Sārasiddhāntakaumudl manas ratha etc. Here V is explaining the formātiem manoratha. The starting position is manas ratha, where by rutva (No. 80) we get manar ratha. Now at this stage two rules come in for application simultaneouslv, namely No. 8/ which would change ru to u, and No. 91 which v/ould cause r to be elided. Thus there is a problem as to which of these two rules should be applied. For, it is quite impossible to apply both of them simultaneously. Hence V takes up the next sūtra. 93. vipratisedha = tuljabalavirodha i.e. eonfliet between two or more rules equal in their force. If the rules are not tulyabala) naturally the stronger one among them will set aside the rest (the weaker ones); and hence there can be no eonfliet at ali. Hence for eonfliet or vipratisedha, the rules coming in for application in a particular situation must be of equal status and simultaneously applicable. In such cases P lays down that the para shall be accepted and the pūrva shall be set aside. The paratva and the pūrvatva, of course, are to be determined on the basis of the order of the sūtras as found in PA. Now the tvvo rules, that have come up simultaneous!y for aoplication here, are No. 87 (PA 6.1.114) and No, 91 (PA 8.3,14); and hence No- 91 being para vvill have to be applied; and the r will have to be dropped. 94. But this is not correct. For, in the case under consideration one rule (No. 9 1 )is from the tripādī vvhich P has declared to be asiddha (as good as non-existing) vvith reference to the sapādasaptādhyāyi (and vvithin the tripādī itself, each succeeding rule is asiddha vvith reference to each preceding ru le ). Here then No. 91 is asiddha to No. 87, so much so that No. 87 vvill 46 Noies S 95 stand unobstructed in its application. Hence manar ratha will change to mana u ratha — mano ratha (No. 27) = manoratha. 95. The gen. du. akoķ etattadoķ is not sthānesasthī but only sambandhasūmānye sasthī . Similarlv anañsamāse is not the loc. as in sv»!ra 1.1.66 (No. 17) but onlv adhikaraņe saptanñ. The loc. hali, hovvever, is to be understood acc. No. 17. Thus the sūtra means— the su (i.e. nom. sg. ending), belonging to the pronouns etad and tad, not having the letter k ( akac) appended to them, and not standing in or forming part of a nañ-samāsa, is elided, vvhen it (i.e. su) is follovved by a consonant ( hal ). Illustrations are: esaķ visņuķ = esa visņuķ/ saķ śambhuķ = sa śambhuķ (for esaķ and saķ respectively). esakaķ rudraķ — esako rudraķ/ Here the pron. etad is not ak (vvithout k affixed to it) as required by the present rule. Hence this rule vvill not apply in this case. So the rules to apply here vvill be No. 80 (causing rutva ), No. 87 (causing substitu tion of ru by u ), and finally No. 27 causing guņa as ekādeśa . This shows why the vvord akoķ, in the sūtra, is necessary. The need for anañsamāse is established by the illustration asaķ śivaķ/ Here the su of asaķ is not dropped because therein the pron. tad stands in a nañsamāsa. The rule to apply here vvould be No. 83 and the su ( = visarga) vvill be optionally changed to visarga or ś and we shall have asaķ śivaķ , or asaś śivaķ. Similarly the need for hali in the sūtra is shovvn by illustrations like esaķ atra = eso’tra. In this illustration su of esaķ is not dropped because it is not follovved by a hal as required by the present rule. The rules to apply here are No. 80 (causing rutva of su), then No. 87 (causing ru to 47 S 95 Sārasiddhānlakaumudi be changed to u ), then No. 27 (causing guņa as ekādeśa) and finally No. 41 (causing o as ekādeśa ), thus ultimately giving eso’tra. 96. This sūtra defines prātipadika , a technical term which P has used several times. It may be broadly translated as nominat base, as distinguished from a verbal base or root vvhich is designated dhātu. V has explained a p r a t y a y a ķ as pratyayam pratyayāntaūn ca varjayitvā . Here we have to remember pratyayagrahaņe yasmāt sa vihitas tadādes tadantasya ca grahaņamj N. Pbh,. 23, which gives us the additional meaning given by our author. Bh. declares that the two senses can be obtained here on the basis of tantra etc. Read: sūtre tantrādmobhayara vivaksitam/ āvartite pratyayapade pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsayā tadantagrahaņāt tadantaparyudāsaķ. BŚŚ P. 329. It must further be observed that the pratyayas, intended in this sūtra , are the case endings only. This becomes evident from the fact that bases ending in krt and taddhita pratyayas are declared to be prātipadika in the next sūtra. This sūtra can be said to pertain to what may be called simple or primary (or avyut panna) prātipadikas, while the derivative prātipadikas form the subject of the following sūtra. 97. Here again we have to applv the pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā noticed above. The specific mention of krt and taddhita here is to remove the paryudāsa that can be drawn from the word apratyaya in the preceding sūtra. The inclusion of the vvord samāsa indicates that on!y samāsa can be a prātipadika; but not a vākya. Read Bh. SK . 98. In this sūtra are enumerated ali the case endings which are often referred to by the pratyāhāra sup . These are 21 48 Noies S 102 endings in ali, forming seven triads, each triad containing the endings indicating the three numbers (sg., du., and plr.) respectively. The seven triads correspond to the seven cases from nom. upto loc., voc. being (almost) identical with the nom- (see No. 110 below). The endings have been capped with some mute letters (or anubandhas) which serve some useful purposes. These have been discussed separately elsewhere. 99. The rit and āp in this sūtra are pratyayas; and hence by the pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā must be said to stand. for nyanta and ābanta respectively. Furthermore it has to be observed that the anubhandhas n and p in nī and āp serve the purpose of sāmānyagrahaņa and hence ñī stands for ñītf and nisy and āp stands for cāp, tāp} and dāp . Thus this sūtra declares that the case-endings are appended to prātipadikas and to words ending in the fem. suffbces noticed above. It has further to be observed that this is an adhikārasūtra holding its sway upto the end ol PA 5. 100. Here P has used the pratyāhāra sup, formed on the basis of his own sūtra. Other such pratyāhāras used by him are trn, sut, āp and tan (at PA 2.3.69; 1.1.43, 7.2.112 and 1.4.100 respectively). 101. The vvords dvi and eka in this sūtra are sa'thkhyāpara and not samkhyeyapara; and hence stand for diñtva and ekatva respectively. 102. In this sūtra P has defined the term avasāna, vvhich he has used several times in his vvork. After these preliminary matters novv we have to proceed to declension vvhich has been treated by our author (after Bh.) 49 F .-4 A S 102 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudz under six different heads; namely (1) ajanta purhliñga, (2) ajanta stñliñga, (3) ajanta na purns akaliñga, (4) halanta purhlinga, (5) halanta stñliñga, and (6) halanta napum sakaliñga, [This topic is known as sadliñgi]. We start with the word rāma . Now to it is added the ending su ( = s nom. sg.) and we have rāma s. Then by Nos. 80 and 81, s is changed to ru and then to visarga, so that finally we have the form rāmaķ. Now in nom. du. we have rāma rāma au. 103. In the above position we see that the words rāma and rāma are identical in form (sarūpa=samānarūpa) and are followed by one case-ending {vibhakti). In such cases, P lays down that only one of the sarūpa vvords is to be retained. Thus vve get rāma au, vvhich by No. 33 results in rāmau. But before this form is finally established one difficulty is likely to be. raised, on the basis of the following sūtra. 104. The word prathamayoķ here stands for the first tvvo cases (i.e. nom. and acc. case endings). Read: prathamāśabdo vibhaktiviśese rūdhaķ/ tatsāhacaryād dviñyāpi prathamety uktāļ K ās . The word akaķ is to be got in this sūtra by anuirrtti from the preceding sūtra (namely No. 40). The word aci also is obtained by anuvTtti. This sūtra evidently is laying down the >ekādeśa (see notēs on No. 2 7 ) , namely pūrvasavarņacñrgha, for both the pūrva and the para . If this rule is applied to the case under consideration (namely rāma au ), *we shall get the form as rāmā (and not rāmau). This, however, is not desirable and has to be vvarded off. This can be done by the next sūtra. 50 N otēs S 107 105. The word pūrvasavarņadīrghaķ is to be got in this sūtra by anuvTtti from the previous sūtra. This sūtra forms an exception to No. 104 and prohibits the substitution of pūrvasauarņadngh aķ in cases where a is followed by ic (i.e. any vowel except a or ā ), Hence in the case under consideration the difficulty, occasioned by the possible application of No. 104, is removed. For, that rule does not apply here at ali. Hence, as stated above, by No. 33 we can have the form rāmau (from rāma a u ). 106. Since dvi and eka are specifically mentioned in No. 101 above, it follovvs that bahu signifies a number from iri omvards; and the present sūtra lays down that the plr. ending is appended to nominal bases to denote any number from three omvards. So when three rāmas are to be spoken of, we shall have rāma rām a rā m a + ja s. 107. Novv the consonant j in jas is to be considered mute. This is shown by this sūtra, in vvhich the vvords pratyayasya and ādiķ come by anuvTtti . The designations cu and tu signify letters of the cavarga and the tavarga respectively according to No. 12. Novv since ; is an it, the case-ending actually is reduced to as; and the position novv is rāma rāma rāma as. Then by No. 103, onlv one rāma vvill remain, and the other tvvo vvill be dropped. Thus vve have rāma as. But here comes another difficulty: No. 1 declares that a final consonant in an upadeśa is it and is, therefore, dropped (acc. No. 3). In the present case, therefore, the final s (of as) stands in the danger of being dropped; and this has to be avoided. This is done in the follovving tvvo sūtras. 51 S 108 Sārasiddhāntakaumudī 108. This sūtra lays down the designation vibhakti for the case-endings {sup) and personai endings {tiñ )y vvhich are got in this sūtra by anuz/rtti. It may be observed that some of the taddhita juffixes also have been given the designation vibhakti (cf. PA 5-3-1-26). For the present, of course, we are concerned vvith sup and tin endings only. So jas is a vibhakti. 109. Now vve are told that tu (letters of the tavarga ), s, and m belonging to a vibhakti are not it. Hence the s of jas is not it and as such is not to be dropped. The danger, pointed out in No. 107above, is thus got over; and hence finallv vvc have rāma-ras = rāmās (by No. 40 or No. 104) = rāmah (by Nos. 80 and 81). 110 . It has been already stated above that voc. is the same almost as die nom. In this sūtra P has laid dovvn the designation sambuddhi as signifving the voc. sg. The other tvvo numbers are given the name āmantrita (cf. PA 2.3.48). The vvord sambodhana given by V is got by anuz/rtti from the preceding sūtras (i.e. PA 2.3.47-48). 111. Novv vve have to form the voc. sg. and the position is rāma+su = rāma+s. At this stage V takes up the sūtra laying dovvn the designation anga. In the present case the case-endings are enjoined after a prātipadika (here, rāma. see No. 99) and hence rāma has the designation anga, vvhen it is follovved by a case-ending (i.e. s here). 112. In this sūtra the vvords lopa and hal are got by anuz/rtti. By the tadantavidhi {PA 1.1.72), the first vvord 5? Noies S 115 in this sūtra means enantņd hrasvāntāt ca ( añ gāt ) as our author has explained it. Thus r ā m a + s = rāma, because here the s, which belongs to sam bu ddh i and comes after an aūga ending in en or in a short vovvel, is dropped. It may be observed that the vvord he used before rāma is a particle of address and indicates that the vvord follovving it is a voci form. 113. Novv for acc. sg. the position is rā m a + a m . Here by No. 104, pūrvasavarņddīrgha may come as ekādeśa . But the present sūtra supersedes it and lays dovvn that the ekādeśa vvill be p ū rvarū pa, vvhen the acc. sg. ending (i.e. am ) follovvs. The vvords akaķ and aci are got here by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtras . Hence vve get r ā m a + a m = rām am . The acc. du. rāmau is identical vvith nom. du. and is to be similarly explained. 114. For acc. plr. the position is rā m a + śa s . Here the consonant ś is an it and has to be dropped. This is shovvn by the present sūtra. The vvords pratyaya and ādi are got here by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtras; and the nañ (in the vvord a ta d d h ite ) has the force of paryudāsa. The term ku signifies the letters of the kavarga . In 1.3.5-8, P has laid dovvn vvhat initial consonants are to be considered it. Accordingly ś (of the case-ending śas) is it and thus the pure case-ending is as only. The vvord tasmāt in this sūtra has reference to pūrvasaiiarņacfirgha of the preceding sūtra. The gen. śasaķ is sthāneyogā. The ādeśa n (the final a is only uccāraņārtha) being ekāl is only an āntyādeśa. Thus s is substituted by n and vve get rāmān. 115. 53 S 116 Sārasiddhānlaķaumudī 116. Here a doubt may be raised. In rāmān, n has come after r and the two are intervened by ā9 m and ā only. Hence by the present sūtra, the n should be changed to ņ. 117. But this difficulty can be warded off by PA 8.4.37, because P has laid down therein that n cannot be changed to ņ if it stands at the end of a pada . Now rāmān is a word ending in a sup and hence is a pada (PA 1.4.14). In this sūtra, naķ ( , = nakārasya ) , ņaķ ( = ņakāraķ) and na ( = n o t) are got by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtras. Hence ultimately the acc. plr. of rāma is rāmān. 118. For instr. sg. the position is rāma+tā . Now this sūtra gives us the various substitutes for the various case-endings vvhen thev come afler a. base ending in a. The vvord ataķ (vvhich by tadantavidhi means akārāntasya sc. añgasya) is got by anuvTtti from PA 7.1.9. In this sūtra , there are three sthānins ( = tā9 ñasi and ñas) and three ādeśas (namely ina, āt and sya ) ; hence by No. 23, they are to be taken as being yathāsañikhya . Secondly, ali the ādeśas are anekāl; and must, therefore, be sarvādeśa (by No. 42). Thus the sūtra ultimately means that ina, āt, and sya are the instr., abi. and gen. sg. case-endings in the case of a base ending in a. Thus rā m a + tā = rāma+ina = rāmena (by No. 27) = rāmeņa (by PA. 8.4.1-2). 119. For instr. du. the position is rāma + bhyām. In the present sūtra, vve have to read the vvhole of the preceding sūtra, namely ato cfirgho ya ñ i} by anuvTtti. Novv in the case under consideration rāma is a base (añga) ending in a and the case-ending bhyām is a sup beginning vvith a yañ (see Appendix for this pratyāhāra). Hence the final a of the añga is lengthened and vve get rāmābhyām. 54 Noies S 123 120. For instr. plr. the position is rā m a + bh is; and here this sūtra lays down that after bases ending in a , the ending bhis is substituted by ais. Now here V reminds us of No. 42 and shows that ais is a sarvādeśa . Hence the position now becomes rāma + ais. Then by No. 33, vrd d h i (i.e. ai) will be the ekādeśa for a and ai, so that finally we have rām aiķ. 121. For dat. sg. the position is rā m a + n e ( = e ). The present sūtra lays down the ādeśa ya (which is anekāl and hence sarvādeśa) for ne. The words a taķ and añgāt are to be got from the preceding sūtras by anuvTtti . Thus we get now rā m a + y a . 122. This sūtra tells us that an ādeśa is like the sthānin, except for the purposes of the alvidh i . We have seen that a substitute is antyādeśa or sarvādeśa according as it is ekāl or anekāl . Now the present sūtra tells us that an ādeśa will be like its sthānin and thus overtake ali the operations belonging to it, but will not take over its ekāltva or anekāltva. So far as this is concerned it will be decided by the (actual form of the) ādeśa itself and not (by that of) the sthānin, while other operations will be determined by the sthānin only. In the case under consideration the ādeśa ya will be like its sthānin, n e; and hence be a sup; and hence by No. 119 will cause the lengthening of the final a of rām a . Thus ultimately we get rāmāya. Similarly dat. du. would be rā m a + b h yā m = rām ābhyām (bv No. 119). 123. Now for dat. plr. the position is r ā m a + b h y a ķ . The present sūtra tells us that before a plr. case-ending beginning with a jhal, the final vowel of a base ending in a is substituted by e. Thus we get rāmebhyaķ. 55 S 124 124. Sārasiddhānlakaumudi The word avasāna means virāma, the end. The vvords jhalām and caraķ are to be got by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtras . Thus acc. to the present sūtra, a final jh al is changed to a corresponding car. This is illustrated in abi. sg.: rā m a + nas — rāma āt (by No. 118) — ram āt or rām ād (by the present s ū tra ). The abi. du. and plr. are exactly like dat. du. and plr. and have to be similarly explained. In gen. sg. by No. 118, nas is substituted by sya and we get the form rāmasya. 125. For gen. du. the position is rāma + os . Now in the present sūtra we have to read ataķ ( = adantasya ahgasya) by anui/rtti from the preceding sūtra. So e is to be substituted for the final a of an anga before os. Hence we have rāma + os = rāme + os = rām ay os (by No. 22) = rām ayoķ (final s being changed to ru and then to visarga by Nos. 80 and 81 respectively). 126. In gen. plr. the position is rāma + ām. Now the present sūtra lays down that the ending ām vvill take the augment nut when applied to vvords ending in a short vowel or to vvords technically designated nadī (cf. PA 1.4.3-6) or to words ending in ā. This āgama, being tit has to be prefixed to ām and thus vve get rāma + nām. 127. The vvord nāmi in this sūtra is loc. sg. of nām (vvhich stands for the gen. plr. ending vvith the augment n prefixed to it). Before this nām, the base lengthens its final vovvel. Hence vve get rāmā +nām = rāmāņām (by PA 8.4.1-2). loc. sg. is rāma + i = rāme (by No. 2 7 ); loc. du. is the same as gen. du. rāmayoķ and is to be similarly explained. 56 Noies 128. S 129 Now we come to loc. plr. for which the position is rāma + su = rāme + su (by No. 123). Now the present sūtra lays down that s which is an ādeśa or belongs to a pratyaya, not standing at the end of a p a d a , is changed to s , provided it comes after iņ or ku. The words iņkoķ> apadāntasya) saķ, m ū rdhan yaķ are obtained by anuifftti from the preceding sūtras. Hence we get rāmesu. It has to be noted here that P has laid down only the m ūrdhanyādeśa for s. But we have to determine the exact m ūrdhanya which is to be substituted. This is to be done on the basis of No. 18, by taking into consideration the prayatna in the present case. Hence our author points out that s which is ī&adviVTta is to be substituted by s vvhich also is Isadvivrta. Thus vve have completed the declension of the vvord rām a; and V tells us that ali (masculine) vvords (i.e. nouns and adjectives) ending in a are to be similarly declined. 129. Novv V passes on to the declension of pronouns (ending in a ) . In the present sūtra P has given the technical term sarvanām a and stated that it is the designation given to sarva and other vvords. V in his exposition of this sūtra has given us a list of vvords vvhich are included in the sarvādigana . For this gaņa read: sarvānyaviśvobhayanem ayattadaķ kiū iyu sm adasm addvibh avatyadetadaķ / ubhatvadanyonyaparasparetarāh sam aķ sim atvānyataretaretarāķ / ļ 57 S 129 Sārasiddhānlakaumudi ekedam adaso jñeyā dataro datam stathā svam ajñāiidhane nāmni kāladigdeśavTttayaķ / pūrvāparāvaraparā uttaro daksiņādharau antaraih copasa^nvyāne bahiryoge tathā’puri / / GRM 1.21-23. O ur author, however, has not given here a complete list of the words in the sarvādigaņa. 130. It must be observed here that V has noticed only those forms of the pronouns vvhich differ from the correspond ing forms of a noun ending in a. Novv nom. sg. and du. of sarva are sarvaķ, sarvau (exactly like rām aķ , rām au ). Hence V passes over them and takes up nom. plr. for vvhich the position is sarva + jas ( = a s ) . Novv in the present sūtra P has laid dovvn the ādeâ śī for jas coming after a pronoun ending in a (the words adantāt and sarvanām naķ being got by anuvTtti from the preceding sū tra s). The ādeśa being sit is sarvādeśa (by No. 4 2 ); and hence vve have sarva + 1 = sarve (by No. 27). 131. The acc. and the instr. forms are exactly like those of a noun ending in a; and hence V passes on to dat. sg. for which the position is sarva + n e ( = e ). Novv the present sūtra (supplemented by ataķ = akārāntāt , and n eķ by a.nuvTtti) lays dovvn sm ai as the ādeśa for ne coming after a pronoun ending in a. Hence vve get sarvasm ai . The dat. du. and plr. forms are like those of rāma. 132. This sūtra lays down sm āt and smin as the ādeśas for nasi and ni (of abi. and loc. sg.). These ādeśas being anekāl 58 Noies S 134 are sarvādeśa, like sm ai above. Hence abi. sg. is sarvasm āt . The abi. du., abi. plr., gen. sg. and gen. du. are like those of rām a; and thus we come to gen. plr. for which the position is: sarva + ā m . 133. The word ām i is loc. sg. of ām and means Svhen followed by ā m \ This sūtra lays down the augment sut (s) to be prefixed to ām (because it is tit) and hence we get sarva + sām . Then by No. 123 sarve + sām = sarve(by No. 128). loc. sg. is sarva + ni = sarva + sm in (No. 132) — sarvasmin. Having thus explained the paradigms wherein a pronoun ending in a differs from a noun ending in a, V declares that the other paradigms of a pronoun (ending in a) are to be obtained exactly like those of a noun ending in a. He further remarks that ali pronouns ending in a are to be similarly declined. Hereafter V gives ali the forms of the pronoun ubha. In some editions of S K etc. we get ubhaśabdo nityarii dvivacanāntaķ, which is found in one of our M ss. also. īt may here be observed that for ubha. in du. we get only three distinct forms: (1) nom. and acc. ubhau; (2) instr., dat. and abi. ubhābhyām ; and (3) gen. and loc. u b h ayoķ . These are to be explained like the corresponding forms of sarva (or rām a ) . 134. This sūtra has occurred under No. 129 above and is a gaņasūtra, which is the name given to sūtra- like statements which are occasionally found to occur in the gaņapātha. It may be observed here that some of these gaņasūtras are found incorporated in P ’s sūtrapātha itself. This and the next two 59 S 134 Sārasiddhāntalâumudi sūtras are of this type. For details see A b h y a n k a r , DSG, p. 129. From this sūtra (considered as a gaņasūtra), one may be ied to consider that these words (i .t.pūrva etc.) have the designation sarvanāman before ali case-endings. But the present sūtra as a sūtra of P (with the words vā and jasi got by anuvTtti) lays down that they will have that designation before jas (nom. plr.) only optionally. Hence nom. plr. of pūrva, for example, would be pūrve (as sarvanāman) and pūrvāh (as not sarvanāman ). These forms are to be explained exactly like sarve and rāmah above. 135. Here is another gaņasūtra which is included in P ’s sūtrapātha, The word sva = (1) self ( ātman ), (2) belonging to oneself (ātrrñya), (3) kinsmen ( jñāti) and (4) property, belongings (dhcrna). Now in the first two senses, the word sva has the designation pronoun, optionally, before jas (of nom. plr.). Hence the forms would be sve or svāh. But in the other two senses, it is to bo considered as noun only; and hence nom. plr. would be svāh only. 136. This is the third gaņasūtra that is included in P ’s sūtrapātha . The word antara also means (1) extemal ( bāhya ), (2) a garment (paridhānâ ) , and (3) intervening space {madhyadeśa ) . In the first two senses it is to be considered optionally as a pronoun before jas (of nom. p lr.); but in the third sense it is to be considered as a noun only. Hence in the former the nom. plr. is antare, antarāh; while in the latter it is antarāh onlv. In connection with antare antarā vā grhāh the Kāśikā remarks: nagarabāhyāś cāņdālādigThā ucyante/; also read its note on upasa'thvyāna: upasañavyānaih paridhānīyam ucyate , na prāvaraņiyam / . 60 Notēs S 138 137. We have to read the whole of the preceding sūtra (( No. 132) into this sūtra bv anuvTtti. Thus here we scc that the substitution of smāt and smin for nasi and ni, in the case of pūrva and the following eight words5 is optional. Thus abi. sg. and loc. sg. of pūrva would be pūrvasmāt, pūrvāt; and pūrvasmin, pūrve. The same holds good in the case of para, etc. Having thus pointed out the differences, our author remarks that in ali other cases these words are to be declined like sarva only. 138. The whole of the preceding sūtra, vibhāsā jasi (PA. 1.1.32) is to be read in this sūtra by anuvTtti. Similarly the word sarvanāmāni is to be read from PA 1.1.27. Thus like the two preceding sūtras, this sūtra also lays down the sarvanāma sam jñā for the words prathama etc. before jas ( = as of nom. plr. ). Hence nom. plr. of prathama would be prathame or prathamāh. Here it has to be observed that prathama etc. are not included in the sarvādigaņa and they are not sarvanāman. T hat is why in the other cases they are to be declined like rāma. The words pūrva etc. (of the three preceding sūtras) are included in the sarvādigaņa and hence they are to be declined like sarva (and not like rāma). The word nema is included in the sarvādigaņa and as such is to be declined like sarva in ali other cases. Attention may here be drawn to the triple classification of vibhāsā} namely prāpte vibhāsāy aprāpte vibhāsā and ubhayatra vibhāsā. In this sūtra the sarvanāmasamjñā is optional in the case of prathama etc. before jas. Now this saūijñā is already prāpta in the case of nema and ubhaya. Hence 61 S 138 Sārasiddhāntakaumudi the option in their case is prāpte vibhāsā. In the case of prathama etc., on the other hand, the samjña is not prāpta. Hence in their case the option is aprāpte vibhāsā. Thus this sūtra is really a good illustration of the third variety, namely ubhayatra vibhāsā. For a full discussion and illust rations of vibhāsā in ali the vārieties read M Bh on PA 1.1.44. 'O ne more point to be noted in this sūtra is that here prathama, carama etc. are ali prātipadikas. Only taya is not so; it is a suffix. It stands for formations in taya, according to the maxim, pratyayagrahaņe tadantā grāhyāh. 139. ñyasya etc. O n PA 1.1.36 K has added the folov/ing vārttika : vāprakaraņe ñyasya nitsūpasamkhyānam; and this is virtually taken up here by our author when he writes ñyasya ñitsu vā. By pratyayagrahaV'ūparibhāsā) ñyasya means ñyāntasya (i.e. formations in the suffix ñya such as dvif%ya and trftya). By this vārttika these vvords get the designation sarvanāman before hit case-endings (i.e. dat., abi., gen. and loc. sg) optionally. Hence weget optional forms such as dvifiyāya , dvitīyasmai; dviñyat} dviñyasmāt; and dviñye ,dviñyasmin. This holds good in the case of the other similar formation, namely trñya. (The suffix tīya is laid down by P for dvi and tri in tvvo sūtras, PA 5.2.54-55). 140. Now our author takes up the vvord nirjara and quotes the sūtra enjoining the substitution of jaras optionally for jarā , when followed by a case-ending beginning vvith a vowel. (the vvord aci is got into this sūtra by anuvrtti from the preceding sūtlra i.e. PA 7.2.100). Here evidently the ādeśa jaras is sarvādeśa, since it is anekāl. But vve have to observe some more technical rules 62 Noies S 141 here. Actually the ādeśa is laid down for the word jarā only. But as a corollary of PA 1.1.72, yena vidhis tadantasya, vve have another paribhāsā, padāngādhikāre tasya ca tadantasya ca, Pbh . 29 on vvhich N vvrites: padam a h gam ca viśesyam viiesaņena ca tadantavidhiķ/ yena vidhiķ (PA 1.1.72) ity asyāyam prapañcaķ/. Thus in the present case the substitute jaras will replace jarā (by itself) or jarā at the end of a compound. But in nirjara vve do not get the word jarā at ali! And the ādeśa is to replace only vvhat has been mentioned (i.e. the vvord jarā, in the present case). For, the rule is: nirdiśyamānasyādeśā bhavanti, Pbh . 12. This objection, however, can be ruled out by another paribhāsā, ekadeśavikrtam ananyavat, Pbh . 37. In the present case, jara, at the end of the vvord nirjara, is only an ekadeśavikfta (form) of jarā; and hence stands on par vvith jarā. Hence it is quite regular to substitute jaras for jara in the word nirjara . (of course, before case-endings beginning with a vovvel). Novv nom. sg. of nirjara is nirjaraķ (like rāmaķ). For nom. du. the position is nirjara + au; and here jaras will be optionally substituted for jara (in nirjara ). Thus the forms vvill be nirjarau (like rāmau) and nirjaras au = nirjarasau. Similarly before ali vovvel case-endings nirjara will have two forms such as nirjarāh, nirjarasaķ etc. It is clear that before vovvel terminations, nirjara is to be declined optionally (pakse) like rāma, vvhen jaras is not substituted for jara . O ur author further tells us that it will be declined like rāma, before consonantal case-endings also. For, there the substitution of jara by jaras is altogether absent. 141. Now V turns to the declension of masc. vvords ending in ā; and takes up the word viśvapā. 63 S 141 Sārasiddhāntakaumudl nom. sg. vvould be viśvapā + s = viśvapāh {s — ru by No. 80 and then = visarga by No. 81). Now for nom. du. the position is viśvapā + au. Here V reminds us that No. 105 (PA 6.1.102) does not apply; for, P has by this sūtra clearly prohibited it in the case of vvords ending in a long vowel (here cfirgha = cñrghānta by tadantavi dhi), when followed by jas or by ic . (i.e. any vowel except a and a). Hence the rule to apply in the present case is No. 33 and the form then would be viśvapau. Similarly nom. plr. would be viśvapā as = viśvapāh (by Nos. 40, 80 and 81 resê^tivelv). voc. sg. and acc. du. are identical vvith nom. sg. and nom. du. respectively; while acc. sg. is viśvapā am = viśvapām (No. 40). 142. Now for acc. plr. the position is viśvapā śas. Before arriving at the final form, we have here to take note of several things. First among these is the technical term sarvanāmasthāna; and this is what P has given us in this sūtra.. The vvord sut here is a pratyāhāra based on PA 4.1.2 and stands for the first five case-endings. PA 1.1.42 declares śi (nom. and acc. plr. neut. case-endings) to be sarvanāma sthāna and further adds [PA 1.1.43) that in the case of vvords that are not neut., sut ( = the first five case-endings) have that designation. Thus in the present case śas ( = as of acc. plr.) is not sarvanāmasthāna. 143. In this sūtra P has given us another samjña, namely pada. P has defined a pada in general as suptiñantam padam {PA 1.4.14). In the follovving three sūtras {PA 1.4.15-17) he has stated cases vvhere the designation pada may apply to a base even though it may not end in sup or tin. The vvord svādisu in our sū*tra means ‘vvhen follovved 64 Noies S 145 by pratyayas beginning with su (i.e. nom. sg. case-ending). This sūtra does not give the limit upto which the pratyayas are to be taken up for this sūtra . V tells us that we have to take ali pratyayas that P has laid down from PA 4.1.2 upto the pratyaya kap, laid dovvn in PA 5.4.151. According to the present sūtra then a vvord (or form) ending in any of these pratyayas is to be designated pada, provided that the pratyayas are not sarvanāmasthāna . Accordingly, therefore, viśvapā vvould be a pada vvhen it is follovved by as (acc. plr.), since it is not sarvanāmasthāna as vve have seen it above. 144. In this sūtra P has given us another technical term namely bha . The base gets the designation bha vvhen it is follovved by pratyayas beginning vvith y or vvith a vovvel (from among the pratyayas spoken of in the previous sūtra, No. 143). According to this sūtra , viśvapā can be designated bha also (vvhen it is follovved by śas). Thus vve see that the base viśvapā has tvvo possible designations: (i) pada (by No. 143) and (ii) bha (by No. 144). 145. Novv V takes up a rule in vvhich P lays dovvn that vvithin the prescribed limits (i.e. from PA 1.4.1 upto PA 2.2.38) bases or vvords vvill have only one designation (even if according to various rules more designations than one may appear to be possible). But here the question is: vvhich designation? V ansvvers the question in the vvords: yā parā anavakāśā ca. This ansvver is, of course, based on PA 1.4.2 vipratisedhe param kāryam; and on the maxim sāvakāśaniravakāśayor niravakāśarh balīyaķ. Also read: anavakāśā hi vidhayo bādhakā bhavanti, M Bh on PA 5.4.154. In the 65 S 145 Sārasiddhāntakaumudī present case naturally the designation bha is para and hence applicable to the base viśvapā. Here we have one more peculiar instance of the this sūtra by adhikāra ( bhasya PA 6.4.129) and lopaķ comes in by anuvrtti. Thus according to this rule the final vowel ā of a word ending in a root is dropped, when it is followed by a vovvel termination. Novv viśvapā is a vvord satisfying these conditions; and hence its final ā vvill be dropped before as (acc. plr. case-ending). Thus vve get viśvapā + as = viśva* p a ķ (i being changed to ru by No. 80; and ru to visarga by No. 81). Ali the other paradigms of viśvapā can novv be similarly formed. It must be observed that ali the vvords (e.g. śaūkhadhmā) ending in ā and ending in a root are similarly declined. But if they do not end in a root, as for example, the vvord hāhā , they vvill not follovv this rule; and hence vvill not. drop their final vovvel. Hence acc. plr. of hāhā is hāhān (like rāmān , see No. 116). tadantavidhi. The word bhasya is got in 146. Novv V tums to vvords ending in i and takes the vvord hari for illustration. nom. sg. is hari + s = hariķ (Nos. 80-81). Nom. du. is h añ (by No. 104). 147. Novv for nom. plr. the position is hari + jas. Novv by this sūtra the final short vovvel of a base ( a n ga ) takes gurta vvhen follovved by jas (of nom. plr.). Thus vve get hare + as. Then by No. 22, haray + as = harayaķ (by 80-81). It may be observed that the vvhole of the preceding sūtra (i.e. No. 148 here) is to be read in this sūtra by anuvTtti. 66 Noies S 150 148. In this sūtra the word sarhbuddhau is to be got by anuvrtti from the previous sūtras. saūibuddhi has been already mentioned as a technical name for voc. sg. case-ending (No. 110). Hence voc. sg. form of hari vvould be (he) hare. In acc. there is nothing particular to be noted; and the forms of the sg., du. and plr. are harim, hari (like nom. du.), and hañn (bv Nos. 104 and 115). 149. The vvord śesa (the rest) stands for (i) the vvord that ends in i or u but has not the designation stñ; and (ii) the vvord that has the designation stñ but not the designation nadī. In P’s system stñ is the designation of ali feminine vvords; vvhile the designation nadī is given to only such feminine vvords as end in ī or ū. (read- yūstryākhyau nadi, PA 1.4.3). V has mentioned only the former, because here vve are concemed vvith vvords ending in i (and u) only and not vvith vvords ending in l (and ū ). In this sūtra P has laid dov/n the designation ghi to denote ali the vvords (not feminine in gender) ending in i or u, except the vvord sakhi. Thus the word hari, according to this sūtra , has the designation ghi. 150. In this sūtra P has used āri to signify the instr. sg. case-ending (tā). Here we have to observe that predecessors of P had used some technical terms and also some anubandhas; and further that some of these terms (such as āri here) have been adopted by P only occasionally; vvhile some others such as dhātu have been adopted throughout his vvork. It is further to be noted that vvhen P borrovvs such terms from the predecessors occasionally, the anubandhas appended to them have to be considered redundant; for they are found to be ineffective. 67 S 150 Sārasiddhānlakaumudī The word ghaķ is got in this sūtra by anuvrtti from the preceding sūtra . The gen. āñaķ is sthāneyogā gen;and the ādeśa nā} being anekāl3 is a sarvādeśa. Thus hari + ā = hari + nā = hariņā (by 8 .4 -1 -2 ). instr. du. and plr. would be haribhyām, haribhiķ. 151. The word guņaķ is got in this sūtra by anuvrtti .The nit case-endings are those of dat., abi., gen. and loc. sgg. According to this sūtra, words ending in i (or u) not fem. in gender, undergo guņci before nit case-cndings. Thus dat. sg. is hari+e = hare+e = haray + e (by No. 22) = haraye. Dat. du. and plr. respectively are haribhyām and haribhyaķ. 152. For abi. sg. the position is hari+ñasi (i.e. as) = hare+as (No. 151). Now by No. 22 hare should be changed to haray. But that rule is here superceded by the present rule which enjoins pūrvarūpa as ekādeśa in the case where eñ is followed by the case-endings ñasi and ñas (i.e. abi. and gen. sgg.). The word pūrvaķ is got in this sūtra by anuvrtti from the preceding sūtra (i.e. PA 6.1.105 ami pūrvaķ). Thus abi. sg. would be hareķ. abi. du. and plr. are the same as dat du. and plr. gen. sg. is the same as abi. sg. gen. du. is hari+os = hary+os (by No. 16) = haryoķ (by Nos. 80-81). For gen. plr. the position is hari+ām = hari+nām (by No. 1 26) = harl+ņām (by Nos. 128 and 8 .4 .1 -2 ) = hañņām. 153. In this sūtra, ñaķ, and aut are got from the preceding sūtras by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays down two things: (1) au for ñi and (2) a for ghi (i.e. the final vowel of ghi). The term ghi, as has been alreadv explained above in No. 149, is applicable to hari. So loc. sg. of hari would 68 N oies S 158 be: h a ri+ ñ i harau (No. and loc. plr. ending in i = hari+au = hara + au (by this sūtra ) = 33). loc. du. = hari os = hary os = haryoķ; = hari su = harisu (No. 128). Ali masc. vvords (e.g. kavi etc.) are to be declined like hari. 154. Novv our author turns to the vvord sakhi and notēs its peculiarities. For nom. sg. the position is sakhi+su. Now by the present sūtra, the vvord sakhi takes the augment anan ( = an) before s of nom. sg. This augment being nit is only an antyādeśa (by No. 43). Hence vve get sakhan s . 155. In this sūtra P defines u pad h ā as a letter immediately preceding the final letter. In the case under consideration (i.e. in sakhan) n is antya; and a before it is upadhā. 156. Novv ending in n case-ending Accordingly this sūtra tells us that the u padhā of a vvord is lengthened vvhen follovved by a sarvanāmasthāna except the sambuddhi (i.e. voc. sg. ending). vve shall get sakhān+s . 157. Here P has given us the technical term aprkta . It signifies a pralyaya comprising a single letter. In the case under consideration j is ekāl and hence has the designation aprkta. Here vve may note that the ending su, vvhen divested of its anubandha, is 5, is ekāl; and that anubandha is not to be taken into consideration vvhen vve vvant to see vvhether a pratyaya is ekāl or enekāl. Read: nānubandhakrtam anekāltvam, Pbh . 6. This shows that su (of nom. sg.) is ekāl (and hence aprkta ) . 158. This sūtra lays dovvn that su (= s of nom. sg.), ti and si (3rd and 2nd sg. personai endings) vvhen reduced to a single letter, coming after bases ending in a consonant or long i (ra) or ā (ā p )y is dropped. In the present case vve have sakhān+s, which by elision of s becomes sakhān . 69 S 159 Sārasiddhāntakaumudī 159. Here it is to be noted that though a pratyaya is elided, its effect remains unaffected. Now in the present case the su (nom. sg. ending) is elided. But even then, the remaining portion, namely sakhān, can and does get the designation pada (Read: suptiñantaih padam , PA 1.4.14). 160. As we have seen above, sakhān is a pada. It is also a prātipadika; for, it stands in the place of sakhi which is a prātipadika by No. 97. (For this see No. 123). Hence by the present rule the final n of sakhān is elided; and finally we get sakhā as nom. sg. of sakhi. 161. The words sarvanāmasthāna and ņit ( = ņidvat) are got in this sūtra by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra lays down that the sarvanāmasthāna case-endings (except that of voc. sg.) coming after the word sakhi are to be considered ņit. 162. In this rule P lays down that when followed by ñit or ņit pratyayas, the final vowel of the base takes vrddhi. In this sūtra , acah stands for ajantasya (by tadantavidhi ) ; the word vrddhih is got by anuz/rtti from the preceding sūtra; and the vrddhi is, of course, of the final ik (by No. 20 and PA 1.1.3, iko guņavrddlñ). Thus sakhi + au = sakhai+au = sakhāy-\- au = sakhāyau. Similarly nom. plr. sakhāyaķ; acc. sg., du. = sakhāyam, sakhāyau; acc. plr. sakhin (exactly like hañ n ) ; instr. sg. would be sakhi+ā = sakhyā (No. 16); instr. du. and plr. sakhibhyāmy sa k h ib h iķ ; and dat. sg. sakhi+e = sakhye (by No. 16); du. and plr. sakhibhyāmy sakhibhyaķ. voc. sg. would be sakhi~\~su = sakhe+s (No. 148) = sakhe (No. 112). 163. Now for abi. (and gen.) sg. the position is sakhi+nasi (and nas). In the present sūtra , by anuvTtti we get the words 70 Noies S 165 ñasiñasoķ and ut. Thus this sūtra lays down that abi. and gen. sg. case-endings coming after khy and ty change their a to u. Thus sakhi+as = sakhy+as (No. 16) = sakhy~\~us (No. 163) = sakhyuķ (Nos. 80-81). It has to be observed here that u becomes rapara only when it is a substitute for r. Here it is a substitute for a and hence there is no raparatva • abi. du. and plr. are the same as dat. du. and plr.; gen. du. and plr. also are exactly like those of hari, and require no elucidation. 164. Now we come to loc. sg. where the position is sakhi+ ni. Now in the present sūtra neķ and idudbhyām are got by anuvTtti . V, however, takes only itaķ (instead of idudbhyām) and this by tadantavidhi means idantāt. Thus according to this sūtra, ni (loc. sg. case-ending) is changed to au when it comes after a word ending in i. Hence sakhi+i = sakhi+au = sakhy+au (by No. 16) = sakhyau . Ali the remaining forms are exactly like those of hari. 165. The saihjñā ghi has been already explained above (No. 149). According to it the designation can apply to the word pati also. But P tells us that pati can have the designation ghi only when it stands (as a latter member) in a compound. This means that the word pati is to be declined like hari in ali cases only when it is at the end of a compound. But as a simple word it has some peculiarities, like the word sakhi (which also is not ghi). Hence the instr., dat. abi. gen. and loc. sgg. are patyā} patye, patyuķ, patyuķ, and patyau respectively. Ali the other forms are like those of hari; and in a samāsa also they will be like those of hari. Hence dat. sg. of bhūpati, for example, is bhūpataye (and not -patye ). 71 S 166 Sārasiddhāntalļaumudl 166. In this sūtra P lays down the designation samkhyā for the words baku and gana, and also words ending in the suffixes vatu (=i>at) and dati ( = ati ). The Kāśikā tells us that the vvords bahu and gaņa, when they mean vaipulya and sangha, are not subject to this sūtra and hence cannot have the designation sanikhyā . 167. The words sañikhyā and sat are got in this sūtra by anuvTtti; and by tadantavidhi or by pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā, dati means datyantā (samkhyā ). Thus this sūtra lays down the sañijñā sat for a formation in dati. 168. This sūtra lays down that the endings jas and śas are dropped when they come after vvords having the designa tion sat. Novv a formation in dati (having the sannjñā sat), relevant here, is kati (formed acc. PA 5.2.41, kim aķ sanikhyāparimāņe dati ca). It is declined only in the plural. So for nom. and acc. plr. the position is kati+as . Novv by this rule the ending is dropped and vve have only kati. Novv by rule 159, though the pratyaya here is dropped, its kārya must take place; and the kārya before jas is guņa (No. 147). Under this position, our author points out the follovving rule. 169. In this sūtra P has laid dovvn three sarhjñās, namely luk , šlu and lup, for the adarśana (or lopa, elision) of a pratyaya caused or enjoined by the vvords luk , ślu and lup respectively. Accordingly the elision of as after kati, being enjoined by the vvord luk, gets the designation luk. 170. In this sūtra is laid dovvn an apavāda to the rule (No. 159) referred to above. W hen a pratyaya is elided 72 N oies S 172 owing to a vvord containing the letter lu, the base that is left over vvill not undergo any kārya indicated by the pratyaya that is so elided. It is to be observed here that lumatā is instr. sg. of ļumat vvhich means a vvord containing lu therein; and further that such (i.e. ļumat) vvords are three, namely lūk, Mu and lup. Thus the rule finally is that an elided pratyaya generally causes its operations on the base to vvhich it is applied (before being elided); but it vvill not do so, if this elision is caused by luk, ślu or lup. In the case under consideration jas and śas are elided by luk and hence no operations can take place on the base kati. Thus nom. and acc. forms are kati, kati . The forms of the other cases are regularly formed like those of hari and can be similarly explained. After kati, V takes the vvord tri (of course, to be declined in plr. only). Forms of nom., acc., inst., and dat. are formed exactly like those of hari, and are to be similarly explained. For gen., the position is tri+ām. 171. The vvord āmi is got in this sūtra by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtra ( = PA 7.1.52). Thus traya ( anekāl and hence sarvādeśa) is to be substituted for tri when the ending ām follovvs. So vve get tri+ām — traya+ām = traya + nām (No. 126) = trayā+nām (No. 127) = trayāņām (PA 8.4. 1-2). loc., of course, is like hari, trisu . 172. Novv V turns to dvi. P has laid dovvn the substitute a for (the fināls of) tyad and other pronouns upto and including dvi in the sarvādigaņa vvhen follovved by vibhakti . Accordingly dvi is changed to dva and it is to be declined in dual only. The forms, therefore, vvill be dvau (nom., acc.), dvābhyām (instr., dat., abi.) and dvayoķ (gen., loc.). 73 S 172 Sārasiddhāntal(aumudī Now our author turns to declension of masc. words ending in ī (e.g. papi). The forms of this word are obtained simply by appending the case-endings and observing sarndhi rules. The only form to bc noted is acc. plr. vvhere papī+śas = papī+s (No. 104) = papī+n (No. 115) = papīri- In gen. plr. papī+ām , No. 126 does not apply; and hence there is no nudāgama. Thus by No. 16, the form is papyām. loc. sg. pafñ+i = papī (No. 40). Similarly, are to be declined vvords like vātaprarrñ (i.e. vvords ending in ī). But pradhī differs; and V takes up a sūtra pertaining to it. 173. In this sūtra, yvoķ. is gen. du. of yū ( = and lon<*) and stands for ivarņovarņāntasya tadantavidhi. The substitutes iyan and u v a n , antyādeśa only and not for the vvhole dhātu, base ending in i or u (short or long). i and u short {dhātoķ) by being nit are or the vvholc — bhruvām is sambandhasāmānye or avayavārthe sasti. Thus the present sūtra lays dovvn that the final i or u (short or long) belonging to śnu (sign of cl. 5 ), a. root or the vvord bhrū is substituted by iy or uv, vvhen follovved by (a pratyaya begin ning vvith) a vovvel. Novv in pradhī vve find ī at the end of a dhātu , so that vvhen it is follovved by a vovvel termination it has to be substituted by iy. This, hovvever, is not actually desirable; and is averted by the next sūtra . 174. In this sūtra, eķ is gen. sg. of i and by tadantavidhi means ivarņāntasya ( dhātoķ) vvhich further stands for 74 N otēs S 177 ivarņānto yo dhātuķ tadantasya. Now the word eķ (thus understood) and also the word anekācaķ are adjectives; and their substantive is angasya (got by anuvTtti ). The word asaThyogapūrvasya is, however, an adjective of eķ and means the vowel i not preceded by a conjunct consonant forming part of a dhātu. Thus the present sūtra lays down that a final i or i (of such an aūga) is changed to y when followed by a vowel termination. Let us take the word pradhī now. Nom. sg. would be pradhiķ. Acc. sg. pradhi+am = pradhyam. Loc. sg. pradhi+i = pradhyi. In other cases this is to be declined like papi above. The word grāmaņī is also similarly declined, except in loc. sg., for which the position is grāmaņi+i. 175. This sūtra lays down that ām is substituted for ni (loc. sg. ending) after nadī words, vvords ending in āp (i.e. the fem. suffixes cāp, tāp and dāp ), and vvords ending in the root-noun ni. Accordingly vve shall have grāmani+ām — grāmaņyām. (No. 16 or 174). 176. In this sūtra P has laid dovvn the designation gati for the prādi vvords, vvhich are declared to have the designation upasarga, vvhen they come in contact vvith kriyā (See PA 1.4.59); and the present sūtra lays dovvn that thev also have the designation gati (in addition to upasarga). 177. Novv let us take the vvord śuddhadhi. In this vvord, the vvord śuddha is not a gati, obviously because it is not included in the prādi gaņa. Nor is it a kāraka; for it is not connected vvith a kriyā. Novv the yaņādeśa, spoken of in No. 174 above, cannot be admitted in the case of a pūrvapada , if it is neither gati nor kāraka. This in other vvords means 75 S 177 Sārasiddhānlal(aumudi that in such cases the rule to apply would be No. 173; and the ādeśas would be iyañ and uvañ. Thus nom. du. of śuddhadhl will be 5uddhadhī+au = śuddhadiy+au = śuddhadhiyau. In pradhl , and grāmanl, however, the pūrvapada is gati ( pra) and kāraka ( grāma) respectively; and hence yaņadeśa could find scope there. 178. In this sūtra, aci ( = aci supi) and yaņ are got by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtras. So this jūčra also prohibits yaņādeśa (laid down by No. 174) in the case of the words bhū and sudhi (though they are covered by that rule). Hence nom. du. and plr. of sudhi would be sudhiyau and sudhiyaķ respectively. Now V turns to two more words ending in l. They are sukhl ( sukham icchati iti) and suñ (sutām icchati iti). These words are to be declined like. pradfñt because they come under No. 174 and have a kāraka for their pūrvapada . Thus naturally they will admit yaņādeśa before case-endings beginning with a vowel. V, however, has drawn particular attention to two case endings, namely abi. sg. and gen. sg. (as). Now for sukhi, the position is sukhī+as = sukhy+as (by yaņādeśa) = sukhy + us (by No. 163) = sukhyuķ. Similarly from suti we shall have sutyuķ. As for words ending in u, our author simply remarks that they are to be declined like hari and gives śambhu, bhānu etc. as illustrative words. But he has noticed one masc. word ending in u as being rather irregular in some respects. This irregularity has been noticed by P in the following sūtra. 76 N otēs S 182 179. The words asambuddhau and sarvanāmasthāne are got in this sūtra by anuvrtti from the preceding sūtras. Thus this sūtra lays down that the word krostu is to be considered trjvat (as if it ended in the suffix tr i.e. = krospr ) before sarvamāmasthāna endings, excepting voc. sg. This means that in ali other cases, the vvord krostu is to be declined like śambhu or bhānu (i.e. ultimately like hari), But see also No. 183 belovv. 180. This brings us now to declension of vvords ending in r. In that connection the present sūtra lays dovvn that a base ending in r takes guņa, vvhen follovved by ni (loc. sg. ending) and sarvanāmasthāna endings. Here rtaķ = rdanta sya ( angasya) by tadantavidhi. By this rule, before ni etc. krostu should be changed to krostr, vvhich is changed to krostar. This, hovvever, is not the case in nom.sg., for vvhich the position is krostu+s. 181. In this sūtra also rt by tadantavidhi stands for rdanta (anga). Furthermore, the vvhole of the preceding sūtra ṣ namelv anan sau , is to be read here by anuvrtti. Thus the sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśa anan ( '=an, nit and hence antyādeśa only) for the final letter, (i.e. r in the case of krostr). The vvord asambuddhau also is got in this sūtra by anuvrtti. Hence nom. sg. of krostu vvill be : krostu+s = krostr+s (by No. 179) ~krostan+ s (No. 181, No. 180 does not applv) = krostā (by Nos. 158 and 160 s and n being respectivelv elided). 182. This sūtra explains hovv the a of krostan above is lengthened. In this sūtra the vvords sarvanāmasthāne asam buddhau , upadhāyah and dīrghaķ are got by anuvrtti. Thus 77 S 182 Sārasiddhāntakaumudl the sūtra means that the penultimate of ap, and of the words ending in trn or trc, and the words svasr etc. is lengthened before sarvanāmasthāna endings except that of voc. sg. This shows how a of krostan is lengthened to give the form krastā as shown above. For nom. du. the position is kro§tu+au = kvostr+au (No. 179) = krostār+au (No. 181-82) — krostārau. acc. du. also is the same. nom, plr, is krostāraķ and is to bn similarly explained. Similarly acc. sg. krostāram. In ali other cases from acc. plr. onward krostu is to be declined like bhānu. Acc. plr. = krostūn. 183. The term vibhāsā has been defined by P in the sūtra, naveti vibhāsā (PA 1.1.44). The whole of No. 179 is to be read in this sūtra by anuvrtti and aci is to be under stood to stand for ajādau (pratyaye pare) by the paribhāsā yasmin vidhis tadādāvalgrahaņe (Pbh . 33). Thus the sūtra lays dovvn that before vovvel case-endings from instr. sg. onvvard, the vvord krostu is optionally to be considered as krostr. Hence before these endings it vvill have tvvo forms. Thus instr. sg. vvould be: krostu + ā =krostr+ā or krostu+ā (No. 183) = krostrā (No. 16) or krostu+nā (No, 150) =krostunā. Similarly dat. sg. vvould be krostre or krostave. There is no irregularity in instr. du., plr. and dat. du., plr. 184. For abi. (gen.) sg. the position is krostu+ñasi (ñas) = krostu+as . Novv P lays dovvn that the final r of a base vvhen follovved by at ( = a short) of abi. or gen. sg. ending, the ekādeśa u (of course, rapara) is substituted for them both. Accordingly vve novv get krostr as (by No. 183) = krostur + s (No. 184). 78 N otēs S 186 185. At this stage comes this sūtra, according to which when at the end of a word s stands after r to form a con junct consonant, the s is elided. Accordingly in the present case we get krostur; and then r being changed to visarga, finally we have the form krostuķ . It has to be observed that the trjvadbhāva is only optional and hence optionally abi. and gen. sg. forms would be krostoķ. krostroķ is gen. and loc. du. for which optionally we shall have krostvoķ . 186. This is vārttika 11 on PA 7-1.96. It lays dovvn that the augment num (laid dovvn by P in several sūtras ), the ādeśa ra (PA 7.2.100), and trjvadbhāva (PA 7.1.95 and 97) vvill be superceded by nut āgama (PA 7.1.54) in spite of the general rule laid dovvn by P regarding the supercession of a rule by another. This rule is vipratisedhe pararn kāryam (PA. 1.4.2), according to vvhich only a para sūtra becomes bādhaka of a pūrva sūtra. In the present vārttika, hovvever, ali the three cases go against this rule; for, in each one of them, the pūrva sūtra is found to supercede the para sūtra. This is expressed in the vvord pūrvavipratisedhena (i.e. contrary to the general rule stated earlier, namelv our No. 93). This vārtti!:a is required for forming gen. plr. of krostu, for vvhich the position is krostu+ām. Then by No. 183 vve should have trjvadbhāva, of course, optionally. But it is prevented by the present vārttika and vve get the augment nut (vvhich being tit is to be prefixed to ām ). Hence vve get krostu+nām; then by No. 127, u of krostu is lengthened; and finaPy vve get krostūnām. loc. sg. vvould be krostari (vvith trivadbhāva and guņa) or krostau (vvhen there is no trjvadbhāva). Thus vve have seen ali the forms vvhere krostu has trjvadbhāva necessarily or optionally. In the altemative, in the absence of 79 S 186 Sārasiddliāntaķaumudi trjvadbhāva and before consonantal endings the word is to be declined like śambhu . Now we come to masc. words ending in ū long, such as hūhū. Here, to get the forms, we have only to observe samdhi rules and have yaņādeśa before vovvel (case-endings). Thus, nom. sg. and du. are hūhūh and hūhvau respectively. 187. This sūtra is to be explained exactly like No. 174 above. The only point of difference between the two being that No. 174 pertains to the vowel i, while this sūtra pertains to the vowel u. This sūtra finds scope when we come to the declension of the vvord kh a la p ū , (nom. sg. k h a la p ū h ). For nom. du. the position is: khalapū+au = khalapv + au = khalapvau. Similarly nom. plr. is khalapvaķ. Similarly are to be declined sulū and other similar vvords. The vvord sva b h ū differs from kh a la p ū in having the root noun b h ū at the end. No. 177 prohibits yañādeśa in the case of the vvord b h ū (or a vvord ending in b h ū ) and also the vvord sudlñ. Hence here vve have u v a n ādeśa; and thus nom. du. of sv a b h ū is svabhuvau. It may be observed that svab h ū vvill have u v a n ādeśa before ali vovvel case-endings. 188. The vvord varsābhū, hovvever, is an exception to No. 187; and hence vvill take yaņādeśa before vovvel case-endings. This has been laid dovvn by P in this sūtra , vvhich is a soit of continuation of No. 186 and lays dovvn yaņādeśa for varsābhū in spite of No. 187. Hence nom. du. of varsābhū is varsābhvau . Similarly there vvill be yaņādeśa before ali vovvel case-endings. 189. ’ Novv coming to masc. vvords ending in r, o'ur authoṛ takes un the vvord dhātr. Declension of vvords ending in r has practicallv been done vvhile studying the declension of 80 N otēs S 189 the word krostu to be noted; and dhālr+ām. Novv nut and thus vvē Nb. 127).; (changed to krostr ). Only one form has that is gen. plr. for which the position is: by No. 126 the ending vvill have āgama shall have dhātr+nām = dhatf+ nām (by Novv PA 8.4.1 layś dovvn that n is changed to ņ vvhen it comes after r and s in one and the same pada. But P has not mentioned r there along vvith r and s. In fact, hovvever, this cerebralisation of n takes place after r also. This lacuna in P’s rule is made good by K in this vārttika, laying dovvn that cerebralisation of n must be declared to take place after the vovvel r (in addition to r and s ). By this vārttika then, dhātf + nām = dhālfņām. The vvords naptr etc. are to be similarly declined. In this connection it has to be noted that naptr and some other vvords have been declared by a nipātana sutra in Uņ 252 as formations in trn or tfc . P. himself, hovvever, vvould seem to favour the vievv that these vvords are underivable (cf. uņādayo’vyutpannāni prātipadikmi, Pbh 22). Novv if these vvords are avyutpan<na, then they vvill abide by No. 180 and vvill undergo only guņa. But actualJy in addition to guņa thcy are found to take the āgama anari: and hence vve have forms like naptārau, naptāraķ . etc. If they are taken as formations in trn or tfc, then they vvill follovv No. 181 and vvill take the suffix anañ . But the special mention of napir etc. in No. 182 is meant to indicate that if these and such other vvords are considered as tfc and trn formations, then only these eight vvords mentioned in No. 182 vvill take anañf but not the others. If, on the other hand, they are taken to be underivable, then to save them 81 S 189 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudī from No. 180, their special mention is, of course, necessary. This is what V means when he says : naptrādigrahaņam vyutpattipakse niyamārtham . Naturally, therefore, anañ will not be taken by other words like pitr which will undergo only guņa and give the forms pitā, pitarau, pitaraķ etc. Ali the other forms are like those of dhātr . Ali other words such as jāmātr are declined like pitr . 190'. The word nr also is this sūtra we get by anui/rtti It lays dovvn that nr will be plr.). Hence vve get nrņām , like pitr but for gen. plr. In the words nāmi and ubhayathām short or long before nām (gen. nfņām . 191. The vvord sarvanāmasthāna is got in this sūtra by anuvftti from the preceding sūtra. Thus the sūtra lays dovvn ‘ that the sarvanāmasthāna endings coming after the base go (or the base ending in o, as V puts it) are to be considered ņit. This means that before them the base vvill undergo vrddhi (by PA 7.2.115). Hence go vvill be changed to gau. Accordingly the nom. forms vvould be gauķ, gāvau, 192. This sūtra comes under the adhikāra , ekaķ parayoh, PA 6.1.83. Secondlv, autaķ — ā otaķ. Novv ekādeśa laid dovvn by this sūtra for both, o (the and the follovving a belonging to am and śas (i.e. and plr. endings). Thus go+am (or as) = gau + am (No. 191) = gā+m (or s) (No. 192) = gām (or pūrva ā is the pūrva) acc. sg. (or as) gāh). Before endings from instr. sg. onvvards there is nothing particular to be noted. Thus go+ā = gav-\~ā (No. 22) = gavā. Similarly gave (dat. s g .); abi. and gen. sg. vvould be go+as (abi. and gen. sg. ending) = jo j (No. 152) = goķ (Nos. 80, 81). 82 N oies S 195 193. Now V takes up rai as an illustration for the declen sion of masc. words ending in ai. P lays down that rai changes its final vowel to ā when followed by consonantal case-endings. The words ā and vibhaktau are got in this sūtra by anuvrtti from the preceding sūtra. Thus rai+s (nom. sg. ending) = rā+s = rāh (by Nos. 80, 81). Similarly rai+bhyām ( bhih or bhyaķ) = rābhyarh (rābhiķ, rābhyaķ). Before vowel endings, however, it will take āyādeśa (No. 2 2 ); and hence rai au (nom. acc. du.) = rāy + au = rāyau. Words ending in au present no peculiarity. Thus glau+s = ģlauh (nom. sg.); glau+au = glāv au (No. 22) = glāvau; etc. and glau+bhyām = glaubhyām; etc. 194. The words prātipadikāt and striyām are got in this sūtra by adhikāra from the preceding sūtras (namely PA 4.1.1 and 4.1.3). So also by tadantavidhi, a ta ķ means adantāt ( prātipadikāt). For ajādi ( gaņa) see G R M 1.38-41 where about 25 vvords are given as belonging to it vvith the remark ākrtigaņoyyam. Thus this sūtra lays down the fem. suffix ā to be appended to words in the ajādigaņa and to vvords ending in a. Here it may be noted that in tāp, t and p are mute. The latier is sāmānyagrahaņārtha vvhile the former is sāmānyagrahctņāvighātāriha. 195. Having thus shovvn how a prātipadika ending in ā is formed, V now proceeds to deal with the declension. For nom. sg. the position is ajā+s = ajā (s being elided by No. 158). Now for nom. and acc. du. the position is: ajā+au. With reference to this case-ending P lays dovvn that after āp (i.e. an ābanta base, by tadantavidhi or pratyayagrahanaparibhāsā) , the ending aun ( = aw of nom. and acc. du.) is substituted by ši ( = 5). It may be observed here that P has used 83 S 195 Sārasiddhānlaltaumudī sev.eral, tçrms used by his predecessors; but in doing so he has not made the mute letters therein to serve their usual purposes. Thus, for example, here he has used the term aun (with mute, n ) ; but this mute n is not taken into account (or rṛthçr left out of consideration) while applying the rule yādāpaķ. (No. 198 be!ow). Pat- has made this poin't clear when he remarks: alhavā pūrvasū*lranirdeśo’ya m / pūrvasūtreçu ça\ye*nubandhā na tair ihetkāryāņi kriyante/ M Bh. on PA 7.1.18. Thus nom. (acc.) du. will be ajā+au = ajā+ī =r aje (by No. 27). nom. plr. (acc. plr. also) will be: ajā+as = ajāh (by No. 40, 80 and 81). 196. Now for voc. sg ; (sam bu ddh i) the position is: a ju + s. Here comes the present sūtra wherein the words āpaķ = ābantasya angasya , by tadan tavidhi and by adhikāra respectively and et = e by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtras . This ādeśa e is only ekāl and is as such antyādeśa; and hence a jā + s = aje s = aje. (by No. 112). The other forms are ajāh (nom. plr.), aje (acc. d u .), ajāh (acc. p lr.); ajām { acc. sg.). 197. Here is one more case where P has used a term as used by the pūrvācāryasy without, however, allowing the mute letter therein to serve its usual purpose. (see notēs on N o .; 195 above). In this sūtra, asi can be got by the force of ca. By ān we have to understand instr. sg. ending (i.e. tā of P ). cf. ān iti pūrvācāryanirdeśena trñyaikavavcanani grhyate, Kā on PA 7.3.105. Thus this sūtra lays down that before ā (instr. sg. ending) and os (gen. and loc. du. endings) the final ā of ābanta bases is changed to e. Thus inśtr. sg. is ajfā + ā = aje+ā =: ajay+ā (by ayādeśa) = ajayā Instr. du. and plr. ar t ajābhyām and ajābhih . 84 Notēs S 199 198. Novv for dat. sg. the position is ajd+ñe (i.e. g). Here the mute n is designed by P himself and not taken by him from his predecessors. Hence it has its purpose to serve. Aud this purpose is stated by P in this sūtra . The vvord rtitaķ is got by anuvTttiy whilc angāt is got by adhikāra. The word dpaķ by tadantavidhi means dbāntad (angāt). Thus ~ thl^ sūtra lays dovvn that ali nit case-endings coming ; after dbantā bases vvill take the augment ydt. Now this being tit, \vill be prefixed to the case-ending. Thus ajd+e = ajā-t: yāe — ajd-\-yai (No. 33) = ajdyai. The nit endings are dat., abi, gen. and loc. sgg., vvhich ali vvill take ydt ṛnd the forms will be ajdyai, ajdyah} ajdyah} and ajdyārņ (ni being substituted by d?n by No. 175). In gen. and loc- du. No. 176 vvill apply; and ajd will be changed to aje which with the follovving os (gen. loc. du. endings) after ayddeśa vvill give us the form ajayoķ . Ali fem. vvords ending in d (such as durgd) are to similarly declined. be 199 V novv tums to fem. pronouns such as sarva (sarva+ dp) and takes up the rule vvhere P lays dovvn that nit case endings, coming after dbanta pronouns, vvill take the dgama sydt ( = syd) and vvill shorten their vovvel. In this sūtra also vve have to get the relevant vvords as in No. 198. Thus daĻ sg. of sarva vvould be: sarvd+e = sarva syā+e = sarva+syai = sarvasyai. Similarly vve shall have sarva-sydh (abi. and gen. s g .); and sarvasyam (loc. sg._, ni being , substituted by dm by No. 175). In gen. plr. the ending dm vvill take the augment sut (=y) by No. 133 and the form vvill be sarvdsdm . But for these forms, sarvd is to be declined 85 S 199 Sārasiddhāntaltaumudi fem. like ajā only; and simi!arly are to be declined ali pronouns (ending in ā) such as viśvā. 200. In this sūtra, the word sambuddhau is got by anu vTtti from the preceding sūtra ; and the word añgāmm by adhikāra . Furthermore it has to be observed that nadt here is to be understood as explained in PA 1.4.3; and ambārtha signifies words having the sense of ambā (i.e. ambā and its synonyms). According to this sūtra, these words shorten their final vowel before voc. sg. ending. Thus voc. sg. of ambā, akkā and allā is amba, akka and alla respectively. T um ing to the word jarā, V implicitly refers to No. 140 enjoining the substitution (optional) of jaras (for jarā) before vowel case-endings; and gives jarasau and jarasaķ as only two illustrations. This word altematively is to be declined, of course, like ajā before vovvel case-endings, and necessarily, like it before consonantal case-endings. Then our author takes the word gopā ( ajbanta fem.) and remarks that it is to be declined like viśvapā . In this connection we may note that words like gopā, viśvapā, etc. (i.e. words ending in ā, masc. or fem.) show no difference in declension according to their gender. (They are declined alike in both the genders. The masc. forms gopā and viśvapā are not ābanta). This now brings us to declension of fem. words ending in i (short) and V takes the word mati for illustration. The first five paradigms of the vvord mati are: m atiķ , mati (by No- 104), matayaķ (by No. 147), matim (by No. 104), m añ . acc. pJr. vvould be mati as = m aftķ (No. 104, 86 Noies S 204 matyā (No. 16); mati- 80 and 81). instr. sg. mati+ā = bhām, matibhiķ. 201. F o r d a t. sg. tlie p o sitio n is m ati+ ne ( = č). H e re comes the present sūtra. In this sūtra we get the vvords yūstryākhyau nacR and iya7iuvdñsthānāvastñ from the preceding sūtras . This sūtra thus lays down the designation nadi optionally before nit case-endings in the cases of (i) fem. bases ending r i i or u short, and (ii) fem. vvords ending l or ū long liable to the ācleśas iyan or uvan except the vvord stñ. 202. When thus the designation nadī becomes applicable to the word mati, the present sūtra finds scope. In this, svira the words niti and angāt come by anuvrtti and adhikāra respectively; and by tadantavidhi, nadyāh means nadyantāt ( angāt ). Thus by this sūtra, the āgama āt (=ā) is to be prefixed to ali nit case-endings. Hence now vve have mati+āe. 203. At this stage the present sūtra lays dovvn that vrddhi vvill be the ekādeśa for both, vvhen ā (āt) is follovved by a vovvel. Hence mati + āe = maty+ai = matyai. Similarlv abi. sg. vvould be mati+nasi = m a ti + ā as — maty ās = m atyāh. When, hovvever, the vvord mati is ghi, its dat. and abi. sgg. vvould be like hari (i.e. mataye and mateķ respectively). 204. By tadantavidhi idudbhyām means idantodantābhyām . Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that ni (loc. sg. case ending) appended to nadīsamjñaka vvords is substituted by ām. Thus m ati+ni = m ati+ ā i (by No. 202) = maii+ā ām (No. 204) = maty ām (No. 203) = matyām. When, 87 S 204 Sārasiddhāntakaumudi hovvever, mati is not nadī (i.e. when it is ghi) loc. sg. \vill be matau (like harau ). Ali the remaining paradigms are like those bf hari. Similarly are to be declined ali fem. vvords ending in i (short), such as buddhi . 205. Novv our author turns to tri and catur (fem .). In this sūtra P his laid dovvn tisr and catasr as substitutes for Iri and catur in the fem. respectively, vvhen follovved by vibhakti (the vvord vibhaktau being obtained by anuvftii from PA 7.2.84). These vvords are always plural. Thus for nom. the position is: tisr + as. 206. The vvord tisTcatasroķ is got in this sūtra by anuvTtti. This sūtra lays dovvn that r (of tisr and catasr) is changed to r vvhen follovved by a vovvel. Ordinarily this could be accomplished by yaņādeśa (No. 16). But this sūtra has been specially laid dovvn for preventing guņa (No. 180), pūrvasavarņadīrgha (No. 105), and ekādeśa u (No. 184). Hence vve get tisraķ (nom. and also acc.). Similarly catasraķ. The instr. dat. and abi. forms are: ( catasrbhiķ, catasrbhyaķ ). trsrbkiķ, tisrbhyaķ 207. For gen. the position is tisr + ām. Then by No. 186 vve have tisr+n ām = tisr - f nām, Novv the present sūtra lays dovvn that tisr and catasr do not lengthen their final vovvel. Hence finally vve have tisrņām} catasrņdm (n = n by No. 189). The vvord dvi is substituted by dva (by No. 172) vvhich by the fem. suffix tāp (No. 194) = dvā. This is to be declined 88 N o ie s S 210 in du. exactly like sāļā. Thus we get dve, dvūbhyīm and 208. Novv we come to feminine bases ending in l. These baseš are formed according to this sūtra which lays down that the fem. suffix nls (got by anuvTtti) is appended to the vvords gaurņ etc. (for gdurādi gaņa šee G R M 1.44-51) and to vvords formed by appendiiļg suffixes having mute s. Thus ņow the position is gaura + ;ī. 209. By this sūtra the final a or i of a base having the designation. bka is elided vvhen follovved bv a taddhita -suffix or the vovvel l. The vvords in this sūtra are yasya t ti ca. The vvord yasya is gen. sg. of ya (vvhich is a samāhāra of i+a) and means ‘of the vovvels i and a \ The vvord bhasya is got here by adhikāra (PA 6.4.129) and lopaķ is got by anuvTtti. In the case under consideration gaura is bha (by PA 1.4.18 yaci bham) ending in a and it is folīovved by t. Hence the a of the base is dropped and thus we get gauñ. Novv by No. 99, case-endings can be appended :t o ģaufi (which is a ñyanta prātipadika). Thus for nom. sg. the position is: gāuñ+ s. Here by No. 158, the s is elided and vve get gauñ. For nom. du. the position is: gauñ+ au = gauryau by yatyādeśa (No. 16), because by No. 141 the pūrvasavarfiācRrgha, possible by No. 104, is prohibited. S.imilarly nom. plr. vvould be gauñ+as = gauryaķ 210. This sūtra lays dovvn the designation nadi for fem. vvords ending in ī and ū. By tadantavidhi yū (i.e. ī and ū) = īdanta and ūdanta vvords. Thus gauñ has the designation nadl. Hence Nos. 200 (for voc. sg.), No. 202 (for nit endings), No. 126 (gen. plr.) and No. 175 (for loc. sg.) 89 S 210 Sārasiddhānlaķaum udī vvill give us the forms: gauri, gauryai etc., gauñņām, and gaurjdm respectively. In gauñm and gauñķ, vve have purva savarņadīrgha by No. 104. In other paradigms there is nothing particularly to be noted. The vvords nadi etc. (i.e. ali fem. vvords ending in l long) are to be declined like gauñ. Taking up the vvord stñ , V gives nom. sg. and voc. sg., namely stñ and he stri respectively; and then takes up the stitm 'vvhich is required for nom. du. etc. (the vovvel caseendings) . 211. For nom. and acc. du. the position is stñ+ au. Here No. 173 laying dovvn the substitute iy cannot apply, because the l here does not belong to a dhātu. Hence P has laid dovvn this ādeśa for stñ in this sūtra. Accordingly the t of stñ is changed to iy before vovvel case-endings. Thus vve have si>riyau. So also nom. and acc. plr. striy a ķ . 212. In this sūtra, the iyaii ādeśa enjoined in the previous rule is declared to be optional before am and śas (acc. sg. and plr. endings respectively). Thus acc. sg. and plr. forms vvould be stñyam (or s tñ m ), stñyaķ (or stñ ķ ). Before consonan,tal case-endings stñ is to be declined exactly like gauñ. Hence vve get stñfoām, stñsu. (gen. and loc. plr.); vvhile instr., dat., abi. and gen. sgg. are striyā, striyai, striyāh> (loc- sg. striyām ). In the case of the vvord śñ, not dropped because ś ñ is not before au and as (nom. du. and Thus the forms of nom. are śñ ķ, the s (nom. sg. ending) is a ñyanta formation; vvhile plr.) it vvill have iyahādeśa. śriyau, śriyaķ. 213. In voc. sg. the vvord ś ñ vvill not shorten its vovvel because it cannot have the designation nadi, as shovvn by this 90 Noies S 217 sūtra. Words ending in l and ū, vvhich are substituted by iy and uv, excepting the word stñ, shall not have the designation nadī. The word śñ, therefore cannot be nadī, and hence No. 200 cannot apply to it. Hence voc. sg. vvould be he śñh. Before nit endings (namely ne, ñasi/ ñas, and ñi) the word ś ñ has the designation nadī optionally; and hence vvill have two forms (like m ati), namely śriyai, śriye; śriyāh} śriyaķ; and śriyām (ām substituted for ñi by No. 175), śriyi. 214. The vvord ś ñ has the designation nadī optionallv before ām (gen. plr. ending) ( iyañuvañsthānau and astñ are got into this sūtra by anuvTtti). Thus ś n + d m = śñ + n ām (by No. 126) = śñņām (by PA 8.4.1-2), or śñyām (by iyañ ādeśa). The vvord dhenu is to be declined like mati. 215. The vvords tfjv a t krostu ķ are got into this sūtra by anuvTtti and thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the vvord krostu vvill be trjv a t (i.e. k ro str) before the fem. suffix. 216. This sūtra declares that vvords ending in r and n have the suffix ñ īp appended to them. Thus krostr vvill take the suffix ņ ip and thus the fem. form vvould be krostñ . This is to be declined like gau ñ . Fem. vvords ending in ū (long) like svajam bhū are to be declined like masc. vvords ending in ū. 217. In this sūtra P lavs dovvn that the fem. suffix ñīp or tāp, (laid dovvn by 214 and 194) vvill not be appended to sas and to the vvords of the svasrādigaņa. P. has declared that numerals ending in s and n are designated sas (PA 1.1.24). For svasrādigāņa see G R M 1.42. In a couplet these vvords are said to be seven in ali. These vvords vvill not have any fem. suffix append- 91 S 217 S ā ra sid d h ā n la ka u m u d ī ed to them. They are, therefore, to be declined like dhatr (masc.) with the only exception of acc. plr., in which the nudāgam vvill not take place. Thus the forms of svasf are svas-ā, svasārau etc. svasfķ (acc. plr.). The word mātr is to be declined like pitr '{mātā, mātarau , etc.), m ātfķ (acc. plr.). The vvord dyo is to be declined like go. The vvord rai (fem.) is to be declined like rai (masc.). The vvord nau is to be declined like glau. 218. By tadantavidhi ataķ means adantāt {angāt, vvhich is got by adhikāra, añgasya3 PA 6.4.1). The vvords svamor napumsakāt are got in this sūtra by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that after a neuter base {añga) ending in a3 s and am (nom. and acc. sg. endings) are substituted by am. Thus jñāna+s (or am) = jñāna+ am = jñānam (by No. 11J). Voc. sg. is he jñāna. (The case-ending am being dropped by No. 112). The vvords aunaķ and śl are got in this sūtra by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that after a neuter base {anga) ending in ay the ending au is substituted by śt ( = ī ) . It must be observed here that aun is used here to represent au (nom. and acc. du.) and is a pūrvācāryasañijñā (like ān for tā, instr. sg. ending). Thus for nom. and acc. du. the position is jñāna+ī. 220. Novv according to this sūtra a base {bha) drops its final a vvhen follovved by i. Accordingly here the elision of the final a of jñāna becomes due. 221. But this is prevented by this vārttika vvhich notēs that the elision of the final c of a base (by No. 220) is prohibited 219. 92 Noies before śī (=S) substituted for auñ ( = au ). + ī. = jñāne (by No. 27). Hence S 226 jñāna 222. This sūtra lays down the substitute śi for jas and śas ( +as of nom. and acc. plr.), of course, after a base {añga) of the neuter gender (napuñnsakāt got by anuvrtti and angāt. by adhikāra ). Thus the position is jñāna + i, 223. In this sūtra P has laid down the designation sarvanāmasthāna for śi (the substitute for jas and śas in No. 222). Also śee No. 142 above, where this designation is given to other case-endings also. 224. The vvord jhalacaķ in this sūtra means jhalantasya ajantasya ca (by tadantavidhi ). The vvord añgcisya is got by adhikāra, vvhile num and sarvanāmasthāna are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the augment num vvill be appended to a neuter base {añga) ending in a vovvel or a jhāl, vvhen follovved by a sarvanāmasthāna ending. 225. This sūtra lays dovvn that a mit āgama is to be infixed after the last vovvel in the base for vvhich it is enjoined. Thus here n is to be placed after a , and hence the position is: jñānan+ i At this stage by No. 156 the penultimate a of jñānan is lengthened, and thus vve get jñānāni. The forms of acc. sg., du., and plr. are the same as those of nom; and the forms of the remaining cases are like those of a mesculine vvord ending in a. Ali neuter vvords ending in a, such as dhana , are to be similarly declined. 226. . The mention of hrasva {ādeśa) in this sūtra implies the existence of the vvord acaķ in it (by PA 1.2.28, acaśca) ; and this by tadantavidhi means ajantasya 93 S 226 Sārasiddhāntakaumudl (prāiipadikasya). Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that a prātipa dika ending in a vovvel shortens its final vovvel vvhen follovved by neut. case-endings. Thus the vvord śrīpā, vvhen follovved by am (substituted for su by No. 218), vvill become śñpa and by No. 113 vve shall have śñpam. The vvord is to be declined like juaņa (i.e. as if it ended in a). 227. In this sūtra añgāt is got by adhikāra and luk by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that after a neut. base {añga) the endings su and am are elided. This, of course, holds good in the case of ali neut.añgas except those ending in a vvhich are subject to No. 218 above. Thus the nom. and acc. sg. of vāri is vāri. 228. In this sūtra ikaķ ( = igantasya by tadantavidhi) qualifies añgasya (vvhich got by adhikāra ) ; vvhUe nqpumsakasya and num are got by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that a neut. base {añga)y ending in ik ( = i, u, T, l), takes the augment num vvhen follovved by case endings beginning vvith a vovvel. Hence vāri+au = vāri+ī (by No. 219) = vārin + t (No. 225) = vāriņi (n = n by PA 8.4.1-2). Similarly nom. plr. vañņi can be explained. In voc. sg. the case-ending is dropped by No. 227 and vve get he vāri. Furthermore even after this elision, the final vovvel of the añga may take guņa, by the paribhāsā prat yayalope pratyayalaksaņam , acc. to No. 148 above. Thus vve get he vāre. Here it may be argued that the lopa here i> . enjoined by the vvord luk. Novv vve have already seen (No.170) that in a case vvhere elision is caused by a term having lu therein, the pratyayalaksaņaparibhāsā can have no scope. Hence the application of No. 148 to vāri on the 94 Noies S 229 basis cf that paribhāsā is not correct. This objection is refuted here by pointing out that No. 170 (na lumatāñgasya) is anitya and hence the above mentioned pbh. can find scope, vvhen No. 170 is not applied. So voc. sg. is he vāre, or he vāri. 229. Novv for dat. sg. the position is: vāri+ñe. Here ordinari.lv vvould annly the sūtra, gher niti (No. 151); for vāri is ghi (No. 149) and ne is nit. Thus the final vovvel of vāri should unclergo guņa. Rule No. 228, laying dovvn num for iganta neuter bases ( angas) before vovvel caseendings, may also be found applicable. But betvveen the tvvo the former is para vvhile the latter is pūrva according to the order of PA. Hence by PA 1.4.2, vipratisedhe pararh kāryam, the former has to be applied in preference to • the latter. Hence guņa of the final vovvel of vāri should occur in this case. But this is prevented by the present vārttika vvhich lays dovvn that in preference to z/rddhi, autva, trjvadbhāva, and guņa (vvhich are laid dovvn by comparatively para-sūtra) the augment num (laid dovvn by a comparatively pūrvasūtra) should be infixed on the strength of pūrvavipratisedha. Hence after numāgama vve get vāriņe. Similarly are to be explained the forms vāriņaķ (abi. and gen. sg.), vārinoķ (gen. and loc. du) and vāriņi (loc. sg.). For another instance of pūrvavipratisedha see No. 186 above, vvhich is to be applied vvhile forming the gen. plr. of vāri (namely vārlņām). In this case the āgama is (not num but) nut. Hence the position after augmentation is vāri+nām, vvhich gives scope for the application of No- 127 (nātni) to lengthen the final vovvel of vāri. 95 S 229 Sārasiddhānlaķaumudī Before consonantal endings the vvord vāri is to be declined like hari. 230. This sūtra deals vvith the vvords asttii etc. vvhfch form their nom. and acc. forms exactly like vāri. The vvords trtlyādisu aci and napumsakānām, are got in this sūtra by anuz/rtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that these vvords take the ādeśa anan (■ = = an, antādeśa ļ>y No. 43 ) vvhen follovved by tā (instr. sg.) and the subsequent čase-endings; ;ānd further lays dovvn that this an is udāita. Hence for instr. sg. the position iś: dadhi+ā = dadhan+ā: 231. Here applies thiš sūtra vvhich lays dovvn the elision of the a of an under certain circumstances. In this sūtra the vvords _angasya and bhasya are got by adhikāra. Thus the sūtra lays dovvn that an of an a n g a , vvhich is a l s o bha (for bha see PA 1. 4. 18) drops its' a.~ This i ś J more clearly explaiñed by stating that the “ā of ā ri1of a;ñ āngd is elided vvhen it is follovved by case-endings begiriiung vvith y or vvith a vovvel, excepting those that are technically named sarvanāmasthāna. In the caše uilder consideration tHēśe conditions are satisfied; and hence an (of asthan) will be elided and thus vve shall have the form d a d h ā n + ā = dadhnā. The forms dadhne, dadhnaķ can novv be śimilarlv explained. 232. This sūtra lays dovvn the elision of a of an optionally under the same .circumstance.s .ṛs aboye, vyhen, follovved t>y ni ( —i of loc. sg.) and si (T substituted for aun = au of nom. and acc. du.). In the case of the vvords asthi etc, the an (ending) of the. base (anga) is possible only after acc.. plr. and hence the 96 N oies S 232 present sutra can find scope only vvhen ñi (loc. sg. ending) is appended. Thus dadhi+i = ■ dadhan + i (No. 230) — dadhni or dadhani. Ali the remaining forms of dadhi are to be formed like those of vāri. The vvords asthi, sakthi and aksi are to be declined like dadhi. Words ending in t (such as sudhī) vvill shorten their final vovvel by No. 226; and then vvill be declined exactly like vāri. Hence the forms: sudhi, sudhinī, sudlñni; he sudhe , he sudhi; instr. sg. is sudhinā (or s u d h i j ā ) . But V appears to have avoided this nicetv by giving only s u d h in ā . Neuter vvords ending in u also are to be declined on the analogy of vāri vvith the same rules and operations and are to be simiarlv explained. Thus the forms of 'the vvord madhu are: m adhu, madhurā, madhūni; he madho, he madhu; etc. Ali neut. vvords ending in u such as ambu are to be declined like madhu. Words ending in ū (such as s u l u ) vvill shorten their final vovvel by No. 226 and then be declined like madhu. Thus the forms of s u lū (neut.) vvould be: sulu, suluni, sulūni; rn lu n ā . Here also V has avoided giving the optional forms vvhich these vvords can have before vovvel case-endings from instr. sg. onvvards. 'Neuter vvords ending in r (.such as dhātr) also are to be declined on the same lincs by applying the rules No. 219 (substitution of s: ī for aun) ^ No. 220 (num āgama), No. 156 (dlrghatva), No. 222 (substitution of śi for jas and śas). Similarly in voc. sg. take place elision of su (No. 112) and guņa (No. 148). The forms of dhātr are: dhātr , dhātrņl , dhātfņi; he dhataķ , Kr dhātr; dhātrņā. In this case also 97 S 232 S ā ra sid d h ā n ta ķa u m iid ī V has avoided giving the optional forms which these words can have before vovvel terminations from instr. sg. onvvards. Similarly are to be declined ali neut. vvords ending in r (such as jñātr). 233. Novv vve come to neut. vvords ending in o (such as pradyo ). By No. 226, pradyo has to shorten its final vovvel. In the present sūtra P lays dovvn that the hrasva of ec (i.e. e, o, ai and au) vvill be ik (i.e. i, u, T ā and ļ respectively). Hence by shortening, the vvord pradyo vvill become pradyu; and then it vvill be declined like madhu. pradyu, pradyum, pradyūni; pradyunā, etc. Neuter vvords ending in ai (such as prarai) vvill also shorten their final vovvel (No.226) to i (No. 233). Thus prarai vvould become prari and then vve shall have the forms prari, prarijñ, prañņi; prariņā ; etc. In the case of prarai ( = prari) vve have to remember the rule rāyo hali (No. 193) vvhich can apply here also, because ri is on.ly an ekadeśavikrta of rai; and hence must be considered to be ananya vvith it. For, the pbh. is ekadeśavikrtam ananyavat. The rule being thus applicable to prari, it vvill be changed to prarā before consonantal case endings (namely bhyām, bhiķ, bhyaķ and su). Thus vve have prarābhyām etc. The gen. plr. is prañņām. Neuter vvords ending in au (such as sunau) vvill shorten their final vovvel (No. 226) to u (No. 233); and thus sunau vvould become sunu, vvhich then is to be declined like madhu. The forms of sunau (neut.) are: sunu, sunurii, sunūni; sununāf etc. 98 N oies S 235 234. The vvord haķ is gen. sg. (sthāneyogā) of h. The vvord padasya is got in this sūtra by adhikāra; and the vvords jhali and ante are got by anui/rtti. Novv this sūtra lays dovvn that h, standing at the end of a pada or vvhen follovved by jhal, is changed to dh. Novv vve turn to the vvord lih (a kvip, formation from yjlih ). This vvord being a krdanta is a prātipadika (by No. 9 7 ); and hence sup endings can be appended to it (by No. 99). Then by No. 158 the s (nom. sg.) is elided; and vve have lih+s = lih. Novv this lih is a pada (by PA 1.4.14). Hence by the present sūtra h is changed to dh, vvhich by PA 8.4.56, vāvasāne, is substituted optionally by t ( cartva ) and vve have lit. O n the other hand vvhen cartva is not made, dh is changed to d by No. 58 ( jaśtva ). Thus nom. and acc. sg. of lih vvould be lit or lid. Before vovvel case-endings no change occurs and vve have the forms lihau, lihaķ, lihā etc. Before the consonantal endings (namelv bhyām, bhiķ bhyaķ and su) h is changed to dh = d (before bh by No. 58). Thus vve have lidbhyām etc. Before su also h = dh (by No. 234) = d (by No. 58). Then at this stage because d is follovved by s, there vvill be dhut ( = d h ) āgama (by No. 74) and this dh is changed to t (by No. 66). Thus vve finally get the form littsu. But since the dhut āgama is optional, vve also have litsu. 235. Novv vve turn to the vvord duh vvhich also is a krdanta (from V duh) and hence can have case-endings appended to it. In this sūtra the vvord haķ (as also ali the other vvords got in the previous sūtra) is got by anuvrtti. Thus this filtra lavs dovvn that a root, beginning vvith d in upadeśa and ending in h, substitutes its h by gh (instead of dh as in 99 S 235 Sārasiddhāntakaumudī the previous sūtra) , when follovved by a jhal or vvhen it is at the end of a pada . Thus the position is duh+ s = dugh+s . 236. In this .rūOra the vvord dhātoķ is got by anuvrtti. Both ekācaķ and dhātoķ are avayava sasthī, vvhile baśaķ is sthānesa sth \ Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that bhas is substituted for baś belonging to the monosyllabic part of a root ending in jhas, vvhen it is follovved by s or dhv , or vvhen follovvedby nothing. Accordingly novv dugh+s = dhugh+s = dhuk (or dhug), by elision of s (No. 158), cartva (bv vāvasāne, PA 8.4.56), and jaśtva (by No. 58), besides bhastva (by No. 236). Before vowel endings no change occurs and we get the forms duh+au = duhau; duh+as = duhaķ; etc. Before bhyām, bhiķ and bhyaķ, the final h vvill be changed to gh (No. 235) and d = dh (No. 236). So duh+bhyām = dhugh + bhyām = dhugbhyām (No. 58). Similarlv loc. plr. vvould be duh+su = dhugh+su = dhuk+su ( cartva ) = dhuk+su (by PA 8.4.59, ādeśapratyayayoķ) = dhuksu. 237. In this sūtra haķ and ghaķ are got bv anuvrtti along vvith the other vvords as in No. 235. Thus acc. to this sūtra the final h of druh , etc. is changed to gh optionallv. (i.e. to gh or dh by No. 234). Nom. sg. of druh (a kvibania from V druh) is dhruk, dhrug (to be explained like dhuk , dhug of duh) and dhrut, dhrud (to be explained like lit , lid) together vvith the change of d to dh (No. 236). No change occurs before vovvel case endings. Thus druhau , druhaķ, etc. dhrugbhyām, dhrugbhiķ, dhrugbhyaķ are to be explained like dhugbhyām etc. Optionallv h = dh = d (as in lih+bhyām) 100 N oies S 241 and hence we have the forms dhrudbhyāmi dhrudbhiķ, dhrudbhyaķ. Before su (loc. plr.), vvhen h is changed to gh = g = k, the follovving s vvill be changed to s and the form vvill be dhruksu. But optionally h is changed to dh = t ( cartva ), and vvith optional dhut āgama (as in the case of lih ) vve shall have the forms dhrutsu, dhruttsu. Thus in ali there vvill be three forms. The vvords muh, m uh and snih are to be similarly declined. In the case of the last tvvo vvords, hovvever, vve have to note the follovving rule. 238. The vvord saķ (like haķ in No. 234) is sthāna sasthī. The sūtra lays dovvn that s standing at the beginning of a dhātu (in the dhātupātha) is to be substituted by s. Hence sņih and sņuh in the previous sūtra are to be read as snih and snuh respectively. nom. sg. of snuh (like druh) vvould be snuh, snug, s-nut and snud. Similarly the vvord snih. 239. This and the next sūtra deal vvith samprasāraņa (a phenomenon opposite of yaņādeśa). This sūtra defines samprasāraņa in general as the substitution of ik (=% u, r, and ļ) for yaņ ( = y, v, r and l respectively). 240. And this sūtra declares that samprasāraņa in the case of vvords ending in vāh vvill be ūth ( = ū ) . The vvord samprasāraņa is got in this sūtra by anuvTtti, and bhasya is got by adhikāra , (bhasya, PA 6.4.129). Thus for acc. plr. of viśvavāh, the position is: viśvavāh+as =viśva ū + āh+as (No. 240). 241. This sūtra lays dovvn pūrvarūpa as ekādeśa vvhen samprasāraņa is follovved by a vovvel. In this sūtra aci and 101 S 241 Sārasiddhānlal(aumudī pūrva are got by anuvTtti and ekaķ pūrvaparayoķ 6.1*83) is adhikāra. Hence now we get viśva+ūh + as. 242. Here ordinarily No. 27, ād guņaķ should But it is prevented by the present sūiira which lays vrddhi as ekādeśa for a and the initial vowel of eti, and ūth ( = ū>). Thus we now get viśvauhaķ. In this the words āt, vTddhiķ, and leci are got by anuirrtti. (PA. apply. down edhaii sūtra, 243. In this sūtra the word sarvanāmasthāna is got by anuvTtti. Thus the sūtra means that the words catur and anaduh take the augment ām (which is udātta). The augment ām ( = ā ) being mit will be infixed after the last vowel in the base. Thus for nom. sg. of anaduh the position is: anaduh +s = anaduāh+s (No. 243) = anadvāh+s . 244. In this sūtra num is got by anuvTtti; and thus the sūtra lays down the augment num ( = n) for the word anaduh before su ( = s of nom. sg. ). Thus the position becomes; anadvānh+s. At this stage the s is elided by No. 158 and then h is elided by PA 8.2.23, sainyogāntasya lopaķ . Thus finally vve get anadvān. 245. This sūtra is to be understood as an exception to No. 243. Before sarvanāmasthāna, the āgama is ām, while before sambuddhi (see No. 110) it is am. Hence voc. sg. would be he anadvan (to be explained like nom. sg. anadvān). nom. du., plr. etc. would be anadvāhau, anadvāhaķ, etc. But before vowel endings from acc. plr. onwards there vvill be no changes and the forms vvould be anaduhaķ, anaduhā, etc. 102 N oies S 248 246. This sūtra comes in for application vvhen anaduh is follovved by consonantal endings. In this sūtra, vasu by pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā stands for vasvanta {pada, got by adhikāra ). The vvord saķ ( = sakārasya) is got by anuvrtti, vvhich by tadantavidhi = sakārāntasya ( vasvantasya padasya). The ādeśa d (being ekāl) is antādeśa. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that d is substituted for the final letter ( varņa, here i or Zi) of vasvanta vvords ending in s, and of vvords dhvaūis, sraihs and anaduh . Here vve are concerned vvith anaduh vvhen follovved by bhyām etc. Here anaduh is a pada (by PA 1.4.17). Hence h is at padānta and thus changed to d. The form, therefore, vvould be anadudbhyām. Before su (loc. plr.) by cartva vve get anadutsu. 247. The vvord mūrdhanya is got by adhikāra {PA 8.3.55). Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that s is substituted for s of sah (i.e. a vvord ending in sah) vvhen it has the form sād. Thus nom. sg. of turāsāh is turāsāh+s = turāsāt, turāsād (by No. 234, chartva and dropping of s by No. 158). Before vovvel endings no change occurs. So vve have the forms turāsāhau etc. Before consonantal endings there vvill be mūrdhanyādeśa, dhatva , jaśtva and cartva as has been already explained above; and the forms vvill be turāsādbhyām etc. turāsātsu or turāsāttsu. 248. In this sūtra, divaķ is gen. sg. of div (vvhich is here to be taken as a prātipadika). This sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśa aut ( = a u ), vvhich being ekāl is antādeśa, for the base div vvhen follovved bv s (nom. sg. ending, got by anuvrtti). Thus nom. sg. of sudiv is sudiv+s = sudyau+s = sudyauķ. Before vovvel endings no change occurs and vve get the forms sudivau, sudivaķ, etc. 103 ■ S 249 Sārasiddhānlaķaum udi 249. In this sūtra, padm ta is got by this sūtra lays do\vn the ādeśa u for the end of a pada (i.e. when followed by endings from instr. onvvards). Thus sudiv + bhyām — sudyubhyā?n. adhikāra. Thus word div at the consonantal casebhyām = sudiu+ 250. This sūtra pṭrtains to catur (a base ending in r ) . No. 243 has already laid dovvn the ādeśa ām for the vvord catur before sarvanāmasthāna endings. Thus catur+as (nom) = catuār+as = catvāraķ. The forms of the remaining cases exccpting the gen. are: caturaķ, caturbhiķ, caturbhyah, and catursu. The vvord āmaķ is got in this sūtra by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the āgama nut in the case of sas (see PA 1.1.24) and the vvord catur before ām (gen. plr. ending). Thus catur nām — caturņām (PA 8.4.1). 251. This sūtra lays dovvn that n, coming immediately after r and s in the same pada, is changed to ņ. Hence caturņām. 252. For loc. sg. the position is catur+su. Here No. 81 vvould seem to have scope. But the present sūtra prevents it, laving dovvn that onlv ru (and not any rcpha) is changed to visarga vvhen follovved by sup(loc. sg. ending). Hence r of catur is . not. changed to visarga and vve getcatursu (s = s by ādeśapratyayoķ, PA 8.3.59). 253. Novv vve take the vvord praśām (ending in m ). For nom. sg. the position is praśām+s. The present sūtra lays dovvn that the final m of a dhātu ( —dhātvantasya padasya) is changed to n. Novv bv No. 158 s is elided and thus m comes at the end of a pada; and is, therefore, changed to n. 104 Noies S 257 Hence praśān. The further forms are praśāmau, praśāmaķ, etc. (acc. plr.). Now before vovvel case endings there vvill be no change and the forms vvill be prasāmā etc. (instr. sg.). Before bhyām, bhiķ, bhyaķ, and su, prasām can be desig nated pada and hence m in the base before these endings is changed to n. Thus the forms vvill be praśānbhyām, etc. Before su (loc. plr. ending) besides 11 ādeśa, there vvill be dhut āgama optiona;lly. (PA 8-3.30, naś ca). Hence vve have tvvo forms, namcly praśāJntsu, praśānsu. 254. The pron. kim ends in m; but this sūtra lays dovvn that before vibhakti suffixes or endings it is changed to ka and then is to be declined like sarva. Thus vve get the forms kaķ, kau, ke, etc. 255. Another pron. ending in m is idam. We have already seen that tyad etc. are changed to tya etc. (No. 172). There it has already been stated that No. 172 is to be applied to pronouns upto dvi and it vvould thus be applicable to idam also. The present sūtra is an exception to that rule, and lavs dovvn that before 5 (nom. sg. ending) m is substituted for (the final letter of) idam. Thus the position is: idam+s = idam+s. 256. This sūtra lavs dovvn that ay (anekāl and hence sarvādeśa) is substituted for id (of idam) in the masculine, Thus the position becomes ayam+s — ayam (No. 158). 257. For nom. du. the position is idam + au — ida+ z+ au (by No. 172). At this stage comes up this sūtra vvhich lays dovvn that vvhen a (not at the end of a pada) is follovved bv guna (i.e. a, e, or 0, No. 25), pararūpa is to be substituted for both. In this sūtra the vvords apadāntāt 105 S 257 Sārasiddhāntal(aumudi and pararūpam are got by anuvrtti, while ekaķ pūrvaparayoķ is got by adhikāra {PA 6-1.83). Thus the position now becomes, ida au. 258. In this sūtra, the whole of No. 254 comes by anuvftti; and daķ is sthānasasthī of d. The word vibhaktau is, hovvever, to be brought into this sūtra by maņdūkapluti (from PA 7.2.84, No. 278 below). Thus this sūtra lays down that d of idam is to be substituted by m when a vibhakti follows. Hence we get ima + au = imau (by No. 33). Nom. plr. ime is to be similarly explained {jaś is substituted by śi by No. 222). Here V points out the general rule that pronouns (i.e. tyad etc.) have no. voc. Forms of acc. are 'explained in PA 2.4.34 along with instr. sg. and gen. and loc. du., vvhere the vvord idam is substituted by ena (in a?ivādeśa). O ui author has, for the sake of simplicitv, evaded this sūtra altogether. Thus the regular acc. forms of idam masc. are to be obtained from the base ima like sarva. 259. For the forms of instr. sg. etc. this sūtra is required. In this sūtra, idamaķ and ičTaķ are got by anuz/rtti; and the vvord vibhaktau by maņdūkapluti as above. The vvord dpi is loc. sg. of āp vvhich, because it comes in the context of vibhakti, has to be understood as a pratyāhāra covering ali case-endings from instr. sg. upto loc. plr. The vvord akaķ means akakārasya {idam aķ). Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that an vvill be substituted for id of idam before vibhakti pratyayas, provided idam has not the letter k appended to it. Thus instr. sg. is: idam+ā = ida+ā (by No. 172) = ana+ā (No. 259) — ana ina (No. 118) = anena . 106 Noies S 262 260. In this sūtra also idamaķ, idaķ, akaķy and āpi are got by anuvTtti; and thus the sūtra lays dovvn that id of idam, not containing ka in it, vvill be elided before āp (i.e. case-endings from instr. sg. upto loc. plr.) beginning vvith a consonant. Here hali, by yasmin vidhis iadādāv algrahaņe, means halādau. ( vibhaktau got by maņdūkapluti ) . Thus idam + bhyām — ida + bhyām — a+bhyām = ā + bhyām (No. 119) = ābhyām. Here it has to be observed that a {ādeśa) is ekāl and should ordinarily be antyādeśa (No. 20). But a paribhāsā says that this rule (i.e. No. 20) is not to be applied in the case of a base ( sthānin) vvhich has no meaning ( anarthaka) except abhyāsa vikāra. Hence here a is rightly substituted for the vvhole of id. (see Pbh. 96). 261. For instr. plr. the position is idam+bhis = ida+a +bhis = ida + bhis = a+bhis. At this stage No. 120 vvould require bhis to be substituted by ais. But the present sūtra prevents this substitution. In this sūtra, bhisa ais is got by anuvTtti; and akoķ is gen. du. = akakārayoķ. Then by No. 123, a is changed to e and vve finally get ebhiķ. The forms asmai, ebhyaķ, asmāt, asya, etc. can be similarly explained. 262. Novv vve take rājan (base ending in n or an). In nom. sg. the position is: rājan+s = rājān+s (No. 156) = rājān (No. 158) = rājā (No. 160). Similarly are to be explained the forms: rājānau (nom. and acc. du.), rājānam (acc. sg.), and rājānaķ (nom. plr.). For voc. sg. the position is : rājan+s. Here comes the present sūtra for application. The vvhole of No. 160 is got in this sūtra by anuvTtti. Thus the sūtra prohibits the elision 107 S 262 Sārasiddhāntal(aumudī of n (laid down in No. 160) before ni (loc. sg.) and sambuddhi (voc. sg.). Hence voc. sg. is he rājan. For acc. plr. the position is: rdjm + as = rāj n+as (No. 231) rāj ñ + as (No. 52) — rājñaķ. Similarly are to be explained forms like rājñā (instr. sg.) (with vowel case-endings). Forms like rājabhyām (with consonantal case-endings) are to be explained bv No. 160. In loc. sg. the elision of penultimate a is optional (by No. 232) and hence we have the forms rājñi, rājani. Ali vvords ending in n (or an) are to be declined like the vvord rājan. Certain peculiar cases, hovvever, have to be noted. In this sūtra are noted vvords ending in an having a vārīta or mānta saniyoga (i.e. a conjunct consonant ending in v or m ) . In the case of these vvords the elision of penulti mate a (as per No. 231) is prohibited. Hence yajvan + as (acc. plr.) = yajvanaķ; and brahman as (acc. plr.) = brahmaņaķ. But for this these vvords are to be declined like rājan. 264. 263. This sūtra lays down the lengthening of the penulti mate (of vvords ending in n) in the case of the vvords pūsan and aryaman, and vvords ending in in and han ( tadan tavidhi ), before si (No. 222). 265. This sūtra adds that the lengthening will take place before su (nom. sg., asambuddhau got by anuzrrtti). Thus vTtrahan+s = vrtrahan — vTtrahān = ifftrahā. In voc. sg. no elongation and hence the form vrtrahan. But for this these words are to be declined like rājan. 266. This sūtra lays down that n, belonging to the monosyllabic latter member of a compound, is changed 108 Notēs S 269 to ņ even when the nimitta for it exists in the pūrvapada. Ordinarily cerebralisation of n into ņ takes place only if n and the ņatvanimitta stand in the same pada. Now in r/rtrahan, r and n belong to tvvo different padas. This makes it necessary to lay dovvn a special rule for it. In this sūtra the vvord samāse is got on the strength of the vvord uttarapada, vvhich denotes the final member of a samāsa. The vvord ekājuttarapada is a bahuvñhigarbha bahuvñhi; and hence means a compound in vvhich the final member has one vovvel. Hence vrtrahan + au = vTtrahaņau; similarlv vTtrahaņaķ, etc. 267. Novv for acc. plr. the position is: vrtrahanA-as = vftrahn+as (No. 231). Here. comes up this sūtra vvhich lays dovvn that h of \ /han vvill be changed to gh vvhen follovved by ñit or ņit suffixes or by na. The vvord ku is got by anuvrtti. Thus vve novv get z/rtraghnaķ. Similar phenomenon vvill occur before ali vovvel case-endings. The vvords śārngin, yaśasvin, aryaman, and pūsan similarly declined. are 268. Novv vve come to the vvord maghavan. In this sūtra maghavā is nom. for gen.; and tr is got by anuvrtti. This sūira lays dovvn that the vvord maghavan has the ādeśa tr (= t) variouslv. Thus the vvord vvould be either maghavat or maghavan. The r in tr here is mute and serves the purpose as shovvn in the next sūtra. 269. In this sūtra, (in ugidacām) ac stands for V añc vvith its nasal elided; and num is got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the augment num before sarvanāma sthāna pratyayas to ugit formations (not roots) and to 109 S 269 Sārasiddhānlakaumudī V añc vvith ñ dropped. In the case under consideration the vvord maghavat is an ugit formation (formation in tr) and hence it vvill take numāgama in nom. and acc. sg. and du. and nom. plr. forms. Thus the forms vvould be: maghavān , maghavantau, maghavantaķ; he maghavan; maghavantam: acc. plr. vvill not have num and it vvill be maghavataķ. But vvhen tr is not substituted, the vvord vvill be maghavan only and is to be declined like rājan before sut (i.e. the first five infletions: maghavā, maghavānau, etc.). 270. For acc. plr. the position is: maghavan + as. In this sūtra samprasāraņa is got by anuvTtti, bhasya is got by adhikāra, and anaķ ( = annantasya by tadantavidhi) is got by apakarsa (from PA 6.4.134). Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that these vvords, ending in an, vvhen they have the designation bha, vvill take samprasāraņa before pratyayas other than taddhita. Thus maghavan as — magha ua n as = magha u n+as = maghonaķ. Before consonantal endings there is no change except the elision of n; and the forms are maghavabhyām, etc. The vvords śvan and yuvan are to be similarlv declined. 271. For acc. plr. (of yuvan) the position is yuvan+as = yu ua n as = yu u n+as = yūnaķ. Here it has to be observed that vvhen in a vvord there are tvvo or more letters from (the pratyāhāra) yaņ , the samprasāraņa is to occur in the last one among them ; and vvhen one has undergone samprasāraņa, none of the other yaņ letters vvill take it. In the present case y and v are the tvvo yaņ letters; and of these the latter (i.e. v) has under gone samprasāraņa. Hence the former (namely y) vvill not have 110 Noies S 276 it. Thus the acc. plr. form will be yūnaķ only. Similar will be the case with ali the other vowel case-endings. 272. Now we turn to the vvords pathin, mathin, and rbhuksin, for which P has laid down ā ( antādeśa) before s (nom. sg. ending), the vvord sau being got by anuvTtti. Thus pathin+s = pathi ā + s. 273. This sūtra is in continuation understood in the same way. Thus the vvords pathin etc. will substitute nāmasthāna. Thus now we have of No. 272 and is to be this sūtra lays down that their i by a before sarva patha ā+s = pathā+s. 274. Here pathim athoķ is got by anuvTtti; and the sūtra lays down that th vvill be substituted by nth. Thus nom. sg. is panthāh. Similarly are to be explained the forms panthānau, panthānaķ and panthānam. For acc. plr. the position is pathin-\-as . Now this lays dovvn the elision of ti of bha. In the case under consideration pathin is bha (No. 144); and hence its ti (No. 38) will be dropped. Thus vve have path+ as — pathaķ. Similar vvill be the operations before ali vovvel endings; vvhile before consonantal endings only the final n vvill be dropped. Thus we have pathibhyām, etc. The vvords mathin and Tbhuksin are to be similarly declined. sūtra 275. In this sūtra P has laid dovvn that a samJchyā (got by anuvTtti ) ending in ? or n vvill have the designation sat. No. 168 has laid dovvn that jas and śas after the sas are drooped. Hence nom. and acc. of pañcan is pañcan as = pañcan = pañra. In the other forms only n is elided and vve have pañcabhiķ, pañcabhyaķ. 111 276. S 277 Sārasiddhāntalṭaumudi 277. For gen. the position is pañcan+ām = pañcan~Vnām (No. 250). At this stage, the present sūtra lavs down that the penultimate of a nānta sañikhyā will be lengthened before m m . Hence we get pañcānām. In loc. the form is pañcasu. 278. In this sūtra the word kali is got by apakarsa and by tadādividhi means halādi {vibhakti). Thus this sūtra lays down the ādeśa ā for (the anta of) astan before consonantal endings. 279. The ādeśa ā is optional. The present sūtra lays down the ādeśa au for jas and śas. Thus astan A-as = astā + as — astā + au = astau. Before- bhiķ., bhyaķ, etc. by No. 278 there will be ātva; and the forms vvill be astābhiķ, astābhyaķ, astānām (see No. 250), and astāsu. When, hovvever, there is no ātva (ovving to vikalpa) the vvord astan is declined like pañcan . 280. In this sūtra the vvord kvin is got by anuvTtti and dhātu bv adhikāra {PA 3.1.91). Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the suffix kvin (in vvhich k and n are mute) for Ttu + V yaj, y/dhrs, \/s r j, y/diś, ļsņ ih y V añc. V yuj, and y/kruñc. Our author further explains the m atter by declaring that kvin is appended to 'ṭjañc preceded by a subanta upapada, but to and V kruñc by themselves, and lavs dovvn nonelision of nasal in the case of V kruñc. 281. This sūtra lays dovvn that any pratyaya that is laid dovvn in the adhikāra dhātoķ {PA 3.1.91), excepting the tiñ pratyayas {PA 3.4.78), have the designation krt . So kvin is a krt suffix and hence the vvords rtvij etc. are krdanta formations. 112 Notēs S 282 282. We have already seen that in kvin, k and n are if. Now this sutra lays down the elision of v in vi( = z>) if it is aprkta (sce No. 157). Thus now we have the formations rtuij etc. vvhich, being krdanta , are prātipadikas and hence can take case endings. 283. In this sūtra the words sarvanāmasthāna and num are got by anuvTtti; and thus this sūtra lays down that the kvin formation from V yuj when not in a compound will take the augment num before sarvanāmasthāna . Thus for nom. sg. the position is: yuj+s = yu n j + s = yun (by Nos. 19 and 158). 284. In this sūtra the word padasya is got by adhikāra (PA 8.1.16) and ante is got by anuvTtti. Here it has to be noted that the adeśa ku is for the base vvhich is derived by adding the suffix kvin. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the kutva of the final letter of the kvin formation. Thus here yim changes its n to ñ (by kutva) and vve get the form yun (nom. sg.). Further forms are yuñjau, yuñjaķ. From acc. plr. onvvards there vvill be no num and hence acc. plr. vvould be yujaķ. 285. Before consonantal endings the final j (of ali these vvords in No. 280) vvill be changed to g or k by this sūtra. In this sūtra, jhali and padānte are got by anuvTtti and adhikāra respectively. Thus nom. sg. of suyuj vvould be suyuj+ s = suyuj = suyuk (or suyug), suyujau (nom. and acc. du.), suyujaķ (nom. acc. plr.), etc. Here the vvord is a samāsa; and hence there is no numāgama (No.283). Similarlv are to be declined the vvords ftvij, etc. 113 F.—8A S 286 Sārasiddhāniaķaumudi 286. The word jhali is got in this sūtra by anuvrtti and padānte by adhikāra . Thus this sutra lays dovvn the sub stitute s for (the anta of) the roots vraśca etc., and of roots ending in ch and ś when followed by a jhal or by nothing. Thus rdj+s = rāj (No. 158) = rās (No. 286) = rād (No. 58) or rāt (No. 124). There is no change before vowel case-endings; while before consonantal case-endings, the final letter is changed to t or d as shown above. Thus we get the forms rājau, rādbhyām , etc. Similarly are to be declined the vvords devej, vibhrāj) viśvasrj (ali kvip form ations) . Novv vve take up bhrsj (a kvip formation from y/bhrasj. 287. The vvords padānte , and jhali are got in this sutra as before and lopaķ is got by anuvrtti. Thus this sutra lays dovvn that s and k are dropped vvhen they occur at the beginning of sarhyoga (conjunct consonant) vvhich stands at the end of a pada or vvhen it is follovved by a jhal. Thus, bhrsj+s = bhrsj (No. 158) = bhrj (No. 287) = bhrs (No. 286) = bhrt or bhrd (Nos. 124 and 58). For nom. and acc. du. the position is bhrsj au = bhrsj (No. 52) = bhrjj (PA 8.4.53) = bhrj jau. Similarly before ali vovvel case-endings; vvhile before consonantal case-endings the final vvill be changed to t or d as shown above. 288. Novv vve turn to words ending in d (such as tyad} tad , etc.). Thus tyad+s = tya a+ s = tya+s (Nos. 172 and 257 respectively). Novv this sūtra lays dovvn that t and d (of tyad etc.) are changed to s before s (of nom. sg.) provided they do not stand at the end. By this now we 114 Noies S292 get sya+s = syaķ. Similarlv nom. sg. of tad is saķ; and of etad is esaķ. The other forms are like sarva . 289. Two other pronouns ending in d are yusmad and asmad. This and the following sūtras deal with the declension of these pronouns. This sūtra lays down the ādeśa am for ne (dat. sg.) and the endings of the first two cases in the case of yusmad and asmad . Thus ynsmad+s = yusmad + am. Similarly asmad+am. 290. This sūtra lays down the ādeśas tva and aha for (the maparyanta portion of) these pronouns before s (nom. sg.). Thus we get tva ad-\-am. Similarly aha ad+ am . Here it has to be noted that ali the ādeśas laid down for yusmad and asmad are governed by the adhikāra, maparyantasya (PA 7.2.91). Then by No. 257, we get tvad+ am . Similarly ahad-\-am. 291. In this sūtra the words vibhaktau and yusmadasmadoķ are got by anuvTtti . The word śesa means the remaining vibhaktis i.e. ali the case-endings, except nom. and acc., before which the ādeśas ā and y are enjoined (in Nos. 293, and 2 9 8 ) . Thus this sūtra lays down the elision of the final letter (by No. 20) before case-endings, before vvhich ātva and yatva are not laid dovvn. Hence the position becomes t v a + a m ( aha + a m ) = tvarn (a ham ) bv No. 113. Here it may be observed that our author has tried to simplify matters here by declaring etayos tilopaķ v/hich takes us directly from t v a d + a m ( ahad + a m ) to tvam (a h a m ). 292. This sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśas yuva and āva for adhikārayusmad and asmad before ali du. endings. The 115 S 282 Sārasiddhāntakaumudī maparyantasya has to be borne in mind. Thus yusrņad+ au — yuva ad+ am = yuvad+am. 293. This sūtra lays dovvn the antādeśa ā for these pronouns before au ( = am by No. 289) of nom. du. Hence yuva ā-f-am = yuvām. Similarly āvām . This ātva is said to take place in bhāsā as apposed to chandas. Hence it is absent at times in the Veda vvhere vve get the forms yuvam and avam also. 294. This sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśas yūya and vaya ( maparyantasya) before jas (nom. plr. ending). Thus yusmad + as — yūya ad as = yūyad as (No. 2 5 7 ) =yūyad + am (No. 2 8 9 ) = yūy am (No. 2 9 1 ) = yūyam. Similarly vayam. 295. This sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśas ( maparyantasya) ti)a and ma before sg. case-endings. Thus yusm ad+am = tva+ ad+ am = tvad+am (No. 2 5 7 ) . 296., This sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśa ā for (the final of) these pr-onouns before am (acc. sg. ending). In this sūtra ā is got by anuvTtti. Thus vve get tva ā+am = tvām (similarly m ām ) . 297. For acc. plr. the position is yusmad+as = yusm a+ am (No. 2 8 9 ) . This sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśa n for (the initial of) śas ( = as ). This is according to the paribhāsā ādeķ parasya (No. 64). Hence yusmad ns — yusmā ns (No. 2 9 7 ) = yusmān (No. 1 9 ) . Similarlv asmān. 298. This sūtra lavs dovvn the ādeśa y (for the final of these pronouns) before vovvel case-endings. Thus yu?mad+ ā = tva ad + ā = tvad+ā = tvay+ā = tvayā. Similarly 116 Noies S 304 m ayā. It has to be noted, hovvever, that this ādeśa occurs only before such case-endings as have not been substituted by some ādeśa. (the vvord anādeśe being got by anuvrtti). 299. This sūtra lays dovvn the ( anta) ādeśa ā before consonantal case-endings that are not substituted. Thus yusmad +bhyām = yuva ad + bhyām = yuvad+bhyām = yuvā + bhyām = yuvābhyām. Similarly āvābhyām. In plr. the position vvould be yusmad bhiķ = yusmā bhiķ = yusmābhiķ. Similarly asmābhiķ. 300. This sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśas ( maparyantasya) tubhya and mahya for these proñouns before ne (dat.sg.). Thus yusmad e — tubhya ad + e = tubhyad+am = tubhya + am (No. 289) = tubhyam (No. 113). Similarlv mahyam. 301. This sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśa abhyam for bhyas (dat. and abi. plr.). Thus yusmad bhyas = yusmad abhyam = yusma abhyam (No. 291) = yusmabhyam. Similarly asmabhyam. It may be observed that here the ādeśa is taken to be abhyam (as vve have done it here) or even bhyam (see Kāśikā ). Also see M Bh on PA 7.1.30; and Pbh. 93. 302. In this sūtra the vvords p a ñ ca m yā at are got by anuvTtti. Thus thissutra lays dovvn the ādeśa at (sarvādeśa) for nasi { —as of abi. sg.). Thus y u s m a d + a s = tva a d + at = t v a d + a t = tva + at = tvat- Similarly mat. 303. The vvord bhyasaķ is got in this sūtra by anuvrtti. Thus yusmad+bhyas — yusmad+at = yusma+at — yusmat. Similarly asmat. 304. This sūtra lays dovvn tava and mama as ādeśas (maftaryantasya) before ñas (gen. sg. ending). Thus yusmad+as = tava ad+as — tavad + as = tava+as. 117 S 305 Sārasiddhānlakaumudī 305. This sūtra lays dovvn the sarvādeśa aś (= a) for nas (gen. sg. ending) after these pronouns. Thus novv vve get tava a = tava ( No. 257). Similarly mama. 306. This sūtra lays dovvn the sarvādeśa ākam for sām (gen. plr. ending, sce No. 133). Thus yus?nad+sām = yusmad + ākam = yusma + ākam = yusmākam. Similarly asmākam. The remaining forms tvayi (m ayi), yusmāsu ( asmāsu ) are to be similarly explained. 307. This sūtra lays dovvn the optional ādeśas vām and nau for the wordj yusmad and asmad standing in the gen., dat., and acc., provided thev are padāt para and apādādisthita. The other forms, namely yuvām (āvām ), yuvābhyām ( āvābhyām) and yuvayoķ ( āvayoķ ), have been explained above. 308. This sūtra for them in the the forms are vaķ and naķ (asmān, lavs down the optional ādeśas vas and nas plr., under the same circumstances. Thus ( yu?mān, yusmabhyam} and yusmākam) asmabhyam, and asmākam). 309. This sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśas (optional), te and me, for gen. sg. and dat. sg. Thus vve have te (tubhyam, tava) and me (mahyam3 m am a). 310. This sūtra lays dovvn the optional ādeśas tvā and mā for acc. sg. under similar conditions. Thus tvā (tvām) and mā (m ām ). In the tvvo couplets that follow our author has illustrated ali the optional forms of yusmad and asmad. 311. This vārttika lavs dovvn that these ādeśas (Nos. 307-310) are to be used when they occur in one sentence 118 Noies S 315 only; and a sentence is a statement that has only onefinite verb. Thus odana'ñi paca, tava bhavisyati is not eka vākya and hence the form te cannot here be used in the place of tava . But in the statement śāllnām te odanarh dāsyāmi, the form te has been rightly used. For it is ekatiñ (and hence eka vākya). 312. In this sūtra the word anga and bha come by adhikāra; and by tadantavidhi, pādaķ means pācchabdāntasya. This sūtra thus lays down the ādeśa pat ( anekāl and hence sarvādeśa) for pād (and not the whole word ending in pād ), according to the paribhāsā} nirdiśyamānasyādeśā bhavanti, Pbh. 12). 313. In this sūtra , angānājn is got by adhikāra; hal, by tadantavidhi , stands for halanta; and nasya lopaķ is got by anuz/rtti. Thus this sūtra lays down the elision of the penulti mate n of consonantal angas (the root of which is) not idit, when follovved by kit or nit pratyayas. We take the word prāñc (prāñc+ kvin). The base (anga) prāñc is anidit halanta and hence its penultimate n is dropped. Thus prāñc+s = prāc+s = prānc+s (No. 269) = prānc = prān = pran (No. 284). The other nom. forms are prāñcau , prāñcaķ. 314. Here acaķ is gen. sg. of ac ( = ^(/añc with its nasal elided). The word allopaķ is got here by anuvrtti, and bhasya by adhikāra. Thus this sūtra lays down the elision of a of ac (i.e. V añc with loss of nasal). Thus prāñc+as (acc. plr.). = pra c + as (Nos. 313, 314). 315. In this sūtra , cau is loc. sg. of cu ( = V añcu with its akāra and nasal elided). The words pūrvasya dirgho’naķ 119 S 315 SārasiddhānLaltaumudi are got here by anui/rtti. Thus this sūtra lays down the lengthening of the preceding aņ ( = a, i, u)> when followed by cu (i.e. V añc vvith the elision of a and nasal). Thus novv vve have prdc + as = prdcaķ. The other forms are prdgbhyām etc. The forms p ra ty a ñ y pratyañcau etc. can be similarly explained. acc. plr. of pratyañc is. pratyañc+as = pratya c+as = prati c+as (No. 314) = pralīc as (No. 315) = prañcaķ. Similarly are to be explained the forms udañ, udañcau etc. 316. This sūtra lays dovvn the ddeśa ī for a of ac (i.e. V añc vvith its nasal elided) coming after ud. This sūtra is to be fully dravvn out bv referring to No. 315 above. Thus udañc as — udac as = udīc as = udīcaķ. The other forms such as udagbhydm can be easilv explained. 317. In this sūtra the vvords añcatau apratyaye are got by anuvTtii. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the ddeśa sami for sam> vvhen follovved by apratyaya añcati. Thus samyañc as = samyac as = sami c + as =samīc+as = samīcaķ. But vvhen the base is not bha, the form is samyagbhydm} etc. 318. This sūtta also is to be similarly explained. It lays dovvn that saha is to be substituted by sadhri under similar circumstances. Thus saha + ac+s = sadhri+ac+s = sadhri+ anc+s = sadhri + anc = sadhryan = sadhryan. 319. This sūtra lays dovvn the ddeśa tiri for tiras vvhen follovved bv añcati vvithout any suffix and vvithout the elision of its a. Thus vve have tiras ac+s = tiri ac+s = tiri añc+ s = tiri añc = tiri ari = tiryan = tiryañ. The forms tiryañcau, tiryañcaķ, etc. are quite regular. For acc. plr. the position is tiryañc + as = tiras c+as = tiraścaķ. The forms tiryagbhydm etc. can be easily explained. 120 Notēs S 322 320. This sūtra prohibits the elision of the nasal of V uñcy when by the formation pūjā (honour, respect) is to be conveyed. Thus the forms of prāñc are prāñ} prāñcau , prāñcaķ, prāñbhyām, prāñksu . Similarly are to be declined the words pratyañ etc. when they are pūjārtha. Under No. 280 the non-elision of n in the case of kruñc has been already noticed. Here our author has given some of its forms: kruñ} kruñcau, kruñbhyām) etc. Similarly payomuc is to be declined like rtvij and the forms are payomuk, payomucctu, payomugbhiķ. etc. 321. Now we take up the word mahat ( V m ah+ śatr ) vvhich is ugidanta (ending in a suffix having a mute uk = r in this case). It vvill, therefore, take the augment num before sarvanāmasthāna (No. 269). Novv this sūtra lays dovvn that the penultimate vovvel, preceding n in the vvord mahat or in a conjunct consonant ending in s, is lengthened before sarvanāmasthāna , other than sambuddhi (i.e. voc. sg.). Thus mahat+s — mahant+s = mahānt~\~s — mahānt — mahān. Similarly are to be explained the forms mahāntau, mahāntaķ , etc. In voc. sg. and in acc. plr. onvvards no lengthening takes place; and thus the forms are he mahan, mahataķ , mahadbhyām etc. 322. In this sūtra , atu by tadantavidhi means atvanta (i.e. a formation in suffixes having atu in them, like matup , vatup). Thus this sūtra lavs down the lengthening of the penultimate of an atvanta formation or an asanta word, vvhich is not a dhātu , before s (not of voc. sg.). Thus dh/bnat (an atvanta vvord) s = dhimant s (No. 269) = dhbrnānt ( sulopa , upadhāvfddhi) = dhimān ( sañiyogāntlopa ) = dhimāns But 121! S 322 Sārasiddhānlaķaumudī voc. sg. dhīman. The forms dhīmanlau etc. can be similarlv explained. Before śas (acc. plr.) and subsequent endings dlñmat is to be declined like mahat. 323. By tadantavidhi, rvoķ means rephavāntasya ( dhātoķ ) and padānte is got by adhikāra. Thus this sūtra lays down that the penultimate of a dhātu ending in r or v, vvhen stand ing at the end of a pada, is lengthened. Thus pipathis+s = pipathis (by sulopa) = pipathir (No. 80) = pipathīr (No. 323) = pipathīķ. Forms like pipathisau can be easily explained. Similarly pipathnbhyām. 324. For loc. plr. the position is pipathis+su = pipathīr+ su. At this stage the present sūtra lays dovvn that j coming after iņ (= i, u) and ku (letter of kavarga) is changed to s even vvhen num, visarjanīya or śar intervene. The vvords iņkoķ and mūrdhanyaķ are got here by anuvTtti. Thus vve get pipathir-\~su = pipathīķ + su = pipathtssu (by No. 54). 325. Novv vve take up vvords like vidvas (i.e. adhātu asanta vvords). In this sūtra, bhasya is got by adhikāra; and vasoķ means vasvantasya by pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā. This sūtra lays dovvn samprasāraņa for bha ending in kvasu (i.e. Pf. participles). Thus vidvas being ugidanta takes num by No. 269. Thus vidvas+s = vidvāns+s — vidvāns = vidvān. voc. sg. is vidvan (no lengthening of upadhā). The forms vidvārhsau, vidvāmsaķ, etc. can be similarly explained. For acc. plr. the position is vidvas+ as = vidus+as = vidus+as = vidusaķ. Before bhyām tic. the final s of vidvas is changed to d (No. 246) and vve get the forms vidvadbhyām etc. 326. This sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśa asuri ( antādeśa) for the vvord purns in sarvanāmasthāna. Thus pum s+ s = pum as+s 122 Noies S 328 pumans+s (No. 269) = pum ām (sulopa) = pumān. In nom. du. n is changed to anusvāra and thus we get the form p u rn a m sau. voc. sg. is he puman. The other forms pumsaķ (acc. plr.), etc. can be easily explained. Before consonantal endings s of pums is elided and vve get forms like pumbhyām and pumsu. v c d h a (another asanta vvord) lengthens its u padhā before s (nom. sg.) and thus vve get vedh ā h ; but voc. sg. he vedhaķ. Forms lk e vedhasau, vedhasaķ can be easily explained. Before bhyām, bhis and bhyas the final s undergoes rutva , utva; and then vvith the ekādeśa guņa vve get forms like vedho bhyām) vedhobhih. 327. This sūtra lays dovvn that before su { — s of nom- sg.) adas vvill take the antādeśa au. Thus adas+s = ada au+ s — asa au+ s (No. 288) = asa au ( sulopa) = asau (No. 33). Novv for nom. du. the position is adas+au = ada a +au = ada au — adau . At this stage comes the follovving sūtra. 328. In this sūtra aseķ (gen. sg. of asi = asanta ) goes vvith adasaķ vvhich is avayavasastjñ. The vvord u is to be under stood as a samāhāra dvandva to mean u and ū. Furthermore daķ is sthānasasth/i of d. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that in the case of adas, not ending in s, u or ū is substituted for the letter standing after d, and m is substituted for d. Novv vve take up the position adau (arrived at in the previous ru le ); and by this rule vve get a m ū (here the substitute for au is long for long). O ur author has suggested this by stating that vvhat u is to be substituted is to be decided on the basis of āntaratamya (No. 18). 123 S 329 Sāraslddhānlal(aumudl For nom. plr. the position is adas+jas = adas+i (No. 130) = ade (No. 27). At this stage comes the following sūtra. 329. In this sūtra adaso’serdāt and do maķ are got by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra lavs dovvn that e coming after d of adas not ending in as, is substituted by ī in the plural. Hence ade — arrñ. The forms amum and amūn can be similarly explained. Novv for instr. sg. the position is: adas + ā — a m u + ā (No. 328) = a?nu nā (Nos. 149 and 150). Here comes the follovving sūira for consideration. 330. Novv this sūtra lays dovvn that so far as nābhāva (substitution of nā for ā No. 150) is concerned, vvhether it is effected or yet to be efīected, mubhāva (No. 329) is not asiddha. In this sūira mu is samāhāra dvandva and means ra and u; while ne is loc. sg. of nā and means ne kartavye krte ca. The vvord asiddham is got by anuvTtti. Thus mutva (No. 329) is to be considered as siddha (accomplished) vvhen nātva is kartavya; and hence the base becomes ghi and thus nābhāva of ā is not prevented. Novv after nātva is kTta, if mutva is considered asiddha, then the sūira, supi ca (No. 119) will applv and the final a of the anga vvill have to be lengthened (dīrghaķ prasajjyeta). Hence mutva has to be considered as na asiddha even after nābhāva is efīected ( kTta ). Thus instr. sg. is amunā. Ali the other forms of adas, namely amūbhyām, amībhiķ, amusmai, etc. are to be similarly explained. 331. In this sūtra, padasya is got by adhikāra ; and haķ ante, and jhali by anuvTtti. The vvord upānah is to be declined. The next sūtra explains the formation of this vvord, before the present sūtra is made to operate. 124 N oies S 332 332. The word kvau is loc. sg. of kvi ( = k v ip ). This sūtra lays down that roots nah etc., when they have the suffix kvip appended to them, lengthen the final vovvel of their pūrvapada (the vvord pūrvasya is got in this sūtra by anuvTtti). Hence upa nah^rkvip — upānah. For nom. sg. the position is upānah+s — upānadh + s = upānad = uprnat ( upānad) . Similar changes take place before bhyām, bhiķ, bhyaķ and su, and vve have the forms upānadbhyām etc. Novv vve take up the vvord usņih formed from ut snih kvin (No. 280). Bh. remarks: nipātanāt dalopasatve. Novv since this is a kvin (and not a kvip) formation, it vvill have kutva (No. 284) and then jaśtva and cartva (No. 124). Hence nom. sg. is usņik (usņig). Before vovvel case-endings there is no change and vve have forms like usņihau, usņihaķ, etc. Before consonantal case-endings there will be kutva, jaśtva (or cartva) and vve shall have the forms usņigbhyām etc., usņiksu. The vvord div is to be declined exactly like the vvord sudiv noted above (Nos. 248-9 above). The forms dyauķ, divau, dyubhyām etc. can be easilv explained. Novv vve take up the vvord gir vvhich is formed by appending the suffix kvip to V g f- Novv since this vvord ends in r ( repha ), its penultimate vovvel is lengthened; and thus vve get the forms fñķ, ģ}rbhyām, etc. Before vovvel case-endings the base cannot have the designation pada; and hence there is no lengthening. Hence vve get forms like girau, giraķ, etc. The vvord pur is to be declined exactly like gir. The vvord catur in fem. becomes catasr (No. 205); and then it is to be declined like tisr (see No. 205-7). The forms catasraķ (nom. acc.) and catasrņām gen. can be easilv explained. 125 S 332 Sārasiddhānlaķaumudī k im in fem. becomes kā (No. 254 and 194); and is then to be declined exactly like sarvā (i.e. sarva fem .). 333. In the word idam (fem .), the present sūtra lays down the substitution of ya for da. The words id a m a ķ and daķ are got in this sūtra by anuvrtti . Thus novv idam + s = iyam+s = iyam (No. 172 is superceded by No. 255). Thus nom. sg. is iyam . For nom. du. the position is: idam + au = ida+au (No. 172) = ida ā+au {tāp by No. 194) = ima ā+au (No. 258) = imā+% (No. 195) = ime (27). The forms imām, ime, imāh (acc. sg. du. and plr.) can be similarly explained. Before āp (i.e. case-endings from instr. sg. upto loc. plr.) idam is substituted by an (No. 259) vvhich, vvith the fem. suffix appended to it, becomes anā and gives us the forms anayā (instr. sg.) and anayoķ (gen. and loc. du.). Before bhyām, bhis, bhyas and su, idam drops id (No. 260); and vve get the forms ābhyām, ābhiķ, ābhyaķ and āsu respectively. (See Notēs on ābhyām, under No. 260 above). Before nit. endings there vvill be syāt āgama and the forms vvill be: asyai, asyāh9 and asyām; and āsdm (gen. plr.) is to be explained like sarvāsām (No. 199). The vvord sraj is to be declined exactly like rtvij. It is a kvin formation from V srj (No. 280); and hence vvill have kutva (by No. 284). The forms srak, srajau and sragbhyām can be easily explained. The pron. tyad vvill be changed to tya, vvhich vvith the fem. suffix tāp becomes tyā; and then it is declined exactly like sarvā . The nom. sg., of course, is syā {t being substituted by s bv No. 288). Thus the forms of the nom. are syā, tye, 126 Noies S 334 The pronouns tad, yad and etad are similarly declined.. The vvord vāc is kvip formation from V vac; and hence it vvill have kutva acc. to No. 285. The forms vāk, vācau, vāgbhyām etc. can be easily explained. The vvord ap lengthens its vovvel in nom. (by No. 182) and vve get the form āpaķ; vvhile acc. plr. is apaķ . It must be noted that this vvord is used alvvays in plr. 334. Novv this sūtra lavs dovvn that before bh (i.e. a case-ending beginning vvith bh by pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā) the vvord ap takes the substitute ( antādeśa) d. Thus vve get the forms adbhiķ and adbhyaķ. The other forms, namelv apām and apsu are quite regular. The vvord diś is a kvin formation from y/diś; and hence vvill take kutva by No. 284. The forms of this vvord such as dik, diśau, diśaķ etc. can be easilv explained. The vvord drś also is a kvin formation from V drś (see PA. 3.2.60); and hence vvill have kutva (by No. 284). It is to be declined exactly like diś. The vvord tvis vvill have no change before vovvel caseendings; and vve shall have forms like tvisau, tvisaķ , etc. Before consonantal case-endings it vvill have jaśtva or cartva and vve have forms like tvit, tvid, tvidbhyām , etc. Before su, it vvill optionallv have the āgama dhut; and the forms vvill be tvitsu, tvittsu. The vvord sājus is to be declined on the same lines as the vvord pīpathis (explained under No. 323-24 above). The forms sajūh} sajusau, sajūirbhyām etc. can be easily explained. The vvord āśis also is to be similarly explained. The pronoun adas is to be declined in the fem. as in the masc. but for the follovving case forms. In du. and plr. forms by No. 329, ū 127 S 334 Sārasiddliāntaķaumudī (long) is substituted for the letter after d; and hence we get the forms amū, am ūh, am ūm , amūbhiķ etc. In gen. and loc. du. and instr. sg. after etva, ayādeśa, mutva, and utva we get amuyoķ and amuyā respectively; and amu?yai, amusyāh, and amusyām are got by syāt āgama, mutva, utva and satva. To start with the declension of neut. vvords our author takes up the vvord svanaduh. Novv, in nom. and acc. sg. the endings are dropped (by No. 227); and the final h is changed to d (by No. 246). Thus vve get the form svanadut (by cartva). Before ī (No. 219) there is no change; and the form is svanuduKi. Before i (No. 222), hovvever, the vvord takes the āgama ām (by No. 243); and vve get svanadu ā h i. Then bv No. 224, the āgama num ( n ) is infixed, which being changed to anusvāra (by No. 71) the form u!timately obtained is svanadvāmhi (nom. and acc. plr.). In ali the other cases this is to be declined like anaduh masculine. The word vār undergoes no changes. In nom. sg. the ending s is eilded (by No. 227), and the final r is changed to visarga (by No. 81). Thus vve get the form vāh. Ali the other forms vve get by simply appending the case-endings. Thus we have vāri, vāri, vārā, vārbhyām, etc. The vvord catur takes the āgama ā in nom. (No. 243); and vve get the form catvāri. The other forms are as in the masc. The pron. kim is substituted by ka (No. 254) before nom. and acc. du. and plr. case-endings. In nom. acc. sg., hovvever, the endings are dropped (by No. 227). Thus nom. and acc. forms are : kim, ke, kāni. The rest is like masc. The pron. idam also after elision of nom. and acc. sg. endings gives us the form idam. In du. and plr. the forms 128 Noies S 336 are ime and imāni vvhich can be easily explained. The rest is like masc. In the vvord brahman, after elision of the case-endings (by No. 227) and the elision of the final n (by No. 160), vve get the nom. and acc. sg. form brahma . In voc. sg. the follovving vārttika operates. 335. According to this vārttika, the elision of n is to be declared as being optional in the case of neuter vvords. Hence voc. sg. of brahman is, he brahma, he brahman . The forms of nom. and acc. du. and plr. are brahmarñ and brahmāņi. The rest is like ātman. The vvord ahan : For nom. sg. the position is ahan+s = ahan (No. 227) = ahar (by No. 90) = ahaķ (No. 81). Thus the form is ahaķ, vvhich is also the form of the acc. sg. For dual the position is ahan+au = ahan+% (No. 219) = a h n + ī or ahan+ī (No. 232) = ahm or ahani. In plr. i is substituted for jas and śas (No. 222) and it being sarvanāmasthāna (No. 223) the penultimate a is lengthened before it (No. 156). Thus vve get the form ahāni. 336. In this sūtra the vvords ruķ and a n ta ķ are got by anuvrtti, vvhile padasya is got by adhikāra . The vvord ahan is to be considered as luptasasthīka vvord. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the final of the vvord ahan is substituted by ru ( = r) vvhen standing at the end of a pada . Hence ahan bhyām — ahar bhyām = aha u + bhyām (No. 86) = ahobhyām (No. 27). Ali the other forms can be similarly explained. The v/ord daņdin vvill drop its case-endings in nom. and acc. sg. (No. 227) and the form vvill be daņdi . Before Si 129 S 336 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudī (i of nom. and acc. plr. No. 222) the penultimate vovvel is lengthened (Nos. 223 and 156) and the form is daņdīni. Before other vovvel endings there is no change; and before consonantal endings the final n is dropped. (No. 160). Thus can be explained ali the forms of daņdin. The pron. tad gives tad as nom. and acc. śg. (by No. 227). In ali other cases the base becomes ta (No. ,172 and 257) and is then declined like sarva (neut). . The pronouns yad and etad are also similarly declined. 337. Novv we ṭtake up dadat ( a -śatranta formation from Vrfā). nom. t-and açc.-sg. and dual are dadat (No. 227) and dadañ' (No. 219). For nom. and acc. plr. the position is dadat i (No. 222) = dadati. But by this sūtra there vvill be optional num āgarria \ and vve shall also ha v t dadanti. In this sūtra the vvords abhyastāt śatuķ, num and samam masthāne come by anuvrtti. Thus the sūtra laysdovvn that the suffix śatr ( = a t)-’ . appended to abhyasta (roots), and neuter in gender, vvill have the augment num vvhen follovved by sarvanāmasthāna. The root dā is abhyasta. ,Hence nom. and acc. plr. of dadat is dadati or dadanti. In ali other cases dadat is to be declined like marut (masc.) 338. A similar operation takes place in the case of tudat (a śatranta from a base ending in ā).' This sutra alsois to be completed like the previoiis sūtYa.xThe word āt * means adantāt (i.e. angāt got by adhikāra). Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that a śatranta, from a base ending in a, neuter in gender, vvill take the āgama num optionally before, šī (nom. and açc. du. neuter) and nadi (i.e. nīp = t ) . Thus tudat+ i 130 Notēs S 339 = tudant+ī or tudat + ī = tudantl or tudafi. In nom. and acc. plr. there is num āgama (by No. 224) and the form is tudanti, The other forms are as in the masc. 339, In the case of śatr after śap and śyan (i.e. roots of cl. 1 and 4) the āgama num occurs when follovved by sv or nacB. Hence pacat % = pacant i = pacanñ. 5imilarly (ñvyat %— divyant \ — dīvyantl:, In ali other cases pacat, and dlvyat are declined exactly like tudāt . The word dhanus will drop the case-endings in nom. and acc. śg. (No. 227) ; and the form vvill be dhanuķ . In nom. and acc. plr. śi is substituted for jas and śas (No. 222) and by numāgama (No. 224) and upadhācñrgha (No. 322) vve have the form dhanūmsi. Before vovvel case*-endings there is no change; while before consonantal case-endings the final s is changed to ? (or to s optionally befpre su = su of loc, plr.). Thus we have the forms dhanusl, dhanurbhyām, etc. The words caksus, havis, etc. are to be similarly declined. The vvord payas gives the nom. and acc. forms: payaķ (No. 227) payasl (No operation except substitution of śī for aun by No. 219), and payāmsi (Nos. 222, 224 and 321). Before vovvel case-endings no change occurs; and before consonantal case-endings the final s takes rutva and utva (Nos. 80 and 8 6 ); and vve get forms like payobhiķ, payobhyaķ, etc. In Joc. plr. again the final s is changed to ru and then to visarga optionally; and thus vve have the forms payaķsu or payassu. Tbe pron. adas vvill drop the nom. and acc. sg. case-endings. (No. 227); and the form vvill be adaķ (after rutva and visarga). The nom. and, acc. du. vvill be: adas+ 131 S 339 Sārasiddhāntakaumudl au — ada+a+ī (172 and 219) = ada + i (No. 257) = amū No. 328); and nom. and acc(. plr. will be adas + śī (No. 222) = ada + i (No. 172) = adan + i (No. 224) = amun i (No. 328) = amūni (No. 156). In ali other cases this is to be declined like adas (masc.) 340. In this sutra P has declared thai the words belonging to the svarādi gaņa and also the words which have been declared as nipātas have the designation avyaya. O ur author has given a few words of the svarādigana and a few of the cādigaņa and declared that both these are ākftigaņas . P has discussed the nipātas in PA 1.4.56-97. He has discussed the designation avyaya in PA 1.1.37-40. 341. The section on avyayas is included in this subanta section because according to P even avyayas are subantas (like nouns, pronouns and adjectives). But the point of differenoe betvveen the two is that in the case of avyaya the sup endings and the suffix āp are elided; while they are not elided after nouns etc. In this sūtra P lays down that after. an avyaya there will be elision (lopa, got by anui/rtti) of the suffix āp and also of the sup endings. In tatra śā[āyām, tatra refers to śālā and hence must be fem. Hence it must have the fem. suffix appended to it. But it is elided by the present sūtra . Similarly atha is an illustration of the elision of sup . It would thus appear that an avyaya according to P has linga, vacana and also vibhakti like other words. But the main point of difference between the avyayas and the other classes of words is that the latter undergo modifications as a result of linga, vacana and vibhakti while the avyayas 132 Noies S 343 remain unmodified. This is what has been stated by the couplet given here by our author. In a way the couplet shows that the designation avyaya is quite significant and surely means what it literally conveys Thus ends (the section on) subanta (i.e. declension) in the Siddhdntasārakaumudi. 342. Here our author has given the names of the ten lakāras in Sanskrit. Six of them are tit and the remaining four are ñit. The purposes served by these mute letters (namely t and ñ) are noted in the subsequent sūtras. The vowels in these names (namely a, i, u and r) are also mute and serve the purpose of distinguishing the lakāras from one another. In the present sūtra P has laid down the sens es which the lakāras are meant to convey. In this sūtra laķ (nom. plr. of Z) means lakārah. The vvords dhātoķ and kartari are got here by adhikāra and anuz/ftti respectively. This sūtra is to be unuerstood as containing two sentences. The first sentence lavs down that the lakāras are used after transitive roots to convev the sense of kartr and kar man; vvhile the second statement lays down that they are appended to intransitive roots to convey the sense of kartr or bhāva. It vvill be seen belovv (No. 344) that Z (which here is said to convey the senses of kartr9 or karman or bhāva) is substituted by several pratyayas (known by the pratyāhāra tin). 343. In this sūtra the vvord dhātoķ is got by adhikāra. The sūtra thus lays dovvn that lat is appended to a root that conveys a kriyā of the present. As already said above, in the vvord lat, the two letters (namely a and t) are it (m ute). But the letter Z is not to be so considered in spite of PA 1.3.8., 133 S 343 Sārasiddhāntakaumudī laśakvataddhite. For if it is considered it, its uccāraņa will be futile. Novv we take up V bhū = to exist, to be,' and when the kartr is to be conveyed, the position will be bhū+la. 344. This sūira lays down the ādeśas for lakāra. These are often referred to by the pratyāhāra tin. They are eighteen in number. Some of these have some mute letters appended to them, the purposes of which vvill be explained at the proper places. 345. In this sūira, l'aķ is sthānasasthī; and ādeśa we get by adhyāhāra. Thiis this sūira lays down that the substitutes of l (given in No. 344) are designated parasmaipada. This, it must be observed, is a general rule and has to be modified by the next rule which is an apavāda. For, the rule is prakalpya vāpavādavisayani tata utsargā abhiniviśante {Pbh. G3) or pūrvarn hyaparvādā abhiniviśante paścād utsargāh {Pbh. 62). 346. In this sūira tan is a pratyāhāra based on PA 3.4.78 and conveys the nine personai endings from ta upto mahin. Similar!y ānau stands for the two suffixes śānac {PA 3.2.124) and kānac {PA 3.2.106), vvhich also are lādeśas like tan. The suffix cānaś divēstēd of its mute letters is identical with these. But it is not a lādeśa (See PA 3.2.129) and hence cannot be covered by āna in this sūtra. Thus this sūtra lays down the designation ātmanepada for the endings conveyed by the pratyāhāra tan and by the suffixes āna (i.e. śānac and kānac). This is, as has been already stated above, an apavāda to the samjñā laid down in the previous rule (No. 345). 134 Noies S 349 347. The designationš parasmp,. and ātmp. as also their samjñins have been stated. Novv vve are being told when the parasmp . or the ātmp. ādeśas are to be substituted for Z . The present sūtra lays down that ātmp. ādeśas are to bc substituted for l after roots vvhich have an anudātta (vowel) and the letter n appended to them as mute letters. In this sūtra the word upadeśe is got by mandūkapluti (from PA 1.3.2) and the vvord dhātu also is similarly obtained from PA 1.3.1. Then by tadantavidhi nit means a dhātu ending in mute ñ. As,. fpr upadeśa also it has to be observed that it has relevance to the vvord nit .and not to anudāttet also. The vvord upadeśa has been expķined above (No. 1). . 348. The expression svaritañitah in this sūtra is to be explained likc anudāitanitaķ in the previous sūtra. This sūtra lays dovvn that in the case of svariñet and nit roots l vvill be substituted by the ātmp . endings, provided that the result arising out of the action (denoted by the root) is intended to accrue to the aģent ( kartr ). 349. The vvord dhātaķ is got in this sūtra by adhikāra. The vvord śesa in this sūtra naturally means the roots other than those referred to in Nos. 347 and 348. (i.e. roots vvhich are not anudāttet, svaritet, and do not have n or ñ mute appended to them in the upadeśa). This sūtra thus lays dovvn that parasmp. ādeśas are substituted for / after these ( = śesa) roots to convey the sense of kartr . It has been said above that £ is appended to transitive roots to convey the sense of kartr and karman (No. 342), etc. Here it is laid dovvn that vvhen the l is kartari, its ādeśa vvill be parasmp. after the śesa roots. 135 S 350 Sārasiddhāntaltaumudi 350. In this sūtra vve are given the three designations, namely prathama, madhyama, and uttama for the three triads {trika) respectively of both the padas. Thus in No. 344 the first part upto mas contains the three trikas of the parasmp., while the remaining portion of that sūtra con tains the three trikas of the dtmp . The endings are eighteen in ali and naturally form six trikas. Thus tip tas jhi {prathama parasmp) while ta ātam jha {prathama dtm p.). The others can similarly be understood. Here it has to be noted that what P designates prathama, madhyama and uttama {purusa, pūrvdcdryasamjñā) is generally described by modern scholars as the third, the second, and the first persons respectively. 351. In the former sūtra three samjñds have been given {triśaķ, one for each trika). Now this sūtra gives designations for each one of the ādeśas in the trika. The samjñds are eka-, dvi-, and bahuvacana respectively. Thus in these three sūtras we come to know of the classification of the endings into two padas, three persons, and three numbers. 352. This and the follovving two sūtras P has devoted to the use of these endings. The word upapada in this sūtra is to be understood in its literal sense, namely a word that is uttered in the vicinity {upoccdritam padam ). So also sthdnin means a vvord the sense of vvhich is understood but vvhich is not actually employed. Hence V has paraphrased sthdnini by aprayujyamdne; vvhile by the vvord prayujyamdne he has brought out the force of the vvord api. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the madhyama endings are to be used vvhen yusmad, expressed or implied, is used as samdnddhi- 136 Noies S 357 karaņa (syntactically agreeing) with the lakāra for which the tin (ending) is substituted. 353. When asmad, expressed or implied, is used like yusmad as stated in the previous rule, the uttama (endings) are to be substituted for the lakāra . 354. The prathama (endings) are to be substituted for lakāra in ali other cases. Thus from the position bhū+ l we now come to the position bhū+ ti . 355. This sūtra lays down the samjñā, sārvadhātuka, for ali the personai endings (tin, mentioned in No. 344) and also suffixes etc. which have a mute ś appended to them. It has, hovvever, to be noted that the word dhātoķ is got in this sūtra by adhikāra and hence this designation will apply only to such śit pratyayas as are laid dovvn in the dhātvadhikāra (from PA 3.1.91 upto the end of the third adhyāya). The purpose of this samjñā is seen in the follovving sūtra . 356. In this sūtra the vvords sārvadhātuka and dhātoķ are got by anuvrtti . Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the vikaraņa, śap ( = a) is affixed to a dhātu vvhen follovved by a sārvadhā tuka pratyaya expressing the aģent. Thus vve have, bhū+ a+ ti. 357. In this sūtra the vvord añgasya is got by adhikāra (PA. 6.4.1) and ikaķ is got by the paribhāsā, iko guņavrddhi (PA 1.1.3); and by tadantavidhi means igantasya. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the final ik ( = i3 u, Tā l) of an iganta añga vvill take guņa vvhen follovved by sārvadhātuka and ārdhadhātuka pratyayas. (For these terms see PA 3.4. 113-117). Thus novv vve have bhū+ a+ ti = bho+a +ti = bhavati (avādeśa by No. 22). Similarly bhavataķ. 137 S 358 Sārasiddhānlaltaumudī 358. F or 3rd plr. the position is bhū+a+jhi. Novv the present sūtra lays dovvn that the letter jh forming part of a pratyaya vvill be substituted by ant. (The vvord pratyayasya is got by anuī/ftti). Thus novv vve have bhū+ a+ anti = bhava + anli = bhavanti . (No. 257 , ato guņe ) . The forms of the madhyama-purusa, are bhavasi, bhavathaķ, bhavatha. These are to be similarly explained. For uttama ekavacana the position is bhū+ a+ m i. 359. In this sūtra the vvord sārvadhātuka is got by anuvTtti; aūgasya is got by adhikāra; and ataķ means adantasya. Thus this sūira lays dovvn that the final a of a base (añga) ending in a is lengthened vvhen follovved by a sārvadhātuka pratyaya beginning vvith a letter from the pratyāhāra yañ. Hence vve get bhava+mi = bhavāmi. Similarly bhavāvaĶ and bhavāmaķ. Thus novv vve have got ali the nine paradiģms of lat (the present tense) of ^Jbhū. 360. The next lakāra is lit; and this sūira lays dovvn that lit is used to signify a paroksa event. In this sūtra the vvord anadyatana is got by anuvrtti and bhūta by adhikāra. In this lakāra also tip etc. vvill be substituted for l (No. 344). But since lit is not sārvadhātuka (PA 3.4.115), the vikararņa (i.e. śap = a, No. 356) vvill not be affixed. Thus for 3rd sg. the position is bhū+ ti . 361. In this sūtra litaķ is got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn ņal etc. as the substitutes for tip etc. substituted for lit. These substitutes have some mute letters appended to them, the purposes of vvhich vvill be made clear belovv. The substitutes thus are: ņal { — a ) , atus, us, thal, athus, a . rtai, va, ma. Thus by substituting ņal for ti vve have bhū+a. 138 Noies S 367 362. ._In this sūtra the word aci is got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that ^Jbhū will have the āgama vuk ( = v), vvhen follovved by luñ and lit . Accordingly novv vve shall have bhūv+a. 363. In this sūtra the vvords ekāco dve prathamsya are got by adhikāra (PA 6.1.1); and dhātoķ, being avayava sasthī, means dhātvavayavasya. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that a monosyllābic initial portion of a root, other than abhyāsa, is reduplicated. O n the basis of the adhikāra, ajāder dviñyasya (PA. 6.1.2), this sūtra further lays dovvn that in the case. of a root beginning vvith a vovvel, the second monosyllabic portion thereof is to be reduplicated. At present vve are concerned only vvith the former; and accordingly vve get bhūv bhūv+a. 364. This sūtra lays dovvn the designation abhyāsa for the first portion of this reduplication. Thus in the present case the first bhūv is abhyāsa. 365. In this sūtra the vvord abhyāsasya is got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the first hal of the abhyāsa is retained. This means that the other hals that may exist in the abhyā.sa are elided. For such is the implication of Vśi? (read: śisadhātur itaranivrttipūrvakāvasthitau, B M .). Thus novv vve get bhūbhūv+a. 366. In this sūtra the vvord abhyāsasya is got by anuz/rtti and acdķ is got on the basis of the paribhāsā} acaś ca, PA 1.2.28. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the vovvel of the abhyāsa is shortened. Hence vve get bhubhūv+a. 367. Novv here is a sūtra vvhich lays dovvn that the vovvel of the abhyāsa of bhū is substituted by a vvhen follovved by lit 139 S 367 Sārasiddhāntakaumudl endings. In this sūtra the words abhyāsasya and liti are got by anuz/rtti. Hence now we get bhabhūv a. 368. In this sūtra the vvord jhalām is got by anuvrtti and the vvord jaśaķ is got by the force of ca. Thus this sūtra lays down that in the abhyāsa the jhal letters are substituted by car letters and jaś letters. Here the question arises as to vvhich jhal letters are substituted by car, and which by jaś . This question is to be ansvvered on the basis of No. 18; and our author has stated that jaś will be substituted forjha?; and car vvill be substituted for khay. Thus in the case under consideration bh will be substituted by b and thus we shall have babhūva . The forms babhūvatuķ and babhūvuķ (3rd du. and plr.) are to be similarly explained. 369. Novv before vve take up the 2nd sg. of y/bhū (p f), we have to note that lit is designated ārdhadhātuka. This we have indirectly noticed under No. 360. Here vve have to note this designation because it inducēs certain modifications in the base to vvhich such pratyayas are appended. 370. This sūtra lays dovvn the āgama it for the ārdhadhā tuka pratyayas beginning vvith a letter from the pratyāhāra vai. Novv in the present case the pratyaya tha (substituted for sip by No. 361), being ārdhadhātuka (No. 369) valādi, vvill take idāgama and then vve get the form babhūvitha (ali other operations taking place as in other forms explained above). The other forms, in vvhich idāgama occurs, are babhūviva and babhuvima (lst du. and plr.). The remaining forms also can be easily explained on the same lines as above. 140 Noies S 374 371. This novv brings us to the third lakāra, lut, vvhich, vve are told> is to be used to convey a m atter vvhich is anadyatana bhavisyat. In this sūtra, dhātoķ is got by adhikāra , vvhile bhavi§yat is got by anuvrtti. 372. This sūtra lays dovvn that sya and tāsi ( = tās) are to be appended to a root vvhen it is follovved by Ir and lut. The vvord dhātoķ is got here by adhikāra . It is further to be observed that Ir in this sūtra is intended to stand for tvvo lakāras, namely Irt and lrn . Furthermore, this sūtra constitutes an apavāda to Nos. 356 etc. laying dovvn the vikarctņa śap . Hence vve have bhū+tās+ti. 373. This sūtra lays dovvn The designation ārdhadhātuka for śesa (i.e. ali the other pratyayas, except tin and sit noticed in No. 355). The only point to be noted here is the adhikāra, dhātoķ (see No. 355 above). The pratyayas, sya and tāsi, can come under this term śesa and hence are ārdhadhātuka. This makes them amenable to No. 370 and hence they take the āgama it. (of course, as their ādya avayaya by No. 75). Hence novv vve get bhū+itās+ti. 3 7 4 . This sūtra lays dovvn that the endings of the first person of lut shall be substituted by dā, rau and ras. Here it has to be noted that this holds good in the case of both parasmp and ātmp endings. As for the ādeśa dā it should be observed that it is an ādeśa and cannot be called a pratyaya unless it is substituted for tip; and since it is not a pratyaya, d cannot be considered it (mute) acc. to No. 107. Thus at this stage it is anekāl and hence sarvādeśa. After substitution, hovvever, it becomes a pratyaya by sthānivad bhāva (No. 122); and then d in it becomes it (mute) by 141 S 374 Sārasiddhāntakaumudl No. 107. Thus we have now bhū itās ā — bhavilās ā . (by guņa and avādeśa acc. Nos. 357 and 22). 375. This sūtra lays down the elision of ti of bha before a dit pratyaya. In this sūtra the word bhasya is got by adhikāra and the vvords lopaķ and diti are got by anuvrtti . Thus strictly speaking this rule can apply in the case of a base that can be designated bha (acc. to No. 144). But the pratyaya dā cannot give rise to that designation for its base, because it has been laid dovvn in PA 2.4.85; vvhile bha sarajrtā applies only to ṭhose bases that are follovved by pratyayas laid dovvn betvveen PA 4.1.2 and PA 5.4.151. Hence our author has remarked that in this particular case, the base will drop its ti, even though it is not bha. Hence we get bhavit. ā .= . bhavitā. 376. In this sūtra the vvord j r ( = sakārādu pratyaye pare by tadādividhi) is got hy anuvTtti. Thus the sūtra lays dovvn the elision of (the final letter of) tās and asti ' ( = ^/as) vvhen follovved by a pratyaya beginning vvith s. For illustration see the next sūtra . 377. In this sūtra ali the vvords of No. 376 are to be read by anuvTtti and ri is to be understood to mean rādau pratyaye pare (like si in the previous sūira ). Thus before a pratya\'i beginning vvth r, the final 5 of tās and V as is elided. Thus we have the follovving forms: bhavitās+rau = bhavitārau. Similarly bhavitāraķ; and bhavitās+si = ' bhavitāsi. In the other forms bhavitāsthaķ etc. the operations can be similarly explained. 378. Novv vve come to Irt for vvhich sya has been alreadv laid dovvn (No. 372). In this sūtra, dhātoķ comes by adhikāra and bhavisyati is got by anuvrtti. The vvord śesa in this sūtra 142 N otēs S 382 means other than what is mentioned in the preceding sūtra (i.e. in PA 3.3.12). There vve find a mention of kriyārthāyām kriyāyām and hence śesa signifies kriyārthāyām kñyā yā m asatyām. But by the force of ca vve also get kriyārthāyām kriyāyām satyām. Thus practically this sūtra lays dovvn that /rt is used after a root vvhich is intended to convey an act of the future, vvhen the act may or may not be kriyārtha . Thus vve get: bhū+ syaJrti = bhū + i+sya+ti (No. 370) = bhū f isya+ti = (No. 128) = bhavisyati (No. 357 and 22). Similarly ali the other forms The forms bhavisyahti and bhavisyāmi, are to be explained on the analogy of bhavanti and bhavāmi. 37©. Novv vve come to lot, the sixth lakāra; for, the fifth lakāra (namely Iet) is found in the Veda only ( pañcamo lakāras’ chandomātragocaraķ, Bh.). In this sūtra, the vvord dhātoķ is got bv adhikāra and vidhinimantraņāmantraņādhīstasampraśnaprārthanesu is got by anuvrtti (from PA 3.3.161, No. 393 belovv). 380 . This sūtra lays dovvn the additional case, namely, a root intended to convey āśis, to vvhich lin and lot endings are appended. 381 In this sūtra the vvord lotaķ is got by anuvrtti, and eķ (gen. sg. of i ) is sthānasasthī. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that i of lot is substituted by u. Hence vve get bhū a ti = bhavatu. 382. Thu. sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśa tātan ( = tāt) for tu and hi (of lot 2nd and 3rd sg.) optionally, vvhen āśis is to be conveved. Here vve find that the ādeśa is anekāl and hence vvould be sarvādeśa (No. 42). But it is also nit and hence 143 S 382 Sārasiddhāntakaumudī vvould be antādeśa . Hence the question is how are vve to take this ādeśa? The ansvver is to be based on PA 1.4.2 (No. 94) and hence our author declares that this is to be understood as sarvādeśa ovving to paratva (of the rule prescribing it over the rule prescribing antādeśatva) . Thus novv vve have bhū+ a + tāt = bhavatāt (or bhavatu also vvhen tāt is not substituted). 383. In this sūtra lañvat means lañaķ iva. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that substitutions in the case of lot vvill be as in the case of laū, These are tāmādayaķ and salopa. 384. In this sūtra nitaķ is got by anuvrtti . Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśas tām, tam, ta and am respectively for tas, thas, tha and mip. Thus vve get bhū+ a + tas = bhavatām. The form bhavantu can be easily explained (see No. 381). (.salopa is laid dovvn in PA 3.4.99, No. 389). 385. In this sūtra lotaķ is got by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the substitute hi for si and declares it to be apit; for, othervvise it vvould be pit like its st'hānin (by No. 122). Thus vve have bhū+ a+ si = bhava hi. 386. In this sūtra, the word luk is got by anuvrtti; and ataķ is abi. of at ( = adanta añga by tadantavidhi and adhikāra). Thus this sūira lays dovvn the elision of hi after a base (artga) ending in a. Thus vve have bhava + hi = bhava. Here optionally tāt also c;an be substituted for hi (No. 382, vvhich is para to this sūtra) and thus we can have bhavatāt. The forms bhavatam and bhavata can be easilv explained. 587. Here also lotaķ is got by anuvrtti. This sūtra lays dovvn ni for mi in lot. Thus the position vvould be: b hū+ a+ ni = bhava+ni. 144 N oies S 392 383. Here also there is anuvTtti of lotaķ. This sūtra lays dov/n the āgama āt ( = ā) vvhich is to be considered pit. Thus vve get bhava + ni = bhava+āni = bhavāni. Here one may think of No. 381 and change the final i to u. But our author tells us that this cannot and should not be done. For hi and ni have been specifically laid dovvn as such. If utva vvas necessary or admissible, P vvould rather have laid them dovvn as hu and nu for lāghava. 389. In this sūira, the vvords sa uttamasya are got by anuvrtti, and it by tadantavidhi means sakārāntasya uttamasya. Thus this sūira lays dovvn the elision of the final s of the first personai endings of the nit lakāras. This is the salopa mentioned under No. 383 above. Hence vve get bhavāva and bhavāma. 390. Novv vve come to the seventh lakāra lañ (the first among the nit lakāras). This lakāra is laid dovvn in this sūtra in the sense of a past action not pertaining to this day. This sūtra is to be explained like Nos. 343, 360, 371, 378, etc. 391. In this sūtra, the vvord añgasya comes by adhikāra . This sūtra lays dovvn the āgama at ( = a) for the anga vvhen follovved by luñ, lañ, and Irñ. This at is declarcd to be udātta. Thus novv the position is abhū+ a+ ti = abhava ti. 392. In this sūira lasya comes by adhikāra (PA 3.4.77) ; and ñitaķ (3.4.99), lopaķ and parasmaipadasya are got by anuvrtti, and itaķ by tadantavidhi stands for ikārāntasya. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the elision of the final i of the ikārānta substitutes of the parasmp. la in the case of nit lakāras. Hence novv vve get abhavat. The other forms of lañ ( = impf.) namely abhavatām, abhavan, etc. can be novv easily explained. 145 S 393 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudi 393. Novv vve come to liñ vvhich is laid dovvn by this sūtra for roots intended to convey several senses such as vidhi, nimantraņa, etc. The vvords vidhi, nimantraņa, etc. have been explained by Bh. in S K . (Read: vidhiķ preraņam/ nimantiaņañi niyogakaraņam/ āmantraņañi kāmacārānujñā/ adhīstaķ satkārapūrvako vyāpāraķ/. For the other tvvo vvords read: idam kāryañi na veti vicārya nirdhāraņañi sampraśnaķ/ prārthanā yācñā/ B M .). 394. The vvord liñaķ is got in this sūtra by anuvTtti; and loc. is in the sense of gen. Thus this sū*tra lays dovvn that the parasmp liñ endings vvill have the āgama yāsut ( = yās) and it vvill be udātta and ñ it . Thus vve have the position: b h ū + a + ti = b h a va + y ā s+ ti = b h a va + y ā s+ t (No. 392). 395. The vvord sārvadhātuka is got in this sūtra by anuvTtti. This sūtra thus lays dovvn the elision of the non-final s of the sārvadhātuka liñ. Thus novv vve get bhava+yā+t. 396. In this sūtra yā is luptasasthīka vvord, and ataķ is abi. sg. of at; and sārvadhātuka is got by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the substitute iy for yā of a sārvadhātuka la ending, coming after a base ending in a. Thus novv the position vvould be b h a v a + iy + t = bhavey t (by guņa). 397. This sūtra lays dovvn the elision of v and y vvhen follovved by a letter of the pratyāhāra vai. Thus ultimately vve get bhavet (by elision of y). The form bhavetām can be similarly explained. In this sūtra the vvord liñaķ is got by anuvTtti. This sūtra lays dovvn the substitute jus ( = us) ( sarvādeśa because it is anekāl) for jhi in the case of liñ. Ali the other operations 398. 146 Noies S 404 are as in bhavet. So we get the form bhaveyuķ. The other forms such as bhaueķ, bhavetam, bhaveta, etc. are to be similarly explained. 39®. This sūtra lays down that the endings of the liñ used in the sense of āśis will have the designation ārdhadhātuka. Here liñ is luptasasthīka and means liñaķ (liñ9 which is got by anuvrtti ). 400. This sūtra is to be interpreted in the light of No. 394 above, which immediately precedes it in PA. It thus lays down that the āgama yāsut in the case of āśisi liñ is to be considered kit. Thus the position for 3rd sg. is bhū+yās+t = bhūyās+t (guņa prevented by kittva) = bhūyāt (PA 5.2.29). 401. In this sūtra kniti is nimittasaptamī; the words iko guņavrddhī and also na are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays down that the operations guņa and vrddhi will not take place when the factor indicating them is kit, git or nit. In the present case the nimitta for guņa is yāsut (No. 394). but it is kit (No. 400) and the guņa is prevented. Thus we have bhūyāt. The other forms bhūyāstām etc. can be easily explained as before. 402. Now we come to luñ which is laid down by this sūtra when the root is intended to convey a m atter of the past. The words dhātoh and bhūte are got by adhikāra. 403. This sūtra lays down the pratyaya cli for a dhātu when followed by luñ. This cli is an apavāda to vikaraņas like śap etc. Thus the position for luñ 3rd sg. is: bhū+cli+luñ. 404. This sūtra lays down the substitute sic ( = s) for cli (of luñ). Thus we get bhū+s+luñ. 147 S 405 Sārasiddhānlakaumudi 405. In this sūtra the vvord luk is got by anuvrtti . Thus this sūtra lays down the elision of sic in the case of the roots gā, s t h ā ghu, pā and bhū* vvhen follovved by parasmp . endings. It is to be noted here that gāti is a śtipā mrdeśaķ and means \/g ā . The term ghu is explained in P A 1.1.20 dādhāghvadāp. ^ b h ū is included in this sūtra; and hence after it sic vvill be dropped. Thus vve get bhūt+ti = abhūt ( adāgama by No. 391 and elision of i by No. 392). 406. The vvords sārvadhātuke guņo na are got in this sūtra by anui/rtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that there vvill be no guņa in the case of V bhū and V*m vvhen follovved by sārvadhātuka tin endings. Hence No. 357 does not apply here; and finally vve get the form abhūt. The other forms of lun of V bhū (such as abhūtām, abhūvan, a b h ū h ) abhūtam etc.) can be similarly explained. 407. Novv vve come to lrn (conditional). This sūtra lays dovvn that lrn shall be used after a root that is intended to convey a matter of the future under conditions calling for the use of lrn , vvhen it is irrnlicd that the evcnt or act has not been effected. The lin-nimittas are hetuhetumadbhāva , icchārthatva, etc. vvhich have been brought together by Bh. in the section named lakārārthaprakaraņa of his SK . The vvord bhavisyati ( arthe) is got by anuvrtti and dhātoķ by adhikāra. The vvord atipatti signifies anispatti. The force of the loc. here is brought out by the vvord gamyamānāyām. Thus for lrn 3rd sg. the position vvould be: abhū+sya+lr = abhū+ isya+ ti = abhavisyat. Ali the other forms of the cond. of \/b h ū (such as abhavi?yatām, abhavisyan, etc.) can be similarly explained. The sentence suvrstiś ced abhavisyat etc. illustrates the use of lrn. It mav be observed here that the relation betvveen 148 Notēs S 409 the two parts of this statement is that of cause and efīcct ( hetuhetumadbhāva) and that non-occurrence of the event in the latter part in the future is implied. Hence the use of this lakāra. Thus far we have studied the conjugation of yjbhū in ali the lakāras. Now we have to study that of V at (to w ander). The pr. 3rd sg. (i.e. lat) would be at+ a+ ti = atati. Ali the other forms of V at in lat can he obtained on the analogy of > /b h ū . 408. In this sūtra the words abhyāsasya and dnghaķ are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays down the dīrghatva of the initial a (of course, before lit). Thus we have at+lit = atat + a = āt+a — āta. Similarly are to be explained the forms ātatuķ, ātuķ, ātitha, etc. (of pf.). The 3rd sg. lut will be a t+ i+ tā s + ā = atitā. Similarly may be explained the remaining forms. The forms of Irt and lot 3rd sg. are atisyati and atatu. These and the remaining forms of these lakāras are to be explained like those of \/b h ū . 409. Now v/c come to lañ (of V «0* This sūtra (which comes immediately after No. 391 in PA) lays down that roots beginning with a vowel will take the augment āt ( = ā) instead of at ( a ) . Hence we have ā + at+ a+ ti = āta + t = ātat (like abhavat). The remaining lan forms can be obtained on the analogy of yjbhū. The forms of liñ (i.e. vidhi liñ) atet, etc. are to be explained like those of ^Jbhū ( bhavet, etc.). The 3rd sg. liñ (i.e. āśisi) of \/a t is atyāt ( yāsut āgama No. 394 and salopa by P A .8.2.29) ; aiyāstām is 3rd du. (like bhūņāstām). Similarly may be obtained the other forms. 149 S 409 Sārasiddhāntakaumudl ātis t Novv for luñ 3rd sg. the position is: ā atis ti = (No. 392). 410. In this sūtra the vvords halaķ and īt are got by anuvrtti, and astisicaķ is abi. sg. of astisic. (for detailed explanation of this vvord see B M ) . Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that a single consonant coming after sic ( = s of luñ) and of V as, actually existing, will have the augment īt ( = ī). Hence vve have atis+ī+t. 411. In this sūtra itaķ is abi. of it and means itaķ parasya; vvhile the vvords sasya and lopaķ are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the elision of s coming after i vvhen it is follovved by ī. Thus novv vve get āti+īt = ātīt. 412. But the elision of s (laid dovvn by PA 8.2.28, No. 411) is asiddha (not accomplished) for the operation of savarņa dirgha ekādeśa (laid dovvn by PA 6.1.10, No. 40) according to PA 8.2.1 (No. 3 1 ); and hence the form cannot be obtained. This objection is warded off by this vārttika vvhich lays dovvn that the elision of s is to be considered as siddha for the purposes of ekādeśa. Hence novv vve can have the form ātīt. The 3rd du. is ātistām. This and the other forms of luñ of V at can be explained on the analogy of those of V bhū . It is to be noted that here the sic is not elided as it is after ^Jbhū by No. 405. 413. In this sūtra the vvords jher jus and ñitaķ are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that jhi of a ñit lakāra coming after sic, abhyasta and y/vid is substituted by us. For abhyasta see PA 6.1.5, No. 482 belovv. Hence vve get the form ātisuķ. The other forms of (āśisi) liñ are ātiķ , ātistam, ātista, etc. vvhich can be similarly explained. The forms 150 Notēs S 416 of lrn such as ātisyat can also be explained on the ana!ogy of abhavisyat etc. of y/bkū\ The lat forms of V gad are obtained like those ofy/bhū or V a t : gadati etc. 414. For lit 3rd sg. the position is gadgad + a = gagad a. Now in the present sūtra, abhyāsasya is got by anuvrtti. This sūtra thus lays dovvn the substitution of cu for ku and h. Here it can be easilv understood that letters of the cavarga are to be substituted for letters of the kavarga respectively on the basis of bāhyaprayatnasāmya. The substitute for h, hovvever, is also to be determined on the basis of bāhya prayatna and it is jh. Thus in the present case vve get jagad+a. 415. In this sūtra the vvords nīti, ņiti and vrddhiķ are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūṭtra lays dovvn that the penultimate a of a base undergoes ifçddhi vvhen follovved by a ñit or ņit pratyaya. In the present case a ( = ņal) is ņit and hence vve get jagāda. The other forms such as jagadatuķ, jagaduķ, jagaditha, etc. can be easily explained on similar lines. 416. Novv for lit lst sg. the position is: jagad+a (as in 3rd sg.). Novv in this sūtra the vvord ņit is got by anuvrtti and thus the sūtra lays dovvn that the pratyaya ņal (substituted for mi by No. 361) is to be considered as being ņit only optionally. We have already seen the implication of mute ņ (in No. 415). In the present case it vvill take place optionally and hence vve get the forms jagāda or jagada. The other forms of lit, jagadiva and jagadima can be easily explained. There is nothing particular to be noticed in the lut, Irt, lot, lan, Un (vidhi ) , and liñ ( āśļsi) of V gad; and the 3rd sg. forms are gaditā, gadisyati, gadatu, agadat, gadet and gadyāt 151 S 416 Sārasiddhānlaltaumudi respectively. For luñ and Irñ we have to turn to the next sūtra. 417. In this sūttra, the whole of PA 7.2.1 (No. 442 below) and the words iti and vibhāsā. are got by anuvrtti . Thus this sūtra lays down the vrddhi of the a of a base beginning with a consonant optionally when follovved by sic. in the parasmp. Thus in the present case (i.e. luñ of V gad) we get agad+U = agārfit. For detailed explanation of ali the other operations scc Nos. 403-11 above. The Irñ forms vvould be agadisyat etc. vvhich can be easily explained like abhavisyat above. 41ft. For conjugating V gup we sūtra, This sūtra lays down the no specific mention is made of the is to be appended, implies that gup+āya. have to turn to the present suffix āya, The fact, that artha in vvhich this pratyaya it is svārtha. Thus we get 419. In this sūtra P lavs dovvn that bases vvith san etc. applied to them vvill be designated dhātu, The pratyayas covered by the term sanādi are put together in the follovving couplet: sankyackāmyackyañkyasāthācārakvibnijycLñau tathā/ yagāya iyañ ņiñ ceti dvādaśāmi sanādayaķ / / The pratyayasy 12 in number, have been laid dovvn by P in PA 3.1.5 upto PA 3.1.10, kamēr ņm. Novv gupa+āya becomes dhātu by this rule; and hence the lakāras can be appended to it. 420- 422. This and the next tvvo sūtras define the terms laghu and guru. A short letter i.e. a syllable having a short vovvel is designated hrasva. But if such a syllable is follovved 152 Noies S 42 by a sarayoga (conjunct consonant, No. 14), it is designated guru. Similarly a long syllable (i.e. a syllable having a long vowel) is designated guru. 423. In this sūtra the word angasya is got by adhikāra; ik a ķ comes by PA 1.1.3 iko guņavTdhl; and guņah is got by anuvrtii. Thus this sūtra lays down that the ik of a base ending in puk ( = p) and of a base having a short penultimate vvill take guņa vvhen follovved by sārvadhātuka and ārdhadātuka pratyayas (see No. 357). Hence vve get gopāyati. Forms of ali sārvadhātuka lakāras are to be similarly formed. 424. This sūtra lays dovvn that the pratyayas āya etc. are to be appended to the roots gup etc. (cf No. 418) only optionally when ārdhadhātuka pratyayas follovv. The āyādi pratyayas are āya3 iyan and ņ in (laid dovvn in PA 3.1.28-30) 425. PA 3.1.35 has laid dovvn. that ām vvill be appended to y/kās and roots formed by appending āyādi pratyayas in lit. The vārttikakāra, hovvever, has amended this rule by declaring that ām is to be appended to \fkās and to anekāc roots. Here the fact, that ām is enjoined as pratyaya, shovvs that m (in ām) is not mute. Thus novv vve get gopāya+ām. 426. In this sūtra the vvord ārdhadhātuke is got by adhikāra and is to be taken tvvice. Once it is to be construed vvith upadeśe ( =upadeśakāle ) ,and secondly it is to be construed as mmitta-saptami vvith reference to the lopa of a. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the elision of the final a of roots vvhich are adanta at the time of ārdhadhātukopadeśa , vvhen it is follovved by the ārdhadhātuka endings. Accordingly vve hṛve novv gopāyām. 153 S 427 Sārasiddhāniaķaumudī 427. In this sūtra the words leķ and luk are got by anuvrtti; and thus it lays dovvn the elision of li coming after ām. Accordingly gopāyām+li = gopāyām. 428. In this si'Ara the vvord āmaķ ( —āmantāt by tadanta vidhi) is got by anuz/rtti, and liti is to be understood to mean liti pare (yaķ krñ). Furthermore krñ is here to be understood as a pratyāhāra based on PA 5.4.50 upto PA 5.4.58, signifying the roots kr, bhū} and as. Novv since these roots are litpara, therefore, they vvill undergo dvitva (or abhyāsa) bv No. 363, and other operations also as noted above vvhile discussing lit formations of V bhū . 429. In this sūtra the vvord abhyāsasya is got by anuvrtti and angasya by adhikāra. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the r of the abhyša is substituted by a vvhen follovved by a pratyaya. Thus vve get, kr kr+a = kakr+a = cakr~\~a (No. 414) = cakāra (No. 162). Thus novv vve get the full form gopāyarricakāra. For 3rd du. the position is cakr+ atuķ vvhere bv No. 16, r (of cakr) should be changed to r. But it is prevented by the follovving sūtra as explained belovv. 430. In this sūtra the vvords acaķ ādeśaķ na are got by anuvrtti and the vvord dvirvacane has been used in the sense of dvitvanimitte (Read: dvir ucyate yena paranimittena tad dvirvacanara dvitvanimittam iti yāvat, B M .). It is further to be observed that the vvord dvirvacane is to be taken tvvicc: once to mean dvitvanimitta as explained above and again to mean dvitve kartavye. Thus this svdra lays dovvn that a vovvel vvill not take its substitute vvhen it is follovved by a vovvel causing reduplication and vvhen reduplication is yet to be made. In the present case dvitva is already made and hence the 154 Noies S 431 prohibition in this sūtra has no effect. The vowel r in cakr vvill, therefore, take yaņādeśa and vve have cakratuķ. Thus the final form of V gup vvill be gopāyām cakratuķ. Similarly plr. is gopāyāmcakruķ. 431. In this sūtra the vvords dhātoķ and na are got bv anuvrtti . The vvord ārdhadhātukasya is got by implication from the fact that the āgama it is possible only in the case of ārdhadhātuka pratyayas and as such can be negatived in their case only. Thus this sūtra prohibits the āgama it for ārdhadhātuka pratyayas in the case of roots vvhich are upadeśe ekāc (monosyllabic) and anudātta. V&T satisfies both these conditions and hence vvill not have the augment it; and hence vve have the forms cakartha, cakrva, and cakfma. By appending these to gopāyām vve novv get the forms gopāyavn cakartha etc. In the lst sg. (the pratyaya being optionallv ņit) the final vovvel vvill take vrddhi optionally. Hence the form vvill be gopāyāmcakāra or - cakara . Similarly are to be explained the forms gopāyāmāsa, -babhūva etc. Novv by No. 424 the pratyaya āya is appended only optionally and vve have seen so far the forms that vve get by appending it to V gup. When, however, it is not appended, the root gup is not anekāc and hence the āgama ām cannot be appended to it (see No. 425). Hence it vvill have reduplication (No. 363), retain only the first consonant of its abhyāsa (No. 365), have cutva (No. 414) and guņa of the penulti mate short (No. 423), and thus ultimately vve shall get the form jugopa. Similarly, can be explained the forms jugupatuķ , jugupuķ, etc. Here vve have to note the kārikās vvhich enable us to know vvhich roots are anudātta. In one couplet are brought 155 S 431 Sārasiddhānlaķaumudī together roots (ending in vovvels) vvhich are not anudātta and then vve are tolcl that among the ajanta roots, ali excepting those enumerated in this couplet are anudātta. Thus among monosyllabic ajanta roots, ali except those ending in ū, f and excepting the roots yu, ru, ksņu, si, snu, nu, ksu, āvi, di, śñ, vrñ and vrñ are anudātta. After this couplet, our author has given us a complete list of halanta roots vvhich are anudātta. Thcy are 103 in ali. He has arranged them alphabeticallv according to their endings. These lists vvill be useful in the application of No. 431 vvhich applies to anudātta monosyllabic roots only. 432. In this sūtra the vvord apit is got by anuvTtti from the preceding sūtra . By tadantavidhi, asariiyogāt means asam* yogāntāt (dhātoh or angāt). Thus this sūtra declares that an' apit lit ending (i.e. a weak pf. term ination), coming after (or appended to) a base not ending in a conjunct consonant, should be considered kit (i.e. having a mute A;). Novv P has laid dovvn that before a kit, git, or nit pratyaya the base vvill not undergo guņa operation. Thus pf. 3rd du. of V g u p is = jugup + atus = jugupatuķ (by rutva and visarga). Similarly 3rd plr. is jugupuķ . 433. In this sMra the vvhole of No. 370 is got by anuvTtti. This sūtra thus lays dovvn that the āgama it vvill be optional in the case of the roots svT, sū> (cl. 4 and cl. 2), dhū and ali roots having mute ū (long) appended to them. Novv in the absence of ām the position for 2nd sg. of V gup (this root is ūdit) vvill be : jugop+tha. Novv by this rule idāgama vvill be optional and hence vve have the forms jugopitha and jugoptha. In lut the pratyaya āya vvill be optional (No. 424). Thus vvith āya vve shall have the form gopāyitā (to be explained 156 N o ies S 436 like bhavitā above). In the absence of āya, V gup ( gupū) vvill have idāgama optionally and thus vve shall have the forms gopitā and goptā. Thus in ali vve have three forms. Ali the other forms of lut can be similarly obtained. In Irt also vve shall similarly have three form s: one vvith āya and tvvo vvithout āya, namelv gopāyisyati gopisyati, and gopsyati. In lot , lañ and ( vidhi ) liñ, the āya āgama is obligatory (No. 4 1 8 ); and thus vve shall have the forms gopāyatu, agopāyat, and gopāyet. In (āsīr) liñ, āya āgama vvill be optional (No. 4 24); and vve shall have the forms gopayyāt and gupyāt. Similarly, for luñ also the āya āgama vvill be optional, and vvith the āgama the form vvill be agopāyīt (like agādit explained under No. 417). But vvhen āya is not appended vve have agopīt. 434. In this sūtra añgasya comes by adhikāra and No. 4 4 2 (vvhole of it) comes by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the vovvel of the añga of the roots vad and vraj and of roots ending in a consonant takes vrddhi vvhen follovved by sic ( = j) in the parasmp. Thus agup~\~s+ti = agup sit (No. 410) = agaupñt (No. 434). Here V gup has not taken idāgama (as per option allovved by No. 431). 435. But vvhen it takes the āgama it, this sūtra lays dovvn that the vovvel of a consonantal base vvill not take vrddhi vvhen follovved by sic preceded by it. Thus vve have agop i s t = agop is it (No. 410) = agop i+ īt (No. 4 1 1 ) = agopīt. O • 436. In this sūtra the vvords lopaķ and sasya are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūira lavs dovvn the elision of sic ( = j) coming after a jhal and also follovved bv a jhal. Thus agup + s-\'tām = agaup+s + iām (No. 434) = agauptām (No. 436). Similarly are to be explained the forms agauptam, agaupta. 157 S 436 Sārasiddhāntakaumudi The forms agaupsuķ, agaupšiķ, agaupsam , etc. can be easily explained on the lines of agaupñt above. In lrn also V gup will take āya optionally and hence we shall get agopāyisyat (with āyū ) and agopisyat (without āya). Again when V gup does not take āya, it will take idāgama optionallv (No. 433). Now with idāgama the form vvould be agopisyat; vvhile vvithout it vve shall have agopsyat. Novv vve come to y/ksi. The forms ksayati (/flt), cik?āya, ciksiyatuķ, ciksiyuķ (lit) can be easily explained. Novv vve take up V tap . Its pr. 3rd sg. is tapati; and pf. 3rd sg is tatāpa. The forms of lat and 3rd sg. of lit can be easily explained. Novv for 3rd du. lit the position is tatap+ atuķ. 437. In this sūtrc the roots are mentioned vvithout any mute letter appended to them. Hence they are to be understood to stand for the corresponding root vvith one or even tvvo or even different mute letters. Thus kr here stands for d u kfñ ( ’ s /k f cl. 8) and k fñ ( V kr cl. 5 ). Similarly bhr stands for bhrñ ( y/bhr cl. 1) and dubhrñ (\fb h r cl. 3 ); and vr stands for z/rn (V vT cl. 9) and ziṭñ (VzT cl. 9). The vvord liti here is loc. in the sense of gen; and the vvords it and na are to be taken by anuvrtti from the preceding sūtra. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that only in the case of these roots the augment it vvill not be appended to lit pratyaya. This means that it vvill be appended in the case of ali other roots even if thev are declared to be anit . Hence in the case of V ksi, the augment it vvill have to be appended. 438. In this sūtra tāsvat means tāsi iva (read: tāsvad iti saptamyantād vatiķ, B M ) . The vvord dhātoķ is got on the strength of the thali (vvhich is impossible in the absence of 158 N o tē s S 440 a d h ā tu ) ; and acaķ by tadantavidhi means ajantasya (sc. dhātoķ). The word nityam is to be construed with anitaķ which is abi. sg. of anit ( bahuvñhi cpd). Lastly the vvords it and na are to be got into this sūtra by anuvrtti as in the last sūtra. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that a root, vvhich ends in a vovvel in the upadeśa (original enunciation) and is necessarily anit before tāsi (i.e. tās of the First Future), vvill not take the augment it before thal. Novv V ksi satisfies the conditions of this rule; and hence (against the implication in the preceding rule) vvill not take the augment it before thal. 439. In this sūtra on the strength of anuvrtti vve have to take the vvhole of previous sūtra (but for the vvord ac) together vvith ali the vvords that vvere got therein bv anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that a root vvhich contains a (short) a in the original enunciation and vvhich is anit before tās does not have the augment it appended to the ending thal after it. No. 438 and No. 439 both form exceptions to No. 437. No. 438 prohibities idāgama in the case of roots ending in a vovvel, vvhile No. 439 does the same in the case of roots having the vovvel a therein. 440. W ith ali the anuz/rtti as in the previous sūtra this sūtra lays dovvn that a root ending in r ( rtaķ = rdantāt dhātoķ) vvhich is anit before tās, does not have the augment it appended to the ending thal (of Pf. 2nd sg.) according to Bhāradvāja. This in other vvords means that thal vvill take the augment it after roots not ending in r. But since this is given as the vievv of Bhāradvāja, it follovvs that in the opinion of other authorities thal vvill not take the augment it (i.e. there vvill be prohibition of the augment it by No. 438). Thus ultimatelv vve get the option in the case of roots not ending in r. Hence vve get the 159 S 440 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudi forms ciksayitha (vvith idāgama) and ciksetha (vvithout idāgama) as pf. 2nd sg. of ^JksL The other pf. forms of V k si can novv be easily explained. The forms ksetā (Ist fut. 3rd sg.), ksesyati (2nd fut.), ksayatu (Im pv), aksayat (im pf), and ksayet (pot.) also can be easily explained. The teaching of these four sūtras (namely Nos. 437-440) has been conciselv put in the follovving complet: — ajanto’kāravān vā yas tāsy anit thali vedayam/ rdanta īdrn nityānit krādyanyo liti sed bhavetj / 441. In this sūtra the vvord angasya is got by adhikāra {PA 6.4.1); yi is got by anuvrtti and by pratya.yagrahaņaparibhāsā means yādau pratyaye pare; and by the force of the dñgha ādeśa vve get acaķ (by acaś ca, PA 1.2.28) vvhich bv tadanta vidhi means ajantasya (sc. angasya). Thus this sīitra lays dovvn that the vovvel of a base ending in a vovvel is lengthened before a suffix beginning vvith y, provided it is ncither a krt nor a sārvadhātuka t)ratyaya. Thus ksi + yās+ti = ksi + yās+t ( itaś ca, PA 3.4.100) = ksl + yās + t (No. 441) = ksī + yā + t (No. 400) = ksīyāt. 442. In this sūtra by the force of the vvord vrddhi vve get the vvord ikah (acc. PA 1.1.3), which by tadantavidhi means igantasya (sc. aūgasya, got by adhikāra). Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that a base ending in ik {i , u, r, ļ) takes guņa substitute for its (final) vovvel before ric (the sign s of the aorist) vvhen parasmaipada endings are appended to it. Thus vve get a + ksi + s + t ( t i - ’ -t bv PA 3.4.100)= a + ksai + s + t (No. 442) = aksai + s + 1 + t {PA 7.3.96) = aksaisīt. (aor. 3rd sg). cond 3rd sg is ak?esyat. 160 N otēs S 444 443. In this sūtra ādeśādi is a bahuvñhi cpd. qualifying angasya (got by adhikāra). Secondly, the word liti is nimittasaptarm and is to be construed with the word ādeśe (in the cpd. anādeśe). Finally, añgasya is avayavasasthl. Thus this sūtra lays down that a standing between eka hal (two single consonants) belonging to a base (añga) is changed to e, and the abhyāsa is elided, provided that the anga does not begin with an ādeśa caused by the following lit . It may be observed here that et and abhyāsalopa are got in this sūtra by anuvrtti . So also the word kiti . Thus tatap atuķ = tep atuķ = tepatuķ . Similarly tepuķ. 444. This sūtra is to be interpreted along with the pre ceding one; and thus lays down that the etva of a and abhyāsalopa laid down in the preceding sūtra will take place before set thal (i.e. tha of pf. 2nd sg. with the augment it — i). This had to be specially laid down because the previous rule holds good only before kit pratyayas; but tha is not kit and hence will not follow that rule. Furthermore, it has to be observed that these operations are laid down before set thal. Hence when the thal is not set (i.e. does not take the āgama it) etva and abhyāsalopa will not occur; and hence the form will be tataptha. (The augment it is optional by No. 433). The other forms of lit, namely tepathuķ, tepa, etc. can be easily explained. In the lst person the pratyaya is optionally ņit (No. 416) and hence we have tatāpa or tatapa. The forms of lut (taptā, etc.), Irt ( tapsyati), lot ( tapatu , etc.), lan (atapat, etc.), the two lins (tapet etc. and tapyāt, etc.), luñ ( atāpsīt, atāptām, etc.), and Irii ( atapsyat, etc.) can be easily explained. 161 S 444* Sārasiddhāniaķaumudl Thus ends the treatment of conjugation of parasmaipada roots of class I. For ātm p . we start with y/edh . 445. This sūtra lays down that in tit lakāras the āt?np la endings substitute e for their ti. In this sūtra the word lasya is got by adhikāra {PA, 3.4.77). Thus edh~\~a+te = edhate . Novv for 3rd pers. du. of lat the position is edh+a + ālām = edha āte (No. 445). 446. In this sūtra the vvord nit is got by anuvrtti . Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that sārvadhātuka apit la endings are to be considered nit. 447. The vvords ataķ and iy are got in this sūtra by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the initial ā of nit pratyayas coming after a is substituted by iy. Hence vve novv have edha+iy+te. Then by guņa (No. 27) and elision of y (No. 397) vve get edhete. The form of lat 3rd plr. is edha anta = edha ante=edhante (No. 257). 448. This sūtra lays dovvn the substitute se for thās (2nd s g .) ; and the form is ledhase. In this sūtra the vvord titaķ is got by anuvrtti and lasya by adhikāra. The remaining forms of the lat of V edh, namely edhethe, edhadhve, edhe, edhāvahe, edhāmahe can be similarly explained. 449. Novv vve come to the lit of V edh for vvhich this sūtra is required. In this sūira the vvords dhātoķ, ām and liti are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the pratyaya ām for a root beginning vvith a long vovvel except ā {ijādeķ gurumataķ) vvhen follovved by lit. This, hovvever, do^r-'-not. apply to \frcch. Thus in the present case vve get *>dha + ām Hit. 162 N o ies S 452 450. In this sutra the vvord pūrvavat is to be got by anuvrtti and the sutra is to be understood as containing two statements, namely āmpratyayavat etc. (The vvhole sūtra as it is) and pūrvavat krño’nuprayogasya. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn tvvo things: (1) The lit forms of vvill be used (after these roots) as after the base to vvhich ām is appended (i.e. in the pada of that base, irrespective of the kriyāphala going to the kartr or to some one else). (2) The forms of V^T will be used in that very pada and not the other. Thus y/edh is ātm p . Hence ātmp. forms of V * r are to be used after edha + ām; and thus vve get edhām+cakr + te. 451. This sūtra lays dovvn the substitutes eś ( —e) and irec ( = ire) for ta and jha of the lit respectively. Hence novv vve get edhām + cakr+e = edhāmcakre. The 3rd plr. vvould be edhamcakrire. The other forms of lit , namely edhāmcakr?e etc. can be similarly explained. Novv vve come to lit 2nd plr., for vvhich the position is edhām+cakr + dhve. 452. Novv this sūtra lays dovvn that dh coming after a base ending in iņ (i.e. i and u) is changed to dh, if it belongs to sīdhvam, lun or lit. In this sūtra, apadāntasya mūrdhanyaķ comes by adhikāra (PA 8.3.55) and iņaķ means iņantasya angasya (by tadantavidhi and adhikāra ). Hence the form is edhāmcakrdhve. The other forms of lit, namely edhāmcakre etc., can be similarly explained. Similarly vve have edhāmbabhūva and edhāmāsa. The forms of lut are edhitā etc. Here it has to be observed that in the 3rd person of lut the forms in both the padas are alike. The 2nd sg. is edhitās+se =edhitāse (No. 376). For 2nd plr. the position is edhitās+dhve (No. 445). 163 S 453 Sārasiddhāntaliaumudl 4 5 3 ;: This sūtra lays down the elision of s vvhen followed by d k : In this sūtra,- saķ and lopaķ are got by anuvTtti and dhi by tadantavidhi means dhādau pratyaye. Hence we get the form edhitādhve. 454. Now for lut lst sg. the position is edhitās+e (No. 445). This sūtra lays dovvn that the final j of tās and V as is sub stituted by h vvhen follovved by e. The vvords sa and tāsastyor are got here by anuz/rtti. Thus vve novv have the form edhitāhe. The dual and plr. forms, namely edhitāsvahe and edhitāsmahe can be easily explained. Similarly ali the forms of /rt, namely edhisyate , etc. can be easily explained. Novv vve come to lo t , for 3rd sg. of vvhich the position is edha + ta = edha+te (No. 445). 455. In this sūtra the vvord lotaķ is got by anuvrtti. Thus thiś*$iī*‘ra lays dovvn that in lo t e is substituted. by ām. Novv in the case under consideration vve shall get edhatām. In 3rd du. there vvill be iy ādeśa (Nos. 446 and 447) and the form vvill be edhetām. Similarly can be explained the form edhantām (3rd plr). For 2nd sģ. the position is edha + thās = edha+se (No. 448). 456. The vvords lotaķ and etaķ are got in this sūtra by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that e after s and v of lot takes the ādeśas va and am respectivelv. Thus vve have edhasva. The du. and plr. forms, edhethām and edhadvam can novv be>similṛrly explained. For lst sg. the position is edha + i = edha+e (No. 445). 164 N o ie s S 460 by of = be 457. In this sūtra the vvords lotah and uttamasya are got anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays down ;the substitution of e lot lst personai endings by ai. Thus we novv have edha + ai edhai. The other forms edhāvahai and edhāmahai can similarly explained. For lan the position is edha + lan = ā+edha+ta (No. 409) = aidha+ta (No. 203) = didhata. Ali the other forms of la n } such as aidhetām, aidhanta, etc. can be similarly explained. In ( vidhi) lin 3rd sg. the position is edha + ta. 458. This sūtra lays down the augment sīyut ( = sīy) for the Un endings. Now the augment yāsut has been laid down specifically for parasmp Un endings (No. 394). Hence this sūtra has to be understood as having reference to ātmp. tin endings only. Thus novv vve have edha+ñy+ta. Here the s of sīy is dropped (No. 395), y is dropped (No. 397), and we get edha+īta = edheta. Similarly is to be explained the form edheyātām. For 3rd plr. the position is edha+sīy+jha = aidhe+jha. 459. This sūtra lays dovvn the ādeśa ran for jha in lin. Thus vve get the form edheran. The forms of 2nd pers. such as aidhethāh etc. are to be similarly explained. For lst sg. the position is edha+i — e d h + ^ + i = edhey-fi. 460. This sūtra lays dovvn the substitute a for i . (substituted for Un lst sg.). Hence we get edheya. The forms edhevahi and edhemahi can be easily explained. Novv vve come to (āśisi) lin, for 3rd sg, of vvhich the position is: edh + ta — edh+sīy+'ta (No. 458) = edhiśīy+ta (No. 370) = edhisñy+ta = edhisi ta (No. 397). 165 S 461 Sārasiddhāniaķaumudi 461. Now this sutra lays down the āgama sut ( = s) for t and tha (belonging to the lin endings). Hence now we get edhisl+ s + ta = edhisīsta (s and t being changed to s and t respectively). In du. the y of sīy will not be elided and hence the form vvill be edhislyātām. In 3rd plr. jh vvill be substituted by ran (No. 459) and the form vvill be edhislran. In the same manner can be explained the remaining forms of liñ such as edhisisthāh , etc. Novv vve come to luñy for 3rd sg. of vvhich the position is aidhis+ta = aidhiçta. Similarly aidhisātām . 462. In this sūtra the vvords jhaķ and at are got by anuvTtti. The vvord anataķ is abi. sg. of anat (= m z+ a/) and means anāt (i.e. anakārāt) parasya. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the substitute at for jh in ātmp after baseś not ending in a. Thus 3rd plr. vvould be aidhis jha=aidhi§ata . The other forms of luñ such as aidhisthāh} aidhisāthām, etc. can be similarly explained. In 2nd plr. vve shall get aidhis+dhvam =aidhi+ dhvam (No. 453) = aidhidhvam (No. 452). The forms of the Ifñ, such as aidhisyata etc. can be easily explained. Novv vve take V pac = to cook. (dupacas in D P ). 463. This sūtra lays dovvn that the letters ñiy tu, and du forming the initial part of a root in upadeśa are to be considered it . The vvords dhātoķ, upadeśe, and it are got in this sūtra by anuvrtti (though our author has not taken the vvord upadeśe in his vTtti). The root pac is ubhayapadin and hence takes both kinds of endings. The forms can be easily explained. Thus pacati, -te (lat 3rd s g .); papāca, pecatuķ, pecuķ etc. 166 N otēs S 467 (lit parasm pf\ pece (lit ātm p ) ; paktāsi, paktāse (lut 2nd s g .); paksjati, -te (Irt 3rd s g .); pacatu, -tām (lot 3rd s g .); apacat, -ta (lan 3rd s g .); pacet, paceta (liñ 3rd s g .); pacyāt, paksīsta (āśisi liñ 3rd s g .); apāksīt, apakta (luñ 3rd s g .); and (ļpaksyat, apaksyata (Irñ 3rd sg.). Thus ends the treatment of bhvādi gaņa . Now we take up V ad (of class 2). 464. In this sūtra sūtra thus lays down and other roots (i.e. as atti, attaķ, adanti, the word luk comes by anuvTtti. This the elision of the vikaraņa śap after V ad of cl. 2). Hence we get the forms of lat etc. 465. The words adaķ and ghasļ are got in this sūtra by anuvrtti. This sūtra thus lavs dovvn the optional substitution of V ad by ghasļ (=ghas) before lit endings. Thus lit 3rd sg. vvould be ad + l — ghas+a = ghasghas+a = ■ ghaghas a = jhaghas a = jaghas a = jaghāsa. 466. In this sūtra the vvord upadhāyāh is got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the elision of the penultimate vovvel before kit and ñit pratyayas beginning vvith a vovvel. This, hovvever, does not occur before the Aorist vikaraņa añ (i.ef. of luñ). Thus for 3rd du. the position is jaghas atuķ = jagh+s ~\~atuķ = jak+ s+ atuķ. 467. This sūtra lays dovvn the substitution of s for s of the roots śās} vas, and ghas vvhen preceded by iņ (i.e. i, u) or ku (i.e. letters of the kavarga ). In this sūtra the vvord saķ is got by anuvrtti; and iņkoķ and apadāntasya mūrdhanyaķ come by adhikāra. Hence novv vve get jaksatuķ. Similarly jaksuķ. The other forms, namely jaghasitha etc., can be similar- 167 S 467 Sārasiddhānlaltaumudī ly explained. Now ghas is substituted for V ad only optionally. We have seen the forms of V ad { —ghas). The forms of V ad itself would be adad+a =aad+a = āda; ādatuķ; āduķ; etc. 468. In this sūtra the word thali is got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays down the āgama it for the ending thal ( = tha) after the roots ad} ry and vye. This augmentation is obligatory (and not optional, because the word vibhāsā is not anuvftta here). Henec 2nd sg. of V ad is: ad i+tha = ād+ i+ tha = āditha. The remaining lit forms of V ad can be easily worked o ut. The forms atta {lu t) y atsyati ( līt) , and attu, attāt, attām, adantu {lot) can be easily explained. Now we come to lot 2nd sg. of y/ad. 469. In this sūtra jhalbhyaķ = jhalantebhyaķ by tadantavidhi. Thus this S'utra lays down the substitution of dhi for hi {lot 2nd sg.) after \/h u and roots ending in a letter of the pratyāhāra jhal. Thus we novv get ad+hi = addhi. In the absence of this sūtra the substitution of h by dh vvould have been optional (by No. 67). Ali the other forms of lot can be easilv vvorked out. 470. In this sūtra the vvords aprkta and sārvadhātuka are got by anuvTtti; and sarvesām means according to ali authorities. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the aprkta {=ekāl) sārvadhātuka endings coming after V ad vvill take the augment at. Thus lin 3rd sg. vvould bc:ād+ t = ād+ a+ t = ādat. Similarly is formed ādaķ (2nd sg.). Ali the remaining forms of liñ of V ad can be easily vvorked out. The forms of {vidhi) liñ vvould be adyāt, adyātām} a d y u ķ etc. These can be easily explained by No. 394 {yāsut āgama) and No. 395 ( salopa ). 168 Notēs S 474 In (āśisi) liñ the forms are adyāt, adyāstām} etc. which can be explained on the analogy of similar forms of ^/bhū (Nos. 399-401). Now we come to luñ of V ad . 471. This ghasļ before vTtti). Thus ghas+cli+ti 472. sūtra lays dovvn that ad vvill be substituted by luñ and san, (the vvord a d a ķ being got by anu the position for luñ 3rd sg. vvould be ad+cli+ti = = aghas+cli+t. This sūtra lays dovvn that cli coming after a root of the pusādi, and dyutādi gaņas and a root having a mute ļ vvill be substituted by añ ( = a ) .T h e vvords cleķ and adi are got in this sūtra by anuvTtti. Secondly, it has to be noted that pus for the purposes of this sūtra is the root of the divādi gaņa. (see B M ). Thus vve have the forms aghas+a+t = aghasat. The other forms can be similarly vvorked out. The forms of Ifñ also, such as ātsyat, can be easily explained. Novv vve take up (cl. 2, ātmp.) 473. This sūtra lays dovvn that y/ši will take guņa before sārvadhātuka pratyayas. Hence lat 3rd sg. and du. forms vvill be śete, śayāte. For 3rd plr. the position is śī+ate. The present sūtra lays dovvn that at (ādeśa for jh, by No. 462) vvill take the augment rut ( = r ) after Vśī. Hence vve get śerate. Other forms vvith rudāgama are aśerata and śeratām. Ali the other forms of (in other lakāras) can be easily vvorked out. Thus vve have siśye etc. (/it), śayitā (lu t), śesyate (Irt), sētām etc. (lot), aśeta etc. (lañ), śayīta etc. (vidhi liñ), śayi^sta (āśisi liñ), aśayista (luñ) and aśayisyata (Ifū ). Novv vve take up V duh. 474. 169 S 475 Stvasiddhān 'aķaumudī 475. In this sūtra dhaķ is nom. sg. ( —dhakāraķ) and adhaķ is gen. sg. of adhā and means dhādhātubhinnasya ( — na tu dadhāteķ) . Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that t and th coming after jhas will be substituted bv dh, except in the case of V dhd. Hence vve get the forms dogdhi, dugdhaķ, etc. In the forms dhoksi, dhugdhve, dhoksyati, dhugdhvam, etc. (i.e. before terminations beginning 5 or. dhv), vve have to note that d of the root is substituted by dh (by No. 236). Ali the forms of V duh in ali the lakāras upto {vidhi) liñ can thus be easily vvorked out. For (āśisi) liñ the position is duh+si+ta = dhuk + sī+ta = dhuksī+ s+ ta = dhuksīsta . 476. This sūtra lays dovvn that jhalādi liñ endings and sic (ātmp) coming after a consonant preceded by ik ( = i, u, T ā or ļ) should be considered kit. This prevents guņa in the base. In this sūtra iko jhal and halantāc ca (PA 2.1.9-10) are got by anuvrtti. So is the vvord kit, from PA 1.2.5. The vvord ikah is sāmīpye sasthī, to be construed vvith h a l a h ; and ātmanepadesu has reference to sic onlv and not to liñ. The other forms of (āśisi) liñ of V duh are to be similarly worked out. For luñ 3rd sg. parasmp. of V duh the position is aduh+ cli+t. 477. In this sūtra śalaķ by tadantavidhi means śalantāt, to be construed vvith igupadhāt. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that ksa ( = 5 ) vvill be substituted for cli, not having the augment i, after a base ending in śal and having a penultimate ik (= i, u, Tā or ļ). Hence vve get adhuksat. 478. This sūtra lays down the optional elision of ksa vvhen follovved by dental tañ ātmp in the case of the roots duh, 170 Noies S 483 dih, lih and guh. Thus we have aduh+sa+ta = adhuksata or aduh+ta = aduh+dha = adugdha. 479. This sūtra lays down the elision of ksa before tañ beginning with a vowel. Here it has to be observed that by No. 20 the final a (of ksa) alone is elided. Thus now we have aduh+sa+ata — adhuk+s-\- ata = adhuksata. Similarly are to be explained ali the forms of luñ with vowel terminations such as adhuksātām, adhuksāthām, etc. Before consonantal endings the sa will be elided optionally (No. 478) and we shall have double forms, such as adhuksathāh or adugdhāh. The other forms can thus be easilv explained. The forms of Irñ also, such as adhoksyaty adhoksyata (3rd sg. parasmp. and ātmp.) can be easily worked out. Thus ends the treatment of adādi gaņa. For conjugation of cl. 3, we take V hu. 480. This sūtra lays down the substitute ślu for śap after roots of the third conjugation ( juhotyādi gaņa). The word śapaķ is got in this sūtra by anuvrtti. Thus we get hu+ a+ ti = hu+ ti (for lat 3rd sg.). 481. In this sūtra the words dhātoķ and dve are got by anuvTtti. This sūtra lays down the reduplication of the root before ślu. Thus we now get huhu+ ti = juhu+ ti (No. 414) = juhoti. The 3rd du. form juhutaķ can be easily explained. Now for 3rd plr. the position is juhu+ jha. 482. This sūtra lays down the designation abhyasta for the reduplicated base (as laid down in PA 6-1.6). 483. This sūtra lays down the ādeśa at for jh coming after abhyasta (as defined above). The word jhaķ is got here by anuvTtti. Thus we now have juhu+ati. 171 S 484 484. Sārasiddhānlaķaumudi In this sūtra śnu means śnupratyayānta; and the words oķy yaņ aci and anekāco3 sarhyogapūrvasya are got by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra lays down that the vowel u not preceded by a conjunct consonant belonging to an anekāc base of V hu and roots ending in śnu (i.e. roots of cl. 5) is substituted by yaņ ( = v) when followed by a sārvadhātuka pratyaya beginning vvith a vovvel. In the present case, therefore, the form vvill be juhvati. It may be observed here that in the absence of this rule u vvould have had the uvan ādeśa by No. 173 485. Now vve come to lit. The present sūtra lays dovvn that the roots bhī, h ñ , bhr and hu vvill take the pratyaya ām in lit and vvill undergo operations as before ślu. In this sūtra liti, ām and vā are got by anuvrtti. Thus for lit 3rd sg. the position would be: juhu+ām cakāra (āsa, babhūva) — juhavāmcakāra (-āsa, - babhūva ) ; or juh u + a = juhāva (vfddhi because the a is ņ it). The lit vvill have double forms ali through and they can be similarly vvorked out. The other forms, namely hotā ( lu t ), hosyati ( līt) , juhotu, juhutāt, juhutām etc. (lot), ajuhot, ajuhutām (lan 3rd sg. and du.) can be easily explained. For lan 3rd plr* the position is: ajuhu+jhi = ajuhu+ jm (No. 398). This sūtra lays dovvn that a base ( añga) ending in ik vvill take guna before jus (ādeśa for jhi). Hence vve get ajuhavuķ. In this sūtra the vvord guņaķ comes by anuvrtti. Then ikaķ is got by the paribhāsā sūtra, iko guņavrddhī, and by tadantavidhi means igantasya (angasya, got by adhikāra). The vvord aci, got by anuvrtti, means ajādau (jusi) by tadādividhi. The forms of other lakāras, such as juhuyāt 172 486. N o tē s S 490 (liñ), hūyāt (āśisi liñ), ahausīt (luñ) and ahosyat (lrñ) can be easilv vvorked out. Thus ends the treatment of juhotyādi gana. Novv vve take up V div (of cl. 4 ). 487. This sūtra lays dovvn that after V div and other roots of that class the vikaraņra syan ( = ya) vvill be added instead of śap. Thus vve vvould have div+ ya+ ti (for lat 3rd sg.). 488. In this sūtra the vvholč of PA 8.2.76 (No. 323) is to be got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the leng thening of the penultimate ik of a base ending in r or v vvhen follovved by a consonantal pratyaya. Hence novv vve have dīvyati. The forms of other lakāras, namely dideva (lit), devitā (lut) devisyati (Irt), dīvyatu (lot) adīvyat (laii), dīvyet (lin), dīvyāt (āśisi liñ), adevit (luñ), and adevisyat (lrn) can be easily vvorked out. Thus ends the treatment of divādi gana. 489. Novv vve take up ^ su (cl. 5 ). This sūtra lays dovvn the vikaraņa śnu ( —nu) for \/su and other roots of this class (i.e. cl. 5 ). This, of course, is an apavāda of No. 356 above. Thus the lat forms of V su vvould be sūnoti, sunutaķ, sunvanti etc. 490. In this sūtra the vvord asya refers to the ukāra, spoken of in PA 6.4.106 (No. 491), vvhich has to be asañfiyogapūrva and pratyayasambandlñ. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that u of aṭ pratyaya not preceded by a conjunct consonant is elided optionally vvhen follovved by m or v. Accordinglv in lat lst du. vve have sunu + vaķ = sunuvaķ or 173 S 490 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudī sunvaķ. Similarly plr. vvould be sunumaķ or sunmaķ. The lat ātmp. forms, such as sunute, sunvāte, sunuvahe , sunvahe , etc. are to be similarly vvorked out. The forms of the other lakāras, such as susāva, susuve (lit), sotā (lut), sosyati, so§yate (līt)ā sunotu , sunutāt etc. (lot) can be easilv explained. For lot 2nd sg. the position is sunu+hi. In this sūtra the vvords heķ and luk are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the elision of hi (2nd sg. ending) after u of a pratyaya vvhen it is not preceded by a conjunct consonant. Accordingly novv vve get sunu; and vve may also have sunutāt. The lot 3rd and 2nd person forms of su can be similarly explained. This sūtra has been explained above (No. 388). Accordingly lst pers. parasm. forms vvould be sunu+ā-\~ni = sunavāni; sunavāva sunavāma. In ātmp. the forms vvould be sunu + ā+i = sunavai; sunavāvahai, sunavāmahai. The forms of lañ, namely asunot, etc. and asunuta , etc., can be similarly explained. The 3rd sg. and du. liñ (vidhi) forms of \/su are sunuyāt, and sunuyātām. For 3rd plr. the position is sunu+yā+us. In this sūtra ekaķ pūrvaparayoķ comes by adhikāra (.PA 6.1.75) and the vvords āt and pararūpam come by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra lavs dovvn the pararūpa as ekādeśa vvhen iz or ā not standing at the end of a pada is follovved hy u (of it*). Accordingly vve novv get simuyuķ. The other parasmp. forms of liñ and also those of ātmp. can be casily vvorked out. The forms of āśisi Un are sūyāt (3rd sg. paras?np), sutsīsta, suñyāstām , susīran (3rd sg., du., plr. ātmp) also can be easilv explained. Novv vve come to luñ . 445). 174 493. 492. 491. Noies S 498 494. This sūtra lays down the āgama it for sic after the roots stu, su and dhū when parasmaipada endings are appended. The words sicaķ and it come in this sūtra bv anuvrtti. Thus 3rd sg. parasmp of luñ of \/su vvould be asu+s-r t ~ asu+ i+ s+ ī+ t — asu+i+it — asāvīt. In ātmp the form would be asosta. The lrn forms, nameiv asosyat, etc. can be easily explained. Thus ends the treatment of svādigaņa. 495. Now wc take up \/tu d (d . d). This sūtra lays down śa instead of śap. for roots of class 6. The forms of V tud in various lakāras in both the padas can be easilv vvorked out. tudati, tudate { la t): iutoda, hitoditha , tulude {lit) ; tottā {lu t); tOiSyaū, totsyate {Irt) ; tudaiu, tudatām {lot); tudet , tudeta {liñ); aludat, atudata {lan) ; tudyāt, tutsīsta {āśisi lin); aiautsīt, atutta {luñ); atotsyat, atotsyata (/rñ ). Thus ends the treatment of tudādigaņa. 496. Novv vve take up ^frudh (cl. 7). DP gives the root as rudh ir. This vārttika lavs dovvn that ir (in such cases) should be declared to be it. Thus the ac.tual form of the root is rudh as given above. 497. This sūtra lavs dovvn the vikaraņa śnam {= na) instead of śap for roots of class 7. Thus lat 3rd sg. vvould be rudh~\~ti — ru+na + dh + ti = ruņaddhi. For du. the position is ruņadh+taķ. 498. In this sūtra the vvords sārvadhātuke and kñiti come by anuvrtti; and śnasoķ is gen. du. of śnas {—śna and as). Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the a of the vikaraņa śnam and of V as vvill be elided vvhen follovved by sārvadhātuka kit and nit endings. Thus rundh+dhaķ = runddhaķ; Similarlv runddha (2nd plr.). The parasmp. forms of ^Jrudh in various lakāras can thus be easilv vvorked out. In ātmp. 175 Sārasiddhāntakaum udl S 498 the forms in lat are runddhe, rundhāte etc. The forms of the other lakāras in both the padas a re :— rurodha , rurudhe (lit); roddhā (lu t ); rotsyati3 rotsyate (Irt ) ; rvņaddhu , rundhāt, runddhām , etc., runddhām , rundhātām etc. (lot ) ; aruņat, arunddhām , arundhan (lañ 3rd sg, du, plr. parasmp). 499. In this sūtra , the sūtra sipi dhātor rur vā is got by anuvrtti; and daķ by tadantavidhi means dakārāntasya (dhātoķ, got by adhikāra). The word padasya also is got by adhikāra (and means padāntasya). Thus this sūtra lays down, that the final d of a pada belonging to a root ending in d is changed to ru (r) vvhen follovved by sip (=si. of 2nd sg), optionally. Hence vve get aruņadh si = aruņat+s = aruņat or aruņad or aruņaķ (lan 2nd sg. parasmp). Ali the other forms of lan parasm. and ātmp can be easily vvorked out. The forms rundhyāt, rundhita (lin), and runtñsta (āśisi lin) can be easilv explained. In this sūtra the words dhātoķ , cleķ, an and parasmaipadesu are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the substitution of cli by an in the case of roots having mute ir in DP. Accordingly vve get a+rudh~\~ eli+t = arudh+a+t = arudhat. When, hovvever, an is not substituted for cli, the form vvould be arautñt vvhich can be easily explained. Ali the other forms of lin can be easily worked out. The 3rd sg. ātm. luñ is aruddha; vvhile arotsyat, arotsyata are lrn 3rd sg. parasmp and ātmp. respectively. Similarly are to be conjugated the roots bhid, chid , and yuj (ali irit roots). Thus ends the treatment of rudhādi gaņa. 501. 500. Novv vve take up y/tan (class 8). For roots of this class and y k r , this sūtra lavs dovvn the vikaraņa u instead of śap. 176 Noies S 505 Thus we get the following forms: tanoti, tanute ( lat), tatāna, tene (lit), tm itā (lu t), tanisyati, tanisyate ( līt) , tanotu, tanutām (lot), atanot, atanuta ( la ñ )9 tanuyāt, tanvīta (liñ), tanyāt, tanisīsta (āśisi liñ )y atarñU atānīt (luñ parasmp ). Ali these can be easily worked out. 502. In this sūtra the words sicaķ, luk, and vibhāņā are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays down the elision of sic before the endings ta and thās optionally. Thus we have the forms atata, atathāh ; and atanista and atanisthāh (when sic is not elided). Here it has to be observed that ta is 3rd sg. ātmp. ending and not 2nd plr. parasmp. ending. The forms of 2nd plr parasm. would be atanista or atānista. The forms of Irñ, such as atanisyat, atanisyata can be easily explained. Now we take up \/k r (cl. 8). The 3rd sg. lat would be kr+ u + ti = karoti. 503. The words upratyayāntasya and krñaķ are got in this sūtra by anuvrtti. So also the word kñiti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the substitution of u for a of k? ending in the vikaraņa u vvhen follovved by sārvadhātuka kit or nit endings. Hence 3rd du. lat vvould be kr+ u + ta ķ = kar+u + taķ = kurutaķ. For 3rd plr. the position is kuru+anti. 504. This sūtra prohibits the elongation of the penultimate a laid dovvn by PA 8.2.77 (No. 488) in the case of bha ending in r or v and also in the case of kur (VAr) and chur. Hence we have kurvanti. Forms of 2nd person of V^T parasm can be easily vvorked out; and lst person sg., kar omi is also easy. For lst du. and plr. the position is kuru+ vaķ (kuru m ah). 505. In this sūira the vvords utaś ca pratyayāt (from No. 491) and the vvords lopaķ mvdh (from No. 490) are got by anu- 177 S 505 Sārasiddhānialtaumudi i/rtti. Thus this sūtra lays down that the elision of u belonging to a pratyaya before m and v is obligatory in the case of ^Jkr. Hence we now have kurvaķ, kurmaķ. Similarly in ātmp. Wc shall have kurvahe, kurmahe. The other forms of ^ kr in lat can be easily worked out. The forms of y jkr in lit, such as cakāra, cakartha, cakrva, and cakre, can be easily explained. So also kārtā ( lu t ). etc. 506. This sūtra lays down the āgama it for sya (of Irt) in the case of roots ending in r and also of V han, (The word it being got by anuvrtti). Hence now we have kT+sya+ti=kar+ isya+ti = karisyati. In ātmp, we get karisyate. The forms of lot such as karotu and kurutām, and of lan such as akarot and akuruta can be easily vvorked out. 507. In this sūtra the words lopaķ* asya (=pratyayokārasya) . karoteh are got by anuvrtti; and ye means yādau pratyaye (pratyaya vvhich is implied by aūgādhikāra). Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the elision of u of kuru ( y /k r ) before yakārādi endings. Hence in lin vve have kuru+yāt=kuryāt. In ātmp. vve shall have kurvīta. The other forms of liñ can be similarly vvorked out. 508. In this sūtra the vvords yi and akrtsārvadhātukayoķ are got by anuvrtti and are to be construed vvith liñ only (and not vvith śa and yak also). Thus they mean yādāv ārdhadhātuke lini. Secondly the word rtaķ also is got by anur/rtti and means rdantasya añgasya (by tadantavidhi and adhikāra). Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that r final of a base (añga) ending in r vvill be substituted by ri before śa, yak and yakārādi ārdhadhātuka liñ (i.e. āśisi liñ). Hence we get kr+yāt = kriyāt (in parasmp). 178 N oies S 513 509. This sūtra lays down that jhalādi lin and ātmanepadapara sic coming after roots ending in r are to be considered kit. In this sūtra the vvords jhal ( = jhalādi by tadādividhi ) , kit and the whole of No. 476 are got by anuvrtti; and uķ is gen. sg. of r and means fvarņāt. The effect of this sūtra is to prevent guņa. Hence we get the form kr sista- The other forms of (āśisi) lin can be similarly vvorked out. The forms of lun parasmp. Such as akārsit also can be easily explained. 510. This sūtra lays dovvn the elision of sic after a base (anga) ending in a short vovvel. In this sūtra the vvords jhali and lopaķ are got by anuvrtti. Thus in lun ātmp. vve get akr+ s+ ta — akrta. The other forms of this lakāra can be easily vvorked out. The forms of lrn also such as akarisyat and akarisyata can be easily explained. 511. This sūtra lays dovvn the āgama sut for V kr vvhen preceded by the prefix sam or pari. (The vvord sut is obtained here by anuvrtti). Thus lat 3rd sg. is samskaroti. The forms of other lakāras can be easily vvorked out. Thus ends the treatment of tanādi gaņa. 512. Novv vve come to y jk ñ (cl. 9 ). This sūtra lays dovvn the vikaraņa śnā ( = nā) for this gaņa instead of śap. Thus lat 3rd sg. of y /k ñ vvould be kñņāti. 513. In this sūtra vve get by anuvrtti the vvhole of No. 514 and also the vvords kniti and sārvadhātuke. Thus this sūtra Iays dovvn the substitution of ī for ā of the vikaraņa śnā and of the abhyasta bases vvhen follovved by sārvadhātuka consonantal kit or nit pratyayas. Hence vve get k ñ + n ā + ta ķ = kñņītaķ. 179 S 514 Sārasiddhānialṭaumudī 514. In this sūtra the vvords lopaķ and sārvadhātuke kniti are got by anuvTtti . Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the elision of ā of bases ending in śnā and of the ābhyasta bases before kit and nit sārvadhātuka pratyayas. Thus vve get k ñ + nā + anti = kñ + n + a n ti = kñņanti. Ali the forms of ali the lakāras can novv be easily vvorked out. Thus vve get the follovving forms: krīņāsi etc. (lat), kñņitie etc. (lat ātm p), cikrāya, cikriye (lit), kretā (lu t), kresyati, kre?yate, (tīt), kñņātu, kñņītām (lot), akñņāt, akñņīta (lan), kñņīyāt} kñņīta (liñ), kñyāt} kresīsta (āśisi lin), akraisīt, akresta (luñ), and akresyat, akresyata (Irñ). Thus ends the treatment of kryādigaņa. 515. Novv vve take up V cur (class 10), for vvhich this sūtra lays dovvn the pratyaya ņic ( —i) vvithout any change of meaning. This pratyaya is laid dovvn here for the bases satyāpa etc. and the curādi roots, in addition to the vikaraņa śap (and not instead of it, as in the case of roots of other gaņas ). Thus vve get, cur+i+a~\~ti = cor + e+ a+ ti = corayati. Similarly vve can get the remaining forms of lat . 516. In this sūtra the vvords ātmanepadam and kartra bhiprāye kriyāphale are got by anuvTtti; and the vvord ņicaķ by the pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā means ņijantāt. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that ātmp endings vvill be appended to ņijanta bases (añgas) vvhen the kriyāphala is intended to go to the aģent. Thus from V cur vve have: corayate (lat), corayāmcakre, corayāmbabhūva, corayāmāsa ( li t) ; corayitā (lu t), corayatu, corayatām (lot), acorayat, acorayata (lañ), corayet, corayeta (liñ). 180 N oies S 522 517. In this sūtra the word ārdhadhātuka is got by adhikāra and lopaķ is got by anuvTtti. The word aniti by the pratyaya grahaņaparibhāsā means anidādau. Thus this sūtra lays down the elision of ni (= i) before ārdhadhātuka pratyayas not beginning vvith it ( = i). Thus in āśisi lin we get cur+ i+yāt = coryāt. But in ātmp vve get corayisista (because the pratyaya is not anidādi). 518. Novv vve come to lun . This sūtra lays dovvn that can vvill be substituted for cli in the sense of kartr after ni (i.e. bases ending in ņi) and the roots sru, dru, and śñ. Hence for lun 3rd sg. parasmp . vve have cur+ i+ a+ t = cor+i+at. 519. This sūtra lays dovvn that the penultimate vovvel of the base (anga) before ņi will be shortened vvhen follovved by can. Thus cor+i+at = cur + i+ a t (by No. 233). 520. This sūtra lays dovvn the reduplication of the prathama avayava (i.e. ekāc) of monosyllabic roots, vvhich is not abhyāsa, vvhen follovved by can; and of the dviñya avayava (i.e. ekāc), if the root begins with a vovvel. In this sūtra the vvords ekāco dve prathamasya and ajāder dviñyasya are got by anuvrtti ; and the sūtra (No. 363) also is so obtained but for the vvord liti therein. Thus by reduplication novv vve get cucur+i+at. 521. Novv this sūtra lays dovvn that the abhyāsa of a base (añga) follovved by ņi and cañ is to be operated upon as before san, provided it is laghupara. Thus in the present case cu in cucur is to have sanvatkārya. 522. This sūtra lays dovvn that in the case of sanvadbhāva, a short vovvel is to be substituted by a long one. Hence vve shall novv have a+ cūcur+ i+ at = acūcurat. In ātmp vve shall 181 S 522 Sārasiddhānlal(aumudl have acūcurata. The forms of lrn such as acorayisyat and acorayisyata can be easily vvorked out. Thus ends the treatmentof ten gaņas. 523. This sūtra lays down the designation kartr for one that is intended to be mentioned as being independent as regards the performance of the action. 524. This sūtra is meant to lay down the designation hetu. The vvord tat in this sūtra refers to the kartr of the previous sūtra. Thus according to the present sūtra the prayojaka of that kartr (as defined above) has the designation hetu. The word ca in this sūtra is meant to imply the samuccaya of the designa tion kartr (of the last sūtra) - Thus the prayojaka of the prayojya aģent is both hetu and kartr. 525. The vvord hetumati in this sūtra means prayojakanisthe preranādau vyāpāre vācye. (Read: hetuķ prayojaka ādhāratayā asyāsñti hetumān, B M .) . In this sūtra the vvords dhātoķ and ņic are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that ņic vvill be affixed to a root vvhen (by the lakāra appended to it) the preraņā ( urge) given by the hetu (the prayojaka) to the original aģent is intended to be conveyed. This is illustrated in the statement bhavantam prerayati = bhāvayati. In this case the ņic in bhāvayati conveys the preraņā given by the hetu (or the prayojaka kartr ) to the kar ir of the original act (conveyed by V b h ū ) . This is shovvn by the vvord bhavantam. (R ead : bhūdhātvarthasya bhavanasya mukhyakartā yajvā, tasya yajvabhavane pravartayitā yājakādiķ prayojakaķ, tannisthāyām preraņāyām bhūdhātor ņic, vrddyāvādeśau , bhāve iti ņijantam / tasmād bhavmānukūlavyāpārārthakāi lati bhāvayati iti rūpam ļ B M .). Ali the forms (of ņijanta) of ali the lakāras are to be worked out like those of the curādigaņa. 182 N oies S 527 526. In this sūtra the vvord añgasya comes by adhikāra and the vvord sara by anuvTtti. So are the vvords it and abhyāsasya. The vvord apare is a bahuvñhi cpd. and means ‘follovved by a \ Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the u of the abhyāsa (reduplicated syllable) of the base (anga) before san vvill be changed to i vvhen it is followed by a consonant of the pavarga, a letter from the pratyāhāra yaņ) or j that are followed by a. Thus vve have bkū+ i+ at = bhūbhū + at — babhū+at — bibhū + at = abībhavat. The remaining forms of lun can be similarly explained. Here the reduplication and sanvadbhāva occur according to Nos. 520-21 above. Thus ends the treatment of hetumaņnyanta. 527. In this sūtra san is got by anuvrtti. Furthermore karma ņaķ means icchākarmaņaķ and is to be construed with dhātoh. Thus dhātoķ karmaņaķ means: of the root vvhich expresses an act (or vyāpāra) vvhich is the object of icchā. (icchākarmibhūto yo vyāpāraķ tadvācakād dhātoķ B M ). Similarly samāna kartrkāt also has reference to icchā and hence signifies: a dhātu whose kārtā is the same as that of the icchākarma dhātu as explained above. In simpler terms this sūtra lays dovvn the pratyaya san to convey desire, for a dhātu whose karlr is identical with that of the icchā (or y/is) and which conveys a sense of vyāpāra (or an act), that forms the object of icchā. Thus, for example, in pipathisati, san is appended to y path. For, the kartr of icchā (or icchati) and of V path (or pathitum) is the same; and at the same time V path conveys a vyāpāra or an act vvhich is the karman of icchā. B M has very succinctly expressed ali this idea as follovvs : evañ ca icchāsamānakartrkatve sati icchākarrrñbhūto yo 183 S 527 Sārasiddhānlaltaumudī vyāpāraķ tadvācakād dhātoķ ityarthaķ/ Thus šarmanta of V path vvould be path+ sa+ ti = p a th+ i+ sa+ ti (by idāgama ). 528. In this sūtra, the sūtras ekāco dve prathamasya ( PA 6.1.1.) and ajāder dviñyasya {PA 6.1.2) are got by adhikāra; and the vvords dhātor anabhyāsasya are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the reduplication of the first (or the second) syllable of non-reduplicate roots, before the pratyayas san and y a n . Hence vve novv have papath-\- i+sa + ti. 529. In this sūtra the vvords abhyāsasya and it are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the substitution of i for a of the abhyāsa before san. Thus novv vve have pipath+i + sa+ ti = pipathisati ( = pathitumicchati ) . Karm aņaķ kim etc. In these vvords our author has shovvn vvhy the vvords karmaņaķ and samānakartrkāt in No. 527 above are necessary. In the statement gamanenecchati, the gamana is not the karman of icchā (or icchati), though it is samānakartrka vvith it. In the second statement pathana {pathantu) is the karman of icchā (or icchati), but it is not samānakartrka vvith it. Thus in the former is violated the condition laid dovvn by the vvord karmaņaķ, vvhile the latter violates that laid dovvn by the vvord samānakartrka. Hence san cannot be appended to V path in these statements. If the vvord karmaņaķ is dropped from the sūtra, in statements like gamanenecchati san vvill have to be admitted; vvhile if the vvord samānakartrkāt is dropped, statements like śisyāķ pathantu iti icchati guruķ vvill fall under the sūtra and admit the use of san. But san can be admitted in neither. This shovvs that inclusion of both these vvords laying dovvn tvvo conditions is quite necessary. For san to be appended both the conditions must be satisfied simultaneously. Thus ends the treatment of sannanta. 184 Noies S 532 530. This sūtra lays dovvn that the pratyaya yan ( = ya) vvill be appended to a monosyllabic root beginning with a consonant to indicate (or imply) kriyāsamabhihāra. This term is explained as meaning repeated performance ( paunaķpunya) and intensity of the act ( bhrkārtha ). It may further be observed here that this kriyāsamabhihāra is only dyotya (and not vācya) by this pratyaya (unlike san, vvhich is expressive, vācaka, of iccārtha). 531. In this sūtra the vvord abhyāsasya is got by anuvrtti; and the luk meant is that of yan only (and not of any other pratyaya ). Thus this sūtra lays down the guņa of the abhyāsa before yan or yañluk (i.e. elision of yan). Here it has to be noted that No. 528 has already laid dovvn abhyāsa before yan (and also yanluk by pratyayalaksoņapribhāsā) . This sūtra lays dovvn the guņa of the abhyāsa. Thus to convey the sense, punaķ punaķ ( atiśayena vā) bhavati, this pratyaya is to be used; and thus we get: bhūbhū+ ya+ ta = būbhū+ya + te = bobhūyate. Thus ends the treatment of yananta. In this sūtra by anuvTtti vve have the vvords karmaņaķ (as in No. 527 above) means iccākarmaņaķ, and ātmanaķ stands for the icchākartā himself. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the pratyaya kyac ( = ya) vvill be appended to a sup ( = subanta by tadanta vidhi) vvhich is the karman of icchā when that object is desired by the desirer ( icch ā ka rtr ) for himself. (Read: svasmai yad . isyate karmakārakam tadvrtteķ subantād icchāyām kyaj vā syāt, B M .). Thus vve have putram + ya+ ti. icchāyām vā. The vvord karmaņaķ 532. 185 S 533 Sārasiddhānlalṭaum udī 533. The word luk is got in this sūtra by anuvrtti; and dhātuprātipadikayoķ is avayavasasthī. Thus this sūtra lays down the elision of sup endings belonging to what has the designation dhātu or prātipadika. Now No. 419 {PA 3.1.32) lays down the designation dhātu ior formations in san etc. (see Notēs on No. 4 1 9 ); vvhile^Nos. 96-97 {PA 1.2.45-46) lay down the designation prātipadika (see Notēs on Nos. 96-97). Here we may also remember the remark in the kāśikā in this connection, namely tadantargatās tadgrahaņena grhyante. Thus the ending sup of putrām vvill be elided, because the vvhole formation has the designation dhātu by No. 419. Thus vve have putra+ya + ti. 534. In this sūtra the vvords asya {avarņasya) and l are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that a base {anga, got in this sūtra by adhikāra) ending in a (tadantavidhi ) vvill substitute i (for its final a) before kyac. Hence putñyati. Ali the other forms from this base can novv be easily vvorked out. The vvord putñyati means putrām ātmanaķ icchati. Thus ends the treatment of nāmadhātus. 535. In this sūtra the vvord dhatūbhyaķ is got by adhikāra. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the suffbc yak ( = ya) for the roots belonging to the kaņdvādi gaņa, vvithout any change of meaning. Here it has to be noted that this yak is obligatory and not optional like san, yan and such other pratyayas. Secondly, it is to be observed that these vvords, namely kandū etc. are tvvofold; they are either nouns or dhātus. The pratyaya yak is to be appended to the dhātus and not to nouns. (Read: dvidhā hi kandvādayaķ, dhātavaķ prātipadikāni ca, S K ). Thus from A /ka ņ d ū (P and A as shovvn by mute ñ in kaņdūi i), vve get kaņdū+ ya+ ti —kaņdūyati. Similarly kaņdūyate, etc. 186 Notēs S 537 536. This sūtra lays down that ātmp. endings will be appended to a root when it is followed by a vikaraņa denoting kartr to imply or indicate karmavyatihāra. The word ātmanepadam is got in this sūtra by anuvrtti. The word samabhivyāhāra means vinimaya. This may occur when one does something vvhich ordinarily should be done by some one else. It also occurs vvhen an act is performed by tvvo persons mutually to one another. (Read: parasparakaraņam api vyatihāraķ iti kaiyataķ} BM . Kaiyata’s remark is: yatrānyasambandhinvth kriyām anyaķ karoti itarasambandhimrh cetaraķ sa karmavyatihdraķ). The illustration vyatilunīte> as explained by Bh.. BM . and our author, illustrates karmavyatihāra of the first type. The kāśikā gives the illustration as vyatilunate 3rd plr. (and not sg. as vve have it here) vvhich surely signifies vinimaya (karmavyatihāra) of the second type. B M has given sampraharante rājānaķ to illustrate vyatihāra in this sense. It may be observed that the vvord karmavyatihāra occurs once again in PA 5.4.127 vvhere the latter explanation of karmavyatihāra (as given here) appears to be favoured by the illustrations, musalāmusali and daņdādaņdi, given there. 537. This sūtra lays dovvn the substitution of ātmp. endings for la to denote bhāva or karman. In No. 342 above lakāras have been laid dovvn for transitive roots in the sense of kartr and karman . and for intransitive roots in the sense of kartr and bhāva. The lakāras in the sense of kartr have been dealt vvith so far; and the present sūtra turning to lakāras in the sense of bhāva and karman lavs dovvn that these vvill be substituted by ātmp. endings. It may be noted here that kartari lakāras are substituted by parasmp endings or ātmp . 187 S 537 Sārasiddhānlaķaumudi endings as shown in Nos. 345-349. The ka rm a ņ i and bhāve lakāras, however, are invariably replaced by ātmp . endings as laid down by this sūtra. 538. This sūtra lays down that yak ( = ya ) will be appended to a dhātu when followed by a sārvadhātuka lakāra denoting bhāva or karman . We know that bhāva is kriyā or act, which is expressed by a dhātu. It is merely repeated (or rementioned) by a lakāra expressing a bhāva. It is, therefore, but natūrai that such lakāra should correspond in person and number to the bhāva. Now the bhāva ( = action) can never have sāmānādhikarnya ( appositional relation) with the first and the second personai pronouns, namely asmad and yusmad. Naturally, therefore, the lakāra expressing a bhāva must be that of the third person only. Similarly the kriyā expressed by a tin cannot be dravya and can as such afford no scope to a dual and a plural. The dvi and the bahu vacanas, there fore, are impossible when a bhāva is to be expressed. Hence as a general rule only ekavacana can be used in such cases. This shows that to express a bhāva, the only tin ( = substitute of lakāra) that can be used after a dhātu is that of the 3rd person singular (i.e. ta and its various substitutes). This is illustrated in the statement tvayā mayā anyaiśca bhūyate (/flt), or babhūve (lit). Similarly the corresponding forms in any of the remaining lakāras may be used. When, however, the lakāra used is meant to express karman (kāraka), the case is quite different. The kāraka (karman) can be yusmad, asmad or any thing else. Similarly it may be eka, dvi, or even bahu. Thus this would give scope to tin endings of ali the persons and ali the numbers. O ur author has not here given illustrations for this. For them see No. 540 below. 188 Noies S 540 539. This sūtra lays down that a root ending in a mute vowel in upadeśa and the roots han, grah and drś vvhen follovved by a lakāra expressing bhāva or karman vvill be treated optionally as before ciņ and have it appended to them vvhen follovved by sya (of Irt and lrn ), sic (of lu n ), śīyut (of āśisi lin) and tāsi (of lu t). Here tvvo points have to be noted: (1) The āgama it is not for the dhātus but for the pratyayas sya, sic, ñ yut and tāsi. (2) By ciņvadbhāva are meant only such operations as are applicable before ciņ in the angādhikāra (PA 6.4.1 upto the end of PA 7.4). Hence the operations before ciņ outside the angādhikāra vvill not take place here. So far as A /b h ū is concerned the effect of ciņva dbhāva is vrddhi (by No. 162). Thus vve get bhāvitā or bhavitā (lu t), bhāvisyate or bhavisyate (Irt), bhūyatām (lot), abhūyata (lañ), bhūyeta (liñ), bhāvisīsta or bhavisīsta (āśisi liñ). Here naturally vve have optional forms in lut, Irt and liñ, but not in other lakāras. 540. This sūtra lays dovvn the substitution of ciņ for cli appended to a root vvhen it is follovved by ta (3rd sg. ātm. luñ ending), substituted for la denoting bhāva or karman . Thus vve have abhāvi (luñ). But in lrn again bv No. 539 vve have abhāvisyata or abhavisyata. O u r author has pointed out that though y/bhū is as a rule intransitive vvhen combined vvith a prefix it can become transitive. Thus anu+bhu is transitive. Then he proceeds to illustrate the karman part of this rule (and of No. 537) vvhich has not been touched so far. The forms in the several lakāras are to be obtained on the same lines as above. The only point of difference here is that the root here can have tin of any purusa and any vacana substituted for the la after 189 S 540 Sārasiddhāntakaumudl it. Thus we have the statement anubhūyate ānandaś caitreņa tvayā mayā ca. Here 3rd sg. ending is substituted because the karman vvhich is to be denoted by the lakāra (substituted by it) is ānanda. Similarlv vve can have anubhūyete or anubhūyante, if the number of things to be experienced is tvvo or more than tvvo. If the object of experience is asmad (or yusmad) the verb vvill be in the first person (or the second person) and vvill have the same number as the object {asmad or yusm ad). Thus vve may have the statements, tvam anubhūyase, aham anubhūye. No. 539 can have scope in such cases also. Hence vve have the optional forms in luñ, anvabhāvisātām or anvabhavisātām. Thus ends the treatment of bhāvakarm aprakriyā. Thus ends the section on tiñantaprakriyā. 541. This is an adhikāra sūtra having its sway from here (i.e. PA 3.1.91) upto the end of the third adhyāya of P ’s vvork. Thus vvhat is meant is that ali the pratyayas laid dovvn from this sūtra upto the end of PA 3 are to be understood as being laid dovvn for being appended to roots. Such pratyayas, it may be observed, are generally designated krt (as opposed to taddhita , vvhich is the name given to pratyayas applied to prātipadikas) . The krt and the taddhita pratyas are generally referred to as primary and secondary suffixes respectively. 542. This is a paribhāsāsūtra. This sūtra (or rather the paribhāsā in this sūtra) has been explained by B M as follovvs: asarūpaķ iti liñganirdešaķ/ yatra asarūpapratyayo vidhāsyate tatra vetyupatisthate / The implication of this explanation is clearlv stated by Bh. in S K and our author here in the vrtti. Within the dhātvadhikāra a non-similar suffix, vvhich evidentlv 190 N oies S 545 is an apavāda pratyaya , is to be considered as optionally bādhaka of the utsarga pratyaya. As a general rule an apavāda is necessarily and invariably bādhaka of an utsarga. But this does not hold good in the case of the pratyayas in this dhātvadhikāra. Here apavāda is optionally bādhaka of the utsarga. Stñpratya yas, hovvever, follovv the general principle in this respect, so that asarūpa stñpratyayas are necessarily apavāda and hence bādhaka of the utsarga pratyayas. Actually there is only one sūira in this dhātvadhikāra that lays dovvn stñpratyaya; and hence astriyām in the present sūtra has reference to the sūtras P. 3.3.94-113. This is clearly stated by B M as follovvs striyām ktin (PA 3.3.94) iti vaksyamāņastryadhikārastham apavādam vinā ityarthaķ/ stryadhikārastu asarūpaķ pratyayaķ nityameva bādhaka iti bhāvaķ/ 543. This is an adhikāra sūtra having its sway from PA 3.1.95 upto PA 3.1.133 (ņvultrcau) ; and is meant to lay dovvn the designation krtya for ali the pratyayas laid dovvn vvithin the limits as noted above. 544. This sūtra lays dovvn that a krt pratyaya is used to convey the sense of kartr (aģent). Novv kftya and such other pratyayas are krt pratyayas and hence vvould be used to denote kartr . But this is not admissible. 545. This sūtra lays dovvn that the suffbces designated as krtya (sete No. 543 above), kta (PA 3.2.102) and khalartha suffixes (PA 3.3.126 onvvards) vvill be used to denote the senses of bhāva and karman only (and not that of kartr), In this sūtra the vvord tayoķ stands for bhāvakarmaņoķ vvhich are mentioned in PA 3.4.69, No. 342 above; and eva suggests that these suffixes vvill have the designation krt (as vvell as 191 S 546 SārasiddhāntakcLumudl kftya) and yet they will be used to convey the sense of bhāva and karman only (and kartr also as laid down by No. 544). 546. This sūtra lays down the suffixes tavyat, tavya and anīyar to be appended to a dhātu to signify bhāva or karman (as per No. 545). The final t (in tavyat) and r (in anlyar) are mute and are meant to indicate the accent of the formation. (see PA 6.1.185 and 6.1.210 respectively). So practically we have only two suffixes, namely tavya and aniya. V edh is akarmaka; and hence these pratyayas when appended to it will signify bhāva . This is illustrated by edhitavyam, edhariiyam tvayā. We have already seen above (in No. 538) that bhāva being a kriyā will ṛlways be only one and hence will be expressed by a singular ending,: because it cannot have dvitva and bahutva. Similarly in the absence of a definite gender it can have only a sāmānya linga i.e. the neuter gender. (Cf. Ungasarvanāma napumsakam, M Bh. on PA 6.4.174; cf. Also the vārttika, sāmānye napum sakam ) . Hence a bhāvavācaka formation in tavya etc. must be neut. sg. The second illustration is i cetavyaś cayanīyo vā dharmas tvayā) where the tavya etc. formation has taken the gender and the number of the word denoting the kāraka, karman , In such cases it can be in any gender and any number (according to the kāraka that is denoted by it). 547. In this sūtra, acaķ by tadantavidhi means ajantāt (dhātoķ, which is got by adhikāra). Thus this sūtra lays down that to a root ending in a vovvel the suffix yat ( = ya ) is appended. Thus from V ci vve have ci+y = ceyam (by guņa). 548. In this sśūtra the vvord ātaķ is got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that a root ending in ā vvill change its ā to i before yat. Thus dā+ya = dī+ ya = deyam (by guņa). 192 N oies S 555 549. This sūtra lays down the suffix kyap (=)w ) for the roots i, stu, śās, z/r, dr and jus. Thus now we have: i+ ya or stu+ya . 550. This sūtra lays down the āgama tuk ( = t) for a base ending in a short vowel before a pit krt suffix. Hence we get ityaķ, stutyaķ. 551. When y is appended to y/śās, this sūtra will operate. In this sūtra the vvord upadhāyāķ is got by anuvrtti . This sūtra thus lays dovvn the substitution of i for ā of V śās before an and consonantal terminations (or suffixes) vvith mute k or ñ. Accordinglv śās+ya = šis ya = śisyaķ . From V vr and dT V dy9 vve get vTtyaķ and ādrtyaķ (No. 550). From y/jus vve have jusyaķ. 552. In this sūtra, dhātoķ comes by adhikāra and rhaloķ (gen. for abi.) by tadantavidhi means rvarņāntāt halantāt ca [dhātoķ). Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the suflfhc ņyat (ya) vvill be appended to roots ending in r or a consonant. 553. This sūtra lays dovvn that c and j vvill be substituted by ku (a letter of the kavarga ) before the ghit suffixes and before ņyat. Here it has to be observed that PA 1.3.10 does not apply and the substitution of both c and j by ku takes place before both the suffixes. (i.e. ghit and ņyat). 554. This is a vārttika vvhich points out that the substitution laid dovvn in No. 553 should be laid dovvn only after such roots as do not take the augment i before nisthā (i.e. kta and ktavat, PA 1.1.26). Thus novv from yfgarj vve shall have, garjyam (no kutva, because this root takes i before kta , garjita ). 5 55. In this sūtra the vvord ikaķ is got by PA 1.1.3 and the vvord dhātupratyaye is got on the basis of the paribhāsā , 193 S 555 Sārasiddhāniakaumudi dhātoķ svarūpagrahaņe tatpratyaye kāryavijñānam (see B M ). This sūtra thus lays dovvn the vrddhi substitute for the r of yjm yj before suffixes or pratyayas laid dovvn for dhātus. Thus m rj+ ņyat = mrj+ya = mārg+ya (Nos. 555 and 553 ) — mārgya. It may here be noted that the suffix kyap also can optionally he appended to y/m rj (PA 3 . 1. 113 ) and then vve get mrjyaķ (neither kutva nor vrddhi). 556. From bhuj+ņyat vve should get bhogyam (guņa and kutva). The present sūtra declares the formation to be bhojya in the sense of bhaksya (eatable). This means that in the other sense the formation vvould be bhogya. 557. This sūtra lays dovvn the suffixes ņvul (= vu) and tfc (= tr ). It has to be observed that formations in these suffixes are to be used vvith reference to the present tense only. (Read: anayor vartamānakālād anyatra na prayoga iti bhāsyam, B M ). These suffixes are used in the sense of kartr according to PA 3.4.67 (No. 544). Thus from V k f vve get kr+ vu, and kr+tr. 558. This is a paribhāsāsūtra laying dovvn that the suffbces yu and vu vvill respectively be substituted by arta and aka. Here it has to be noted that this substitution is for yu and vu vvhich are anunāsika and not for others- As for anunāsikatva vve have to remember that in P ’s system it is knovvn from tradition and not from actual pronunciation. This is shovvn by the vvell-knovvn paribhāsā : pratijñānunāsikyāh pāņimyāķ. This explains why suffbces like yu in śubharnyu are not substituted by ana etc. acc to this sūtra. In the case under consideration the substitution takes place and vvith proper operations vve get kr+ aka = kārakaķ; and kr+ tr = kārtā. 194 Noies S 562 559. This sūtra lays down three suffixes, namely lyu ( = ana by No. 558), ņini (= m ) and ac ( = a) for roots in three different gaņas, namely nandyādi, grahyādi, and pacādi respectively. Here is an instance of the application of the yathāsamkhyanyāya (PA 1.3.10, No. 23). The suffix lyu = yu — ana (No. 558); ņini = in (before this the vowel of the base will take vrddhi No. 162); and ac—a . Illustrations of lyu are nandanaķ, janārdanaķ and lavaņaķ (for change of n to ņ here read nandyādigaņe nipdtam t ņatvam, S K ). Illustrations of ņini are grāhi, sthāyī} m antñ; in sthāyi there is yuk āgama by No. 568. Illustration for ac is pacaķ. These are ākrtigaņas. 560. This vārttika lays down the suffbc ka (=fl) for the bases mūlavibhuj (i.e. mula + vi + V bhuj) etc. Thus we get the formations mūlavibhujaķ (rathaķ ), mahīdhraķ, kudh raķ . 561. This is a paribhāsāsūtra which lays down that in the dhātvadhikāra ( tatra = asmvn dhātvadhikāre) that which is meant by the word in the locative in the sūtra is to be designated upapada . This will be clear from illustrations in the follovving sūtras. 562. In this sūtra, dhātoķ is got by adhikāra. Thus this sūtra lays down that a root will take the suffix aņ when it has a word expressive of the karman (i.e. the object of the dhātu) for its upapada (or adjunct). Thus, for example, in k u m b h a m karoti, kumbha is the object of So when this vvord ( kumbha — a karmavācaka vvord) is put before V kr, the root vvill take the suffix aņ and thus vve shall have kumbha+am + kr+ aņ — kum bha+ kr+ aņ (2.4.71) = kumbha- 195 S 562 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudi kāraķ . Thus it may be seen that up apada is a vvord vvhich is expressive ( vācaka) of what is indicated in the sūtra by the vvord in the locative. 563. The ātaķ in this sūtra means ākārāntāt ( tadantavidhi ) dhātoķ (got by adhikāra). This sūtra thus lays dovvn the suffix ka (= tf) for roots ending in ā vvhen not preceded by upasarga, and vvhen they have a karmavācaka vvord for upapada . The vvord karmaņi is to be got in this sūtra by anuz/rtti. Thus gāķ dadāti = go + dā+a = godaķ (vvith elision of ā by PA 6.4.64). Similarly is to be explained kambaladaķ. 564. This sūtra lays dovvn the suffix kvip {= v= o ), to roots having a karmavācaka vvord for adjunct. Thus vve have the formation parņadhvat (final s being changed to d by PA 8.2.72. No. 246). 565. This sūtra lays dovvn the designation nisthā for kta and ktavatu. 566. In this sūtra, bhūte and dhātoķ come by adhikāra. The suffix kta is used to convey bhāva and karman (acc. to No. 545) and ktavatu to denofce kartr (acc. to No. 544). The statement snātañi mayā and stutas tvayā visnuķ illustrate the use of kta in the sense of bhāva and karmam respectively; vvhile visņur viśvam kftavān illustrates the use of ktavatu in the sense of kartr. 567. This sūtra lays dovvn the suffix uņ (= u, mute ņ indicating vrddhi) for the roots kr, vā, pā, mi, ji, svad, sādh and aś. From ^Jkr vve have kāru, (vvith vrddhi of the final vovvel of the root). 196 Noies S 569 568. In this sūtra, ātaķ means ākārāntāt (by tadantavidhi) angāt (got by adhikāra ). Thus this sūtra lays down the āgama yuk ( = y ) to a root ending in ā when followed by ciņ or a krt. Illustrations are vā+u = vāyu; and pā+u = pāyu. The words jāyu ( ji+ u = jai+ u = jāyu ), māyu ( m i+ u — mā+u — m āyu), svādu, sādhu and āśu are the formations from roots svad etc. mentioned in the previous sūtra . 569. This sūtra lays down that the unādi sufīixes (they are ali krt suffixes) are variously used and indicate various operations. But as a general rule they are used to indicate a matter of the present and are samjñā śabdas (i.e. rūdha as opposed to yaugika śabdas). In the unādi section Bh. has brought together about four hundred such suffixes, and remarked that the list is not exhaustive. The othens may thus be inferred on the analogy of those that are enlisted in these unādisūtras. samjñāsu etc. This couplet lays down the general lines on vvhich the so-called uņādi vvords are to be derived. The first point to be noted in connection vvith these vvords is that they are samjñās (or rūdha vvords) and are not easily and regularly amenable to ordinary principles of etymology. Nor vvill the avayavārtha be always found to agree vvith the samudāyārtha in them. They represent a process that is exactly the reverse of vvhat is adopted in the case of ordinary vvords. In the case of ordinary vvords, the avayavas (i.e. prakrti and pratyaya) are pratyaksa and the avayvin (or samudāya) is unneya or to be arrived at. In the case of these vvords the avayavin (or samudāya) is pratyak?a and the avayavas are unneya . How the avayavas are to be guessed or arrived at in the case of these vvords, has been stated in this couplet. 197 S 569 Sārasiddhānlakaumudi Thus this couplet lays down that in the case of these words (1) first infer the form of the root; (2) then try to fix up the suffixes thereafter; and finally (3) try to determine the anūbandha (the mute letters attached to dhātus, pratyayas, etc.) on the basis of the kārya (i.e. the modifications that appear to have taken place in the dhālu or in the pratyaya or in both). Take, for example, the word kāru. Here it is possible to think of the root kr and the suffix u. Then because r in V kr has undergone vrddhi, the suffix will be capped with a mute letter indicating i/rddhi. Now there are two such letters, ñ and ņ. But ñ indicates the ādyudāttatva in addition to vrddhi, while ņ indicates vrddhi on!y. Hence mute n is appended to u and the suffix is given as uņṭ This process will be found at work in ali the uņādi sūtras; and is recommended for use in the case of ali the words that may not have been included in the so called uņādisūtras. P, hovvever, held the view that these words are not derivable; and has left them out as such. 570. In this sūtra the word dhātoķ comes by adhikāra. Here it has to be noted that kriyāyām etc. is in loc. and hence a word expressive of a kriyārthā kriyā is here intended as upapada (No. 561). Thus this sūtra lays down the suffixes tumun ( = tu m ) and ņvul ( = vu =aka by No. 558) for a dhātu, when it has a word expressive of an act meant for the act denoted by the dhātu for its upapada. In the statement Icrsņam drastum yāti, the act denoted by y/yā is meant for the act denoted by V drś and is used along with it as the upapada of the latter. Hence the suffix tum is appended to V drś to form dratstum. Similarly in the other statement the suffix ņvul is appended to V drś under identical circumstances and we have the formation darśaka. 198 Noies S 575 571. In this sūtra the word bhāva means siddhāvasthāpanna dhātvartha (i.e. what in Nir. is described as mūrta sattva bhūta as opposed to pūrvāpañbhūta {bhāva) the former being expressed by a noun, the latter by an ākhyāta). Thus this sūtra lays down the suffix g h a ñ for a root when a bhāva is to be expressed. This means that a g h a ñ formation denotes bhāva . Thus p a c + g h a ñ = pāc+a {t/rddhi indicated by mute ñ) = pāka {kutva indicated by mute gh). 572. This sūtra lays down the suffix ac {a) for roots ending in i to denote bhāva. In this sūira eķ means ikārāntāt (by tadantavidhi) d h ā to ķ (got by adhikāra) ; and bhāve is got by anuvTtti. Thus ci+ac = ce+a — cayaķ. 573. This sūira is to be explained as the previous one. It lays down the suffix ap for roots ending in r and u or ū in the sense of bhāva etc. Thus we get kr+a = kara; yu+ a = yavaķ; lū+a = lavaķ. 574. This sūtra lays down the suffix ktin in the sense of bhāva etc. and further lays down that the formation will be feminine in gender. Here we have to remember that this suffix, which is an apavāda to g h a ñ , is necessarily bādhaka of the utsargarūpa suffix, while the other apavādas are only optionally so (see No. 542). The formations krtīķ and stutiķ illustrate this rule. 575. This sūtra lays down the suffix ktvā { = t v ā ) in the sense of bhāva, for a root denoting the prior one of two (or more) acts conveyed by dhātus, whose arthas have the same kartr (aģent). In the statement bh u ktvā vrajati, two acts, namely eating and going, have been expressed by the two roots bhuj and vraj respectively; the aģent for both these 199 S 575 Sārasiddhānlaltaumudi is the same; and y/bhuj denotes an action which is the prior of the two. Hence the suffix ktvā is appended to yjbhuj and thus we get the formation bhuktvā. Here it has to be observed that the dual used in the sūira (in the vvord samānakartrkayoķ) is atantra (i.e. is not intended as the object of the rule). This means that vvhatever be the number of actions, if they are samānakartrka, ktvā will be appended to ali the roots that denote actions vvhich are pūrvakāla vvith reference to the subsequent one vvhich is denoted by a verb. This is illustrated by the statement snātvā bhuktvā fñtvā vrajati, vvhere ali the kriyās, namely snāna, bhojana, pāna, and vrajana are samānakartrka; and the first three of them are pūrvakāla vvith reference to the last one standing for subsequent action. Hence the roots denoting them (namely y/snā, yjbhuj and y/pā) have the suffix ktvā appended to them. 576. In this sūtra the vvord samāse (by the force of the vvord anañpūrue) means avyayapūrvapade samāse. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the substitute lyap for ktvā for a dhātu vvhen it is compounded vvith an avyoya except nañ. Thus, pra+ kr+ tvā = pra+ kr+ ya = prakrtya (vvith tugāgama by No. 550). 577. In this sūtra the vvord ābhīksņya means paunaķpunya (repetition, repeated perform ance). By the force of ca vve get the suffix ktvā also in this sūtra . Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that vvhen ābhHksņya (repetition) of a prior action is to be conveyed, the root denoting that action vvill have the suffix ņamul (= a m ) (or ktvā) also appended to it. Thus the position vvould be smr am (namati śivam) or smr tvā (namati śivam ). Novv sm r+am ~ sm ārdam = smāram; and sm f+ tvā = smrtvā . 200 N oies S 579 578. In this sūira the words sarvasya dve come by adhikāra (PA 8.1.1). The word nitya here stands for nityatva by vvhich is meant āblñksnya ( = paunaķpunya, repetition of the actio n ); and vīpsā means vyāptum icchā ( = vyāptipratipādanecchā, vvhere vyāpti = kārtsnyena sam bandliaķ). Thus this sūira lays dovvn the repetition of a vvhole vvord tvvice vvhen repetition ( ābhlksņya) or totality (iftpsā) is to be conveyed. Now ābhiksņya pertains to action and can find scope only in linanta formations (or finite verbs) or in such krdanta formations as have the designation avyaya (as given in PA 1.1.39-40, kviimejantaķ/ ktvātosunkasunaķ/) . Hence finally vve get smārarh smāraih (or smrtvā smrtvā) namati śivam. Thus ends the treatment of krdanta . 579. This sūtra lays dovvn that p ra th a m ā (i.e. the first three case-endings) are used to convey the prātipadikārtha etc. There are various views regarding prātipadikārtha. (For these see B M ). O ur author (or rather Bh.) has defined prātipadi kārtha as that meaning vvhich is invariably apprehended on hearing a word. This vvould cover only prai/rttinimitta and vyakii, but not linga. For, in cases like tata (which is masc., fem., as vvell as neut.) the definite gender cannot be invariablv apprehended. Hence it is not covered by the term prātipadi kārtha and has, therefore, been separately mentioned. Secondly, it has to be observed that the vvord mātra, since it stands at the end of a dvandva compound, is to be construed with each one of the members of that compound. Novv prātipadi kārtha is apprehended from a nominal stem itself and as such it is correct to say that p ra th a m ā is used to convey prātipadikārthamātra. But linga, parimāņa and vacana are 201 S 579 Sārasiddhānlaķaumudī not generally apprehended from the prātipadika . Hence our author declares that prathamā is used to convey linga mātra etc. in addition (to the prātipadikārtha). O ur author proceeds to illustrate these uses one by one. The indeclinables uccaiķ, rč&aiķ can be said to be proper illustrations for prātipadikāivhamātre prathamā; for, they have no linga (gender) and hence have nothing else to convey. The words kf^ņaķ, M ķ, and jñānam are also proper illustrations; for, their linga is fixed and need not be conveyed separately by the nominative. In such cases linga is covered by prātipadikārtha. The word tata is not niyataliñga and hence in this case linga has to be conveyed separately. Thus this is an illustration of liñgamātrādhikya . Thus tataķ conveys the masc., tatī fem., and tatam, neut, in addition to the prātipadikārtha. The word droņo ( v ñ h iķ ) illustrates parimāņamātrādhikye prathamā . For, droņaķ conveys the idea of parimāņa sāmānya in addition to the prātipadikārtha of the word droņa . The word vacana means samkhyā (or num ber). We have seen that linga and parimāņa cannot be conveyed always by the nominal stems th-emselves. But there are words like eka, dvi, bahu which convey sarhkhyāmātra and hence they can be said to illustrate sañnkhyāmātre prathamā (and not -matrādhikye prathamā). It has further to be observed that as a m atter of fact samkhyā, being identical with the prātipadikārtha in words like eka, dvi and bahu, is already ukta; and hence, according to the maxim uktārthānām aprayogaķ, we cannot employ the case terminations to denote the sense ‘number5. Thus here prathamā is aprāpta; and hence P has specifically laid down its use in the sense of number. 202 Noies S 583 580. In this sūtra the word prathamā is got by anuvrtti. This sūtra thus lays down that prathamā shall be used to convey the idea of sambodhana also. Illustration is: he rāma. 581. The word kārākām is got in this sūira by adhikāra {PA 1.4.23). The word īpsitatama has been explained as kriyayā āptum istatamam {kārākām). Thus this sūira lays down that karman is the designation given to a kāraka which is most desired to be obtained by the kartr (aģent) by means of his act. 582. In this sūtra the word anabhihite {= anukte) is got by adhikāra {PA 2.3.1). Thus this sūira lays down that dvitiyā (endings) will be used to express the karman, if it is not already othervvise conveyed. In the sentence bārim bhajati, hari is āptum istatama by means of bhajanakriyā by the bhajaka. Hence hari is karman. It is not expressed or conveyed by any thing else; and hence dviñ yā has been used to convey the idea. When, hovvever, karman etc. are othervvise expressed, only the prātipadikārtha remains to be conveyed. And for this (by No. 579) p ratham ā vvill be used. Here vve are given tvvo statements in vvhich karman is abhihita and hence only prathamā is used. The first sentence is hariķ sevyate. Here the suffix te accompanied by yak { = ya in sevyate) expresses karman (by PA 3.1.67, No. 538); and in the second, namely laksmyā sevitaķ {hariķ), it is conveyed by the suffix kta. Hence here onlv prathamā is used to convey the sense of the prātipadika, vvhich alone has novv remained to be conveyed. 583. The vvords kārākām and anabhihitam are got in this sūtra by adhikāra. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the kāraka 203 S 583 Sārasiddhānlatâumudl which is sādhakatama (i.e. the most conducive to the accomplishment of the act denoted by the verb) is designated karaņa. 584. This sūtra lays dovvn that trfīyā is used to express or denote either kartr (aģent) or karaņa (the instrum ent), of course, if it is anukta. As in the previous sūtra, the vvords kārākām and anabhihitam are got in this sūtra by adhikāra . The statement rāmeņa etc. illustrates kartr as vvell as karaņa . The kartr (aģent) is defined by P as svatantraķ kārtā (PA 1.4.54). In this statement rāma is the kartr; and since the aģent is othervvise anukta, vve find the instrumental rāmeņa used to express it. Similarly bāņa is the sādhakatama by means of vvhich the kartr accompļishes the act of killing. And since the idea of karaņa also is not othervvise expressed, trñyā has been used to convey it. 585. This sūtra defines sampradāna. Here karmaņā is to be understood to stand for dānasya karmaņā and abhipraiti to stand for śesitvena (i.e. bhoktrtvena) abhipraiti i.e. adhyavasyati. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that sampradāna means one vvho is intended as the receiver of the object of dānakriyā. In the statement given in the next sūtra, gāh is the object of the dānakriyā ( dadāti) and vipra is intended as the receiver of that object. Hence vipra is sampradāna . 586. This sūtra lays dovvn that dative shall be used to denote a sampradāna, provided it is not othervvise conveyed or expressed (the vvord anukte is got here by adhikāra, PA 2.3.1 anabhihite) . The statement viprāya gām dadāti shovvs vipra, the sampradāna, in the dative. 587. This sūtra defines apādāna. In this sūtra the vvord apāya means separation (viślesa i.e. viyoga), vvhich occurs 204 N oies S 589 vvhen out of two things standing together one moves off. In such a case, the thing that does not move (and is stationary at the moment) is naturally the avadhi or m aryādā ( ‘.e. the point) from vvhich the other thing has moved off. This avadhibhūta thing is given the designation apādāna. Thus in the statements given in the next sūtra grāma and dhāvat aśva are the apādāna, because they form the avadhi (the starting point) of the actions. 588. This sūtra lays dovvn that ablative shall be used to denote apādāna (as defined above), provided it is not othervvise expressed (the vvord anabhihite being got by adhikāra). The tvvo statements illustrate apādāna in tvvo possible circumstances. In the first, the apādāna {grāma) is stationary; while in the other the apādāna (namely dhāvat aśva) is moving. But in either case, the apādāna does serve as the starting point of the action denoted by the main verb, namcly āyāti in one and patati in the other. Hence in both the cases the ablative has been used. 589. The vvord śesa in this sūtra stands for vvhat has remained after stating the prātipadikārtha (i.e. of the nominative) and the kārākās, karman, kartr , karaņa, sampradāna, apādāna (conveyed by cases from acc. upto abi.) and adhikaraņa (conveyed by loc. to be dealt with in Nos. 59091). This in other vvords means svasvāmibhāvādisambandha in general. This sūtra lays dovvn that gen. shall be used to convcy this śesa. Thus in brief gen. may be said to convey any kind of relation {sambandha) betvveen tvvo things that is not covered up by the other cases. The illustration is rā jñ a ķ purusaķ, vvhere the relation betvveen rājan and purusa is only general and does not come under anv of the relations conveyed by the other cases. 205 S 589 Sārasiddhānlaķaumudi It has further to be observed that the use of a particular case depends more on the speaker’s desire ( vivaksā) rather than on the actual relation subsisting between tvvo things. Thus, for example, vvhen mātr is intended to be conveyed as the object of smarati (the act of remembering), accustive vvill be used; and vve shall say mātaraih smarati. But vvhen the karmatva of mātr is not intended {vivaksita) , i.e. vvhen only sambandhasāmānya is vivaksita, the vvord mātr will be put in the genitive; and vve shall say mātuķ smarati. Similarly vvhen kartrtva is vivaksita vve shall say sadbhiķ gatam; but if it is not vivaksita vve shall use the genitive and say satām gatam . In sarpiso jāmte, the karaņatva is not vivaksita; othervvise the statement vvould be sarpisā jāmte. In edhodakasyopaskurute and bhaje śambhoścara ņayoķ, karmatva is avivaksita and only śesatva is vivaksita; vvhile in phalānām trptaķ, karaņatva is avivaksita and śesatva is vivaksita. Thus vve see that acc., instr. etc. are used vvhen karman, kartr, karaņa, etc. are intended to be conveyed as karman, etc.; but vvhen thev are intended to be conveyed not as karman , etc- but as śesa only, the case to be used is the genitive. This is vvhat our author has stated in the vvords karmādmām api etc. 590. In this sūtra, krti means krtpratyaye prayujyamāne; kartrkarmaņoķ is loc. and means kartari karmaņi ca. The vvord sastfñ is got by anuvrtti. Thus this sūira lays dovvn that gen. shall be used to express kartr or karman, vvhen the action in question is denotcd by a krdanta formation. Thus krti ( bhāve ktin) denotes creation. Novv krsņa is the kartr thereof and hence gen. is used in the statement krsņasya krtiķ. In the statement jagataķ kārtā krsņaķ, the krdanta used is kārtā . Novv jagat is the object and krsņa is the subject of the action 206 N oies S 592 of creation denoted by the word kārtā. Hence here the object (namely jagat) is denoted by the genitive. Here it has to be noted that in cases like this, where both kartr and karman occur simultaneously in one statement, only the latter can be expressed by the genitive. {PA 2.3.36). Hence in the present case we get the gen. jagataķ. As for krsņaķ it has to be noted that the aģent is already conveyed by the suffix tr {PA 3.1.133; 2.135) in the vvord kārtā. Novv by the maxim uktārthānām aprayogaķ or by the condition anabhihite {PA. 2.3.1) the instrumental cannot be used. Hence prātipadikārthamātre prathamā has been used. 591. This svtra defines adhikaraņa as ādhāra (substratum). This ādhāra necessarily is that of a kriyā (vvhich is implied by the kāraka adhikāra). But since a kriyā cannot have an ādhāra directly for itself, the ādhāra here must be understood as something that serves as a substratum for the action indirectly through its kartr or karman. Thus in kate āste, kata is really the ādhāra of the person vvho sits {kartr ) ; and indirectly through him it becomes the ādhāra of the act of sitting performed by him. Thus kata is the ādhāra of the āsanakriyā through its aģent. In sthālyām pacati, sthāti is the ādhāra of the pākakriyā through its karman {odana etc.). Thus ādhāra is tvvofold kartrdvārā or karmadvārā. 592. This sū’ tra lays dovvn that loc.‘shall be used to denote adhikarccņa as explained above, of course, if it is anabhihita. O ur author now explains the vārieties of ādhāra vvhich are, according to him, three. They are (1) aupaślesika, (2) vaisayika, and (3) abhivyāpaka. In the last sūtra it is pointed out that the designation ādhāra vvas based upon hovv it vvas connected vvith the kriyā. Here the basis of division concerns ādheya. In 207 S 592 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudi the first and the second illustrations the kartr and the karman are connected with the adhikaraņa (or ādhāra) by sarhyoga (or upaślesa). Hence this ādhāra is upoślesakrta or aupaślesika . In mokse icchā asti, moksa is the ādhāra of asti (existence) through its subject, namely icchā, But moksa is the visaya of iochā and hence from this point of view moksa becomes ādhāra of icchā, through visayatva . Hence this ādhāra is said to be vaisayika ādhāra. In sarvasmin ātmā asti, sarva becomes the ādhāra of asti through its subject atman. But here the relation between sarva and ātman is abhivyāpyābhivyāpakabhāva. Hence the ādhāra here is described as abhivyāpaka. Thus from the point of view of the relation which the ādhāra has with the kartr or the karman of the action concerned, ādhāra has three vārieties vvhich are designated aupaślesika, vaisayika and abhivyāpaka. These are illustrated in the three statements just discussed. By the force of ca in this sūtra, the vvord conveying the sense of dūra, antika, etc. also vvill have the loc. endings appended to them in the sense of the nominative (prātipadikārthamātre ) , (this sense vve get from PA 2.3.35 vvhich lays dovvn the use of acc. and abi. and instr. after dū<ra, antika and their synonyms to convey prātipadikārthamātra ) . Thus ends the treatment of subartha \ 593. Before commencing the section on compounds, our author by way of introduction makes a statement regarding the vārieties of compounds (vvhich according to him are five) and their broad characteristics. The vārieties together vvith their characteristics are as follovvs: — 208 Noies S 593 (1) Kevala — This is the name given to ali the samāsas that do not fall under any one of the following four vārieties and hence cannot be given any particular designation ( viśesa samjñā). (2) Avyayībhāva — From the name it is quite clear that in this variety the final compound formation is an avyaya even if in the dissolution and their independent form, its members are not ali of them avyaya. In fact only one of its members is avyaya; it is more prominent than the other member; and generally stands first in the compound. Hence avyayībhāva is described as being pūrvapadārthapradhāna as a general rule ( prāyeņa ). There are certain exceptions to this general rule- These we shall see below. (3) Tatpurusa — This variety, broadly speaking, bears a contrast to avyayibhāva . For in this variety the uttara padārtha is generally more prominent ( pradhāna ) than the purva. In this variety the final formation is not tum ed into an indeclinable (as in 2 above). It has further to be noted that besides its proper variety, this compound has two sub-varieties designated karmadhāraya (a sub-variety of tatpurusa proper) and dvigu (a sub-variety of karmadhāraya proper). Thus under tatpurusa we have three different types, namely, tatpurusa proper (commonly known as vibhakti tatpurusa ), karmadhāraya and dvigu. Ali these will be defined and illustrated belovv. But here also V has used the word prāyeņa to indicate that there are some exceptions to the general rule of uttarapadaprādhānya stated by him. These exceptions will be pointed out below. (4) B ahuvñhi — In this variety neither of its members is pradhāna; for in these compounds generally both the members 209 S 593 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudī are guņabkūta to some padārtha other than that which is indicated by each one of them. To this also there are some exceptions. These vve shall see belovv. (5) Dvandva — In this variety both the members are equally pradhāna, of course, as a general rule. Exceptions to this also vvill be shovvn belovv. From vvhat has been stated so far, it should not be very diflicult to see the principle on vvhich our author has sought to classify the compounds. It must first of ali be noted that for this purpose he has chosen the smallest unit of a compound (i.e. compound comprising tvvo members only). The tvvo members naturally are designated pūrva and uttara respectively. Then taking into consideration the factor of prādhānya one can see four different possibilities, namely prādhānya of the pūrva, or of the uttara, or of both pūrva and uttara, or of neither of them (and hence of some other padārtha). Logically, therefore, vve get four different vārieties, vvhich have been designated avyayībhāva, tatpurusa, dvandva and bahuvñhi. But since this consideration is too broad and perhaps too mechanical, it is not impossible that some compound vvords may be left uncovered by ali this. Such compounds are, there fore, classed as the fifth variety, vvhich is given the name kevala . This use of the designation kevala is analogous to its use in connection of Śamkarācārya’s advaita (vvhich is called kevala advaita). The systems propounded by Rāmānuja, Nimbārka and Vallabha are advaita no doubt but qualified bv some SDecific adjunct. Hence they are generally designated viśistādvaita , dvaitādvaita and śuddhādvaita respectively. But the system propounded by Śamkarācārya has no such specific adjunct. But it has to be distinguished from the other types 210 N o ies S 593 of advaita just referred to. Hence it has been given the designation kevalādvaita. Now it vvill be clear why kevala (samāsa) has been described by our author as viśesasamjñāvinirmukta. Attention may here be dravvn to a couplet (quoted by Bh. in his S K ) according to vvhich samāsas are of six different vārieties according to the class or kind to vvhich their component members belong. The couplet is: supām supā trhā nāmnā dhātunātha tinām tiñā / subanteneti vijñeyaķ samāsaķ sadvidho budhaiķ / / In fact one may read vvith profit as vvell as interest the vvhole of the sarvasamāsaśesaprakaraņa of Bh’s S K on vvhich the present introductory statement of our author is based. The vvord samartha has been variously explained: (1) sambaddhārthaķ samarthaķ, (2) sangatārthaķ samarthaķ, or (3) samsrstārthaķ samarthaķ . The sāmarthya according to the first explanation consists of the vyapek§ā, vvhich brings about mutual connection (parasparānvaya) among the various padas in a statement on the basis of ākānksā. This sāmarthya exists in a statement ( vākya) only, vvhere each constituent pada is free to have its ovvn suitable anvaya on the strength of ākānksā, yogyatā and samnidhi. According to the other tvvo explanations, the sāmarthya vvill be ekārthlbhāvalaksairia, vvhich belongs to (not individual padas as above, but to) ali the padas together vvhen formed into one vvhole. By this sāmarthya vvords formed into a compound together convev viśistaikārtha. These tvvo sāmarthyas vvould thus seem to be mutually exclusive. But it should be remembered that there 211 S 593 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudī are cases like devadattasya gurukulam, where both of them may be observed to come together. For this read the following couplets: — samb.andhiśabdasāpekso n ity a m sarvaķ samasyate/ vākyavat sā vyapeksā hi vTttāvapi na hīyate / / samudāyena sambandho yesām gurukulādinā/ sardsprśyāvayamste tu yujyante tadvatā sakaļ / V P . 3.14. 47f. It is further to be observed that samartha in this sūira by laksaņā means samarthāśrita. (Read: sūtre samarthaśabdaķ samarthāśrite lāksctņikaķx BM) . The Kāśikā has accepted this explanation, though it would rather understand the word samartha as directly having the power to convey the sense of the vigrahavākya. (Read: vigrahavākyārthābHidhāne yaķ śaktaķ sa samariho veditavyaķļ athavā samarthapadāśrayatvāt samarthaķļ samarthānām padānām sambaddhārthānām samsrstārthānām vidhir veditavyaķ ). O ur author, hovvever, appears to prefer the latter, as Bh. has done it in his SK. padavidhi = a vidhi (or rule) pertaining to a pada (a fully formed or inflected word, as opposed to prātipadika oi a crude word. For a definition of pada read supt'rtantarh padam> PA 1.4.14). One more thing to be noted about this svdra is that it is a paribhāsā which is to be distinguished from adhikāra. This has been discussed before. 594. This is an adhikārasūtra having its sway as far as the word kadāra (in PA 2.2.30). In this sūtra P has used the word prāk. The purpose behind this can be understood when we look to the sūtra, ā kadārād ekā sam jñā, PA 1.4.1. 212 Noies S 595 In that sūtra, ekā samjñā has been enjoined by employing the expression ā kadārāt. By avoiding that expression in the pre9ent sūtra, P has indicated that the rule of ekā samjñā is not applicable here. This, in other words, means that from here upto kadāra, there will be samjñāsamuccaya (or samjñāntarasamāveśa). Thus what is ultimately meant is that what are discussed hereafter upto PA 2.2.38, will have the designation samāsa in addition to any other designations (such as avyayībhāva, tatpurusa, etc.), that are laid down in some of the following sūtras. It is, however, obvious that samjñān tarasamāveśa is possible only with the designation samāsa that is laid down in that sūtra, but not with the designations avyaylbhāva etc. which fall under the sway of the sūtra, ā kadārād ekā samjñā. 595. In this sūtra, the word sup is obtained from the preceding sūtra by anuvTtti, Secondly, by pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā sup means subanta. Kāśikā tells us that the tvvo vvords in this sūtra along vvith the third vvord sup got by anuvTtti should be considered to form an adhikāra. (Read: trayamapyadhikrtam veditavyam yad ita ūrdhvam anukramisyāmas tatredam upasthitam drastavyam ļ ) . Tvvo of our MSS read vā in the vTtti on this sūtra. But in vievv of the reading found in Bh’s S K vve think it better not to read it. As a m atter of fact, P has admitted option in the case of samāsas by the sūtra vibhāsā (PA 2.1.11). This option, hovvever, is not available in the present sūtra; and hence Bh. is right in not admitting it here. Even the Kāśikā has not admitted it. Thus by this rule a subanta is compounded vvith another subanta; and a samāsa is formed. Novv acc. PA 1.2.38 a samāsa is a prātipadika ; and hence acc. PA 2.4.7, supo dhātuprātipadi- 213 S 595 Sārasiddhāntakaumudl kayoķ, the case-endings standing after component members are elided. V is here giving an illustration of the present sūtra and explaining the whole process of formation step by step. The illustration given by him is purvam bhūļaķ (this is the vigrahavākya) bhūtapūrvaķ (this is the compound w ord). Here the original vvords (members of the compound) are purvam and bhūtaķ . Both of them are subanta and hence by the present sūtra vve can form a compound. Novv the question is, vvh’ch vvord is to be placed first in the compound? P has laid dovvn that upasarjana shall be pūrva (PA 2.2.30). In another .sūtra {PA 1.2.43) P lays dovvn that upasarjana is vvhat is mentioned by nom. in a sūtra enjoining a samāsa. Novv in the present sūtra sup is nom., vvhich shovvs that a sup ( = subanta) vvill be upasarjana . But since both the vvords in the compound under discussion are subanta, either of them can be upasarjana and as such stand first in the samāsa. Such, hovvever, is not the usage, as shovvn by P himself. For in PA 5.3.63, he has used the expression bhūtapūrva vvhich is understood as an indication of the position of bhūta in the compound expression formed out of pūrva and bhūta . Hence vve get bhūta+s + pūrva+am. As this stage comes in PA 2.4.7 and the sup { = case-endings) are elided. This gives us bhūta pūrva, vvhich then becomes one vvord bhūtapūrva (nom. sg. mas. bhūtapūrvaķ). nirdeśāt — It may be observed here that authorities on SK. grammar right from Pat onvvards have tried to infer (or deduce) certain rules vvhich vvere required by the current usage but vvere not actually framed by P. This they did on the basis of P ’s own sūtras, vvhich to their descerning eye ofīered some indications of the required rule. Here is a case 214 N otēs S 596 vvhich illustrates this point. For though P himself has novvhere ruled that bhūta must be placed first vvhen compounded vvith pūrva, the fact that he has himself used the vvord bhūtapūrva (and not pūrvabhūta) is indication strong enough to suggest (and establish) the pūrvanipāta of bhūta. 596. This is said to be a vārttika vvhich is variously read by different authorities. We have adopted the reading accepted by Bh. and supported by tvvo of our MSS. A few pointś have to be noted about this vārttika: — (1) The vvord iva in P ’s system is a subanta, vvith its sup elided according to PA 2.4.82. Hence the compound enjoined in this vārttika is in fact covered by No. 595; and the vārttika thus appears to be redundant. But it has to be observed that in the absence of this vārttika, the vvord iva also vvould be an upasarjana and hence have pūrvanipāta. This is vvarded off by this vārttika by putting the vvord iva in instr. and thus preventing it from being upasarjana. The vvord iva vvill, therefore, alvvays stand second in this samāsa. (2) The compound vvith iva is, as a matter of fact, found in the Veda only. In classical SK. it is not obligatory. In fact, it may not be treated as a compound at ali, though rhetoricians like M am m ata have accepted it as forming a nitya samāsa. (3) The rule PA 2.4.7 quoted above does not apply to this samāsa and hence the sup after the first member is not elided. (4) vāgarthāviva and vāgarthau iva may be understood as samāsa and vigrahavākya respectively, and said to illustrate the optional nature of the samāsa. (5) finally vve may note the expression pūrvapadaprakrtisvaratvam (read in this vārttika by some authorities) vvhich lays dovvn that in this compound 215 S 596 Sārasiddhānlal(aumudī the first member will retain its original accentuation. As a general rule a samāsa is oxytone (PA 6.1.223 samāsasya) ; but the samāsa with iva will not be so. It is pūrvapadaprakrti svara. In R V . this samāsa is found to be nitya as also pūrva padaprakrtisvara (as is clearly shown by the padapātha). The proper vedic illustration for this rule would be aśveiva, gāveva, etc. (or jīmūtasyeva given by Bh.). In Y V however, this samāsa is not recognized as such (cf. yājusās tu bhinne eva pade pathanti, B M .). Here ends the treatment of the kevala samāsa. 597. With this sūtra begins the treatment of the second variety. This is an adhikārasūtra having its sway upto PA 2.1.20, and !aying down the designation avyayībhāva for ali the compounds detailed upto that sūtra. This designation is not, however, bādhaka of the designation samāsa as has been already shown above. The designation avyayibhāva is quite significant ( anvartha) and indicates the prādhānya of the pūrvapada in these compounds. (Read: anvarthasamjñā ceyam mahati pūrvapadārthaprādhānyam avyayābhāvasya darśayati, Kāśikā). 598. In this sūtra the words saha, supā and samarthena are obtained from the preceding sūtras by adhikāra or paribhāsā or anuvTtti; and the loc. conveys the idea of vartamānamThus the sūtra means that an avyaya conveving the sense of vibhakti , samīpa, etc. is compounded with a subanta to form an avyaytbhāva. The word vacana is to be construed with each one of the preceding words (namely vibhakti etc.) acc. to the rule dvandvānte śrūyamāņaih padam pratyekam abhisambadhyate. Now our author proceeds to illustrate this sūtra 216 Noies S 600 part by part. For vibhakti he takes the samāsa adhihari, and shows how it is formed step by step. Before, however, actually starting with this compound, he has given us the dcfinition of nitya samāsa. This he feels compelled to do because whi!c explaining this sūtra he has stated that the samāsa formed acc. to this śū-tra is nitya . A nitya samāsa is a compound which has no dissolution or which has no dissolution with its own members {padas). This tvvo-fold definition is taken by our author from Bh’s SK., where we find some remarks on vigraha . The definition of vigraha given by Bh. is vrtlyarthāvabodhakam vākyam, which, we are told is twofold, namelv laukika and alaukika. In the case of rājapurusa, the tvvo vigrahas respectively are (1) rājñaķ purusaķ and (2) rājan as purusa su. The samāsa, for which laukika vigraha with its own members is not possible, is a nitya samāsa. Novv adhihari (the illust ration chosen by V) is a nitya samāsa and can have only alaukika vigraha; and this he gives as hari+ni adhi. The usually given vigraha, namely harau, is its laukika vigraha; but it is asvapadavigraha. 599. In this position V takes up tvvo of P ’s sūtras, one defining an upasarjana and the other laying down that upasarjana is to be placed first in the compound. The present sūtra gives the definition of upasarjana. In this sūtra, samāse = samāsaśātre, that is in the sūtra enjoining the samāsa. Aocordingly in the case under consideration, adhi (the avyaya) is upasarjana. 600. According to this sūtra, adhi (being upasarjana) will stand first in the samāsa. Before this, hovvever, the sup after hari will be elided by PA 2.4.71; and then by the present rule vve shall have adhihari after vvhich sup (nom. sg. ending 217 S 600 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudl s ) is to be appended (acc. PA 2.3.46) in the sense of prātipadikārthamātra. 601. At this stage, we have to note that avyayibhāva is an avyaya. {PA 1.1.37-47 State the various formations or words that are designated avyaya). And because it is an avyaya, therefore, by PA 2.4.82, the sup after it '*s elided. Hence ultimately we get the samāsa, adhihari. It may be observed here that harau is the laukika (but asvapada) vigraha. BM has explained this whole process succinctly as follows: — harāu iti laukikavigrahaķ/ . . adhiśabdasya harāu ity anenāvyayibhāvasamāse subluki, samāsavidhāv avyayamiti prathamānirdistatvāt adheķ pūrvanipāte, samāsāt utpannasya supaķ , avyayād āpsupaķ iti luk , iti bhāvaķ/ 602. Novv our author turns to upakr^ņam {krsņasya sarmpam) illustrating the next item in No. 598. Here the position is krsņa+ ñas upa {alaukika vigraha ). By PA 2.4.71 ñas vvill be elided and by No. 599 and 600 upa vvill be placed first. Thus vve get upa+krsņa (and s of nom. sg.). Novv by PA 2-4.82, s vvill have to be elided. But the present sūtra prohibits elision of sup after an avyayibhāva ending in a. In this sūtra, ataķ stands for adantāt; and supaķ and luk are obtained by anuvrtti from the preceding sūtra. The present sūtra , it may be observed, fails into tvvo parts. The first part prohibits the elision of sup after an adanta avyayibhāva, vvhile the second part lays dovvn that instead of luk , the sup has the ādeśa am, except, hovvever, the abi. case-ending. Hence s (in the above position) is substituted by am; and vve shall have upakrsņa+am, vvhich by No. 113 vvill give us the final samāsa as upakrsņam. In 218 Noies S 604 this case, krsņasya samīpam (the laukika vigraha ) is asvapadavigraha\ so this is a nitya samāsa. Here it has to be noted that ādeśa am substitutes ali case endings except the abi. and hence upakrsnam represents ali other cases, while with abi. ending the compound will be upkrsņāt . 603. In this sūtra P has laid down that the substitution of am for instr. and loc. endings takes place as a general rule, but not invariablv. Hence with those case-endings the final forms of the compound will be upakrsņam or upakrsņena; and upakrsnam or upakrsņe respectively. The words sumadram and duryavnam are illustrations of the next tvvo items in No. 598. Here madrāņām samrddhiķ and yavanānām vyrddhiķ, the laukika vigrahas, are asvapada vigrahas; vvhile the alaukika vigrahas are madra + ām+su and yavana+ām + dur respectively. The ultimate formations are to be explained exactly like upakrsnam above. 604. Turning to the next item in No. 598 above, our author novv takes up the illustration nirmaksikam (the vigrahavākya being maksikānām abhāvaķ). Novv acc. to No. 599 nir (being an avyaya) is upasarjana. But the present sūtra shovvs that in this case the vvord maksikā also is an upasarjana. The present sūtra declares that the pada, vvhich stands in the same vibhakti in the dissolution (even vvhen the vibhakti of the other pada is changed) is to be considered upasarjana. Hence the vvord maksikā must be considered here as upasarjana. But at the same time, the sūtra declares that such a pada vvill be upasarjana for ali practical purposes except the pūrvanipāta. The rule about pūrvanipāta does not apply to it. Thus the 219 S 604 Sārasiddhāniakaumudī position now is maksikā+ām nir — nir maksikā + ām = nir maksikā (by sūblopa acc. PA 2.4.7). ©05. At this point comes the present sūira according to which the final vowel of the word go or of a word with fem. ending is shortened, provided they are upasarjana. In this sūtra stñ stands for stñpratyayānta word (by pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā) and then by tadantavidhi, the sūtra is to be explained as is done by our author and shown above. Hence we get nir maksika ( + s nom. sg. ending, which is substituted by am No. 602) = nirmaksikam. Illustrations for the next four items (of No. 598) with their vigrahavākyas given by our author are : atihimam (himasya atyayaķ ) ; atinidram (nidrā sampraii na yujyate ) ; itihari ( hariśabdasya prakāśaķ ) ; and anuvisņu ( visņoķ paścāt) . This brings us to the next item, namely yathā; and V, before giving illustrations, tells us the senses conveyed by yathā. They are four, namely yogyatā , vlpsā, padārthānativTtti and sādrśya. The illustrative compounds with their dissolutions respectively are: anurūpam (rūpasya yogyam j\ pratyārtham (artham arthctrh prati ) ; yathāśakti (śaktim anatikramya ) ; and sahari (hareķ sādxśyam)- Here it has to be observed that in sahari the word saha denotes sādrśya and is thus yathārtha (conveying the sense of yathā). It is changed to sa by the following sūtra. ©06. The words sahasya and saķ are got in this sūtra by anuvrtti from the preceding sūtra. Thus the sūtra sanctions the substitution of saha by sa in an avyayībhāva provided it 220 N otēs S 607 does not signify kāla. The expression sahapūrvākņam is given as a counter illustration. Hereafter our author has given illustrations with dissolutions for the remaining six items of No. 598 as follovvs: anujyestham ( jyesthasyānupūrvyeņa ); sacakram (cakreņa yugapat ) ; sasakhi (sadvśaķ sakhyā ) ; saksatram (ksatrāņām sa'āipattiķ) ; satTV'Um (tTV'Cimapy aparityajya ) ; sāgni ( agnigranthaparyantam). In ali these compounds the vvord saha denoting the various senscs is substituted by sa by No. 606. Tvvo points have further to be noted about the vvords paścāt and yalhā in No. 598- Firstly, sincc the sūtra enjoins the samāsa by using the vvord vacana , it is indicated that the avyayas used in th's sūtra themselves cannot form part of compounds. This is further shovvti by the fact that in the very next sūtra ( yathā'~ sādrśye) P has laid dovvn separately that yathā is compounded vvith a subanta except vvhen it denotes sādfśya. Hence it follovvs that paścāt cannot enter into a compound; vvhile yathā may do so in senses other than sādrśya . Ali these illustrations are to be similarly explained. 607. The S K here reads the sūtra samāsāntāh (PA 5.4.68) vvhereas V both in L S K as also in SSK reads the sūtra taddhitāh (PA 4.1.76). In S K the adhikāra taddhitāh is already mentioned in the stñpratyaya section. Both these are adhikāra sūtras having their sway as far as the end of the fifth chapter (of PA) . It vvould thus appear that both these are necessary for a full understanding of the rules that follovv. O ur author appears to have taken the latter in preference to the former po^sibly in vievv of No. 610 belovv vvhere the vvord taddhite has been used. W hat has to be remembered is that the pratyayas enjoined in the follovving tvvo rules are both taddhita and samāsānta. 221 S 608 Sārasiddhānlaķaumudī 608. For śaratprabhrti (gaņa) see G RM . The suffix tac ( — a) is appended to śarad etc. when standing at the end of an avyayībhāva compound. The illustrations are upaśaradam and prativipāśam. These compounds are formed acc. to No. 598 and are to be explained exactly like upakrsņam with the additional application of the present rule. 609. This and the follovving sūtras are meant for samāsas like uparājam and adhyātmam in vvhich the final member is a vvord ending !n n or an, According to this sūtra such avyayībhāva compounds have the suffix tac (= a) appended to them. Thus starting vvith rājan+nas upa vve come to the position upa + rājan+a (by appēnding tac by the present rule). 610. At this stage comes up this rule according to vvhich the ti of a bha end’ng in n is elided vvhen follovved by a taddhita suffix. The technical terms bha and ti are defined by P as yaci bham (PA 1.4.18) and acolntyādi ti (PA 1.1.64) respectively. Accordingly bha means a base vvhich is follovved by a taddhita suffix beginning vvith j or a vovvel (ac) ; vvhile ti is the designation given to the last vovvel in a base together vvith the follovving consonant or consonants if any. In the case under consideration uparājan is bha because it is follovved by the vovvel a\ and an is ti. Novv since a is taddhita the base uparājan vvill drop its ti (i.e. an) before it; and thus vve shall get uparāja ( + s, nom . sg. ending). Then by No. 602, this s is substituted bv am and ultimately vve get uparājam. The compound adhyātmam also is to be similarly explained. Here ends the treatment of avyayībhāva. 222 Notēs S 614 611. V begins his treatment of tatpurusa with this sūtra which is an adhikārasūtra having its sway as far as PA 2.2.33 śeso bahuvñhih. Like avyayībhāva, this samjñā also is in addition to the samjñā samāsa (see Notēs on No. 596 above). 612. The designation dvigu is to be explained below. Here in this sūtra P has laid dovvn that dvigu also is tatpurusa. This sūtra serves the purpose of making the samāsānta rules applicable to it; and that is why our author has taken this sūtra and not dropped it. (Read: dvigos tatpunisatve s a m ā s ā n lā h prayojanam, K ās). 613. From this sūtra starts the treatment of vvhat is generallv called vibhakti tatpurusa (i.e. dviñyā tatpurusa etc). The vvord dviñyā in this sūtra means dviñyāntam subantam by tadantavidhi through pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā. It has further to be noted that the vvords śrita etc. in this sū4ra stand for śritādiprakrtika subanta. Lastly vve have to note that ali the compounds laid dovvn after PA 2.1.11 ( vibhāsā ) are optional. This has been indicated by our author by using the vvord vā in the vrtti. In ali the vibhakti tatp. compounds, the vibhakti (i.e. vvord ending in it) is stated by nom. and hence as upasarjana it is to be placed first. Thus krsņa+am + śritaķ = krsņaśritaķ. This holds good in the case of ali the vvords except prāpta and āpanna. For, acc. to PA 2 .2 .4 , these vvords being mentioned in nom. vvill also be upasarjana and hence stand first in the compound. Thus vvith these vvords the compounds vvill be prāptajīvikaķ or jīvikāprāptah; āpannajīvikaķ or ftvikāpannaķ. 614. The vvord trtīyā stands here for tr&yāntam ( samartham) subantam (by pratyayagrahanaparibhāsā and adhikāra). The pronoun tai (in tatkrtārtha etc.) refers to vvhat is denoted 223 S 614 Sārasiddhāniaķaumudī by this trtījānta subanta ( prakrtaparāmarśitvāt). The part tatkrta (of the cpd word tatkrtārthena) is to be understood as being luptatrtīyāka and hence equivalent to tatkņtena ( ~trtiyān tārthakrtena). Thus vvhat the present sūtra lays dovvn is (1) A vvord in the instrumental is compounded vvith a vvord standing for a qua!ity, vvhen it is caused by vvhat is denoted by it (i.e. the vvord in the instrum ental); and (2)Secondly, a vvord ’n the instrumental is compounded vvith the vvord artha. In the former case the main condition is that the second vvord must be expressive of a guņa (i.e. as B M has put it, must be guņopasarjanadravyavācl). In the cpd. śankulākhaņdaķ, vvhich is meant to illustrate this part of the present sūtra, the vvord khaņda is to be understood to mean khaņdanakriyāvān, and hence a vvord like devadattaķ has to be understood after this samāsa. Pat himself has g’ven the illustration as śankulākhaņdo devadattaķ (and not merely śankulākhaņdaķ) . Read: guņeneti siddhe vacanagrahaņāt guņopasarjanadravyavāciśabdo grhyate iti vyākhyā?iāt / ś a n k u l a y ā khaņdaķ śankulākhaņda iti / devadatta iti śesaķ / śankulākhaņdo devadattaķ ityeva bhāsye udāhrtam ļ khadi bhedane bhāve ghañ khaņdanam khaņdaķ / matvarthlyaķ arśaddyac / śankidayeti karaņe trtīyā / śankulākrtakhaņdana’ kriyāvān ityrthaķ/ BM . The second part of this sūtra is illustrated by dhānyena arthaķ = dhānyārthaķ} in vvhich dhānyena is hetau (and not karaņe) txtiya. This aspect obviously is not covered up by the first one (vvhere karaņe trtlyā is requ:ṭed ) and hence had to be separately noticed. 615. The vvord trftyā is got in this sūtra by anuvrtti, and kartrkaraņe is loc. sg. of kartrkarņa ( samāhāra dvandva ). So also krtā means krdantena. Here it has to be noted that acc. to Pat. krt ( = krdanta) here is to be restrieted to kta ( = ktā - 224 N oies S 617 nta) only on the strength of the vvord bahulam used in this sūtra. Hence illustrations vvith ktānta alone (namely haritrātaķ and nakhabhinnaķ) are given. As a general rule tadantavidhi is not applicable in a samāsavidhi (cf. samāsapratyayavidhau tadantavidhipratisedhaķ B M ). Hence krsņam śritaķ = k f^ a s rita ķ But vve cannot have a compound out of krsņaih paramaśritaķ. In the case of krt, hovvever, vve have a different paribhāsā, namely kfdgrahane gatikārakapūrvasyāpi grahaņam, Pbh 29; and hence vve have the cpds. nakhabhinnaķ as also nakhanirbhinnaķ. 616. The vvord caturthī means caturthyantarn subantam . The vvords artha etc. (like śrita etc. above) stand for arthādiprakrtika subanta. tadartha = that vvhich is meant for it (tat i.e. vvhat is denoted by the vvord in d at.). Here it has to be noted that tadartha is meant to signify prakrtivikrtibhāva only (and not any other kind of tādarihya). Hence yūpāya dāru = yūpadāru; but randhanāya sthālī cannot form a compound. The compounds aśvaghāsa etc., vvhich appear to go against this explanation of tadartha in this sūtra, are declared to be sastfth (and not caturthi) samāsas. 617. The vvord artha as a second member of tatp. cpd. has peculiarities of its ovvn, vvhich have been noted in this vārttika. Ali compounds, enjoined after PA 2-1.11 are optional, as has been already observed above. But the cpd. vvith artha is an exception to this; for it is a nityasamāsa (as shovvn by the fact that it is asvapadavigraha) . Secondly, as a general rule the tatp. cpd. has the gender of its final member. (unless, of course, it is asvapadavigraha ). But the cpd vvith artha ( artha is not an adj.) takes the gender of the viśesya (i.e. the cpd becomes a 225 F.— 15 A S 617 Sārasiddhānlaltaumudī viśesaņa). The illustrations are: dvijārthaķ ( sūpaķ ), dvijārthā ( yavāgūh ), and dvijārtharh ( p ayaķ)9 the vigraha being dvijāya ayam, iyam, and idam respectively. The illustrations for the remain’ jng items in No. 615 are given by our author as bhūtabaliķ, gohitam, gosukham, and goraksitam respectively. 618. The word pañcarm is to be understood like dviñyā etc. above. The illustration is corabhayam (corād bhayam). Three more vvords are capable of being compounded vvith a pañcamyanta vvord as can be seen from the vārttika, bhayabhītabhītibtñbhir iti vācyam. 619. sasthī = sasthyanta subanta. The sūtra lays dovvn that a vvord in gen. is optionally compounded vvith another subanta. The illustration is rājapurusaķ (rājñaķ purusaķ ). 620. saptamī = saptamyanta subanta . The plr. śauņdaiķ = śauņdādibhiķ ( bahuvacananirdeśāt gaņapāthācca , says B M .). Illustration is aksaśauņdaķ (aksesu śauņdaķ ) . dviñyātrfiyetyādi: Having explained and illustrated the sūtras dealing vvith the vibhakti tatpurusa, our author dravvs our attention to certain compounds in vvhich dvifiyā etc. appear to be compounded vvith vvords other than those mentioned in the respective sūtras. This, he suggests, can be justified by resorting to yogavibhāga and reading dviñyā , trfiyāy etc. as separate sūtras by themselves. Thus read, on the basis of the adhikāra (in No. 593 above) dviñyā vvould mean: dvitīyāntani subantam subm tena samasyate sa tatpuruso bhavati. This means that a vvord in acc. is compounded vvith a (i.e. any) subanta. This applies to ali the case endings. But one must carefully 226 No t ē s S 621 observe V ’s remark here namely prayogavaśāt samāso jñ eyaķ. This means that this device of yogavibhāga and the consequent explanation is to be resorted to only to account some how for the compound words going beyond the limits of the sūtras. This evidendy is according to the maxim, sthitasya gatiś cintariīyā; and hence should not be used for coining fresh compounds. 621. The express,*on diksaihkhye is got in this sūtra by anu vTtti from the preceding sūtra; and sam ānādhikaraņena (sub antena) is also similarly got. This sūtra lays down that words signifying diś or sañikhyā may form a tatpurusa compound vvith another subanta (1) vvhen the sense of a taddhita is intended to be conveyed, or (2) vvhen some other vvord comes after that subanta , or (3) vvhen samāhāra is expressed. O ut of these three, the first tvvo apply to diś as vvell as sañikhyā; and the third applies to sam khyā alone. The respective illustrations for these as found in S K are: (1) p a u rva śā la ķ ; (2) pūtrvaśāldpriyah and (3) pañcagavadhanaķ. Here it must be noted that the dikśabda or sam khyāśabda vvith the follovving subanta alone forms the tatpurusa vvhile the vvhole expression is either a taddh ita (in 1) or a bahu vñ hi (in 2 and 3). Novv our author is explaining ihe first illustration, for vvhich the vigraha is p w v a sy ā m śālāyām bhavaķ. In this case the sense of taddhita (ña = a} acc. No. 29) is intended to be expressed and hence the dikśabda pūrva forms a tatp. cpd. vvith the subanta śālā vvhich is sam ānādhikaraņa vvith it. Hence vve get pū rvā śālā . At this stage V quotes Pat to shovv that in ali vrttis a pronoun assumes the masc. form. Hence the position novv is p ū rva śālā, vvhich is to be follovved by the taddh ita ña. 227 S 622 S ā ra sid d h ā n ta ka u m u d i 622. This sūtra lays down that the suffix ña ( = 0 ) is appended to a compound expression having dikśabda for its first member, provided it does not convey a sañijñā . Thus now the position is pūrvaśālā+a. 623. The words a c a ķ and ñņiti are got into this sūtra by anuvrtti . This sūtra lays dovvn that before ñit and ņit suffixes the first vovvel of the base undergoes vrddhi. Hence vve novv have paurvaśālā+a. 624. The vvord bhasya is got in this sūtra by adhikāra {PA 6.4.129). P has declared that the base vvill have the designation bha vvhen it is follovved by a suffix beginning vvith y or vvith a vovvel {PA 1.4.18, yaci bham ). Novv the present sūtra lays dovvn that the final vovvel of a bha ending in i or a vvill be elided vvhen follovved by a taddhita suffix. In this sūtra, yasya is gen. of ya vvhich stands for i and a; and these by tadanta vidhi mean ikārānta and akārānta bha. It has further to be observed that a here signifies ali the vārieties of a (acc. PA 1.1.69). Hence in the case under cons deration the final ā of paūrvaśālā is dropped; and finally vve get the vvord paur vaśālaķ (by appending s nom. sg.). 625. O ur author passes over the second illustration (i.e. pūrvaśālāpriyaķ) because there is nothing peculiar about it and can be easily explained. Novv turning to the third illustra tion (namely pañcagavadhanaķ) he gives the vigraha as pañca gāvo d h a n a ñ fi yasya (as a tripada bahuvñhi). Then to explain the formation itself he takes up the present vārttika. Acc. to this vārttika, vvhen a dvandva or tatpurusa compound is follovved by an uttara pada (i.e. is to be compounded vvith a third pada) the compound is nitya . Ordinarily vve have seen 228 Noies S 628 that ali samās as laid down after PA 2.1.11 are optional. The present vārttika draws attention to the fact that this option is not available in cases where uttara pada follows. By this vārttika our author indicates that in the case under consideration pañcan and go when followed by the word dhana, must form a ( tatpurusa) samāsa. And now comes up the question of actual formation of the compound. 626. For this, the present sūtra is required. In this sūtra goķ (abi. sg. of go) by tadantavidhi stands for go’ntāt (tatpurusāt , got by anuvrtti) and samāsāntaķ is got by adhikāra {PA 5.4.68). Thus this sūtra means that the suffix tac (got by anuvrtti) is appended to a tatp. cpd. ending in the word go, provided there is no elision of a taddhita suffbc after it. Hence now the position would be pañcan+go + a {dhana). 627. At th's stage the designation dvigu is necessary before further operation takes place. Hence V takes up this and the next sūtras laying down the designations karmadhāraya and dvigu. This sūtra declares that a tatpurusa whose members are samānādhikaraņa is karmadhāraya. 628. This sūtra further lays dovvn that if such a tatpurusa has sam khyā for its first member, it vvill be designated dvigu. Here our author makes it clear that this sūtra is to be under stood vvith reference to No. 621, so much so that ali the vārieties noticed in that sūtra having saihkhyā for the first member vvill have the designation dvigu. Thus in the present case pañcan + go + a {dhana) vvill be dvigu. Novv pañca+go+a = pañcagava . 229 S 629 Sārasiddhānlalâumudl 629. Thiš sūtra lays down that a dvigu conveys the sense of samāhāra and is always singular. 630. In this sūtra P has laid down that a compound conveying the sense of šamdhdra 'vvill be neuter. Hence novv the šamdhdra finally vvould bē pdñcagavam, the vigraha being pañcdndm gavdm samdhdraķ, And then with dhana, it will be pañcagavadhanaķ (vvith vvhich vve started in No. 624). 631. In No. 626 karmadhdraya has been defined. Novv V starts dealing vvith it. For P’s viśesaņa and viśesya our author has used the vvord bhedaka and bhedya, to suggest that these terms are not used in their narrovver senses. The vvord samdnddhikaraņena is got in this sūtra by adhikāra (or anuvTtti). So a bhedaka vvith a samdnddhikaraņa bhedya forms a karma dhdraya . By PA 2.1.11 (vibhāsā), this samāsa should be optional like other samdsas. But P has purposely used the vvord bahulam in this sūtra to indicate that sometimes it is nitya vvhile in some cases it is not so. Thus in the illustration given by V, vve can have the samāsa optionally and can say nīlotpalam or nītam utpalam. But the vvord krsņasarpa is a nītyasamdsa (because it has no vigraha) ; vvhile in cases like rāmo jdmadagnyaķ no samāsa is admissible. cf ( vdgrahaņena siddhe bahulagrahaņañi vyavasthdrtham , K ās). 632. In this sūtra also samdnddhikaraņaiķ is got as in the previous sūtra. The vvord sdmdnyavacana is explained by B M as pūrvañi sdmdnyam uktvd tadvati dravye ye paryavasyanti te sdmdnyavacandh. In the illustration ghanaśyāma, the vvord śydma primarily denotes the sdmdnya ( = sādhāraņa dharma) and then tadviśista upameya or dravya. 633. In this sūtra P has laid dovvn vvhat are knovvn as ekadeśisamdsas (vvhich form an exception to the sasthī 230 Noies S 635 tatpurusa ). It is further to be noted that ekādhikaraņe \s > quite different from samānādhikaraņe and means when the ekadeśin (i.e- the avajavin) is eka (ekatvasamkhyāviśista ) . The vvords pūrva etc. are mentioned by the compound expression in nom. sg. ( samāhāradvandva) and hence have to be placed first in the compounds thus formed. The illustrations are pūrvakāyaķ (purvam kāyasya, vigraha) and aparakāyaķ . The gender here is determined by PA 2.4.26. In pūrvaś chātrāņām, the ekadeśin (i.e. chātra) is not ekādhikaraņa . Hence this sūtra cannot apply to it; and no compound can be formed. 634. This sūtra lays down a similar samāsa of the vvord ardha (neuter) with the ekadeśin . vvhen it is ekādhikaraņa. O ur author tells us that ardha ( = exact half) is always neuter. The illustration is ardhapippalī (vigraha is ardham pippalyāh). Here also ardha is upasarjana; and hence placed first. Here it must be observed that acc. No. 604 above, pippall vvould be upasarjana and then acc. No. 605 its final vovvel vvill have to be shortened. But this does not happen, because the samjñā upasarjana is prohibited in the case of sasthī by the vārttika, ekavibhaktāvasasthyantavacanam . Hence the compound formed is ardhapippaU only. 635. This is a vārttika laying dovvn the formation of vvhat are generally referred to as madhyamapadalopin ( karmadhāraya) samāsa. In the illustration, śākapriya (vvhich itself is a bahuvñhi cpd.) is compounded vvith pāṛthiva; and since these are bhedya and bhedaka respectively, tShey can form a karmadhāṛaya acc. to No. 631. But this vārttika lays dovvn that in such cases the latter member of the pūrva pada 231 S 635 S ā ra sid d h ā n ia ķa u m u d ī (in its original cpd. form) will be dropped. Hence by dropping the word priya, the compound becomes śākapārthiva. Similarly out of devapūjako brdhmaņaķ we get devabrāhmaņaķ . This vārttika has been included by Pat under PA 2.2-9, varņo varņena. 636. This sūtra deals with nañ (tatpurusa) compound. The word supā ( = subantena) is got by anuvrtti and then the sūtra is to be explained like the other sūtras. So we take the illustration: na. brdhmaņaķ. 637. Acc. to this sūtra the n of nañ is dropped when it is followed by another word. The word uttarapade is got here by adhikāra (from PA 6.3.1). Hence we get abrdhmaņaķ (with s of nom. sg. appended to it). 638. Now we take up the case na aśvaķ, vvhich by No.637 vvill be a aśvaķ. Here comes up the present sūtra according to vvhich the augment nut ( = n ) is appended, vvhen after it (i.e. after the nañ vvith its n elided) comes up a vvord beginning vvth a vovvel. The anubandha t shovvs clearly that it is to be prefixed. But to vvhat is it to be prefixed? As a general rule the base to vvhich the āgama is to be appended is mentioned in gen. (cf. PA 7.2.25; 7.3.40, etc.). But in this sūtra there is no vvord in gen. and hence crops up the queṭ5tion noted above. B M solves this question by mentioning a paribhāsā acc- to vvhich vvhen both abi. and loc. occur together in a rule, the former is to be considered strongeṭ, because it is para. This means that in such cases loc. is not used in its usual sense. This makes it possibleto understand loc. in the sense of gen. (the case vvhich is used to indicate the base of an āgama). Thus vve come to the conclusion that 232 Notēs S 641 in tļie present case n is to be appended (i.e. prefixed) to the uttara pada (i.e. its initial vowel). Read: ubhayanirdeśe pañcamīnirdeśo bañym paratvāt iti paribhāsayā saptarm sasthim prakalpayatiļ BM . Hence finally we get a n aśvaķ = anaśvaķ, Now we can understand how our author has rightly explained loc. aci by gen, ( uttarpadasya) ajādeķ, 639. The word nityam is got in this sūtra by anuvrtti from the preceding sūtra, Accordingly this sūtra lays down that the word ku, and the gati and the prādi words form mtya (i.e. asvapadavigraha) samāsa with a samartha subanta, The illustration for ku is kupurusaķ (its vigraha being kutsitaķ purusaķ), Now before taking up illustrations for gati and prādi we must know what they are. Prādis are, of course, the 22 (or 24) nipātas noticed by P in PA 1.4.58. Then in PA 1.4.59 and 60 P tells that these prādis have the designation upasarga and also gati, when they are connected with kriyā. And further in PA 1.4.60-79 P has noticed certain words which have the designation gati (under particular circumstances). 640. We have seen that pra etc. are gati when witih kriyā. Now the present sūtra also lays down gati for ūryādi words, for words ending in cvi pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā we obtain tadantavidhi) tions with dāc, For ūryādigaņa see GRM . 2.96f. connected the samjñā suffix (by and forma Illustrations for these respectively are: ū ñkrtyay śukRkrtya, and patapatākrtya. These are illustrations for gati. The illust ration for prādi is supurusaķ. 641. Now our author takes up the sūtra dealing with upapada samāsa. P has defined upapada in PA 3.1.92 as a word that is mentioned in the sūtra (laying down a krt 233 S 641 Sārasiddhāntalļaumudī pratyaya) in loc. In the present sūtra also the vvord nilyam is got by anuvTtti. Thus this sūtra also lays dovvn that an upapada vvill form a nitya ( = asvapadavigraha) samāsa vvith a samartha (pada vvhich is) not a tin (i.e. tinanta). This means that though a tinanta is used in the vigraha, the compound vvill never end in a tinanta . In the illustration kumbhakdra, kumbha is upapada (because it is karman of kāra and the vvord karman is mentioned in loc. in karmaņy an PA 3.2.1); and kāra is an aņ formation from ^Jkr in the sense of karoti. Thus the alaukika vigraha vvould be kumbha+am+kāra vvhile the statement kumbhañi karoti iti is used only to convey that sense, and cannot be said to be the vigrahavākya in the strict sense of the term. In order to bring out the significance or need of the vvord atin in this sūtra, V takes the statement mā bhavān bhūt, and points out that since mā is mentioned in loc. in PA 3.3.175, māni luñy it has the designation upapada. But it vvill not form a compound vvith the luñ form (bhūt), because compounding of an upapada is admitted vvith vvords other than a tinanta (by the vvord atin in the present sūtra). 642. This sūtra lays dovvn the suffix ac as samāsānta (by the adhikāra in PA 5.4.68) to the vvord rātri vvhen it comes after ahan (in dvandva) and after sarva etc. (in tatpurusa). To illustrate ahan follovved by rātri, vve have the position ahan s ca rātriķ ca = ahar rātri a = ahorātr a (i elided by yasyeti ca, No. 624) = ahorātra. 643. Novv this samāsa comes under the sūtra jātir aprāņinām and hence must be singular; while No. 630 above vvould make it neuter. But that rule is set aside by the present sūtra 234 Noies S 646 acc. to which tatp. cpds. ending in rdtra, ahna and aha are masc. in gender. Hence the nom. sg. of the cpd. thus formed vvill be ahorātraķ. Similarly may be explained the illustrations for other items in No. 642. They are sarvardtraķ, purvardtraķ (ekadeśa ), samkhydtardtraķ , and puņyardtrah. In ali these the compound is masc. in gender by No. 643 (this ru le ); and the puihvadbhāva of the first member is acc. to PA 6.3.42, purhvatkarmadhāraya etc. 644. In his vrtti on No. 642 our author has brought out the force of ca in that rule in the vvords: cdt samkhydvyayddeķ. Thus rdtri vvill be changed to rdtra vvhen it comes after sathkhyd (a numeral) and avyaya . To illustrate samkhyd our author takes the cpd. dvirdtram. In this case the cpd. is not masc. (by No. 643) but neut. acc. to the rule samkhydpūrvam rdtrara kUbam. The vvord (rdtri changed to) rdtra, vvhen preceded by a samkhyd in a samāsa, is neuter in gender. This explains the gender of cpds. like dvirdtram. Illustration for avyayapūrva compound vvith rdtri is atirdtraķ vvhich is to be explained on the basis of No. 643 above. 645. This sutra also lays dovvn tac {—a) as sdmdsdnta (see adhikāra , samdsdntdh) for tatp. cpd. ending in rdjan, ahany and sakhi ( tadantavidhi ). An illustration for this rule is paramardjaķ. In this case the ti of paramardjan is dropped vvhen the suffix tac is appended, acc. to No. 610 above. O ur author does not give illustrations for ahan and sakhi. Bh. in his S K gives them as uttamdhaķ and krsņasakhaķ respectively. In the former vve have to note that the vvord ahan has dropped its ti and this is acc. to PA 6.4.145. 646. In this sutra the vvord uttarapada comes in by adhikāra and qualifies samdnddhikaraua {pada). It cannot be construed 235 S 646 S ā ra sid d h ā n la ķa u m u d ī with jātlya because it is only a suffix. Thus the sūtra lays down the antādeśa (see PA 1.1.52) ā for the word mahat when followed by a samānādhikaraņa pada or by jāfiya. The illust ration for the former is mahārājaķ, which is to be explained as follows. mahat+s rājan+s —mahat + rajan — mahaā rājan = mahārājan+a (by No. 645) = mahārāj+a ( tilopa by No. 610) = mahārājaķ (masc. nom. sg.). The illustration for the latter is mahdjdtīyaķ which can be similarly explained. 647. In this sūtra also uttarapada is got by adhikāra and qualifies samkhyāyām. This sūtra lays down the antādeśa ā (by anuvrtti) for dvi and astan when followed by a samānādhikarana samkhyā {pada) . This substitution does not take place in a bahuvñhi cpd. or when the uttara pada is aśīti. The illustrations respectively are dvādaśa and astāvimśatiķ. O ur author dissolves the former as dvyadhikā deśa {tatpurusa) while BM dissolves it like this or even as dvau ca daśa ca {dvandva). The cpd. astāvimśati is dissolved by B M as astādhikā vimśatiķ {tatpurusa) or astau ca vimśatiś ca {samāhāradvandva, not neut. (by No. 630), but fem. by usage. (cf. sa napumsakam iti kñbatvam tu na, kintu stñtvam lokāt). 648. In this sūtra P lays down that a dvandva or a tatpurusa compound will have the gender of the final member {uttara pada) . This is illustrated by kukkutamayūryau (fem.) or m ayūñkukkutau (masc.) for dvandva, and by ardhapippañ (for tatpurusa). 649. This is a vārttika which lays dovvn that vvhen no specific indication of gender is available, neuter gender shall be used. Tvvo illustrations are given. In mrdu pacati, mrdu is acc. sg. of 236 Notēs S 651 mrdu (n e u t.); while in prātaķ kamaniyam, the word kamamya is in neuter. In both these, neuter gender is used because the vvords accompanying them are not capable of giving any indication of a definite gender. Thus ends the treatment of tatpurusa. 650. The vvord prathmāntam is got in this sūtra by adhikāra (śesa = prathamāntam in PA 2.2.23). Thus the present sūtra means: more vvords than one, standing in nom. and expressing anyapadārtha , vvhen compounded together form a bahuvñhi. It has to be observed here that a bahuvñhi cpd. has the capacitv to convey the sense of any vibhakti except the nominative. Read: prathamārtham ekam varjayitvā sarvesu vibhaktyarthesu bahuvñhir bhavati, Kās. Hence V has given six illustrations (one for each case from acc. upto loc.). In ali these, it has to be noted, the constituent members are prathamānta (i.e. in the same case) and hence this sort of bahuvñhi is often knovvn as samānādhikaraņa bahuvñhi . Also read: aprathamāvibhaktyarthe bahuvñ hir iti samānādhikaraV'ānām iti ca phalitam , Bh. SK. O ur author has given the vigrahavākya, the samāsa, and the anyapadārtha conveyed by it in serial order. Thus prāptam udakam yam is the vigraha; prāptodakaķ is the samāsa formed; and grāmaķ is the anya padārtha conveyed or referred to. This is dvifiyārthe bahuvñhi as shovvn bv the vvord yam in the vigraha. 651. In this sūtra , saptarrñ means saptamyanta (by pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā ) and pūrvam is got by anuvrtti from the preceding sūtra. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that in a bahuvñhi cpd. the vvord in loc. or the viśesaņa must be placed first. This explains vvhy in the illustrations given above, the vvords prāpta, ūdha, etc. are placed first. They are ali viśesaņas. 237 S 651 S ā ra sid d h ā n la ķa u m u d l The illustration for saptamī is kaņthekālaķ, for which, however, the following sūtra is needed. 652, The word aluk is got in this sūtra by anuvrtti. By PA 2.4.71, the case-endings of the padas of a compound are to be elided. But the present sūtra lays down that loc. case-ending after a pada (in a compound) ending in a or in a consonant is not elided. Thus when we form a cpd. from the vigraha kaņthe kālaķ yasya, kaņthe will not drop its loc. ending and will be placed first. Thus the cpd. will be kaņthekālaķ. In No. 650 P has spoken of samānādhikaraņa bahuvñhi only; but he has nowwhere spoken of vyadhikaraņa bahuvñhi. But the fact that he has made a rule pertaining to a bahuvñhi in which the first member stands in loc. (and the second in nom.) indicates that such a variety (i.e. vyadhikaraņa) was known to and admitted by him. This is what our author means When he remarks: ata eva jñāpakāt etc. It must, however, be noted that it is possible to dissolve the cpd. kaņthekālaķ as kaņthesthaķ kālaķ yasya (on the strength of the vārttika, saptamyupamānapūrvapadasya bahuvñhir uttarapadalopaś ca) and in that case the present sūtra cannot be said to be jñāpaka of vyadhikarana variety of bahuvñhi . (Read: B M and M bh on PA. 2.2.24). One more thing to be noted here is that this sūtra applies only when and if the cpd formed is a samjñā . In the Kāśikā on PA 2.1.44, samjñā is defined as samudāyopādhi, with the further remark: tena nityasamāsa evāyam / nahi vākyena samjñā gamyate. For further details see K. V. A b h y a n k a r , DSG. P. 375. 653. In this sūtra, the word bhāsitapumskādanūñ is to be understood as a bahuvñhi with the non-elision of pañcarm in 238 N oies S 654 the pūrvapada and elision of sasthi of the compound itself. The vigraha given by B M is bhdsitapuihskdt (paraķ) anūdi yasya ( tasya striydh = stñvdcakasya ) . The word bhāsitapuihska is explained by B M as bhdsitaķ pumdn yena tad bhdsitapumskam / tad asydsñti arśa ādyacļpumstve stñtve caikapravTttinimittakam iti ydvat/. Thus the expression means a vvord whose application to males as well as females is governed by the same factor or pravrttinimitta . Thus, for example, the vvord rūpavat (fem. rūpavañ) is applied to man or vvoman on account of the same circumstance, namely possession of rūpa (beauty). The loc. striyām means vvhen a vvord of the fem. gender follovvs. Thus novv the sūtra lays dovvn that a bhāsitapuihska feminine vvord, not having the (fem. suffix) ū appended to it, vvhen follovved by a fem. vvord in the same case, vvill have the form of the masculine (pu'ñivadbhāva ) . This rule, hovvever, does not apply to pūram (fem. ordinals) and the vvords of the priyādigaņa . Tvvo illustrations have been given. In citraguķ the vvord citrd is bhdsitapurhska anūñ stñ and it is follovved by samdnddhikaraņa stñ , namely go. Hence by this rule, citrd has puthvadbhdva (i.e. it becomes citrd) and go is changed to gu (by No. 605 above, the hrasva of o being u acc. to eca ig hrasvddese, PA 1.1.48); and ultimately vve have the cpd. citraguķ. The cpd. rūpavadbhdryaķ can be similarly explained. To illustrate the need of the expression apwayñpriyddisu , our author gives the cpd kalydrñpriyaķ; but he avoids giving illustration for pūram. For that vvould require .the inclusion in this vvork of one more sūltray namelv PA 5.4.116. The illustration for it is kalyaVĀpañcamdh ( rdtrayaķ). 654. In this sūtra the vvord samdsānta is got by adhikāra {PA 5.4.68). The genitive sakthyaksņoķ stands for ablative 239 S 654 S ā ra sid d h ā n ia ka u m u d i and the expression means sakthyaksyantād {bahuvñheķ) by tadantavidhi. This sūtra thus lays down the samāsānta sac ( = a) for a bahuvñhi ending in sakthi or aksi, both signifying part of a body {s vārīga). To illustrate this our author gives dīrghasakthaķ, the vigraha being dīrghe sakthirñ yasya saķ. 655. In this sūtra P lays down that the consonant s standing at the beginning of a suffix is mute. (The words ādiķ and it are got by anuvrtti). The letter c is, of course, it by PA 1.3.3. Thus the samāsānta is a only. Novv dīrghe has pumvadbhāva by No. 653; sakthi drops its final i and vvith a added, the final form of the cpd is cñrghasakthaķ. To illustrate aksi, our author takes the cpd. vāmāksī {vāma + aksi) vvhich is to be similarly explained. The only additional point to be noted is the fem. suffix rūs ( = ī) vvhich is appended to this compound because it ends in a sit pratyaya {PA 4.1.41 sidgaurādibhyaśca ) . 656. This sūtra also lays dovvn the samāsānta kap (= fl) for bahuvñhi compounds ending in uras etc. ( tadantavidhi). Illustrations are vyūdhoraskaķ and priyasarpiskaķ . In both these cpds. the vvords vyūdha and priya are placed first by No. 651. 657. In this sūtra P lays dovvn that samāsānta kap ( = a ) shall be optionally appended to ali such compounds for vvhich no samāsānta has been expressly laid dovvn {śesa). The illustra tion is mahāyaśaskaķ or mahāyaśāh (the change of mahat to mahā takes place by No. 646). Thus ends the treatment of bahuvñhi. 658. In this sūtra the vvord anekam {subantam) is got by anuvrtti. Thus the sūtra means that tvvo or more vvords convey- 240 Noies S 659 ing the sense of ca are optionally compounded; and the čompound thus formed is named dvandva . Here our author gives the senses conveyed by ca. They are: (1) samuccaya, (2) anvācaya, (3) itaretarayoga, and (4) samāhāra. Samuccaya means putting together in one context more than one things, vvhich are totally independent of one another; e.g. īśvaram gurum ca bha ja, vvhere īśvara and guru who are parasparanirapeksa are connected vvith one verb, namely bhaja as its objects. Anvācaya accurs vvhen, of the things brought into one context, one is incidental ( ānusañgika ) ; e.g. bhiksdm ata gām cānaya. Itaretarayoga is bringing tvvo or more things in one contex,t together or in a group: e.g. dhava khadirau chindhi, where dhava and khadira are connected vvith the chedanakriyā as its object not separately or independently of one another, but together. Finally samāhāra means samūha, collection or group (i.e. forming one unit out of several things): e.g. samjñāparibhāsam vvhere tvvo separate ideas, namely samjñās and paribĶāsās are put together to form one group. Novv our author tells us that the first and the second of the cārthas are not amenable to samāsa, for vvant of sāmarthya ( ckārtlļībhāva) (which is necessary for a samāsa acc. to PA 2.1.1). It, therefore, follovvs that onlv the remaining tvvo can give us the dvandva compound,-vvhich, therefore, naturally fails into tvvo vārieties, named after the cārtha conveyed by them. 659. This and the follovving tvvo sūtras deal vvith the itaretarayoga dvandva and lay dovvn the pūrvanipāta of some vvords. Thus this sūtra lavs dovvn that in rājadanta and other com pounds that, vvhich by a general rule should be placed first, vvill be placed last. In rājadanta (dantānārh rājā), danta stand ing in gen. is upasarjana (acc. No. 599) and hence must be 241 F.— 16 A 3 659 S ā ra sid d h ā n ta ķa u m u d ī placed first. But that rule is superseded by the present sūtra and it is placed last. For hājadantādigaņa see GRM . 2.78-88. 660. This sūtra also is to be similarly exp!ained. In dvandva cpds. ghi is to be placed first. For ghi see PA 1.4.7. The illustra tion is hariharau. 661. This sūtra lays dovvn that a vvord beginning vvith a vovvel and ending in a should be placed first. The illustration is īśakrsnau. 662. In this sūtra the vvord anga, standing at the end of a dvandva compound, is to be connected vvith each member of the compound, acc. to the mle dvandvānte śrūyamāņam padaūi pratyekam abhisarhbadhyate. Thus the sūtra means: vvords expressive of the parts of animals, instruments and army are compounded into a samāfiāradvandva . Naturally this sūtra has three illustrations. They are: pāņipādam , mārdangikapāņavikam , and rathikāsvāroham respectively. 663. This sūira lays dovvn the samāsānta tac (got by anuvrtti) for samāfiāradvandva compounds ending in cu (letters of cavarga) and the letters d, and A. The illustrations are vāktvacam (samāfiāra ovving to prāņyañga ), tvaksrajam, śāmīdvsadam, vāktvisam, and chatropānaham, ali samāhāradvandvas. This samāsānta is available only in a samāfiāra. Hence vvhen no samāfiāra is expressed it cannot be appended, as for example, in prāi/rtsaradau (vvhich is an itaretaradvandva samāsa). Here ends the treatment of dvandva . 664. In this sūtra ānakse = a anakse . Furthermore, by tadantavidhi, rk etc. mean samāsas ending in rk etc Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the samāsānta a (by adhikāra PA 5.4.68) 242 Notēs S 666 for compounds having rk etc. for their final member. This holds good in the case of the word dhur, only if it (i.e. dhur) is not connected vvith (or does not pertain to) ak§a. V proceeds to illustrate and starts vvith ardharca. This is to be explained as follovvs: rc+ aķ ardham = ardha Tc+a (by this rule) = ardharcaķ (masc. acc. to PA 2.4.31). But vve may also have neuter ardharcam. The next illustration is: visņoķ pūh = visnu+pur+a (by this rule) = visņupura . Nom. sg. vvould be visņupuram (neut. and not fem. as expected acc. to PA 2.4.26). Bh. remarks klībatvam lokāt. The third illustration is vimalāpam ( saraķ ), vimalāh āpaķ yasmin is the vigraha . The fourth llustration is: rājñaķ dkuĶ = rājan dhur a = raja dhura = rājadhura + ā (i.e. tāp by No. 194 above) = rājadhurā. The compound is feminine because the final member is feminine. By vvay of counter examples are given the cfcmpounds aksadhūh ( tatpurusa) and dT&hadhūķ ( aksaķ, bahuvñhi ), in both of vvhich dhur is connected vvith aks'a and hence does not .get the samāsānta a. Illustrations for pathin are : sakhipathaķ ( sasthī tatpu rusa) , vvhere before the samāsānta a , pathin drops its ti by PA 6.4.144; and ramyapathaķ (a bahuvñhi to be explained as above). 665. The vvord sam āsāntāh is got in this sūtra by adhikāra (PA 5.4.68). Thus the sūtra prohibits the appending of the samāsānta pratyayas to vvords coming (in compounds) after vvords expressing honour or veneration. The illustrations are surājā and atirājā in both of vvhich vve see that the samāsānta tac by No. 645 above has not been appended. 666. This appears to be a vārttika . But B M gives vārttika as pūjāyām svatigrahaņam kartavyam. Thus 243 the the S 666 S ā ra sid d h ā n ta ka u m u d ī prohibition of samāsānta does not apply to words other than su and ati. Hence it is appended in them. Thus vve have paramaś Jcāsau rājā ca = paramarājaķ . 667. In this sūtra P has sanctioned highly irregular compounds like prsodara etc. (for this gaņa see G R M ) on the basis of currency among the sistas (the elite). Here our author gives a famous couplet vvhich gives and illustrates the four kinds of irregular modifications that the bases or vvords undergo in the formation of (vvords or) compounds. Thus in hamsa vve have varņāgama. DM derives this vvord in tvvo vvays (1) from y h a s in vvhich case there is āgama ‘anusvāra’; or (2) from V han vvhen there is āgama s, before vvhich the n of the root is changed to anusvāra acc. PA 8.3.24, naścāpa dāntasya. In both the cases the suffix appended is ac (acc. PA 3.1.134). The vvord siraha (illustration for varņaviparyaya) is derived from V hims vvith the addition of ac (PA 3.1.134). Here num is added (by PA 7.1.58), n is changed to anusvāra (as above) and 5 and h change plaçes. The third modification is varņavikrti, vvhich is illustrated by gūdhotmā. This is a bahuvñķi compound dissolved as gūdhaķ ātmā yasya. The compound vvould be gūdha + ātm ā. But the initial ā of ātm ā is changed to u and then by PA. 6.1.87 vve get g ū d h o tm ā (instead of g ū d h ā tm ā ). The vvord prsodaram illustrates the last item, varņanāsa. It is a karmadhāraya compound in vvhich the first member droos its final consonant t and then by sarndhi acc. to PA 6.1.87 vve get pr$a+udara = prsodara. The above explanation of the couplet shovvs that only the last tvvo illustrations are compounds. But this need not be supposed as indicating that only those tvvo changes pertain 244 Noies S 669 to samāsas. In fact ali the four (and perhaps several others) are noticeable in compounds. It may further be observed that in couplet whiçh mentions five modes of four of which are identical with the the present couplet. The couplet in the the Kāśikā we get a niruktam (derivation), changes mentioned in Kāśikā is : varņāgamo varņaviparyayaś ca dvau cāparau varņavikāranāśau/ dhdtos tadarthātiśayena yogas taducyate pañcavidham niruktam / / Kāśikā on PA 6.3.109. Thus ends the •treatment of samāsas. 688. Ali the words in this sūtra are adhikrta and have their sway as far as PA 5.3.1 ( prāg diśo vibhaktiķ). 669. This also is an adhikārasūtra having its sway as far as PA 4.4.2, tena dīvyati. From here upto that sūtra the suffix aņ is to be understood as adhikrta (along with the preceding sūtra). Here it has to be observed that these two sūtras so to say from the general rule according to which (1) the suffix aņ is laid dovvn in such of the follovving sūtras as do not specifically enjoin any specific suffix (viśesa pratyaya) ; and (2) in sūtras vvhere the base (for the suffix enjoined) is not stated, it is to be understood on the basis of No. 668 (namely samarthānām prathamādvā) . In those sūtras, hovvever, vvhere the suffix is specifically enjoined, the suffix aņ (generally laid dovvn by this sūtra) does not apply. Read: tathā ca tasyāpatyam ityādyuttarasūtre§u kevalam arthanirdeśaparesu 245 S 669 Sārasiddhānlaķaumudi vidheyapratyayaviśesāsamyuktesu kirn bhavatītyākāñksāyām aņ ityupatisthāta iti labhyate/ kasmād bhavañtyākāñksāyām samarthāt prathamāt iti prakrtivišeso labhyate/ yatra tu vidhe yaķ pratyayaviśesah śrūyate tatra aņ iti nopa’tisthate, aņ ityasya auisargikatayā vaiśesikeņa iñadind bādhāt/ B M . 670. This sūtra lays down specifically the suffix ņya ( = ya ) and hence the suffix aņ does not apply here (as has been explained above). Here it has to be observed that this suffix ņya is appended to the bases mentioned here to convey the prāgdīvyafiya senses (i.e. the sens es conveyed by the suffixes enjoined by P in PA 4.3.132-166). These suffixes have been put together by Bh. in his S Ķ under the heading prāgdīvyatīyaprakaraņa. ~ Illustrations respectively are : daitya (from diti), āditya (from aditi or āditya ), and prājāpatya (from prajāpati which is a patyuttarapada base). The formation daitya is to be explained as follovvs: diti+ya = daiti+ya (by PA 7.1.117) dait ya (by PA 6.4.148) = daitya. The formations āditya and prājāpatya are to be similarly explained. 671. This sūtra lays down the suffix añ (= a) for utsa etc. (for utsādi gaņa see G R M 4.254 ff.) in the prāgdīvyañya senses (by adhīkāra). In the illustration autsa, the first vowel undergoes vrddhi (by PA 7.2.117) and the final a (of utsa) is elided before añ (by PA 6.4.148). 672. This is a vārttika laying down the suffix yañ (= ya) causing vrddhi in the base (by PA 7.2.117) and eliding its ti (for definition of ti see PA 1.1.64) before it. Thus bahis+ ya = bāh+ya = bāhya. Here the elision of ti ordinarily should occur by PA 7.1.88 ( bhasya ter lopaķ). But 246 N oies S 676 this tilopa is not obligatory in the case of auyayas as can be seen from formations like ārāfiya (from ārāt + īya) and hence here tilopa has been particularly enjoined. R ead : tilopavacanam avyayāndm bhamātre tilopasyānityatvajñāpanārtham/ Kās, on this vārttika under PA 4.1.85. 673. This is another vārttika laying down the suffix īkak (= īka ), Now this suffix has a mute k appended to it. The operation indicated by mute k is noticed in the following sūtra . 674. In this sūtra, acdm ddeķ (acaķ vTddhiķ) is got by anuz/rtti, T h u s bahis + ika = bāhis+īka — bdh %a -b d h Ika, 675. In the Kāśikā, this vārttika is read as sarvatra ajādi— . Accordingly when a suffix beginning with a vowel is to be applied to the word go, the suffix yat is substituted for it. •Thus go '+ aņ = go + ya = gav + ya ' = gavya (o is changed to av by PA 6.1.78, vānto yi pratyaye), 676. It has been already explained above that when a sūtra mentions the artha (but not the suffix) and mentions the base only in a general way (by some case form of a pronoun), we have to understand the base on the basis of the sūtra, samarthānām prathamād vā (PA 4.1.82), and the suffix aņ, In the present sūtra P has la:d down ali the pratyayas ( uktāķ vaksyamāņāś ca) to a samartha (i.e. krtasarņdhi) base stand ing in the genitive. Bh. has explained sāmarthya as krtasandhikāryatva and rightly so because a śabda gets its capacity to express its sense only after the sandhi operatons are carried out (Read: B M on sāmarthyam under PA 4.1.82). Thus when aņ (= a ) is appended to upagu, we have upagu + a. 247 S 677 Sārasiddhānlakaumudī 677. By the sūtra yaci bham {PA 1.4.18), the base upagu gets the designation bha. Now the present sūtra lays down that before a taddhita suffix-the final u of a bha takes guņa. By tadantavidhi, oķ means uvarņāntasya ( bhasya, by anuvrtti). Similarly by PA 7.2.117 the first vowel of the base takes vrddhi. Thus ultimately we get aupago + a = aupagava (by avādeśa). The formation daitya has been already explained above. 678. The vvord apatya, it has to be noted, does not signify putra (son) alone. It signifies a descendant and includes pautra and further descendants also. In the present sūtra P has declared that descendants ( apatya) from pautra {putrasya putraķ) onvvard are designated gotra . The vvord apatyam can be got in this sūtra on the basis of adhikāra. But it has been purposely included in this sūtra to indicate that pautra etc. can be designated gotra only if thev are intended to be mentioned as apatya. If, on the other hand, they are intended to be expressed as pautra etc. they cannot have the designation gotra (see B M ) . 679. In this sūtra, apatyapratyayaķ is got as viśe?ya for akaķ on tbe strength of adhikāra {PA 4.1.92 and PA 3.1.1). Furthermore, ekaķ naturallv- means ekaķ eva. Thus the present sūtra means that a base vvill have only one {apatya pratyaya) appended to it vvhen gotra is to be conveyed. The illustration aupdgavaķ {upagor gotrāpatyam) is to be explained as above. Here the suffix is aņ. 680. In this sūtra , the pratyaya enjoined is y a ñ ( = ya ), in vvhich the mute ñ . indicatcs vrddhi of the first vovvel in the base {PA 7.2.117). This sūtra is to be understood in the 248 Noies S 682 light of the prev.ous sūtra as laying down the (aka) gotra pratyayaķ. The illustrations gārgya and vātsya are to be explained on the same lines as aupagava . The oñly additional point to be observed here is the elision of the final a in both the cases (by yasyeti ca, PA 6.4.148). 681. By pratyayagrahaņav:dhi, yañ and iñ mean yañanta and iñanta respectively. On the strength of adhikāra we have to understand the suffixes yañ and in as signifying gotra. Thus the present sūtra means that the yañanta and iñanta formations signifying gotra ( apatya) will drop these suffixes when the plurality of the sense of the suffixes is to be conveyed. Thus gārgya is a yañanta formation from garga. Now when pluralitv is to be conveyed (i.e. gargasya apatyāni) the suffix yañ is elided and hence we shall have the plural formation gargāh. The word vatsāh also is to be similarly explained. Illustration for iñanta formation is u ts ā h . It has to be noted, however, that this elision is prohibited in the case of feminine formations in these suffixes. In this sūtra we have the anuvTtti of the whole of PA 2.4.62 but for the vvord tadrājasya; similarly the vvords luk and gotre are to be got from PA 2.4.58 and PA 2.4.63 respectively. 682. In this sūtra P has declared that if a vañiśyd ( pitrādi) is alive, the apatya of the pautra (i.e. the fourth descendant) and the subsenuent descendants vvill be designated yuvan. This means that the designation gotra vvill not be applicable to them. Thus vve see how these three designations are to be distinguished from one another. The distinction, indicated in the formation by the taddhita suffixes, is to be specifically expressed in the analytical semantic explanation of thesd forma- 249 S 682 Sārasiddhānialtaumudi tions by using the word apatyam, gotrāpatyam and yuvāpatyam iespectively. The first two have been already illustrated in Nos. 676, 679 above. Before illustrating the third, we have to take up two more sūtras vvhich are requ red for these formations. 683. In this sūtra , gotrāt means gotrapratyayāntāt} yūni means vvhen the sense yuvāpatya is to be conveyed. The vvord apatyapratyaya is got by adhikāra . Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that the suffix denoting yuvāpatya is to be appended to a gotrāpatya formation only (and not to the simple base of that form ation). The vvord astriyām m this sūtra shovvs that yuvasa'thjñā is not available in the feminine. So novv yuvāpatya is defined and it has also been ruled that yuvāpatya suffix is to be appended to gotrāpatya forma tion. Novv vve have to knovv the yuvāpatya suffix itself. For this vve turn to the next sūtra. 684. By pratyayagrahaņa paribhāsā, yañ and iñ mean yañanta and iñanta formations respectively. By adhikāra these suffixes are to be understood as signifying gotra. The suffix phak ( =pha = āyan see next sūtra) is yuvāpatya suffix. For it can be neither apatya suffix (vvhich is applied to the simple base only), nor can it be gotra suffix (for the rule ako gotre, No. 679 prohibits it). The suffix phak is got here by anuvTtti. 685. This sūtra tells us the substitutes for various letters standing at the beginning of the suffixes given by P. They are: āyan (for pha), ey (for dha ), in (for kha), īy (for cha)> and iy (for gh). It has to be observed that in ali these sthānins (except the last one, namely gh) akāra is uccāraņārthaAccordingly phak=pha (k is mute and hence dropped) = āyana. When this is applied to gārgya, vve get gārgyāyaņa ( n 250 Noies S 689 being changed to ņ by PA 8.4.1-2). Here the base gārgya does not drop its y though an apatya (i.e. yuvāpatya) suffix is appended to it, because the suffix here begins with ā (see PA 6.4.151, āpatyasya ca taddhite’nāti) . T he formation vātsyāyana is to be similarly explained. Similarly from dāksi (an iñanta formation) vve have dāksāyaņa. In ali these cases the final a or i is dropped before ayana according to PA 6.4.148, yasyeti ca. 686. In this sūtra ataķ means adantāt prātipadikāt. The vvords tasya apatyam are got by anuvrtti; and hence the present sūtra means that to an adanta prātipadika vvith a gen. caseending, the suffix iñ is appended in the siense apatya . Mute ñ indicates vrddhi of the first vovvel of the base. Thus dakša + i = dāksa+i = dāks+i (final a dropped by PA 6.4.148) = dāksiķ. 687. This sūtra lays dovvn m for bāhu etc. For this gana see GRM . 3.203-7. To illustrate: bāhu+ i = bāho+i (by PA 6.4.146, or guņaķ) = bāhaviķ ( avādeśa ). Similarly uduloman + i = auduloman+i = audulom + i = audulomiķ . audulomi is nom. du. 688. This vārttika lays dovvn that apatyārtha iñanta formations from bases ending in loman change their final i to a before plr. case-endings. Hence audulomi+as = uduloma+ as = udulomah, 689. This sūtra lays dovvn the suffix aņ , in the sense of apatya, for śiva and other vvords. For this gaņa see G RM . 3.212-17. The illustration is saiva ( vrddhi of the first vovvel and elision of the final a of the base). 251 S 690 Sārasiddhāntalâumudī 690. The vvord stñbhyaķ means vvords or formations ending in the feminine suffixes given by P in the fourth adhyāya of his vvork (and not ali feminine vvords). Read: Stñsācbdena tābādyāh stñpratyayāś cāturthikā grhyante na tvanye)pi stñvācakāh/ vyākhyānāt / BM . The suffix dhak = dha = eya (see No. 685), mute k in vvhich indicates vrddhi of the first vowel of the base ( PA 7.2.118).Thus from vinatā we get vainateya (by vrddhi of the first vovvel and elision of the final a by PA 7.2.118 and 6.4.148). 691. The vvord tat in this sūtra , on the basis of the adhikāra (.PA 4.1.82) means, to a samartha prātipadika in the accusative. Since here the suffix is not sp<ecifically mentioned, vve have to take aņ (or some such suffix as may be available). Novv vyākaraņam adhlte, veda — vyākaraņa + a. Here the follovving sūtra lays dovvn a further operation. 692. Ordinarily before a ņit taddhita , the first vovvel of the base undergoes vrddhi . But the present sūira lays dovvn an exception to this rule, declaring that a vovvel preceded by a final y or v vvill not undergo vrddhi before kit or ñit or ņit suffixes. It further lays down the augments ai (in the case of y) and au (in the case of v) before y and v rēspectively. Thus vyākaraņa+a — vaiyākaraņa+a = vaiyākaraņ+a = vaiyākaraņa . 693. The vvord rāgāt means rāgavācakāt prātipadikāt and tena (raktam ) means trtīyāsamarthāt, The suffix is not men tioned and hence it is aņ (by adhikāra, No. 669 above). Thus to convey the sense kasāyeņa raktam vve have kasāya aņ = kāsāyam. 252 Notēs S 701 694. Here also the suffix aņ is to be appended to a devatāvācaka prātipadika with the nom. case-ending. Thus from paśupali+aņ we get pāśupata (to be similarly explained). 695. In this sūtra the vvord tatra is got by anui/rtii and this means the suffix aņ is appended to a saptamyanta prāti padika denoting some thing in vvhich some bhaksa (eatable) is prepared (samskvta). Thus vve get the formation bhrāstra a = bhrāstrāh ( = bhrāstrcsu saūiskrtā bhaksāh). 696. In this sūtra also aņ is appended to a saptamyanta prātipadika denoting a place vvhere one s*ays or is born. Thus srughne bhavaķ = srughna+a = sraughnaķ . 697. In this sūtra P defines the term vrddha as a vvord, the first among the vovvels in vvhich is vrddhi (i.e. the vovvels ā} ai, au, see vTddhir ād aic, PA 1.1.1). 698. In this sūtra P lavs dovvn that instead of aņ the suffi\ cha ( —iya ) (see No. 685) is added to a vrddha base (as defined in No. 697 in the same sense (i.e. tatra bhavaķ). Thus śālāyām bhavaķ = śālā+īya = śāl+īya = śā[iya. 699. In this sūtra also tatra bhavaķ is got by anuvrtti and thus this sūtra lays dovvn the suffix yat for diś etc. in the sense tatra bhavaķ. Thus vve have diśyam (from diś) and vargyam (from varga). For digādigaņa see G R M 5.339f. 700. Similarly yat is to be appended to a vvord denoting the part of the body in the same sense as above. Thus vve have the formations dantyam and kaņthyam. 701. This vārttika declares that the suffix thañ {—tha ~ ika, see next rule) is appended to adhyāt?na and other vvords, for vvhich see Kāśikā. Thus vve get ādhyātmika. 253 S 702 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudī 702. In this sūtra P lays down that ika is to be substituted for the suffix tha. This is illustrated in the formation ādhyāt mikam. The explanation of this formation is: ātmani+iti adhyātmam (avyayībhāva cf. adhihari ) ; and then adhyātm arn bhavam — adhyātma+ika = ādhyātmika. 703. In this sūtra vve get the vvords pūrvapadasya cottara padasya ca acām āder iffddhiķ by anuvTtti. For anuśatikādi gaņa, see Kāśikā on PAj 7.3.20. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn that before suffixes having mute ñ, ņ or k these bases take z/rddhi of the first vovvel in both the constituent padas. Thus vve get the formations ādhidaivika, ādhibhautika, aihalaukika . and pāralaukika formed by appending thañ to (the avyayibhāva bases) adhideva, adhibhūta and (the karmadhāraya bases) ihaloka and paraloka. 704. In this sūtra the senses vikāra and avayava are got by anuz/ftti. Thus this sūtra lays dovvn the suffix yat (=• ya) for go and payas to conveythe senses vikāra or avayavaa Thus goķ vikāraķ = go+ ya = gav+ya (by PA 6.1.78), = gavyam. Similarly from payas vve get payasyam. 705. In this sūtra also the suffix yat is laid dovvn for a vvord in the locative denoting some thing (or place) in vvhich one is sādhu (adept, vvell-versed). Illustrations are sāmanyaķ, karmaņyaķ (from sāman and karman). The bases ending in a drop their final a acc. to PA 6-4-148. 706. The vvord tena in this sūtra shovvs that the suffix vati ( —vat) is to be appended to a trtiyānta prātipadika in the sense of tulya, provided that the tulyatva consists in kriyā. The vvord tulyam (sāmānye napumsakam) is to be under- 254 Noies S 713 stood as bhedaka of kriyā . The illustration is brāhmaņena tulyam (adhīte) = brāhmaņavad ( adhñte). It must be observed that vat cannot be appended if kriyā is not tulya (See putreņa tulyaķ sthūlah given by B h .). 707. The suffixes tva and tai are laid dovvn for a sasthyanta prātipadika to denote bhāva, vvhich is defined as prakftyartha -? bodhe prakāraķ. 708. This is a lingānuśāsanasūtra and formation in tva vvill be neuter and that be feminine (i.e. of course by adding tāp Hence the illustratons for these suffixes gotā (both are analysed as gor bhāvaķ). lays dovvn that a in tai ( = ta ) vvill acc. to PA 4.1.4). are: gotvam and 709. The vvords tad asya are got here by anuvrtti; and thus this sūtra means that the suffixes dvayasac, daghnac and mātrac are appended to a prathamānta prātipadika in the sense of tad asya pramāņam. Illustrations are ūrū pramāņam asya = ūrudvayasam, ūrudaghnam, and ūrumātram. 710. In this sūtra the suiñx matup (= m at) is laid dovvn after a prathamānta prātipadika denot.’ng some thing vvhich belongs to and exists in some person or place. Thus gāvaķ asya (asmin vā) santi = gomān. 711. This sūtra lays dovvn the suffix ka for a base to convey the sense ajñāta. Thus aśvaka means an ajñāta horse. The idea of ajñātatva is conveyed by the question kasyāyam (aśvaķ). 712. Similarly the suffix ka conveys the idea kutsita (bad), so that aśvaka can also mean kutsitaķ aśvaķ. 713. This sūtra lays dovvn the suffix akac ( —aka) for avyayas and sarvanāmans; and this suffix is to be infixed before 255 S 713 Sārasiddhāntakaumudl the ti (of the base). Thus uccaiķ+aka = uccaka+ais = uccakaiķ. Similarly are formed mcakaiķ from ñīcaiķ and sarvake from sarve. This suffix is appended vvithout any change in the meaning. 714. The suffix aņ is appended to prajña and other vvords (for this gaņa see G R M 3.174-77) vvith no change in the sense. The suffix is ņit and hence causes zrrddhi of the fust vovvel of the base. Secondly the final a is elided by the rule yasyeti ca , PA 6.4.148; nnd thus vve get the formation Prājña (from firajña ) ; daivataķ (from devatā ), and bāndhava (from bandhu). In this last illustration the final u takes guņa (bv No. 677 or guņah ) and then vvith avādeśa vve get bāndhava. Here ends the treatment of the taddhitas. 715. The feminine suffix tāp ( =ā) has been alreadv noticed above (No. 194) for vvords ending in a and also the vvords of the ajādi gaņa. Novv in this sutra the suffix ñīp (got by anuvTtti) is being laid dovvn for formations in ugit suffixes (i.e. suffixes having mute « or r ) . Here ugit = ugidanta (by pratyayagrahaņaparibhāsā) prātipadika (bv adhikāra). The illustration is : gomat (go + matup) + ñīp = gomaft. Before ī, the ba.se has the designation bha (by yaci bham , PA 1.4 . 18 ) and hence the final t is not changed to d. •t 716. This sūtra lays dovvn the suffix ñīp for Prātipadikas ending in tit suffixes, and the suffixes dha, aņ, añ} dvayasacs daghnac, mātrac, tayap, thak, thañ, kañ and kvarap. But this happens only if these formations are not upasarjana (for iipasarja.ua see PA 1.2.43:4 4 ); and secondly vvhen they are adanta (if at ali they end in a vovvel). Read: ata iti sawatrñnuvartateļtat sati sambhave viśesaņañi bhavati/ Kāš. Thus 256 Not ēs 720 kurucāñ illustrates titpratyayānta base; vvhile ’ n adī and devi show that mute t added to prātipadikas in the gaņapātha is also meant to indicate the fem. suffix. Sauparņeyi illustrates <ļhapratyayānta; vvhile aindñ illustrates aņanta bases. The vvords sauparņeya and aindra are formed by appending dhak and aņ to suparņa and indra respectivelv. 717. aņ to This sūtra tells us that aindra is formed by appending indra in the sense, it belongs to him. The vvord autñ illustrates añanta formation, acc. to PA 4.1.86. Similarly ūrudvayasī} ūrudaghnī and ūrumātri illustrate the next three items. The other items have not been illustrated by our author. This sūtra also lays dovvn the suffix nīp to signify an ā k h y ā (name, designation) vvhch, belonging to a male, applies to a femnle ovving to her connection vvith the male. The vvord ..gopī- is applied to the vvife of a gopa (i.e. it is a designation vvhich the vvife gets on account of her connection vvith a gopa). Hence the fem. is formed by appending nīp to gopa. 719. suffix it is) This vārttika lays dovvn that to the vvord sūrya the fem. isappended to denote d e v a tā . Thus sūryasya stñ (vvhen d e v a tā = s ū r y a + ā = s ū r y ā . But othervvise (A.e. vvhen d e v a tā is not intended, but only a human being) the fem. suffix to be appended is nīp only. Thus suryasya strī (not devatā, but mānusī) = sūrya+ī. cā p 718. 720. At this stage comes another vārttika vvhich lays dovvn that before nī (i.e. the suffix ī represented by ñīn, rtīp, and nīs) as also before the suffix cha, the vvords sūrya and agastya drop F.— 17 A 257 S 720 Sārasiddhāntaķaumudī their y. Hence sūrya+ī = sūra+'ī = sūr l (by PA 6.4.148) = sū ñ , which means Kuntī. V has not given an illustration for cha, because it is not relevant at this place. 721. The word manusyajāteķ is got in this sūtra by anu vrtti; and utaķ by tadantavidhi means udantāt prātipadikāt (by adhikāra ). Thus this sūtra lays down the suffix ūn for a prātipadika (denoting a hum an being) ending n u (short). For instance, we take the word kuru (vvhich satisfies the above conditions) and apply the fem. suffix ūn ( = ū ) to it. M ute n prevents guņa in the base; and thus vve get kurū. Here V reminds us of the paribhāsā , prātipadikagrahaņe lingaviśistasyāpi grahaņam {Pbh. 72) according to vvhich the fem. format on can be designated prātipadika and hence sup pratyayas can be appended to it acc. to PA 4.1.1. Thus vve have kurūh (nom. sg.). 722. In this vārttika the vvord ca shovvs that the fem. suffix ūn is to be applied to the vvord śvaśura. Before the suffix ūñ} the vvord śvaśura drops its u (in śu) and a (in ra) and thus vve get the formation śvaśrūh. 723 This sūtra comes after the sūtra taddhitāh ( PA 4.1.76) vvhich shovvs that the suffix ti enjo ned by this sūtra is to be considered a taddhita sufhx, vvhich designation is not available to the other fem. suffixes. It is on account of this designaton, that the formation yuvati can have the designation prātipa dika (by PA 1.2.46) and hence can have sup pratyayas appended to it (by PA 4.1.1). The final n of yuvan is elided by PA 8.2.7 nalopaķ prātipadikāntasya. ' Here ends the treatment of stñpratyayas . 258 Notēs S 723 In the concluding verses our author declares that a work of 750 ( sūtras ) named the sārasiddhmtakaumudi (the moonlight of the principles of grammar in quintescence) has been composed by him, Varadarāja, son of Durgā (durgātanaya ) , for an (easy) access to the knowledge of the Vedas, for an (easy) access to ali śāstras. This declaration of V aradarāja has to be understood not too literally. And yet it is true that grammar does form a sort of entrance (i.e. introduction) to the Vedavidyā9 nay to ali Sciences. Secondly it may be noticed that the number of sutras, vārttikas, etc. (i.e. of the rules in the work) is 723 (which together with the śiva-sūtras, may be said to justify our author’s declaration sārdhasaptaśatī approximately). Here ends the Sārasiddhmtakaumudi composed V ar adarā j abhatta. by Sñ 259 Appendix A Pralņāhāras I Pralņāhāras based on the Śiva-sūlras :— a/f — a, i, u, r (short, long, and prolated). and I (short and prolated). — A li vowels. ac at aņ am al as — ’ Vowels,' semivowels, and h. — (i) a, i, u. (short, long, and prolated), (ii) Vowels, semivowels, and Ķ — Vowels, semivovvels, nasals, and h. — A li letters of the Devanāgarī alphabet. — Vowels, semivovvels, and soft consonants. — i, u, ṭ , ļ (short, long and prolated). — A li vowels except a and ā. — A li vowels except a and ā, semivowels, and h. ik ic iņ uk — u, r, I (short, long, and pjrolṛted). eñ ec aic khay khar ñam — e, o. — e, o, aif au. — ai au. — hard class consonants. — hard consonants. — ñ t ņ , n. 261 Appendix A cap — — — — — — — — — — — — —• —• — — — — — k> c, t, i, p. caf chav jaś jhaif jhat jhal jhaś jhas baś bhas map k, c, t, U P. ś, s, s. c, ch, t, th, i, th. /, b, g, d, d. A li class letters except nasals. A li class lettres except nasals, ś, s, and s. A li class letters except nasals, ś, s, s and h. 8* 8b» /» jh, d , dh, d, dh, b, bh. gh, ;h, dh, dh, bh. g, d, d, b. gh, dh, dh, bh. A li class letters except ñ. Semivowels, nasals, jh, bh. Semivowels. Semivowels, and nasals. A li class letters and semivowels. A li consonants except h. r. /. A li consonants except p and v. ))añ paņ pam pap par ra rai vai vaś śaf śal hal haś — ■ A li consonants except p. — — — — — Last three consonants of each class, v, r, and /. s, s, s. ś, s, s, h. A li consonants. T he last three consonants of each clsss, semi-vowels, and h. 262 Appendix A II Pratyāhdras based on P āņini’s sūtras :— āp — A li case endings from instr sg. upto loc. plr. (both inclusive) The roots Iflr, bhū, and as. A li ātmanepada personai endings. A li personai endings. A li the suffixes enjoined in sūtras from latah śatrśdnacau {P A 3 .2 .1 2 4 ) upto tm {P A 3 .2 .135) sut sup — — The first five case endings. A li case endings. ķrñ * tan tin irn * — — — — * These forms particularly represent the verbal root Içr and the suffix tr. But Patañjali and the later commentators take them as pratņāhāra in P A 3.1.40 and 2 .3 .6 9 respectively. Elsewhere, however, they represent their usual meaning only. 263 A p p e n d ix B LETTERS OF T H E DEVANĀGARĪ A LPH A BET I C L A S S IF IE D A C C O R D IN G T O T H E P L A C E O F O R IG IN A T IO N ii ----------------------------------------------- — ----------- ~ ----------------- ī i 3T , sfE P T , Ķ, < ? >Š čT T ^ o ļ 3 T > , with J, «TOĪ, *, 5 T i 2,'^T, T, ^ snvTFHT: SP * ç?T: / i 15 'Sf VpZ Z ^*ī ■ '3 ’ṭh’ HTjft^ J r 31, " T H, * together witli S F T O etc. fvT^THvfgl II C L A S S IF IE D A C C O R D IN G T O I N T E R N A L E F F O R T f^fečpT f^Tčī c 1 e e * 1 T 5 T *^TT: * . 3? in SRṛṭiī Č T < T 3TT -------------------------------1| A p p e n d ix B III CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO E X TER N A L EFFO R T .—:---- : ----^T^r: 51^: i * f e n r , 5^ īh , ārsta 3 T ē^T 5 T F JT sr, ç 5T tPHT, 5TK, ^T$TFĪ * 5 T 3 H šfdirf, 3T^TrT, ^ R d , dVlT, çfta, 3Tčqsim 3TēT51FT * T 3 3[ 3T * S *T T *sna: T hr Z S, V % * Č T < T V sr m 265 INDEX Important and technical words explained in the Notēs: [References are to pages] añga 52 adhikaraņa 207f adhikāra 20 etc. and paribhāsā 30 adhikārasūtra 30 etc. anunāsika 6 anunāsikatva 194 anubandha 194 anuvrtti 17 anusvāra 9 apatya 248 apavāda 191 apādāna 206f aprkta 69 abhyasta 171 abhyāsa 139 avasāna 56 avyaya 132 ākrtigaņa 43, 132 ātmanepada 132 ādeśa 27f ābhiksņya 200f ārdhadhātuka 140, 141 it 3 uttama 136 upadeśa 21 upadhā 69 upadhmāniya 9 upapada 195 upasarga 24 upasarjana 217, 219, 231 karaņa 204 kartr 182 karman 203 krt 112, 190 krtya 191 gana 43, 87, etc. gaņasūtra 59f gati 75 gotra 249f ghi 47, 71 ghu 148 cārtha 241 jihvāmūBya 9 ti 26 tadantavidhi, — nyāya 12f taddhita 190 tādarthya 225 267 tripādi 22 dvirvacana 154, 155 dhātu 24f, 152 nadi 87, 89, 91 nipāta 31 . pada 34 parasmaipada 132 paribhāsā 15, 16, 25, 40, 42, 48,63, 69, 78,81, 94, 98, 119, 160, 180, 194, 225, 233, 250, 253, 256 paribhāsāsūtra 14, 137, 139, 172, 194 purvavipratisedha 79, 95 purvācāryanirdeśa, — samjñā 84, 92 prgrhya 3 lf, 33 pratyāhāra 3ff, Appendix A. prathama 136 prayatna 9f prātipadika 201 prātipadikārtha 201 bahuvñhi 237f bha 65 bhāsā 36 bhāsitapurhska 239 maņdūkapluti 17, 42, 106, 107, 135 madhyama 136 yaņādeśa 13 yathāsamkhyanyāya 43, 195 yuvan 249 yogavibhāga 226 luk 72 lup 72 ļumat 92 lopa 3 vipratisedha 46 vibhakti 52 vibhāsā 61 f, 78 zñpsā 201 vrddha 253 ślu 72 sas 72 samkhyā 72, 111 samjñā 13 samjñāsūtra 23 etc. samhitā 12 sapādasaptādhyāyi 22 sampradāna 204 samprasāraņa 101 sambuddhi 52 sarvanāmasthāna 64, 93 savarņa 7 sārvadhātuka 137 sthānin 136 hetu 182 268 SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY (For Further Reading) I. T exts 1. Ed. J. R- Ballantyne, The Laghu-Kum udī of Varadarāja, 1849, Reprint 1967. 2. Ed. MM . V. V. Mirashi, Laghu-Siddhānta-Kaumudī, Part I, 1928, Reprint 1967. 3. Ed. Devaprakash Patanjal, Astādhyāyī-Prakāśikā 5 1955. Ī I . T r a n s l a t io n s (vvith Text) I, II, 1. S. C. Vasu, The Ashtādhyāyi of Pāņini, Vols. 1891, Reprint 1962. 2. S. C. Vasu, The Siddhānta Kaum udl Diksitā, V ols. I, II, 1906, Reprint 1962. of Bhattoji 3. Saradaranjan Ray and Kum udranjan Ray, Siddhānta Kaūm udh Vols. 1 to 7, 1954. III. A l l ie d S t u d ie s 1. Ed. M. M. Ghosh, Pāņinīya Śiksā, Calcutta University, 1938. 2. Dr. R. S. Bhattacharya, “ Importance of the First Words of the Gaņa-pātha-s” , B V (1954) 15,29-34. 3. Dr. Kapil Deo, Sams krt Vyākaraņ me Gaņapāth ki Paramparā aur Ācārya Pāņini (in H indi), 1961. 4. Dr. G. B. Palsule, Sanskrit Dhātupāthas-^-A Study, 1961. Critical 269 5. Dr. G. V. Devasthali, Phitsūtras of Śāntanava, 6. T. Aufrecht, The Uņādi-Sūtra Commentary), Bonn, 1859. (with 1967. Ujjvaladatta’s of 7. Ed. T. Chandrashekharan, Pāņini-Sūtra-Vyākhyā Virarāghavāchārva, Vols- I (1954), II (1955). IV. T e c h n i c a l T e r m in o l o g y 1. Dr- M. D. Shastri, “The Relation of Pāņini’s Technical Devices to his Predecessors” , Proceedings of the IV A.-I.O.C. (1926), Allahabad, 1928, 465-74. 2. Prof. S. P. Chaturvedi, “Technical Teims of the A s tā d h y ā y ī” 5 Proceedings of the IX A.-I.O.C. (1937), Trivandrum, 1940, 1191-1208. 3. K. C. Chatterji, Technical Terms and Technique of Sanskrit Grammar, 2nd Revised Ed., 1964. 4. Prof. K. V. Abhyankar, Grammar, 1961. A Dictionary of Sanskrit 5. Dr. G. V. Devasthali, Anubandhas of Pāņini, 1967. V. T e c h n i c a l D e v ic e s 1. F. Kielhorn, “Notēs on the Mahābhāṛya, No. 7: Some Devices of Indian Grammarians” , IA (1887) 16. 244-52. 2. Prof. K. V. Abhyankar, Introduction (pp. 1-40) to the ed. of Paribhāsenduśekhara, Part I, 1962. V I. H is t o r y o f S a n s k r i t G r a m m a r C o n c is e . (A) 1. 1924. S. C- Chakravarti, Introduction (pp. 1-26) to the ed. of Kāśikā-Vivaraņa-Pañjikā or Nyāsa- 270 2* 1927. A. A. Macdonell, Introduction (pp. x-xviii) to A Sanskrit Grammar for Students , Reprint 1962. 3. 1928. A- B. Keith, Ch. X X I, Sections 1-3 (pp. 422-33) from A History of Sanskrit Literature, Reprint 1961. 4. 1944. Prof. S. P. Ghaturvedi, “Gata Dvisahasrābdī m e Samskrt Vyākaraņ kā Vikās”, (in Hindi) NPP (Vikramāñka, U ttarārdha), 301-28. 5. 1962. I. J. 8. Taraporewala, §§ 264-73 (pp. 423-36) from Ch. X IV of Elements of the Science of Language . (B) E x h a u s t iv e . 6. 1915. S. K. Belvalkar, Systems of Sanskrit Grammar . 7. 1931. H. P. Shastri* pp. vii-cxviii from the Preface of A Descriptive Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscriptv in the CoUections of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI. 8. 1954. Prof. K- V. Abhyankar, Vol. 7 ( Prastāvanā K haņda ) of the M arathi Translation of the VyākaraliaMahābhāçya. 271 Publications of the Centre of Advanced Study in Sanskrit University of Poona Title Author Class A No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Vedic Religkm and Mythology Post-Vedic Literature Ślesa as a Means of Economy in the Bhāradvāja Maņḍala The Purusa-Sūkta (R V 10,90) in the Vedic Literature Two Methods of Interpreting Pāņini The thṛee Pāņinian Sufoes ŅaC, inUŅ, and Ktri Mathematical Representation of some Pāņinian Sūtras Hinduism and Modern Culture Adjectives and Substantives as a Single 'Class inṅthe “ Parts of Speeçh” Samjñāyām iņ Pārtini Patañjali ott the Pre-Pāņinian Anubandhas N anḍ C ‘ Gṛtsamada and Ķūrma Cārtsamada— A Statistical Study Amāvasyā: An Accentual Study R. N. Dandekar R. N. Dandekar G. V. Devasthali N. J. Shende S. D. Joshi M. D. Balasubrahm anyam M. D. Pandit R. N. Dandekar S. D. Joshi G. B. Palsule M. D. Balasubrahm anyam M . D. Pandit M. D. Balasubrahm anyam K. P. Jog Saroja Bhate H. C. Patyal P. D. Nawathe G. B. Palsule M . D. Pandit S. D. Joshi R. N. Dandekar G. V. Devasthali N. T . Shende G. V. Devasthali R. N. Dandekar G. V. Devasthali S. D. Joshi Class B No. 2. Anubandhas of Pāņini 3. Some Aspects of the Hisiofp of Hinduism Class C No. 1. The Phitsūiras of Śāntanova 2. The Sphotaņirņaņa of Kauņda Bhatta 3. Paiañjalis Vpākarana.M&hāhhāsņa: S. D. Joshi Samarlhāhnika (P.2.P.T*)* 4. Sārasiddhāntakaumudl of Varadarāja G. V. Devasthali Bhatta N. B.: These Publications can be had from the Superintendent, Publications Section, University of Poona, Poona-7. 14. Qn the Rgvedic denominative Adhvarīya 15.: Some prim^ṛy and sečondary sufhxes known to Yāska 16. A note on the Sandhi Ācārņovaca in Gopatha Brāhmaņa (1.1.31) 17. The Ritual Teachers cited in the Āśvalāyana Śrauta Sūtra 18. Some Primary Nominal Formations missing in Pāņini 19. The Avestan pāBmamņolāma 20. Word-Integrity and Syntactic Analysis 21. 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