Creole languageFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia A creole language, or simply a creole, is a stable natural language that has developed from a pidgin, i.e. a simplified version of a language. Creoles differ from pidgins because creoles have been nativized by children as their primary language, with the result that they have features of natural languages that are normally missing from pidgins, which are not anyone's first language. The precise number of creoles is not known, particularly as these are poorly attested, but about one hundred creole languages have arisen since 1500, predominantly based on European languages, due to the Age of Discovery and the Atlantic slave trade,[1] though there are creoles based on other languages, including Arabic, Chinese, and Malay. The creole with the largest number of speakers is Haitian Creole, with about ten million native speakers. Road sign in Guadeloupe Creole meaning Slow down. Children are playing here. The literal translation is "Lift your foot. There are small people playing here". The vocabulary of a creole language is largely supplied by the parent languages, particularly that of the most dominant group in the social context of the creole's construction, though there are often clear phonetic and semantic shifts. On the other hand, the grammar often has original features that may differ substantially from those of the parent languages. Contents 1 Overview 2 History 2.1 Origin 2.2 Geographic distribution 2.3 Social and political status 3 Classification of creoles 3.1 Historic classification 3.2 Substrate and superstrate 3.3 Decreolization 4 Creole genesis 4.1 Theories focusing on European input 4.1.1 Monogenetic theory of pidgins and creoles 1.[4] However. becomes the native and primary language of their children — a process known as nativization. creoles have generally been regarded as degenerate variants or dialects of their parent languages. many of the creoles that arose in the European colonies have become extinct.3 European dialect origin hypothesis 4.[5] Moreover.1.5 Imperfect L2 learning 4. both as living languages and as object of linguistic study.1 Creole prototype 5. However. Because of that prejudice.1. as a result of the worldwide expansion in European maritime power and trade in the Age of Discovery.4 Foreigner talk and baby talk 4. no grammatical feature has been shown to be specific to creoles.2 Theories focusing on non-European input 4. Like most non-official and minority languages. which led to extensive European colonial empires and an intense slave trade.2 Exceptionalism 6 See also 6.[12][13] Some creoles have even been granted the status of official or semi-official language.1.1 See also 6.2 Creoles by main parent language 7 References 8 Publications 9 External links Overview A creole is believed to arise when a pidgin.2 Domestic origin hypothesis 4.4.3 Gradualist and developmental hypotheses 4.[6][7][8][9][10][11] although it is generally acknowledged that creoles have simpler and less sophisticated grammar than longerestablished languages Many of the creoles known today arose in the last 500 years. political and academic changes in recent decades have improved the status of creoles. developed by adults for use as a second language. .[2] The pidgin-creole life cycle was studied by Hall in the 1960s. there is no widely accepted theory that would account for those perceived similarities.[3] Creoles share more grammatical similarities with each other than with the languages from which they are phylogenetically derived.4 Universalist approaches 5 Recent study 5. Pidgins. during the great expansion in European maritime power and trade that led to the establishment of European colonies in other continents.) lost the generic meaning and became the proper name of many distinct ethnic groups that developed locally from immigrant communities. However in Brazil the term was also used to distinguish between negros crioulos (blacks born in Brazil from African slave ancestors) and negros africanos (born in Africa). often indentured servants whose language would be far from the standard in the first place. all descending from the verb criar ('to breed' or 'to raise')." Creoles. not limited to the European colonial period. etc. e. The terms criollo and crioulo were originally qualifiers used throughout the Spanish and Portuguese colonies to distinguish the members of an ethnic group who were born and raised locally from those who immigrated as adults. resulting in a heavily basilectalized version of the original language. They were most commonly applied to nationals of the colonial power. and an important aspect of language evolution (see Vennemann (2003)). such as Salikoko Mufwene. Spain). Seychelles and Oceania. Originally. . Over time. Other scholars. including the coastal regions of the Americas. Kriol. and along the coast of Southeast Asia up to Indonesia. according to Mufwene. rather than merely in situations in which contact with a speaker of the superstrate was necessary. Krio. most of the known European-based creole languages arose in the equatorial belt around the world and in areas with access to the oceans. For example. These servants and slaves would come to use the creole as an everyday vernacular. and that a pidgin need not always precede a creole nor a creole evolve from a pidgin. developed in settlement colonies in which speakers of a European language. Macau. to distinguish españoles criollos (people born in the colonies from Spanish ancestors) from españoles peninsulares (those born in the Iberian Peninsula. Singapore. interacted extensively with non-European slaves. Goa and along the west coast of India.[14] History Origin The English term creole comes from French créole.g.[15] The specific sense of the term was coined in the 16th and 17th century. emerged among trade colonies among "users who preserved their native vernaculars for their day-to-day interactions. Kreyol. Hong Kong. create'). in 1933 Sigmund Feist postulated a creole origin for the Germanic languages. the Philippines.e. all coming from Latin creare ('to produce. the term and its derivatives (Creole. therefore. i. meanwhile. western Africa. which is cognate with the Spanish term criollo and Portuguese crioulo. Kréol. absorbing certain words and features from the slaves' non-European native languages. argue that pidgins and creoles arise independently under different circumstances. Malaysia. Geographic distribution As a consequence of colonial European trade patterns. the term "creole language" meant the speech of any of those creole peoples.Linguists now recognize that creole formation is a universal phenomenon. the forerunners of modern sociolinguistics). political.[16] This prejudice was compounded by the inherent instability of the colonial system.[16] Another factor that may have contributed to the relative neglect of creole languages in linguistics is that they do not fit the 19th-century neogrammarian "tree model" for the evolution of languages. They now use the term "creole" or "creole language" for any language suspected to have undergone creolization.[12][16][17] Because of social. creole languages have generally been regarded as "degenerate" languages. Creole in use at car rental linguists have begun to come to the realization that counter. There are. the word "creole" was generally used by linguists in opposition to "language". mainly due to dispersion or assimilation of their speech communities. leading to the disappearance of creole languages. some have been standardized. This controversy of the late 19th century profoundly shaped modern approaches to the comparative method in historical linguistics and in creolistics. Atlantic Creole languages are based on European languages with elements from African and possibly Amerindian languages. but others still survive in the Caribbean. Johannes Schmidt and Hugo Schuchardt. or at best as rudimentary "dialects" of the politically dominant parent languages. and in the Indian Ocean. and its postulated regularity of sound changes (these critics including the earliest advocates of the wave model. terms that now imply no geographic restrictions nor ethnic prejudices. They are increasingly being used in print and film. Australia (see Australian Kriol language). creoles like Nubi and Sango that are derived solely from nonEuropean languages. Classification of creoles Historic classification . creole languages have experienced revivals in the past few decades. western Africa. the north and east coasts of South America (The Guyanas). In fact. Indian Ocean Creole languages are based on European languages with elements from Malagasy and possibly other Asian languages. however. USA creole languages are in no way inferior to other languages.Many of those creoles are now extinct. and academic changes brought on by decolonization in the second half of the 20th century. Social and political status Because of the generally low status of the Creole peoples in the eyes of prior European colonial powers.[12][13][18] At the same time. and are used in local schools and universities around the world. Because of this prejudice. rather than as a qualifier for it. their community prestige has improved dramatically. and in many cases. and creolized pidgins.[23][24] The substratum-superstratum distinction becomes awkward when multiple superstrata must be assumed (such as in Papiamentu). etc. fort creoles. the meaning of these terms is reasonably well-defined only in second language acquisition or language replacement events. However. For these reasons.[22] The language replacement model may not be appropriate in creole formation contexts. four types of creoles have been distinguished: plantation creoles. maroon creoles. The substrate may survive as a second language for informal conversation. Breton.[26] Decreolization . As demonstrated by the fate of many replaced European languages (such as Etruscan. However. where social prejudices and political considerations may interfere with scientific discussion. the phylogenetic classification of a particular creole usually is a matter of dispute. in creoles. the core lexicon often has mixed origin.[19] By the very nature of a creole language. at least in more formal contexts. and Venetian).[21] The outcome of such an event is that erstwhile speakers of the substrate will use some version of the superstrate. the influence of the substrate on the official speech is often limited to pronunciation and a modest number of loanwords.[25] In the literature on Atlantic Creoles. and of the grammar structure. when the substratum cannot be identified. the issue of which language is the parent of a creole — that is. and can become the topic of long-lasting controversies. where the emerging language is derived from multiple languages without any one of them being imposed as a replacement for any other. "superstrate" usually means European and "substrate" non-European or African.[9] On the other hand.According to their external history. Phylogenetic classification traditionally relies on inheritance of the lexicon. or when the presence or the survival of substratal evidence is inferred from mere typological analogies. especially when the pidgin precursor and its parent tongues (which may have been other creoles or pidgins) have disappeared before they could be documented. whether a language should be classified as a "Portuguese creole" or "English creole". — often has no definitive answer.[21] However. and the grammar is largely original. The substrate might even disappear altogether without leaving any trace. especially of "core" terms. there is dispute over the extent to which the terms "substrate" and "superstrate" are applicable to the genesis or the description of creole languages. when the native speakers of a certain source language (the substrate) are somehow compelled to abandon it for another target language (the superstrate). the distinction may be meaningful when the contributions of each parent language to the resulting creole can be shown to be very unequal. in a scientifically meaningful way.[12][13][20] Substrate and superstrate The terms substrate and superstrate are often used when two languages interact. these notions are occasionally challenged. through extensive borrowing. It was observed. in particular.[30] French and English are particularly close. than among broader groups that include also creoles based on non-Indo-European languages (like Nubi or Sango). French-based creoles in turn are more similar to each other (and to varieties of French) than to other European-based creoles. Arends.[31] Thus the claimed similarities between creoles may be mere consequences of similar parentage. since English.) Phylogenetic or typological comparisons of creole languages have led to divergent conclusions. This decreolization process typically brings about a post-creole speech continuum characterized by large scale variation and hypercorrection in the language.Since creole languages rarely attain official status. rather than characteristic features of all creoles. is typologically closer to French than to other Germanic languages. to the point that Whorf joined them into a single Standard Average European language group.[27] However.[28] (See also language complexity. more established languages. such as the languages of Europe. This theory was originally formulated by Hugo Schuchardt in . Muysken & Smith (1995) outline a fourfold classification of explanations regarding creole genesis: Theories focusing on European input Theories focusing on non-European input Gradualist and developmental hypotheses Universalist approaches Theories focusing on European input Monogenetic theory of pidgins and creoles The monogenetic theory of pidgins and creoles hypothesizes that they are all derived from a single Mediterranean Lingua Franca. Creole genesis There are a variety of theories on the origin of creole languages.[12] It is generally acknowledged that creoles have a simpler grammar and more internal variability than older.[29] Moreover the European languages which gave rise to the creole languages of European colonies all belong to the same subgroup of Western IndoEuropean and have highly convergent grammars. that definite articles are mostly prenominal in English-based creole languages and English whereas they are generally postnominal in French creoles and in the variety of French that was exported to the colonies in the 17th and 18th century. all of which attempt to explain the similarities among them. via a West African Pidgin Portuguese of the 17th century. relexified in the so-called "slave factories" of Western Africa that were the source of the Atlantic slave trade. Similarities are usually higher among creoles derived from related languages. the speakers of a fully formed creole may eventually feel compelled to conform their speech to one of the parent languages. an English pidgin was created. it is also sometimes called baby talk. Louisiana. a French creole is a language phylogenetically based on the French language.[35] However. the Domestic Origin Hypothesis argues that. This pidgin was learned by slaves in slave depots. European dialect origin hypothesis The French creoles are the foremost candidates to being the outcome of "normal" linguistic change and their creoleness to be sociohistoric in nature and relative to their colonial origin. more specifically on a 17th-century koiné French extant in Paris. Muysken & Smith (1995) suggest that four different processes are involved in creating Foreigner Talk: Accommodation Imitation Telegraphic condensation Conventions . Englishspeaking traders began to settle in the Gambia and Sierra Leone rivers as well as in neighboring areas such as the Bullom and Sherbro coasts.[38] Arends. this hypothesis is no longer actively investigated. and.[32] Whinnom. Foreigner talk and baby talk The Foreigner Talk (FT) hypothesis argues that a pidgin or creole language forms when native speakers attempt to simplify their language in order to address speakers who do not know their language at all. These dialects are found in Canada (mostly in Québec and among the Acadian people of the Eastern Maritime provinces). Domestic origin hypothesis Proposed by Hancock (1985) for the origin of English-based creoles of the West Indies. These settlers intermarried with the local population leading to mixed populations. Because of the similarities found in this type of speech and speech directed to a small child. towards the end of the 16th century. Saint-Barthélemy (leeward portion of the island) and as isolates in other parts of the Americas.[33] Thompson. and the nascent French colonies. the Prairies.the late 19th century and popularized in the late 1950s and early 1960s by Taylor.[34] and Stewart.[37] Approaches under this hypothesis are compatible with gradualism in change and models of imperfect language transmission in koiné genesis.[36] Within this theoretical framework. the French Atlantic harbours. Supporters of this hypothesis suggest that the non-Creole French dialects still spoken in many parts of the Americas share mutual descent from this single koiné. as a result of this intermarriage. who later on took it to the West Indies and formed one component of the emerging English creoles. Bloomfield (1933) points out that FT is often based on the imitation of the incorrect speech of the nonnatives. 2. claims that it is too inconsistent and unpredictable to provide any model for language learning. placement of a negative particle in preverbal position. Research on naturalistic L2 processes has revealed a number of features of "interlanguage systems" that are also seen in pidgins and creoles: invariant verb forms derived from the infinitive or the least marked finite verb form. while avoiding a monogenetic model. fixed single word order with no inversion in questions. Imperfect L2 learning The imperfect L2 (second language) learning hypothesis claims that pidgins are primarily the result of the imperfect L2 learning of the dominant lexifier language by the slaves. loss of determiners or use as determiners of demonstrative pronouns. use of adverbs to express modality. reduced or absent nominal plural marking. notably the European dialect origin hypothesis and the universalist models of language transmission. However. Imperfect L2 learning is compatible with other approaches.[40] Theories focusing on non-European input .This could explain why creole languages have much in common.e. Grammatical simplification can be explained by other processes. 3. There are a great many grammatical similarities amongst pidgins and creoles despite having very different lexifier languages. Pidgins are more often used amongst speakers of different substrate languages than between such speakers and those of the lexifier language. Speakers of a creole's lexifier language often fail to understand. While the simplification of input was supposed to account for creoles' simple grammar. the innate grammar of Bickerton's language bioprogram theory. Hinnenkamp (1984). without learning the language. i. in analyzing German Foreigner Talk. 4. the grammar of a pidgin or creole. adjectives or adverbs. commentators have raised a number of criticisms of this explanation:[39] 1. Another problem with the FT explanation is its potential circularity. that is the pidgin. Therefore one may be mistaken in assuming that the former gave rise to the latter. too. lexicon. the Atlantic slave trade and the plantation system of the European colonies have been emphasized as factors by linguists such as McWhorter (1999). languages attribute similarities amongst creoles to the similarities of African substrate languages. with one (the superstrate) being clearly dominant over the others. with fixed phonology. and pronunciation — tend to be quite variable. first language learning driven by universal process. proposed in the . The vocabulary. which usually take years to learn. all aspects of the speech — syntax. syntax. or general process of discourse organization. are omitted. Pidgins can become full languages in only a single generation. These features are often assumed to be transferred from the substrate language to the creole or to be preserved invariant from the substrate language in the creole through a process of relexification: the substrate language replaces the native lexical items with lexical material from the superstrate language while retaining the native grammatical categories. the syntax is kept very simple. especially with regard to the speaker's background. it may become fixed and acquire a more complex grammar. In this initial stage. usually based on strict word order. Keith Whinnom (in Hymes (1971)) suggests that pidgins need three languages to form.Theories focusing on the substrate. Because of the sociohistoric similarities amongst many (but by no means all) of the creoles. The process invoked varies: a general tendency towards semantic transparency. If a pidgin manages to be learned by the children of a community as a native language. "Creolization" is this second stage where the pidgin language develops into a fully developed native language. for a more recent view.[41] The problem with this explanation is that the postulated substrate languages differ amongst themselves and with creoles in meaningful ways. will develop to contain more and more items according to a rationale of lexical enrichment. and syntactic embedding. rudimentary second languages improvised for use between speakers of two or more non-intelligible native languages. For a representative debate on this issue. morphology. Gradualist and developmental hypotheses One class of creoles might start as pidgins. see the contributions to Mufwene (1993). or non-European. The lexicon of a pidgin is usually small and drawn from the vocabularies of its speakers. Morphological details like word inflections. Bickerton (1981) argues that the number and diversity of African languages and the paucity of a historical record on creole genesis makes determining lexical correspondences a matter of chance. in varying proportions. The main universalist theory is still Bickerton's language bioprogram theory. Parkvall (2000).[42] Universalist approaches Universalist models stress the intervention of specific general processes during the transmission of language from generation to generation and from speaker to speaker. Dillard (1970) coined the term "cafeteria principle" to refer to the practice of arbitrarily attributing features of creoles to the influence of substrate African languages or assorted substandard dialects of European languages. for example. Magoua French and Riau Indonesian have all these three features but show none of the sociohistoric traits of creole languages.1980s. or tone in Papiamentu. Others (see overview in Muysken & Law (2001)) have demonstrated creoles that serve as counterexamples to McWhorter's hypothesis — the existence of inflectional morphology in Berbice Dutch Creole.[47][48] Gil has replied that Riau Indonesian has . Around them. they only heard pidgins spoken. the creole prototype hypothesis has been disputed: Henri Wittmann (1999) and David Gil (2001) argue that languages such as Manding. Soninke. without enough structure to function as natural languages. claiming that every noncreole language's grammar is at least as complex as any creole language's grammar. McWhorter hypothesizes that these three properties exactly characterize a creole.[46] Exceptionalism Building up on this discussion. The alleged common features of all creoles would then be the consequence of those innate abilities being universal. However. a lack of tone on monosyllabic words. McWhorter proposed that "the world's simplest grammars are Creole grammars". Creole prototype Some features that distinguish creole languages from noncreoles have been proposed (by Bickerton.[44] for example). and the children used their own innate linguistic capacities to transform the pidgin input into a full-fledged language.[43] Bickerton claims that creoles are inventions of the children growing up on newly founded plantations. Recent study The last decade has seen the emergence of some new questions about the nature of creoles: in particular. John McWhorter[45] has proposed the following list of features to indicate a creole prototype: a lack of inflectional morphology (other than at most two or three inflectional affixes). and a lack of semantically opaque word formation. the question of how complex creoles are and the question of whether creoles are indeed "exceptional" languages. the language McWhorter uses as a showcase for his theory. they argue that creoles are structurally no different from any other language. Given these objections to creole as a concept. See also See also Creolistics Dialect Diglossia Gradualism Language change Language contact Lingua franca Mixed language Koine language Nation language Nicaraguan Sign Language Relexification Substratum Creoles by main parent language . Salikoko Mufwene. Gradualists question the abnormal transmission of languages in a creole setting and argue that the processes which created today's creole languages are no different from universal patterns of language change.a simpler grammar than Saramaccan. Additionally.[50] Thomason & Kaufman (1988) spell out the idea of creole exceptionalism. claiming that creole languages are an instance of nongenetic language change due to language shift with abnormal transmission. and Henri Wittmann to question the value of creole as a typological class. Michel DeGraff.[49] The lack of progress made in defining creoles in terms of their morphology and syntax has led scholars such as Robert Chaudenson. Mufwene (2002) argues that some Romance languages are potential creoles but that they are not considered as such by linguists because of a historical bias against such a view. and that creole is a sociohistoric concept — not a linguistic one — encompassing displaced populations and slavery. articles such as "Against Creole Exceptionalism"[51] by DeGraff and texts like "Deconstructing Creole"[52] by Ansaldo and Matthews have arisen which question the idea that creoles are exceptional in any meaningful way.[8] The same objections were raised by Wittmann in his 1999 debate with McWhorter. ^ Wittmann (1999) 7.uchicago. ^ Bickerton (1983:116–122) 5. ^ Winford (1997:138). Retrieved 2010-04-24.Arabic-based creole languages Assamese based: Nagamese Chinese-based: Tangwang Dutch-based creole languages English-based creole languages French-based creole languages German-based: Unserdeutsch Hindi-based: Andaman Creole Hindi Kongo-based: Kituba Malay-based creole languages Ngbandi-based: Sango Portuguese-based creole languages Spanish-based creole languages Sinhala-based: Vedda language African. 15. ^ Wardhaugh (2002:61) 3. 16. ^ DeGraff (2003) 12. p. ^ Mufwene (2000) 8. 436 (http://books. cited in Wardhaugh (2002) 6.html). ^ Hall (1966) 4. ^ a b c See Meijer & Muysken (1977). Spanish. ed. Hindi. ^ a b c Sebba (1997) 14.edu/faculty/mufwene/pidginCreoleLanguage. Humanities. Anne E. ^ "Salikoko Mufwene: "Pidgin and Creole Languages" " (http://humanities. ^ Holm (1988).com/books? id=R8uWDVdRQlYC&pg=PT436) 2.google. ^ a b Muysken & Law (2001) 10.uchicago. ^ Traugott (1977) . ^ Lefebvre (2002) 11. ^ Linguistics. Kees Hengeveld.edu. Baker. 17. ^ a b Gil (2001) 9. and Native American-based Jamaican Patois References 1. ^ a b c d e DeCamp (1977) 13. Weinreich (1953).e. ^ Mufwene (1993) 23.18. ^ See Bickerton (1981). and Singler (1988). the article on Quebec French and the History of Quebec French 38. Bickerton (1983). 1989) 19. ^ See McWhorter (1998) and McWhorter (2005) 46. ^ a b Weinreich (1953) 22. Wittmann (1998). ^ Whorf (1956) 31. Bickerton (1988). Muysken & Smith (1995:15) 20. 37. Hall (1974). Bickerton (1984). ^ Thompson (1961) 35.mpg. Arends. ^ Recent investigations about substrates and superstrates. ^ See Bickerton (1983) 45. ^ Arends.html) 28.de/lingua/conference/2013_APiCS/files/abstracts. Fournier & Wittmann (1995). ^ Wardhaugh (2002:56–57) 43. Martinet (1955). Seuren & Wekker (1986). ^ Fournier (1998). Anderson (1983). ^ [1] (http://www. ^ i. Wittmann (2001) 51. ^ Based on 19th-century intuitions. for example. approaches underlying the imperfect L2 learning hypothesis have been followed up in the works of Schumann (1978). ^ i. ^ Wittmann-McWhorter debate (http://www. ^ Traugott (1977) 21. 30. ^ Mufwene (2000). Ferguson (1971) 39. Muysken & Smith (1995). in creoles and other languages. ^ See the article on relexification for a discussion of the controversy surrounding the retaining of substrate grammatical features through relexification 42. Degraff (2003) 52. Geeslin (2002).e. ^ Singler (1988) 24. ^ See.eva. Jungemann (1955). ^ Parkvall (2000) 27. ^ Wardhaugh (2002:73) 40. 26. ^ Singler (1996) 25. ^ There are some similarities in this line of thinking with Hancock's domestic origin hypothesis. ^ Whinnom (1956). Whinnom (1965) 34. ^ Bailey & Maroldt (1977) 32. Ansaldo & Matthews (2007) . Muysken & Smith (1995:9) 29. 2001). ^ McWhorter (1998) 48. ^ such as in Taylor (1977) 33. Fournier (1998). ^ Wittmann (1983. 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By using this site.uwi.fr/) Groupe d'Etude et de Recherche en Espace Créolophone (GEREC) (http://malavoi.php? title=Creole_language&oldid=635047590" Categories: Pidgins and creoles This page was last modified on 23 November 2014 at 02:36.univ-ag.kreolmagazine. a non-profit organization. Inc. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation. Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.net/) The Online Dictionary of Language Terminology (http://www.(http://www.martinique.free.