Chinese Languages

Chinese Language(s) Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 215 Editor Volker Gast Advisory Editors Walter Bisang Hans Henrich Hock Matthias Schlesewsky Founding Editor Werner Winter De Gruyter Mouton Chinese Language(s) A Look through the Prism of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects by Maria Kurpaska De Gruyter Mouton ISBN 978-3-11-021914-2 e-ISBN 978-3-11-021915-9 ISSN 1861-4302 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kurpaska, Maria, 1977Ϫ Chinese language(s) : a look through the prism of The Great dictionary of modern Chinese dialects / by Maria Kurpaska. p. cm. Ϫ (Trends in linguistics studies and monographs; 215) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-3-11-021914-2 (alk. paper) 1. Chinese language Ϫ Dialects Ϫ Dictionaries. I. Title. PL1547.K87 2010 495.11703Ϫdc22 2010014948 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ” 2010 Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin/New York Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ϱ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com To Cecylka and Macius Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to those, without whose help this book would not have taken shape. First of all, I want to thank my supervisor, Professor A.F. Majewicz, who has ignited my interest in the subject and guided me through this work, supplying me with some of the most impor- tant materials. The scholarship at Peking University, in the academic year 2004/2005, gave me a unique opportunity to gather material for the present book as well as to take part in courses which brought me closer to the studied sub- ject. I am greatly particularly indebted to Professor Li Xiaofan, who was my tutor at that time, and who has served me with his knowledge after my return home up to this day. My special thanks go to Professor Xie Liuwen, one of the co-authors of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects, whose advice and an- swers to my questions have been invaluable. I am also much obliged to Professor Zhu Zhiping and Professor Romuald Huszcza, who have given me many constructive remarks on my book, as well as to Professor Werner Winter, whose comments and correc- tions have allowed the book to take its present shape. I am also grateful to Professor Moira Yip, who has patiently responded to my inquiries concerning some phonological problems. Furthermore, I would like to thank my friends and proof-readers, Anna and Douglas Harrison, who have helped me correcting my English. Nevertheless, the responsibility for all errors which may occur in this book is mine. As a wife, mother and daughter, I would not have been able to write this book without the love and encouragement of my whole family. I want to thank my father for his constant assistance, my mother, for all her time and patience, and most of all my husband, Radek, who has helped me not only by solving countless technical problems and drawing the maps, but also simply by being there for me. Preface The Chinese linguistic situation has been for many years subject of debate between Western and Chinese scholars. The main disagreement concerns the identity and homogeneity of the Chinese linguistic area: the diversity is predominantly stressed by probably most Western scholars, whereas the traditional, deeply ingrained Chinese standpoint is that the language spoken by the Han nationality creates a substantial unit. Its plentiful varieties are referred to as ¸, fãngyán, lit. ‘local speech’, customarily translated into English as ‘dialects’. The common writing system continues to be the sym- bol of unity of Chinese, bonding the dialects together. The main aim of this book is to trace the current structuring of the Chi- nese language(s) on the ground of Chinese linguistics, basing the research on the newest and most renowned sources, especially The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects_|¡)¸,,,3 Xiandai Hanyu Fang- yan Da Cidian·, as well as the Language Atlas of China¹]),j¦ ¸ Zhongguo Yuyan Dituji·. There are two main axes of this structuring. One is the territorial distribution of the language (the main source of its analysis is the Language Atlas of China). The second axis is diachronic, based on the thesis that the Middle Chinese language is the common point of origin from which the miscellaneous varieties of modern Chinese have evolved. Lexical diversity constitutes the additional dimension. Dialectal vocabu- lary is not analyzed in reference to Middle Chinese; it is usually studied through comparisons with the national standard. Generally, it is catalogued without any systematic etymologizing. The more precise structuring includes the analysis of phonetics, and lately also lexical diversity. Grammatical differences still remain rather unrevealed, although they are now more and more often taken into consideration. Many aspects of life in China are at present changing, the country is going through economic, political and social transformations. This situation naturally influences the language, even more so due to the strict language policy, which aims at promoting the national standard called Putonghua. Thus, Chinese dialectologists face the challenge of preserving as much information about the current linguistic situation as possible. Preface x The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects is one of the greatest achievements of modern Chinese dialectology and Chinese linguistics in general. This book tries to reveal the role the Dictionary plays in analyzing the spectrum of linguistic differentiation and what kind of information it provides, sketching firstly a background of the development and current state of Chinese dialectology and dialectal research. The assumption is to show respect to this unquestionably grand achievement, and also to empha- size a critical distance to some of the views presented in the Dictionary. The Dictionary is inseparably bound with the Language Atlas of China (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan yu Aodaliya Renwen Kexueyuan 1987, 1989), thus the point of view represented in the Atlas is relevant for this study and constitutes a significant part of this book. The dialects of Chinese naturally interact with the non-Chinese lan- guages which are spoken on the territory of the People’s Republic of China. In order to make the picture of the linguistic situation in China complete, languages of ethnic minorities are listed in the book (Chapter 2.2.). They are excluded from the general analysis, though without neglecting their importance. Technical notes The simplified Chinese characters ]¦¸ jiàntízì· have been used throughout the text, except for few cases when the unsimplified forms ¦ ¦¸ fántízì· had to be applied. [*] after Chinese characters indicates that the character is used as a homonym to represent sounds, because the word itself does not have its own character (for a more detailed explanation see Chapter 7.2.4.1.) An empty square (‘¯’) is used instead of Chinese characters, where a character which can represent the sound does not exist (see Chapter 7.2.4.1.). The ¡)|, Hànyù Pinyin (hereafter called pinyin) Romanization system is used for the transliteration of proper names (for exceptions see below) as well as for linguistic terms and the like. The pinyin transcription of titles of books in Chinese has been provided without the indication of tones. The IPA transcription is applied for the pronunciation of dialectal words and sentences, with the following exceptions (according to the rules listed in Chapter 7.1.5.): Technical notes xi – The implosives are written as [1b, 1d, 1g]. – The aspiration is noted with [‘], for instance [p‘, t‘, ts‘]. – The tone values are noted with numbers according to the five-point scale, with 1 representing the lowest pitch and 5 the highest. The values are placed in the upper index following the syllable. The only exception from this rule is the notation of tones in the descriptions of characteris- tics of the Jin dialect group, where the method called ¿[¡ fãquãnfà (see Chapter 7.1.5.) is used. – Tone values which change during the occurrence of tone sandhi follow the original tone values after an arrow (÷). E.g. ¸]¸ [su 31 pa 44÷45 ts5p]. – The light (neutral) tone jj qingdiào·is marked with a dot on the left-hand-side of the syllable, e.g., the Beijing syllables ]| [ti 55 ·ta]. Words or sentences written in Putonghua, are transliterated in pinyin, not transcribed in IPA. When in brackets and not in italics, the pronunciation in pinyin is the equivalent of characters and words as pronounced in Putonghua, while the pronunciation in respective dialects may be different, e.g. in the description of lexical characteristics of the Hakka dialect: “For the Beijing pronoun ] (wó)` (‘I’), the word 1; (ái)` is used” (see Chapter 6.5.10.). The modern pronunciation in Putonghua of the thirty six ¸) zìmù (see Chapter 4.3.), sixteen | shè (see Chapter 4.6.2., Chapter 7.1.1.1.), and the names of particular | shè, etc., is written in brackets when the terms are used in the text. The name of the rising tone (¸) shàngsheng) is written down in the falling tone (51), not in the falling-rising tone (214) (cf. p. 229 note 11). Underlined tone values imply that the tone is short (e.g. in the Xiamen dialect [· yángrù – 55). If not indicated otherwise, English translations of words in Putonghua have been cited from _|¡),3 ¡¸¸)· (Xiandai Hanyu Cidian [Han-Ying Shuang Yu]) (The Contemporary Chinese Dictionary [Chinese-English Edition]). (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yan- jiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002). Longer samples, such as sentences, have been translated by the author. English translations of Chinese titles of books and articles made by the author are written in square brackets. Instances where the English transla- tion appears in the source book or periodical are indicated by round brack- ets. Preface xii In order to avoid misunderstandings and to simplify the search, both the surnames and the given names of Chinese authors are given in cross-refer- ences to References, except in situations, where there are more than one author. In such cases, only the surnames are written. Names of Chinese scholars which appear in the book are written in the text without Chinese characters, except for cases when they are the titles of subchapters. The names of Chinese scholars, who have spellings other than pinyin of their names in English, are written in pinyin. E.g. ¿¸|¨ is written as “Zhao Yuanren”, not “Yuen Ren Chao”. In the references, the authors can be found under their pinyin spelling, with cross-references to other spell- ings. All spellings can be found in the Index of personal names, together with the Chinese characters. The place names are accompanied by their respective Chinese charac- ters, except for the names of provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities, which are all listed in the appendix (China’s main administrative units). The names of the forty two dialect localities described in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects are written without their Chinese characters in chapters where they have already been mentioned and occur frequently. “Beijing” as a city is also noted down without characters. In the text, the place names are written without the notation of tones. All place names can be found in the Index of Chinese place names, together with their respective characters. Chinese linguistic terms are noted in the text together with their respec- tive characters and pinyin spelling in italics, with the notation of tones. The exceptions are ‘Putonghua’ and ‘pinyin’. The names of Chinese dialect groups are written without the notation of tones and characters, except for places where they are described in detail. The names of the main dialect groups used in the book are mostly pinyin equivalents of the names in Putonghua, except for ‘Hakka’ |¸·, established in sinology, and therefore used, rather than ‘Kejia’. Website addresses referred to in this book are placed on a separate list which follows the main References. Each entry is labeled with [www X], where X stands for a consecutive number. This symbol is used throughout the text as cross-references to the website addresses. Internal cross-references indicate the number of the chapter and/or subchapter, e.g. “see Chapter 6.4.” refers to the fourth subchapter (“Controversial issues”) of the sixth chapter (“The classification of Chinese dialects according to The Language Atlas of China”). Technical notes xiii References to The Language Atlas of China are written as numbers of the maps and at the same time the accompanying descriptions, e.g. “Atlas: A2, B14”, etc. A very brief chronology of Chinese history has been appended. Only the dates of the reign of respective dynasties are given as reference. A list of Chinese provinces, autonomous regions, Special Administrative Regions and municipalities has been appended. The list is complemented with the notation in Chinese characters and pinyin spelling, Chinese abbreviations, as well as the names of capitals/seats of government. There is also an index of personal names and one of Chinese place names. A Chinese-English index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology used in the book has been appended at the end of the book. Contents Acknowledgements....................................................................................vii Preface.........................................................................................................ix Abbreviations..........................................................................................xviii List of tables, diagrams and illustrations...................................................xix Chapter 1 Defining terminology...................................................................................1 1. ‘fngyán’ versus ‘dialect’ ..........................................................1 2. Dialects or languages..........................................................................2 3. Conclusions........................................................................................2 Chapter 2 Languages of China......................................................................................4 1. Classification of Chinese....................................................................4 2. Non-Chinese languages of China.......................................................5 3. Alternative classifications..................................................................8 Chapter 3 The language policy of the People’s Republic of China regarding the dialects of Chinese............................................................................10 1. The forming of Putonghua ...............................................................10 2. Language legislation.........................................................................10 3. Mutual inter-influence of dialects and Putonghua ...........................12 4. The status of Putonghua...................................................................13 Chapter 4 Chinese historical phonetics.......................................................................15 1. The structure of the syllable.............................................................15 2. Middle Chinese tones.......................................................................16 3. Middle Chinese initials.....................................................................18 4. Middle Chinese finals.......................................................................21 5. Fanqi e...............................................................................................22 6. Rhyme books yùnsh.......................................................23 Chapter 5 Classifications of Chinese dialects.............................................................25 1. Criteria..............................................................................................25 2. A historical overview since the end of the nineteenth century.........36 Contents xvi Chapter 6 The classification of Chinese dialects according to The Language Atl as of Chi na ............................................................................................63 1. The Language Atl as of Chi na...........................................................63 2. Classification into smaller units.......................................................63 3. The classification..............................................................................64 4. Controversial issues..........................................................................74 5. General characteristics of the ten Chinese dialect groups................77 Chapter 7 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects.......................................91 1. Phonetics..........................................................................................91 2. Vocabulary.....................................................................................106 3. Grammar.........................................................................................121 Chapter 8 Analysis of The Great Di cti onar y of Moder n Chi nese Di al ects ..............128 1. Introduction....................................................................................128 2. Methods of research for The Great Di cti onar y of Moder n Chi nese Di al ects.............................................................................134 3. The choice of dialect localities for The Great Di cti onar y of Moder n Chi nese Di al ects...............................................................137 4. Background overview of explored places......................................157 Chapter 9 Information gathered from The Great Di cti onar y of Moder n Chi nese Di al ects...........................................................................................184 1. Internal diversification...................................................................184 2. Phonetics........................................................................................186 3. Vocabulary.....................................................................................196 4. Grammar.........................................................................................201 Chapter 10 Summary and conclusions........................................................................203 1. Dialects or languages?....................................................................203 2. The language of the majority..........................................................204 3. Language policy.............................................................................204 4. Criteria............................................................................................205 5. Different classifications..................................................................205 6. Research methods...........................................................................206 7. Other aspects of modern dialectology............................................207 8. Chinese abroad...............................................................................207 Contents xvii 9. Are the dialects of China endangered?...........................................208 10. Tasks of Chinese dialectology........................................................208 11. The role of The Great Di cti onar y of Moder n Chi nese Di al ects.....208 A brief chronology of Chinese history since the Qin Dynasty.................210 China’s main administrative units............................................................211 Notes ........................................................................................................213 References................................................................................................221 Chinese-English index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology.............252 Index of personal names...........................................................................266 Index of Chinese place names..................................................................271 Abbreviations A.R. – Autonomous Region |;lZizhiqu· Atlas – The Language Atlas of China (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan yu Aodaliya Renwen Kexueyuan 1987, 1989) IPA – International Phonetic Alphabet S.A.R. – Special Administrative Region |¸|]l Tebiexing Zhengqu· List of tables, diagrams and illustrations Page: Table 1. Structure of a syllable 16 Table 2. Derivation of tones and their names 17 Table 3. Tone categories 18 Table 4. The traditional thirty six¸)zìmù 20 Table 5. ||liànghù 21 Table 6. ||sìhù 22 Table 7. History of dialect classifications 59–61 Table 8. Development of Middle Chinese syllables in the·)rùsheng into modern Mandarin dia- lects 89 Table 9. Development of Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials into modern dialects 90 Table 10. Tones of the Beijing dialect 96 Table 11. Initials of the Beijing dialect 97 Table 12. Finals of the Beijing dialect 97 Table 13. Table of homophonic characters for the [in] final in the Beijing dialect 98 Table 14. Table of single characters for the [an, ian, uan, yan] finals of the Beijing dialect 99 Table 15. Dialect groups and subgroups and their repre- sentatives in The Great Dictionary of Mo- dern Chinese Dialects 138–142 Table 16. Provinces/A.R./Municipalities/S.A.R. and their representatives in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects 146–147 Table 17. Representatives of dialects in preceding sur- veys and in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects 151–154 Table 18. A choice of features of the forty two dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects 181–183 Table 19. Numbers of initials, finals and tones in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua 186–188 List of tables, diagrams and illustrations xx Page: Table 20. Tonal categories and their values in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua 188–191 Table 21. Opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials; plosive codas; nasal and nasalized codas in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua 192–194 Table 22. Words denoting ‘sun’ and ‘spring’ in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua 197–200 Diagram 1. Percentage of subgroups of each dialect group covered by The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects 142 Diagram 2. Percentage of volumes in The Great Diction- ary of Modern Chinese Dialects against the percentage of speakers of each dialect group 149 Figure 1. Sixteen |shè of Guàngyùn 24 Figure 2. Order of the sixteen |shè in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao 94 Figure 3. Order of the thirty six¸)zìmù in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao 94–95 Figure 4. Symbols of ¿[¡fãquãnfà 106 Map 1. Distribution of the forty two dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects 144 Map 2. Distribution of the dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dia- lects in southern China 145 Chapter 1 Defining terminology 1. ‘¸, fngyán’ versus ‘dialect’ There is slight disagreement between the Chinese perception of the term ¸, fãngyán and the western term ‘dialect’. The Chinese traditionally refer to the local forms of their speech as ¸, fãngyán`, lit. ‘regional speech’. This term is customarily translated into English as ‘dialect’, though it seems that this translation is not fully accurate. The Chinese definitions of ¸, fãngyán` do not take the parameter of mutual intelligibility into consideration, whereas the western term ‘dia- lect’ usually applies this criterion as decisive, though not without excep- tions (cf. Chambers and Trudgill 2003: 3–4; Bussman 2000: 125). This is probably the main difference between the perception of the Chinese and western terms. The concept of regional linguistic varieties appeared in China at the earliest around the time of the Zhou Dynasty. At that time it was called / ¸[) shù fãng yì yù (“different lands and distinct languages”) (cf. Yuan J iahua 2003: 1). The term ¸, fãngyán` was used for the first time during the reign of the Western Han Dynasty by Yang Xiong in his work entitled |¦|{¿|)¦¸]¸, Youxuan shizhe juedai yu shi bieguo fangyan (Study of dialect words of other states explained by the light-carriage messenger), better known by its shortened name ¸, Fangyan (see Liu J unhui et al. 1992; cf. He Gengyong 1984: 1; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 19; Yan, M. M. 2006: 5). Gao Mingkai and Shi Anshi (2002: 220–221) present the definition of ¸, fãngyán` as: “a branch of the language of a nation, its local variant. ¸, fãngyán is used by people living in a certain place, belong- ing to a certain society, and it has characteristics of its own.” You Rujie (2000: 7) explains that “we talk about dialects ¸, fãngyán·in contrast to language ), yùyán·. The relationship between dialect and language is the same as between specific and general. Language is a general term and dialect a specific term. Dialects are the existent form of language, in every- day life people use specific dialects, not general languages.” Defining terminology 2 The term ¸, fãngyán` can imply either a large dialect group, such as Mandarin, Yue, Wu, etc., or a tongue used in a small area, such as the Beijing dialect ¸;¸, Béijing fãngyán·, Shanghai dialect ¸[¸ , Shànghài fãngyán·. 2. Dialects or languages The debate as to whether or not the varieties of speech used by the Chinese should be classified as separate languages or dialects of one language is a difficult one, with reasons on both sides. The main criterion according to which some scholars tend to use the English term ‘language’ for the varie- ties of Chinese, is the lack of mutual intelligibility between the various forms of speech, the fact that the “various ‘Chinese dialects’ are as diverse as the several Romance languages” (Chomsky 2002: 15). On the other hand, since there are no extra-linguistic (political, historical, geographical, cul- tural) reasons to treat these dialects as individual languages, the tradition is to call them dialects of Chinese (cf. DeFrancis 1984: 54–57; Lin, Yen-Hwei 2007: 1–2, 363–264; Crystal 2003: 287, 314; The Republic of China Year- book 2000: 40, 41; Norman 1988: 187–188; Gao Ran 1999a; Yan, M. M. 2006: 2–3). Calling the varieties of Chinese ‘dialects’ ¸, fãngyán· rather than languages does have a strong political undertone, as it serves the unity of the Chinese people. If a vast majority of inhabitants speaks one language, the country is also unified (cf. Chapter 3.1.). The Chinese writing system is yet another factor which unifies the coun- try. If the literary language is used to write down a text, then even if the characters are pronounced differently in various parts of China, they can be more or less understood by every speaker. 3. Conclusions Perhaps the term ¸, fãngyán` is simply untranslatable and the question will always provoke discussion. Nonetheless, since the Chinese have been using the term since the time of the Han Dynasty to describe the speech of the Han people, it maybe should not be changed. The following words of Zhao Yuanren justify the treatment of Chinese as one language (Zhao Yuanren 2004b: 965): Conclusions 3 In the case of the dialects of Chinese, they are phonologically as divergent from one another as German from Dutch or French from Italian. But the historical association of the speakers of the dialects has always been main- tained not only by the use of a common system of writing, but also by the use of a common classical idiom, based on a common body of literature, and more recently by the general use of a common modern dialect, usually called Mandarin, so that there is a linguistic sense, as well as a poli- tico-geographical sense in which one can speak of the Chinese language. The choice between the terms ‘dialect’ and ‘language’ is not merely a political question, but can also interfere in the sense of ethnic identity, which is not the intention of the author. An analysis of the Chinese identity and the role of the language as an ethnic flag could be an object for study in the domain of linguistic anthropology. Despite all the controversies, the term ‘dialect’ will be applied to de- scribe the Chinese ¸, fãngyán` in this book, as this form is deeply rooted in the tradition of sinology, though one ought to remember that this term is more or less a matter of convention. Chapter 2 Languages of China China is often regarded as a linguistic monolith, not only by people from outside the country, but also by the Chinese themselves. This point of view seems justified when one takes into account the fact that for about 92% of the population the mother tongue is Chinese. However, if one takes a closer look at the divergence of the dialects of Chinese, and observes that the remaining 8% speak (officially) around eighty languages (cf. Zou and You 2001: 4; Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 250–251; Li Rong 1989b; Dao Bu 2004: 67), then one should rather consider China as a vast mosaic of languages and dialects (cf. Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 250–251). 1. Classification of Chinese Chinese is commonly classified as a sub-branch of the Sino-Tibetan lan- guage family. However, “the membership and classification of the Sino- Tibetan family of languages is highly controversial” (Crystal 2003: 312; cf. Majewicz 1989: 66; Ruhlen 2004). Disregarding all the controversies around the classification of this language family, it will be applied in this book as the most popular existing view. The Sino-Tibetan languages are divided into two branches: Sinitic and Tibeto-Burman (cf. DeLancey 1987; Crystal 2003: 312–313). 1 The Sinitic branch denotes the Chinese dialects, the Tibeto-Burman – “several hundred languages spoken from the Tibetan plateau in the north to the Malay Penin- sula in the south and from northern Pakistan in the west, to northeastern Vietnam in the east” (DeLancey 1987: 799). The Chinese language, in all its varieties, is spoken by more than a bil- lion people, which is more than 20% of the global population, not only in mainland China and Taiwan, but also throughout South-East Asia, as well as in other parts of the world, e.g. in the United States (cf. Zou and You 2001: 1; Crystal 2003: 312). Non-Chinese languages of China 5 2. Non-Chinese languages of China Fifty six nationalities are officially recognized in China. The Han Chinese constitute 91.59% of the population, minorities – 8.41% (2000; cf. [www 12]). The Language Atlas of China (A1 [also Li Rong 1989b]; A4; C14) lists around eighty officially recognized languages used in China 2 . They belong to five language families (see also Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi Fence 1988: 523–526): 1. Sino-Tibetan Family ¡j)_Hànzàng Yùxì· 1.1. Sinitic Group – Chinese ¡)Hànyù· 1.2. Tibeto-Burman Group j,)¡ Zàngmiàn Yùzú· (26% of the population speaking minority languages) (23 languages, spoken in: Tibetan A.R., Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Hunan, Hubei Provinces, Guangxi A.R.) Tibetan j)Zàngyù· J iarong (~Gyarung, ~Rgyarung)¸¸)Jiãróngyù· Monba]])Ménbãyù·: Cona Monba )¦]])Cuònà Ménbãyù·, Cangluo Monba ¸¡]])Cãngluò Ménbãyù· Lhoba (~Lopa) ]]) Luòbãyù·: Boga’er Lhoba ]|¸] ]) Bógã’ér Luòbãyù·, Yidu Lhoba ¸¶]]) Yìdù Luòbãyù· Dengj) Dèngyù·: Geman Deng |¸j) Gémàn Dèng- yù·, Darang Deng ¸¡j)Dáràng Dèngyù· J ingpo (~Chingpaw, ~Kachin) ¸[)Jíngpõyù· Zaiwa (~J ingpo) ]])Zàiwàyù· Derong (~Tulung, ~Drung) )¸)Dúlóngyù· Nu¡)Nùyù· Qiang¸)Qiãngyù· Primi (~Pumi) |/)Pùmíyù· Yi (~Lolo) ,)Yíyù· Hani ¦¡)Hãníyù· Achang¦;)Ãchãngyù· Lahu¸|)Lãhùyù· J ino¸,)Jinuòyù· Lisu[])Lìsùyù· Naxi (~Moso) ,¯)Nàxiyù· Bai ))Bãiyù· Tujia (~Tuchia) ¸¸)Tùjiãyù· Languages of China 6 1.3. Miao-Yao (~Hmong-Mien) Group ,))¡ Miáoyáo Yùzú· (10.8%) (4 languages) (spoken in: Guizhou Province, Guangxi A.R., Hunan, Yunnan, Guangdong Provinces) Miao (~Hmong) ,)Miáoyù· Bunu´¸)Bùnùyù· She,)Sheyù· 3 Yao (~Mien) )¿·)Yáo (Miàn) yù· 1.4. Zhuang-Dong Group ]])¡ Zhuàng Dòng Yùzú · (14 languages) (spoken in: Guangxi A.R., Guizhou, Yunnan, Guangdong Provinces) Zhuang])Zhuàngyù· Bouyei (~Buyei) ´|)Bùyiyù· Dai ])Dàiyù· Lingao||¦ Língãohuà· Dong (~Kam)]) Dòngyù· Mulam ||)Mùlàoyù· Sui ¸)Shuíyù· Maonan¸¡) Máonányù· T’en¦]¦Yánghuáng huà· Mojia (~Mak) ¸¦ Mòhuà· Lakia¸¸)Lãjiãyù· Li (~Hlai) \) Líyù· Cun|¦Cùnhuà· Gelao (~Gelo, ~Kelao) ¡|)Gelàoyù· 2. Altaic Family ¦¸()_Ã’értài Yùxì· 2.1. Mongolic Group ¸,)¡ Ménggù Yùzú · (6 languages) (spoken in: Inner Mongolia A.R., Xinjiang A.R., Gansu, Qinghai, Heilongjiang, J ilin, Liaoning Provinces) Mongolian ¸,)Ménggùyù· Dongxiang (~Santa) ¸¸)Dõngxiãngyù· Tu (~Monguor) ¸¡)Tùzúyù· Daur ¸¦¸)Dáwò’éryù· Bonan (~Pao’an) ]¸)Bào’ãnyù· Eastern Yugur ¸;|¦)Dõngbù Yùgùyù· 2.2. Manchu-Tungusic Group ¡-j,))¡Màn-Tõnggùsi Yùzú· (5 languages) (spoken in: Heilongjiang, J ilin, Liaoning Provinces, Xinjiang A.R.) Ewenki (~Owenk) ¸¸¸) Èwenkèyù· Xibe,|)Xibóyù· Non-Chinese languages of China 7 Manchu (~Man) ¡) Mànyù· Oroqen¸j¸)Èlúnchùnyù· Hezhen (~Hoche) ¸¦)Hèzhéyù· 2.3. Turkic Group ¸])¡ Tùjué Yùzú· (8 languages) (spoken in: Xinjiang A.R., Qinghai, Gansu Provinces) Uygur ¬;¸)Wéiwú’éryù· Kazak¦}¸)Hãsàkèyù· Kirgiz ]¸¸¡)Ke’érkèziyù· Salar j¸)Sãlãyù· Western Yugur ¯;|¦)Xibù Yùgùyù· Uzbek_¡¸¸)Wùzibiékèyù· Tatar ,,¸)Tàtà’éryù· Tuvan ¦])Túwàyù· 3. Austro-Asiatic Family ¡¯)_ Nányà Yùxì · (3 languages) (spoken in: Yunnan Province) Mon-Khmer Group ¸—||)¡Mèng-Gãomián Yùzú· De’ang (~Palaung, ~Shwe) j,)Dé’ángyù· Va |)Wàyù· Blang´|)Bùlàngyù· 4. Austronesian Family ¡_)_ Nándào Yùxì · (12 languages) (spoken in: Taiwan) The languages of the Taiwan Gaoshan people |¡¡ Gãoshãnzú· belonging to the Indonesian language group ¹j¡¯¯)¡ Yìndùníxiyà Yùzú· 4.1. Atayalic ()¸)[Tàiye’ér Yùtuán·: Atayal ()¸)Tàiye’éryù· Taroko ]j)Sàidéyù· 4.2. Tsouic ´)[Zõu Yùtuán· Tsou ´)Zõuyù· Kanakanabu¦¦´)Kànàkànàbùyù· Saaroa;¦¦¦)Shã’ãlù’ãyù· 4.3. Paiwanic|])[Páiwãn Yùtuán· Amis (Pangcah) ¦¡))Ãméisiyù· Paiwan|]Páiwãn· Bunun´()Bùnóngyù· Rukai ¦|)Lùkàiyù· Puyuma ¹¡)Beinányù· Saisiyat })|)Sàsitèyù· Thao()Shàoyù· Languages of China 8 4.4. Yami )¡)Yeméiyù· 5. Indo-European Family ¹¦)_ Yìn’õu Yùxì · (2 languages) (spoken in: Xinjiang A.R., Inner Mongolia A.R.) Iranian language group ¦|)¡ Yiláng Yùzú·: Tajik ,¸ ¸)Tàjíkèyù· Slavic language group )¸5)¡Silãfù Yùzú·: Russian ] ¸))Éluósiyù· 6. Non-defined language family 4 Korean¸=)Cháoxiànyù· Gin (~Vietnamese) ;)Jingyù· Huihui (~Tsat, ~Cham) }'¦Huíhuihuà· 3. Alternative classifications 3.1. Li Fanggui ¸¸|· In 1937 Li Fanggui published an article in the Chinese Yearbook (Li Fang- gui [1937] 1973), in which he described the then current linguistic situation in China. According to his classification, the languages of China could be divided into the following families and branches (Li Fanggui 1973: 1): 1. Indo-Chinese (Tibeto-Chinese, Sino-Tibetan, Sinitic) a. Chinese b. Kam-Tai c. Miao-Yao d. Tibeto-Burman 2. Austro-Asiatic: a. Mon-Khmer 3. Altaic: a. Turkish b. Mongolian c. Tungus 4. Indo-European a. Tokharian (extinct) Alternative classifications 9 3.2. S. Robert Ramsey Ramsey (1987: 157–291) gives a brief description of the minority lan- guages of China. He divides the non-Chinese languages of China into two linguistic areas: the North and the South. “The languages of the North are almost all ‘Altaic languages’… The languages in the South are an extension of the Southeast Asian linguistic area…” (Ramsey 1987: 171). Yet, the author does not include the third linguistic area “formed by Tibet and adja- cent parts of West China”, nor the island of Taiwan (Ramsey 1987: 172). He lists and describes the minority languages divided into the following groups: The Minorities of North China: 1. Turkic (Ramsey 1987: 179–194) 2. Mongolian (Ramsey 1987: 194–212) 3. Tungus (Ramsey 1987: 212–229) The Minorities of South China: 4. Tai (Ramsey 1987: 232–248) 5. Tibeto-Burman (Ramsey 1987: 248–278) 6. Miao-Yao (Ramsey 1987: 278–286) 7. Mon Khmer (Ramsey 1987: 286–287) 8. Unclassified or Isolated Languages (Ramsey 1987: 287–291) 3.3. SIL International 5 The online version of Ethnologue, “an encyclopaedic reference work cataloguing all of the world’s 6,909 known living languages” (see [www 2]), presented by SIL International, lists 292 living languages in China, including 13 dialects of Chinese and Chinese Sign Language (see [www 3]) and 22 languages in Taiwan (including 3 dialects of Chinese and Taiwan Sign Language) (see [www 4]). This then totals 279 non-Chinese languages in mainland China, along with 18 in Taiwan (some may be repeated in both places). The classification by SIL International differs greatly from the official one of the People’s Republic of China. The dissimilarities lie mostly in the problem of recognition of languages as well as the criteria for treating the varieties as dialects or individual languages. Chapter 3 The language policy of the People’s Republic of China regarding the dialects of Chinese 6 1. The forming of Putonghua Because of the diversity of languages and dialects in China, it is natural that the need to create a linguistic standard, or a national language has come about. The common language is supposed to become one of the pillars of unity of the country, the means of communication between the local lan- guages and dialects, and a means of controlling the inhabitants. The origin of the Chinese national language goes back as far as to the time of the Western Zhou Dynasty (1046–256 BC). Its basis has always been the Northern Dialects ¸¸¸, Béifãng Fãngyán·. Since the time of the Ming Dynasty, the standard language has been called ¡¦ Guãnhuà, i.e. Mandarin (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 5–7; You Rujie 2004: 26–28; Lü J iping 2002: 41–47). At present, the national standard in China is Putonghua |j¦ Pùtõnghuà· (literally ‘common speech’). Putonghua has also been created on the basis of the Northern Dialects, i.e. Mandarin Dialects. The Beijing pronunciation was used as the phonetic foundation. “Model works written in the modern )¦báihuà 7 ” have been chosen as the grammatical founda- tion. The process of creating the standard language was a long one. Offi- cially, Putonghua was declared the common language of the Han people in 1955 (cf. Chen Zhangtai 2005: 107; Song Xinqiao ed. 2004: 13–14; Tan Dazheng ed. 2000: 181–182; Quanguo Renda… 2001: 43–45). In article 19 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, legislated in 1982, it is declared that “The state promotes the nationwide use of Putonghua…” (seeZhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Xianfa 2004: 24, 25; cf. Dao Bu 2004: 72). 2. Language legislation The People’s Republic of China Law of the Country’s Common Language and Writing (Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Guojia Tongyong Yuyan Wenzi Language legislation 11 Fa ¹'¸[)|]]¸jj),¸¸¡) (see Quanguo Renda… 2001: 4–9), which has been valid since 2001, in the second article of the first section, declares “Putonghua and the standardized Chinese characters the common language and writing of the People’s Republic of China”. In the third article it is once again stated that “the country promotes the popularization of Putonghua and the standardized characters” (see Quan- guo Renda… 2001: 4). The fourth article of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China declares that “all nationalities have the freedom to use and develop their own spoken and written languages…” (see Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Xianfa 2004: 14, 15; cf. Dao Bu 2004: 72). In the Constitution, nothing is said about the protection of the dialects of Chinese. This has caused some peculiar situations, such as the one de- scribed by Frank Anshen (2001: 710–711), when the government protects and encourages the rights of minorities by publishing materials in their languages, at the same time neglecting the vast groups of speakers of individual dialects of Chinese, by not providing them with such privileges. This is one of the ways in which the government wants to unify the Chinese language. The two points, i.e. the popularization of Putonghua all over the country, and the right of the national minorities to use their own languages, are the main goals of the Chinese language policy. The rules of when to use dialects are precisely described in article 16 of the language law (Quanguo Renda… 2001: 6–7, English translation at [www 15]): …Local dialects may be used under the following circumstances: – when State functionaries really need to use them in the performance of official duties; – where they are used in broadcasting with the approval of the broadcasting and television administration under the State Council or of the broadcasting and television department at the provincial level; – where they are needed in traditional operas, films and TV programs and other forms of art; and – where their use is really required in the publishing, teaching and research. As one can see, the possibility of using dialects is quite rigorously re- stricted by the law. That does not, of course, prohibit the everyday users of dialects to speak their own variety of the language. It is often repeated in commentaries to the language law, that “the aim of the promotion of The language policy of the PRC 12 Putonghua is certainly not to eliminate the dialects, but to remove the estrangement between various dialects” (cf. Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 253; Quanguo Renda… 2001: 47; 292; Quanguo Ganbu... 2002: 32–33). Dis- semination of the common language means that the people who speak dia- lects should also know the national standard. This standard is to be used in official circumstances, such as schools, offices, etc. (cf. Quanguo Renda… 2001: 47; Quanguo Ganbu... 2002: 33). This way, the dialects have in fact been pushed away to become a marginal part of social life. The use of the standard language is also widely promoted in all kinds of media, films, literature. Nevertheless, as it is stated in the third section of article 16 of the language law, the use of dialects is allowed in some cases. These cases are local operas, folk ballads, musical storytelling, comic dia- logues and other forms of folk performing art. The second section of this article permits some particular use of dialects in radio and television. Al- though existing local TV and radio stations, which have been transmitting programs using dialects, did not have to be closed after the law came into force, it is at the same time not recommended to create new channels and programs in which dialects would be used. In the areas where dialects dominate, new channels should be established, which would transmit pro- grams in Putonghua (cf. Quanguo Renda… 2001: 79). According to the twelfth article of the law of the educational system, the usage of Putonghua has become obligatory in schools and institutions of higher education. An exception has been made for national minorities, in reference to the above-mentioned article four of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (see Quanguo Renda… 2001: 278–279). In reality, because of the large size of China, the population density, the big diversity of languages and dialects, as well as the differences in development between regions, dialects are still often used in education. Moreover, it happens that dialects are spoken even at government level, and at various conferences and celebrations. Also, in the judicature, at local TV stations, or in industry one can find that Putonghua is not yet fully spread (cf. Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 258; Lü J iping ed. 2002: 83–120). 3. Mutual inter-influence of dialects and Putonghua The expansion of the standard language in a natural way influences the local varieties of the language. At the same time, paradoxically, this process is also reversed. As the standard changes the dialects, so do some dialectal The status of Putonghua 13 features penetrate the standard. This can most clearly be seen in areas that are far from the capital. Yet, this mutual interaction, which is a normal reac- tion to the unification of the language, is not symmetrical. Dialects are far more influenced by Putonghua, than the other way round (cf. Li Rulong 2003: 7; Quanguo Renda… 2001: 47–48; Guo 2004). More and more differences emerge between the older generations, who speak a conserva- tive form of their dialects, and the younger generations, who are gradually surrendering to the power of Putonghua (You Rujie 2004: 27). Thus, although Putonghua is partially an artificial creation, it has be- come a living language with all the consequences of being one. The stan- dard continues to be the standard, and there is only one true language. At the same time, however, far from the capital, it takes different shapes. That is how the expression ‘non-standard Putonghua’ ´|^[|j¦ bù biàozhùn de Pùtõnghuà· has come into being. Various degrees of confor- mity of speech with the national model can be distinguished, depending on how far it strays away from the origin (cf. Quanguo Renda… 2001: 292). Here, another new term has emerged: ‘local Putonghua’ j¸|j¦ dìfãng Pùtõnghuà·. The language spoken by people with at least secondary education, who have studied in Beijing, or people who come from dialectal areas, but whose speech does not contain the slightest dialectal influence, is consid- ered the Putonghua of the best quality. The ‘non-standard Putonghua’ means all its local varieties, to a greater or lesser extent different from the “pure” form (cf. Chen Zhangtai 2005: 110–112). 4. The status of Putonghua Being the standard language, as well as the language of the educated part of society, Putonghua is often viewed as the language of the elite. 8 This may encourage the populace to learn this esteemed tongue, which may further lead to the abandonment by the inhabitants of their home dialects, in order to speak the language of high society. One statement seems particularly interesting in this light, i.e. that “one of the main responsibilities of Chinese dialectology is to help the spread of Putonghua” (see Beijing Shi Yuyanxuehui 2004: 248). One of the achieve- ments of the dialectologists in this field is making comparisons between the standard and the dialects, as well as teaching the standard to people in dialectal areas (cf. Beijing Shi Yuyanxuehui 2004: 248). The language policy of the PRC 14 A national conference on the workings of the national language ´] ),¸¸¯¦¸, Quanguo Yuyan Wenzi Gongzuo Huiyi· was held in Beijing in 1997. During this conference the main tasks for the first half of the twenty first century were set. Before 2010, Putonghua is meant to be “pre-spread” throughout the country. This process is to be completed by mid-century. As far as dialects are concerned, this “pre-spreading” means that unintelligibility between dialects should be basically removed. The total spread indicates that all the communicational barriers between dialects are to disappear (cf. Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 258–259; [www 14]). Chapter 4 Chinese historical phonetics To study the phonetics of Chinese dialects, one must be familiar to some extent with Chinese historical phonetics ¡ ) , , ¸ Hànyù yinyùnxué·, also known as Chinese traditional phonology, as it is com- monly applicable while researching the phonetic system of modern dialects from the diachronic j}lìshí· perspective. 9 The beginning of ,,¸yinyùnxué dates back to the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty (25–220 A.D.) and the invention of ¡| fànqiè, the tradi- tional method of transcribing characters (see Chapter 4.5.). It deals with the phonetics of different periods in the history of Chinese. For the diachronic research of modern dialects, the most important era is Middle Chinese ¹ ,,zhõnggùyin·, the time of the Sui, Tang and Song Dynasties. The diachronic method of researching the phonetics of dialects consists mainly in comparing the phonetic system of modern dialects with the pho- netic system of Guangyun ¹,·, a rhyme book which was written during the time of the Song Dynasty (see Chapter 4.6.2.). 1. The structure of the syllable According to the traditional partition, a Chinese syllable ,¯ yinjié· consists of three components: the initial (the onset) ))shengmù·, the final ,) yùnmù· and the tone )j shengdiào·. The initial is usually made up of a consonant, except for those cases where the so-called zero initial ¸)) língshengmù· occurs. The final can be divided into three parts: the medial (the onglide, head vowel of the final) ,¸yùntóu or ], jièyin·, the nucleus (the essential vowel of the final, the nuclear vowel) ,] yùnfù or¸]¸, zhùyào yuányin· and the coda (ending of the final) ,¡yùnwéi·. The coda can be either a vowel (offglide) or a consonant (a nasal or a voiceless stop). Of all these components, only the nucleus and the tone are essential in forming a syllable (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 22–25; Yan, M. M. 2006: 9–10; Wang Li 2004: 18–28; Chen, M. Y. Chinese historical phonetics 16 2001: 4–5). Thus, the syllable structure can be shown in the following dia- gram (after Lin and Geng 2004: 23): 10 Table 1. Structure of a syllable. 11 TONE )jshengdiào FINAL ,)yùnmù INITIAL )) shengmù MEDIAL ,¸ yùntóu NUCLEUS ,] yùnfù CODA ,¡ yùnwéi 2. Middle Chinese tones The tones of modern Chinese dialects are believed to have evolved from the four tonal categories of Middle Chinese pronunciation |) sìsheng·, i.e. the level tone ¬) píngsheng·, rising tone ¸) shàngsheng or shàngsheng 12 ·, falling tone ,) qùsheng· and enter- ing tone ·)rùsheng· (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 59). The classification of tones in the modern Chinese dialects is closely re- lated to voiceless and voiced ¡¡qingzhuó· initials of Middle Chinese (see Chapter 4.3.). Each of the four classical tones is divided into yin |· and yáng [· categories j¸ diàolèi·. The tones deriving from the syllables with voiceless ¡qing· initials are called yin |· (namely: |¬ yinpíng, |¸ yinshàng, |, yinqù, |· yinrù), the ones deriving from the syllables with voiced ¡zhuó· initials – yáng [· (namely: [¬yángpíng, [¸yángshàng, [,yángqù, [·yángrù) (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 122; Lin and Geng 2004: 59; Chen, M. Y. 2001: 7– 11) (see Table 2., based on Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 123). The tone values jj diàozhí· of the respective tone categories j¸ diàolèi· are diverse in different modern dialects. The number of tone categories varies as well; the tones have split and merged into different tone categories with different tone values (cf. Chen, M. Y. 2001: 7–13; You Rujie 2000: 24, see also Chapter 9.2.1.2.). Middle Chinese tones 17 Table 2. Derivation of tones and their names. Middle Chinese name of tone Middle Chinese initial Derived tone name ¡)) qing shengmù voiceless initials |¬ yinpíng ¬) píngsheng level tone ¡)) zhuó shengmù voiced initials [¬ yángpíng ¡)) qing shengmù voiceless initials |¸ yinshàng ¸) shàngsheng rising tone ¡)) zhuó shengmù voiced initials [¸ yángshàng ¡)) qing shengmù voiceless initials |, yinqù ,) qùsheng falling tone ¡)) zhuó shengmù voiced initials [, yángqù ¡)) qing shengmù voiceless initials |· yinrù ·) rùsheng entering tone ¡)) zhuó shengmù voiced initials [· yángrù There is also another way of dividing the tones into two categories, namely the¬)píngsheng – level tone and the ))zèsheng – oblique tones. The former category is represented only by the level tone ¬)píngsheng·, while the remaining three tones (i.e. rising tone ¸) shàngsheng·, falling tone ,)qùsheng· and entering tone ·)rùsheng· belong to the latter category. Syllables are also divided into two classes depending on the type of end- ing: “short” or “checked” syllables j) cùsheng, literally “short tone”· and “smooth” or “slack” syllables ¡) shùsheng, literally “smooth tone”·. The checked syllables have an occlusive as the ending, and only the syllables in the entering tone ·)rùsheng· belong to this class. The smooth syllables are either open syllables or ones ending with Chinese historical phonetics 18 nasal stops; syllables in the level tone ¬) píngsheng·, rising tone ¸) shàngsheng· and falling tone ,) qùsheng· belong to this class (cf. Chen, M. Y. 2001: 5–6; Feng, Liang and Yang 1997: 119, 522) (seeTable 3.). Table 3. Tone categories. ¬) píngsheng level tone ¸) shàngsheng rising tone ,) qùsheng falling tone ·) rùsheng entering tone ¬) píngsheng level tone )) zèsheng oblique tone ¡) shùsheng smooth tone j) cùsheng short tone 3. Middle Chinese initials During the time of the Tang and Song Dynasties the term ¯,wùyin (liter- ally: “five sounds”) was used to describe the five points of consonant articulation. These “five sounds” were: – ;,yáyin – “molar teeth sound”, meaning velar sounds – ,,shéyin – “lingual sounds” – ¸,chúnyin – labial sounds – j,chíyin – dental sounds – ¦,hóuyin – laryngeal sounds Later, two other sounds were added to the list: – ¨,,bànshéyin – “half-tongue sounds” – lateral sounds – ¨j,bànchíyin – “half-teeth sounds” – dorsal sounds 13 In this way the ¸, qiyin (“seven sounds”) concept came into being. Shortly thereafter, there occurred a more detailed classification of the sounds. The¸, chúnyin, ,, shéyin and j, chíyin underwent further divisions: ¸,chúnyin into: – ¸¸,zhòngchúnyin – “heavy labial sounds” – bilabial sounds – j¸,qingchúnyin – “light labial sounds” – labiodental sounds Middle Chinese initials 19 ,, shéyin into: – ,¸, shétóuyin – middle apical plosive, nasal and lateral sounds – ,¸, shéshàngyin – dorsal plosive and nasal sounds j, chíyin into: – j¸, chítóuyin – “top-of-teeth sounds” – affricate and fricative apico-dental sounds – ¸j, zhèngchíyin – “centre-of-teeth sounds” – affricate and frica- tive dorsal sounds Altogether ten categories were created, but then the ¨,, bànshéyin and ¨j, bànchíyin were treated as one, and thus the ¸, jiùyin (“nine sounds”) were established (cf. Tang Zuofan 2004: 34–36; Lin and Geng 2004: 56–58; Wang Li 2004b: 74–77; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 83–84; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 49–50). As to the manner of articulation, consonants were divided into ¡ qing (voiceless) and ¡ zhuó (voiced). These were then divided into ´¡ quán- qing, ]¡ cìqing, ´¡ quánzhuó and ]¡ cìzhuó. The features of each of these classes were as follows (cf. Tang Zuofan 2004: 36–38; Lin and Geng 2004: 57; Wang Li 2004b: 77–79; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 84–86; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 51–52): ´¡ quánqing – voiceless, unaspirated plosives, affricates and frica- tives ]¡ cìqing – voiceless, aspirated plosives and affricates ´¡ quánzhuó – voiced plosives, affricates and fricatives ]¡ cìzhuó – voiced nasals, laterals and semivowels Another important concept related to the initials of Middle Chinese is ¸ ) zìmù – a character representing an initial consonant. Shou Wen, a monk who lived at the end of the Tang Dynasty and the beginning of the Five Dynasties, created a list of thirty ¸) zìmù. Later, in the time of the Song Dynasty a further six ¸) zìmù were added. The traditional list of thirty six ¸) zìmù has been used by Chinese phoneticians ever since (cf. Tang Zuofan 2004: 30–36 Wang Li 2004b: 71–80; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 80–83; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 43–49). The thirty six ¸) zìmù can be put into a table showing their phonetic features (the modern pronunciation in Putonghua is given in pinyin) (after Tang Zuofan 2004: 33; cf. You Rujie 2004: 87): Chinese historical phonetics 20 Table 4. The traditional thirty six ¸)zìmù. ´¡ quán- qing ]¡ cìqing ´¡ quán- zhuó ]¡ cìzhuó ´¡ quán- qing ´¡ quán- zhuó ;, yáyin ¸ jiàn ¡ xï ¦ qún ) yí ,¸ , shétóu yin ¸ duän ¸ tòu ¸ dìng ¡ ní ,, shéyin ,¸ , shé- shàng- yin ) zhï | chè ¡ chéng ( niáng ¸¸ , zhòng- chún- yin ¸ bäng ¡ päng } bìng | míng ¸, chún- yin j¸ , qing- chún- yin ( fëi ¸ fú ¯ fèng ] wëi j¸ , chítóu- yin | jïng ¡ qïng ) cóng ( xïn ( xié j, chíyin ¸j , zhèng- chíyin | zhào ¸ chuän ¹ chuáng ' shèn ¦ chán ¦, hóuyin ¸ yìng j yù | xiào [ xiá ¨,, bànshéyin ¬ lái ¨j, bànchíyin ¦ rì Middle Chinese finals 21 4. Middle Chinese finals 14 The basic concept in terms of traditional finals is ,¸ yùnlèi. Various syllables belong to the same ,¸ yùnlèi if their finals are identical, i.e. when the medial, nucleus and coda as well as the tone are the same (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 54). Syllables belong to the same, yùn if the ,¸ yùnji (i.e. the nucleus and coda) and the tone are the same. A ,yùn can include one or several , ¸yùnlèi (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 54–55). When the ,¸yùnji is the same, but the tone is not, then they belong to the same ,;yùnbù (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 55). ,| yùnshè (or | shè) is a category which consists of , yùn which have the same or a similar nucleus and coda. The number of ,yùn in each | shè varies (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 55; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 67–69; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 87–88; Tang Zuofan 2004: 70–71; see also Chapter 4.6.2.). Depending on the type of medial and nucleus, during the time of the Song and Yuan Dynasties, syllables were divided into two classes, called | |liànghù, namely: ;¹| kãikóuhù (or ;¹ kãikóu) – “open” and {¹ | hékóuhù (or {¹ hékóu) – “closed”. 15 ;¹| kãikóuhù syllables were ones which did not have the medial nor the nucleus [u], while {¹| hé- kóuhù syllables contained the medial or nucleus [u] (cf. Tang Zuofan 2004: 46, Liu Zhicheng 2004: 54–56; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 86–87) (see Table 5.). Table 5. ||liànghù. class: type of final: ;¹|kãikóuhù without [u] {¹|hékóuhù with [u] Since the time of the Ming Dynasty, due to changes in the phonetic system, Chinese syllables have been divided into four classes ||sìhù·: ;¹ |kãikóuhù – syllables without a medial and with a nucleus other than [i], [u] or [y] (e.g. [kan]); ,j| qíchihù – syllables with the medial or nu- cleus [i] (e.g. [tcian]) ; {¹| hékóuhù – syllables with the medial or nu- cleus [u] (e.g. [kuan]); ]¹| cuõkóuhù – syllables with the medial or nucleus [y] (e.g. [tcyan]) (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 23–24; Wang Li 2004b: 22; Tang Zuofan 2004: 46–47; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 86–87). Chinese historical phonetics 22 Table 6. ||sìhù. class: type of final: ;¹|kãikóuhù without [i], [u], [y] ,j|qíchihù with [i] {¹|hékóuhù with [u] ]¹|cuõkóuhù with [y] The syllables were further divided into four grades – |¸ sì déng. This division is also based on different categories of medials and finals. Every ,¸ yùnlèi is ascribed to one of the four grades ¸ déng·. Linguists have still not reached a consensus as to the rules of grouping finals into the four grades. What is known is that the categorization is based upon the presence or absence of [i] as the medial and differences in the openness of the nucleus. Finals belonging to the third grade ¸ sãndéng· had [i] as the medial. It is not clear on which basis the other finals were divided into respective grades. The first grade ¸ yidéng· and the second grade¸èrdéng· together are called “vast sound” ;,hóngyin·; the third grade ¸sãndéng· and the fourth grade |¸ sìdéng· together are called “thin sound” ;, xìyin·. These names denote that the first two grades were more open than the latter two (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 55–56). 16 5. Fanqie ¡| fànqiè (also called ¡ fàn or | qiè) is a traditional method of transcription, in which the pronunciation of a character is indicated by the use of two other characters. The first of these two is called ¡|¸¸fànqiè shàngzì, the second one – ¡|¯¸ fànqiè xiàzì; the character the pronunciation of which is being described – ¡¡|¸ bèi fànqiè zì. The first character indicates the initial of ¡¡|¸bèi fànqiè zì, and the second one, the final and tone. For example, the pronunciation of ‘¶’ is explained as “`)|”, mean- ing that one should take the initial of the character ‘`’ [tap] and the final together with the tone of ‘)’ [ku 11 ] to get the reading of ‘¶’ – [tu 11 ] (in modern Putonghua) (example taken from Tang Zuofan 2004: 19). 17 Rhyme books 23 6. Rhyme books ,·yùnsh Rhyme books are rather like dictionaries which arrange Chinese characters into rhyme categories and homophones. The rhymes were to help poets when composing poems. At the same time, the pronunciation of a series of homophones was written down, using the ¡| fànqiè method (see Chapter 4.5.), in order to correct the dialectal accents. Rhyme books also give an explanation of the meaning of the characters used, so they can also serve as dictionaries (cf. Wang Li 2004: 47). These books show the phonetic system of Middle Chinese, which is selected to be the starting point for the survey of the phonetics of modern Chinese dialects. The most important books of this kind are Qieyun |,· and Guangyun ¹,·. 6.1. Qieyun |,· Qieyun is one of the most important Chinese rhyme books. It was compiled by Lu Fayan in 601 A.D., i.e. during the time of the Sui Dynasty. The origi- nal has not stood the test of time and only a few remnants exist. It consisted of five volumes, including altogether 193 , yùn and around 11500 charac- ters. 18 Although most of the original of Qieyun has perished, it has been the base of Tangyun j,· 19 , which in turn has been the basis for writing Guangyun ¹,·. 6.2. Guangyun ¹,· The full title of Guangyun is ,²¸]¹, (Dasong Chongxiu Guangyun) (“The Song Dynasty’s Recompiled Extensive Rhyming Dictionary”). It was written in 1008 A.D. (during the reign of the Song Dynasty) by Chen Peng- nian, Qiu Yong and others, on the base of Qieyun and Tangyun and other rhyme books. It consists of five volumes with 26194 characters divided into 206 , yùn (rhymes). Since it has been preserved, unlike its predecessors, it is at present the most important source of knowledge about the phonetic system of Middle Chinese. The rhymes are sorted into tones. The five volumes include two vol- umes for the level tone ¬) píngsheng· (28 and 29 rhymes respec- tively), and one for each of the remaining tones i.e. the rising tone ¸) Chinese historical phonetics 24 shàngsheng· (55 rhymes), the falling tone ,) qùsheng· (60 rhymes) and the entering tone ·) rùsheng· (34 rhymes) (see Chapter 4.4.). The 206 rhymes of Guangyun have been divided into sixteen | shè (rhyme groups) (see Chapter 4.4.). These are (the modern pronunciation of the characters in Putonghua is given in pinyin, see also: Lin and Geng 2004: 55; Tang Zuofan 2004: 71; You Rujie 2004: 89–92): 1. j töng 9. ¦ guò 2. · jiäng 10. j jià 3. ) zhì 11. { dàng 4. ¿ yù 12. | gèng 5. ¸ xiè 13. ¸ zëng 6. ) zhëng 14. ¡ liú 7. ¡ shän 15. , shën 8. ; xiào 16. j xián Figure 1. Sixteen |shè of Guangyun. It is still not clear whether Guangyun is a description of the phonetic sys- tem of a single form of speech at one point in time, or if it is a synthetic description of various forms of speech from different regions or from different historical periods. What is certain is that it has been the model for the standard written language for centuries (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 81). 20. Showing the phonetics of the literary language of Middle Chinese, Guangyun can serve as the point of reference for the research of modern dialects. However, it should not be treated as the origin of all the dialects, as it is evident that dialects had already split before the time of the Song Dynasty (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 81–82, 1996a: 1). Chapter 5 Classifications of Chinese dialects 1. Criteria The scholar who passes as the first to present quite clear and methodologi- cal criteria for the classification of Chinese dialects was Wang Li in 1936 (see Chapter 5.2.5.). The main parameter of division which he used were Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials in modern pronunciation (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 360). Nowadays, the classification of Chinese dialects is usually made on the basis of both diachronic j} lìshí· and synchronic )} gòngshí· criteria. The diachronic features denote the historical changes in the pho- netic system of the Chinese language since the times of Middle Chinese. Comparing the phonetic system of Middle Chinese with those of today has been the most popular method for classifying Chinese dialects in modern dialectology. It has been applied by many scholars, such as Zhao Yuanren (see Chapter 5.2.8.), Li Fanggui (see Chapter 5.2.7.), as well as by Li Rong in the Atlas (see Chapter 6.; Chapter 6.4.) (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 347; You Rujie 2000: 50). The synchronic aspects refer to the differences between modern dialects as well as to their special features. 1.1. Phonetic characteristics Traditionally, the phonetic characteristics have been most widely applied and are still considered the most important parameters for dialect classifica- tion (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 58–59; Li Rulong 1996b: 20). This chapter presents the views of some of the scholars on phonetic criteria since the beginning of the 1980s. 1.1.1. Ding Bangxin ¯|]· In 1982 Ding Bangxin published an article in which he discusses the prob- lem of the choice of criteria for dialect classification (Ding Bangxin 1998a). Classifications of Chinese dialects 26 Ding lists the features applied by some of his most renowned predecessors: Li Fanggui (1937, see Chapter 5.2.7.), R.A.D. Forrest (1973, first published in 1948, see Chapter 5.2.9.), Dong Tonghe (1953, see Chapter 5.2.10.), Yuan Jiahua (2003, first published in 1960, see Chapter 5.2.14.), Zhan Bo- hui (1981, see Chapter 5.1.1.2.). These criteria are as follows (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 167; cf. Yan, M. M. 2006: 14–15): For initials: 1. Evolution of Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó plosive initials 2. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese bilabial plosives before fi- nals belonging to the third grade ¸ sãndéng· of {¹| hé- kóuhù 3. Differentiation or merging of [f-] and [xu] 4. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese ) (zhï), | (chè), ¡ (chéng) initials 5. Differentiation or merging of [n-] and [l-] 6. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese | (zhào), ¸ (chuän), ¹ (chuáng), ' (shèn) and ¦ (chán) initials 7. Palatalization of Middle Chinese velar initials 8. Denasalization of Middle Chinese nasal initials 9. Presence or absence of voiced affricates and voiced fricatives For finals: 10. Differentiation or merging of medials 11. Monophthongization and diphthongization of vowels 12. Length of vowels 13. Evolution of Middle Chinese plosive codas 14. Evolution of Middle Chinese nasal codas For tones: 15. Differentiation or merging and number of tonal categories 16. Evolution of the Middle Chinese entering tone ·) rùsheng· Both the quality and the number of criteria applied by the scholars are subjects for discussion. The sets of features are composed on rather heterogeneous grounds – some are diachronic, some – synchronic, and the hierarchy is not obvious. Ding tries to find the most thoroughgoing norms. He proposes the following rule (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 168; cf. Yan, M. M. 2006: 15): 21 Criteria 27 On the basis of the history of Chinese phonetics, major dialect groups , ¸, dà fãngyán· are classified according to early historical conditions; sub-dialects ]¸, cì fãngyán· are classified according to late histori- cal conditions; dialect clusters ¸¸, xiào fãngyán· are determined according to synchronic conditions. ‘Early’ and ‘late’ are relative terms; it may not be possible to indicate the exact times. The weight of the criteria should be decided upon according to their sequence in time; the earliest features are most important, the latest ones determine the differences of synchronic nature. The criteria can be divided in two ways: either depending on the diachronic and synchronic nature, or depending on the general and specific nature. The universal rules are applied to every dialect; specific ones can describe the characteristics of a single dialect (cf. Ding Bangxin 1998a: 168–169). On the basis of the following criteria, Ding classifies the Chinese dia- lects into seven major groups (Mandarin, Wu, Xiang, Gan, Hakka, Min, Yue) (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 171–172): General criteria: 1. Evolution of Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó plosive initials [b-, d-, g-] 2. Evolution of Middle Chinese plosive codas [-p, -t, -k] Specific criteria: 3. Whether or not Middle Chinese ) (zhï), | (chè), ¡ (chéng) ini- tials are pronounced as [t, t‘] 4. Whether or not the Middle Chinese ]¡ cìzhuó syllables in the rising tone ¸) shàngsheng· (such as _ (mà), ¸ (mài), | (lì), ¸ (lìng), | (wàn)) are at present pronounced in the |¬ yin- píng tone Additional criteria: 5. Evolution of Middle Chinese velar initials [k-, k‘-, x-] in front of closed front vowels 6. Evolution of the Middle Chinese tonal categories Ding Bangxin’s article has had a great impact on Chinese dialectologists up to this day and many scholars hold his views in high esteem (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 60; Li Rulong 2003a: 35–36; [www 5]: 10–11; You Rujie 2000: 50–51; Yan, M. M. 2006: 14–16; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 53). Classifications of Chinese dialects 28 1.1.2. Zhan Bohui ¡|¸· In 1981 Zhan Bohui presented the following characteristics of the Chinese dialects (Zhan Bohui 1981: 23–46; see also Chapter 5.1.1.1.): 1. Retention and change in the place of articulation of Middle Chi- nese velars 2. Retention and disappearance of Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials 3. Differentiation or merging of [f-] and [xu] 4. Differentiation or merging of [n-] and [l-] 5. Different developments of Middle Chinese initials belonging to the ¸) zìmù ) (zhï) and | (zhào) 6. Differentiation or merging of medials 7. Monophthongization and diphthongization of vowels 8. Evolution of Middle Chinese nasal codas 9. Retention and disappearance of Middle Chinese plosive codas 10. Evolution of the Middle Chinese four tones In ¡)¸,,¸,j[ (Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha), the work of which Zhan Bohui was the chief editor (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004, first edition published in 1991), Zhan lists the following features as most commonly referred to by Chinese dialectologists (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 53): 1. Evolution of Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó plosive initials belonging to the following ¸) zìmù: } (bìng), ¸ (dìng), ¦ (qún) 2. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese j¸, qingchúnyin ini- tials 3. Modern continuants of the following Middle Chinese ¸) zìmù: ) (zhï), | (chè), ¡ (chéng) 4. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese | (zhào), ¸ (chuän), ¹ (chuáng), ' (shèn), ¦ (chán) initials 5. Differentiation or merging of Middle Chinese ¡ (ní) and ¬ (lái) initials 6. Palatalization of Middle Chinese velar initials 7. Evolution of Middle Chinese nasal codas 8. Evolution of Middle Chinese plosive codas Criteria 29 9. Differentiation and merging of Middle Chinese level tone ¬) píngsheng·, rising tone ¸) shàngsheng· and falling tone ,) qùsheng· 10. Evolution of the Middle Chinese entering tone ·) rùsheng· 11. Differentiation or merging of Middle Chinese {¹| hékóuhù of the ( (fëi), ¸ (fú), ¯ (fèng) and | (xiào), [ (xiá) initials 12. Differentiation or merging of medials 13. Monophthongization and diphthongization of vowels 14. Length of vowels Most of the above mentioned criteria are those reflecting historical changes in the phonetic system. Although the method of diachronic comparison has been widely accepted, it does have disadvantages. Due to the fact that the amount of data about the dialects is constantly growing, the discrepancy between the established knowledge and linguistic reality is becoming clearer (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 347–348). 1.1.3. Li Rulong ¸;¸· Li Rulong and Zhan Bohui suggest that it is not enough to describe the phonetic system of isolated syllables, but they should be put into context. Thus, features like tone sandhi, mutation, the neutral tone j) qing- sheng·, ¸¡ érhuà (see Chapter 7.1.4.2.), diminutives, the literary and colloquial variant pronunciations ¸)[, wénbái yìdú· (see Chapter 7.1.4.4.) should also be taken into consideration as relevant parameters for dialect classification (cf. [www 5]: 9, 10; Li Rulong 2003a: 35–36; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 56–57). In accordance with the postulate of Ding Bangxin that more general criteria are to be used for the classification of dialects into major dialect groups while more specific criteria define the inner boundaries (cf. Chapter 5.1.1.1.), Li Rulong draws up a list of the following features (Li Rulong 2003a: 36–37): General criteria: 1. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó plosive and affricate initials ¸) zìmù } (bìng), ¸ (dìng), ¦ (qún), ) (cóng), ¡ (chéng)·: Whether or not they have devoiced, if so, then whether they are aspirated or not; if there are both aspirated Classifications of Chinese dialects 30 and unaspirated initials, then what are the rules which determine the changes? 2. Differentiation vs. merging of the Middle Chinese | (jïng), ¸ (zhuäng), ) (zhï), ¯ (zhäng) initials: If ) (zhï) has merged with ¸ (duän) or with ¯ (zhäng); if the ;, xìyin of initials belonging to the | (jïng) group have merged with ¸ (jiàn); how many sets of affricate initials are there at present? 3. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese initials belonging to the ( (fëi) group: If ( (fëi), ¸ (fú), ¯ (fèng) initials are pronounced the same way as ¸ (bäng), ¡ (päng), } (bìng); if ] (wëi) has merged with | (míng); if the phenomenon of j¸, qingchúnyin being read as ¸¸, zhòngchúnyin exists, then how many charac- ters 22 are concerned, have the {¹| hékóuhù of | (xiào) and [ (xiá) merged with the [f-] initial? 4. Modern continuants of the finals of the Middle Chinese syllables in the [ yáng tones: How many types of nasal codas are there; does the phenomenon of nasalization or denasalization exist; if part of the syllables have developed into those with nasalized codas or with the disappearance of nasals, then what are the rules for it? 5. Modern continuants of the finals of the Middle Chinese syllables in the entering tone ·) rùsheng·: How many types of plosive codas are there; whether or not they have developed into glottal stops, or if the plosive codas have also disappeared; if some of the changes have occurred, then what are the rules? 6. Evolution of the four grades |¸sì déng· of Middle Chinese ;¹| kãikóuhù and {¹| hékóuhù: Whether or not the sylla- bles of the Middle Chinese first and second grade ¸ yi, ér déng· are today pronounced as ;, xìyin, whether or not Middle Chinese third and fourth grade |¸ sãn, sì déng· syllables are pronounced as ;, hóngyin; if there are Middle Chinese ;¹ | kãikóuhù syllables which are now pronounced as {¹| hé- kóuhù and Middle Chinese {¹| hékóuhù syllables which are now pronounced as ;¹| kãikóuhù; if there are ]¹| cuõ- kóuhù finals? 7. Modern tones of the Middle Chinese syllables in the entering tone ·) rùsheng·: Whether or not the ·) rùsheng exists independently; if so, if it is divided into | yin and [ yáng catego- ries; whether or not it is pronounced as a short tone; if there are Criteria 31 three types of ·) rùsheng or if there are ¡) shùsheng syllables which are pronounced in the ·) rùsheng? 8. Whether or not the distinction between the literary and colloquial pronunciation ¸)[, wénbái yìdú· exists; is it a widespread phenomenon? 9. Whether or not in polysyllabic words the mutation of initials, finals or tones occurs; if so, does it concern individual syllables or bigger units; what types do the rules for the changes belong to? 10. Whether or not the neutral tone j) qingsheng·, ¸¡ érhuà, or phonetic changes of diminutives ¸|¸, xiàochéng biànyin· occur (see Chapter 7.1.4.2.), if so, does it concern a small number of characters or is it a large scale phenomenon? Specific criteria: 1. Does the opposition between long and short vowels exist, or does the ·) rùsheng divide into long and short? (e.g. in the Yue dia- lect). 2. If there are Middle Chinese syllables with voiced ¡ zhuó· ini- tials pronounced in the rising tone ¸) shàngsheng· which have developed into syllables in the |¬ yinpíng tone; if there is a distinction between syllables in the ¸) shàngsheng with ´¡ quánzhuó and ]¡ cìzhuó initials? (e.g. in the Hakka dialect). 3. Are there ,¸, shétóuyin which are pronounced as ,¸, shéshàngyin; are characters belonging to the ¸) zìmù [ (xiá) pronounced the same way as those belonging to the ¸) zìmù ¦ (qún), if so, how many such characters are there? (e.g. in the Min dialect). 4. Are the ¬) píngsheng or the ¸) shàngsheng not divided into | yin and [ yáng categories? (e.g. in the Mandarin dialect, etc.). 5. What kind of specific changes have syllables belonging to the fol- lowing Middle Chinese ¸) zìmù: ¡ (ní), ¦ (rì) and ¬ (lái), undergone, e.g. ¡ (ní) and ¬ (lái) initials are not distinguished; ¬ (lái) initials are pronounced as [s-] or [t-], ¦ (rì) initials are pro- nounced as [n-] or [h-] or have merged with ¸ (yìng) initials and are pronounced with a zero initial. 6. Whether or not Middle Chinese syllables with fricative initials, be- longing to the following Middle Chinese ¸) zìmù: ( (xïn), ( (xié) · (shü), ¦ (chán) are today pronounced with affricate ini- tials, if so, how many characters of this kind are there? Classifications of Chinese dialects 32 7. Whether or not the Middle Chinese finals have merged on a large scale: @ (gë) with | (mó), @ (gë) with ¸ (háo), ¸± (yöu) with ,, (xiäo), j (táng) with ¸ (döng)? 8. Whether or not Middle Chinese syllables belonging to the ¸) zìmù ¸ (yìng) have merged with other ¸) zìmù ¡ (ní), ) (yí)·? 9. Whether or not initials of Middle Chinese syllables belonging to the ) (zhï) and ¯ (zhäng) groups have specific modern pronunciation, such as [k-, k‘-], [pf-, pf‘-], [t-, t‘-]? 10. Whether or not there is tone-aspiration division j¸¸j sòngqì fendiào· 23 ; if so, is it a common phenomenon or does it af- fect only a small number of characters? 1.2. Lexical characteristics and grammatical differences With the development of research of dialectal vocabulary and grammar, phonetic characteristics are no longer viewed as the only criteria for dialect classification. Some scholars prove that lexical and grammatical parameters are as important as phonetic (cf. [www 5]: 9–10; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 57). The methods of research of lexical and grammatical characteristics are similar to those of the research of dialectal vocabulary and grammar in general (see Chapter 7.2.; Chapter 7.3.). 1.2.1. Lexical criteria “Specific dialectal words” ¸,|/,) fãngyán tèshù cíyù or ¸,| ¡, fãngyán tèzheng cí· are the most important factor for the classifica- tion of dialects. They are extracted through comparison of dialectal vocabu- lary of various places (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 37–39 Zhan Bohui 2002: 348– 349; see also Chapter 7.2.3.5.). Because the variation of vocabulary is extensive, and the influence of other dialects is quite strong, there are few words which are uniform in the area in question and salient in comparison with other areas. Some words can be specific to a few dialect groups at the same time, while they are not found in other dialects. This is also one of the characteristics (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 37). Criteria 33 1.2.2. Grammatical parameters Grammatical characteristics are found through the comparison of some features, such as morphological changes, the use of function words, some sentence patterns (cf. Li Rulong 2003 a: 39–40; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 57; see also Chapter 7.3.). Due to the fact that grammatical features are not easy to find and that this aspect of Chinese dialects is still not fully explored, they are seldom applied when making classifications of dialects (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 349). 1.2.3. Jerry Norman’s classification “Without rejecting the traditional scheme”, Jerry Norman proposes “a new set of criteria or diagnostic features which will provide a framework that both has greater historical depth and shows more clearly the internal relationships which obtain among the various subgroups” (Norman 1988: 181–182). He is the first to choose at the same time phonological, lexical and grammatical features for the classification of Chinese dialects. His criteria are the following (Norman 1988: 182): 1. The third-person pronoun is tã [¡] or cognate to it. 2. The subordinative particle is de (di) [[] or cognate to it. 3. The ordinary negative is bù [´] or cognate to it. 4. The gender marker for animals is prefixed, as in the word for ‘hen’ mùji [)J]. 5. There is a register distinction only in the píng [¬] tonal category. 6. Velars are palatalized before i. 7. Zhàn [,] or words cognate to it are used for ‘to stand’. 8. Zóu [_] or words cognate to it are used for ‘to walk’. 9. Érzi [¸¸] or words cognate to it are used for ‘son’. 10. Fángzi [[¸] or words cognate to it are used for ‘house’. 1.3. Mutual intelligibility The criterion of mutual intelligibility between Chinese dialects is not a popular means for dialect classification. So far, no satisfactory method for using this criterion has been found (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 349; You Rujie 2000: 52–53). Classifications of Chinese dialects 34 To use mutual intelligibility as the only criterion can cause much confu- sion. Because the degree of mutual intelligibility between Yue or Min and the other dialects is very low, some people tend to call them separate lan- guages. This idea is rejected by most scholars, as “the prerequisite of the classification of Chinese dialects is: they are all dialects of Chinese” (Zhan Bohui 2002: 349). The feeling for language of the inhabitants of a certain dialectal region, their ability (or the lack of it) to communicate with people of surrounding areas can, however, serve as a supplement for the other criteria (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 349–350). 1.4. Compartmentalizing and regrouping The classification of dialects can be divided into two steps. The first is to compartmentalize the dialects into large dialect groups and subgroups. 24 The second is to regroup the dialects of individual places into appropriate groups (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 344–345; Li Xiaofan 2005: 357–360). The issue is to choose the criteria which can best synthesize the dialectal diversification and to apply an adequate number of them. Some scholars argue that the fewer features are taken into consideration the better, one being the ideal, especially for compartmentalizing (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 360–361). Others state that an entire set of criteria should be applied (cf. [www 5]: 9–10; Wang Futang 2005: 61–63). The parameters applied for each level of gradation should be the same (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 357, see also Chapter 6.4.1.). The areas which cannot easily be regrouped into appropriate dialect groups are called “intermediate (transitional) dialect areas” ¸,¸¡l fãngyán guòdùqù· or “mixed dialect areas” ¡{¸,l hùnhé fãng- yánqù· (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 358; Gao Ran 1999b: 17–19). 1.5. Conclusions All the classifications summarized above refer to selected phonological features as the most basic ground for dialect differentiations. However, lexical and grammatical parameters begin to be appreciated. Middle Chinese is generally treated as the point of origin for the modern dialects (cf. Chapter 4.) and its phonetic system constitutes the referential frame and the core for dialect classifications. Criteria 35 The most salient feature appears to be the evolution of Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó (especially plosive) initials. Li Xiaofan (2005: 362) sug- gests even that this criterion is so far the most adequate for dialect classification, and uses it to compartmentalize the Chinese dialects into six main groups (Wu, Xiang, Hakka-Gan, Min, Yue, Mandarin). The same criterion is also mentioned by Ding Bangxin, Zhan Bohui, Li Rulong, as well as by all the authors enumerated by Ding (see Chapter 5.1.1.1.; cf. Ding Bangxin 1998a: 167). The evolution of Middle Chinese plosive codas is the second general feature applied by Ding Bangxin along with all the predecessors he refers to, as well as by Zhan Bohui and Li Rulong. Another parameter relating to the finals which seems relevant is the evolution of Middle Chinese nasal codas; both Li Rulong and Zhan Bohui list it. Ding Bangxin does not use this feature in his classification, in opposition to do all the authors men- tioned by him (see Chapter 5.1.1.1.). The evolution of Middle Chinese tones is one more important characteristic referred to by Ding Bangxin, Zhan Bohui and Li Rulong. It is the second of the so-called “additional criteria” employed by Ding. He explains that this feature is added because the remaining criteria include those relating to both initials and finals, therefore a need is brought up to take the tones into consideration as well (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 173). Regarding the evolution of Middle Chinese tones, one more parameter is significant for the course of this book, i.e. the evolution of the Middle Chinese entering tone ·) rùsheng·. It is listed by Zhan Bohui and Li Rulong. It is also included in the list prepared by Ding Bangxin (1998a: 167). Of all the five authors enumerated by Ding, only Forrest does not refer to this feature. Li Rong (1985a) applies this criterion to classify the Mandarin dialects into eight subordinated units (see Chapter 6.4.; Chapter 6.5.11.). The preservation of the ·) rùsheng is also the main reason for separating the Jin dialect from the Mandarin supergroup (see also Chapter 6.4.1.). Jerry Norman (1988: 182) is the only author of the above-mentioned, who does not treat Middle Chinese as the referential frame for his division. Generally, he applies the classification “employed by Yuan Jiahua in his 1961 standard handbook…” (Norman 1988: 181; cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003, see also Chapter 5.2.14.), which is based on the comparisons of modern Chi- nese dialects with the phonetic system of Middle Chinese. Yet Norman employs his own criteria to categorize the seven dialects into three groups Classifications of Chinese dialects 36 (see Chapter 5.2.17.). Moreover, among the ten “diagnostic features” listed by Norman, only two (fifth and sixth) relate to phonology. Traditionally, the phonetic system was analysed without its broader con- text. Such are the criteria cited by Ding Bangxin (1998a: 167) and Zhan Bohui (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 53), as well as those applied by them (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 171–172; Zhan Bohui 1981: 23–46). Yet, as the investiga- tion of modern dialects is progressing, it is not only the isolated syllables that are now taken into consideration. Other features, such as the opposition between the literary and colloquial pronunciation ¸)[, wénbái yìdú·, tone sandhi, ¸¡ érhuà, etc. are to be examined for the sake of dialect classification. Lexical and grammatical characteristics begin to play an important role in finding differences between dialects. For example, the most evident dissimilarities between the Gan and Hakka dialects are in the field of vocabulary (cf. Yan Sen 1986: 24). More thoroughgoing studies of this aspect may be helpful in solving the controversies around the grouping of Chinese dialects (see Chapter 5.2.18.). A tendency towards the unification and hierarchization of adequate criteria is also visible, especially since the article of Ding Bangxin (1998a). Universal features should be used for dividing the dialects into large groups, later specific parameters divide the dialects into subordinated units. The significance of criteria should be respected and those of equal importance are to be used at every level of classification. Nonetheless, the question of which criteria to use is still an unsettled matter among scholars (cf. Chapter 5.2.18.; Chapter 6.4.). 2. A historical overview since the end of the nineteenth century Many attempts have been made to categorize the varieties of Chinese in modern times by both Chinese and Western scholars. Some of the attempts have been based upon quite scientific analysis, some do not meet the requirements. Nevertheless, undoubtedly up to this moment this is still a matter of debate with roots in the inquiries of nineteenth century linguistics. This survey presents in chronological order the ideas of a selection of au- thors. A historical overview 37 2.1. Paul Georg von Möllendorf The harbinger of modern dialectal classifications of the Chinese language was the German linguist and diplomat Paul Georg von Möllendorf (known in China as Mu Linde). In 1896, in the China Mission Handbook¹]| {±¯+| Zhongguo Chuanjiaoshi Gongnianbao· (American Presbyte- rian Mission ed. 1896), he divided the dialects of China into four groups (cf. You Rujie 2002: 25, 2004: 232; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 12): 25 1. Cantonese º) Yuèyù· (the dialect of Guangdong ¹¸¦ Guàngdõnghuà· and Hakka dialect |¸¦ Kèjiãhuà·) 2. Fukien dialect |) Mínyù· (the dialects of Zhangzhou ; |·, Chaozhou ¡|·, Fuzhou ||·) 3. Wu dialect ¸) Wúyù· (the dialects of Wenzhou ¸|·, Ningbo ¸¡·, Suzhou j|·, Shanghai ¸[·) 4. Mandarin ¡¦ Guãnhuà· 2.2. Zhang Binglin ¯)¦· In 1900, Zhang Binglin (also known as Zhang Taiyan) presented his pro- posal for the arrangement of Chinese dialects. In his work ¸· Qiushu [Words of urgency] (Zhang Taiyan 1984: 1–348), he divides the dialects into ten groups (see Zhang Taiyan 1984: 205–206; cf. Zhan Bohui et al ed. 2004: 58, Li Rong 1989a: 241–242): 1. From north of the Yellow River up to the region north of the Great Wall, including Zhili Province ¡,· (modern day Hebei Prov- ince), Shandong, Shanxi Provinces, as well as Zhangde¸j·, Weihui¸'·, Huaiqing¦¸·cities in Henan Province 2. Shaanxi and Gansu Provinces 3. Henan from west of Kaifeng;|·, as well as Runing ] ¸·, Nanfang ¡|· and other places, along with the area along the Yangtze River of Hubei Province up to Zhenjiang , ·· 4. Hunan Province 5. Fujian Province 6. Guangdong Province Classifications of Chinese dialects 38 7. The area east of Kaifeng ;|· and around Caozhou ¡|· and Yizhou ,|· in Shandong Province up to the region be- tween the Yangtze River and Huai River ]] Huai He· 8. The area south of the Yangtze River, Suzhou j|·, Songjiang |··, Changzhou ;|·, Taicang ¸¸·, together with Huzhou ¡|·, Jiaxing ¸¦·, Hangzhou ||·, Ningbo ¸¡· and Shaoxing ,¦· in Zhejiang Province 9. The area around Huizhou ¡|· and Ningguo ¸]· (Jin- hua ¸'·, Quzhou @|·, Yanzhou ¨|· in Zhejiang Province as well as Guangxin ¹]·, Raozhou ||· in Jiangxi Province were also included in this group) 10. Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangxi Provinces In 1915, in his work j| Jianlun (Zhang Taiyan 1984: 349–628), Zhang revised the classification into nine groups (Zhang Taiyan 1984: 486– 487), collapsing groups three and four into one (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 52– 53; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 58). Zhang’s classification is not based on any field investigations, he uses his instinctive feel for the language as the criterion (cf. Wang Futang 2004: 514–515). Although Zhang enumerates the phonetic characteristics and the reason of the development of some of the dialects, his classification is mainly based on geographical factors. This kind of division belongs to the traditional way of thinking and it is not recognized as scientific according to modern-day rules (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 54). 2.3. The Christian Occupation of China In 1922 another classification made by western linguists was published. In the work entitled The Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian Forces in China (see Stauffer, Wong and Tewksbury 1922), Chinese dia- lects were classified into two major groups, which were then further di- vided (cf. You Rujie 2002: 25, 2004: 232–233; Wang Futang 2005: 54; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 12): 26 I. Mandarin ¡¦ Guãnhuà·: 1. Mandarin proper, divided into Northern Mandarin ¸;¡¦  Béibù Guãnhuà ·, Southern Mandarin ¡;¡¦ Nánbù A historical overview 39 Guãnhuà· and Western Mandarin ¯;¡¦ Xibù Guãn- huà· 2. Hakka dialect|¸¦ Kèjiãhuà· 3. Hangzhou dialect ||¦ Hángzhõuhuà· 4. Mandarin of Hainan Island [¡¡¦ Hàinán Guãnhuà· 5. Others II. Coastal dialects ;[¸, Yánhài Fãngyán·: 1. Wu dialect ¸) Wúyù·: – Suzhou dialect j|¦ Sùzhõuhuà· – Shanghai dialect ¸[¦ Shànghàihuà· – Ningbo dialect ¸¡¦ Níngbõhuà· – Taizhou dialect ¡|¦ Tãizhõuhuà· – Jinhua dialect ¸'¦ Jinhuáhuà· – Wenzhou dialect ¸|¦ Wenzhõuhuà· – Others 2. Fukien dialect |) Mínyù·: – Jianyang dialect ¿[¦ Jiànyánghuà· – Jianning dialect ¿¸¦ Jiànnínghuà· – Shaowu dialect (¡¦ Shàowùhuà· – Fuzhou dialect ||¦ Fúzhõuhuà· – Tingzhou dialect ;|¦ Tingzhõuhuà· – Xinghua dialect ¦¡¦ Xinghuáhuà· – Xiamen dialect ¸]¦ Xiàménhuà· – Hainan dialect [¡¦ Hàinánhuà· – Others 3. Cantonese º) Yuèyù·: – Shantou dialect ;¸¦ Shàntóuhuà· – Hakka dialect |¸¦ Kèjiãhuà· – Sanjiang dialect (~Samkong)·¦ Sãnjiãnghuà· – Guangzhou dialect ¹|¦ Guàngzhõuhuà· – Others It is not clear why the Hakka dialect was classified as a subgroup of two different dialect groups: Mandarin as well as Cantonese. The classification of the dialect of Shantou ;¸· which, according to the list is classified as belonging to the Cantonese subgroup, also raises a problem. In another place in the book, the author writes that it is similar to the Fukien dialect (cf. You Rujie 2002: 25–26, 2004: 233). The classifications made by non-Chinese scholars, i.e. by Möllendorf and the one in The Christian Occupation of China, had no significant im- Classifications of Chinese dialects 40 pact on Chinese dialectologists at that time. However, it was later discov- ered that they were much more scientific than the contemporary Chinese classifications, and practically all later classifications took these two into consideration (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 12). 2.4. Li Jinxi \)[· In 1934, Li Jinxi published his book ])j¸¸, Guoyu Yundong Shi- gang (The history of the National Language Movement). In this work he classifies the Chinese dialects into 12 groups, and names them after the river and water systems (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 53–54; Zhan Bohui et al ed. 2004: 59; Yan, M. M. 2006: 8; Wang Futang 2004: 515): 1. Hebei group ]¸_ Hébéixì·: Zhili Province ¡,·, Shan- dong Province, the northern part of Henan Province 2. Henan group ]¡_ Hénánxì·: the central part of Henan Prov- ince, southern part of Shanxi Province, Jiangsu, Anhui Provinces, the area north of the Huai River ]¸ Huái Béi· 3. Hexi group ]¯_ Héxixì·: Shaanxi, Gansu, Xinjiang Prov- inces 4. Jianghuai group ·]_ Jiãnghuáixì ·: the northern part of Jiangsu Province, and Nanjing ¡;·, Zhenjiang ,·· in the western part of Jiangsu Province, as well as Anqing ¸¸·, Wuhu ¸¡· in central Anhui Province and Jiujiang ¸·· in Jiangxi Province 5. Jianghan group ·¡_ Jiãnghànxì·: the southern part of He- nan Province together with Hubei Province 6. Jianghu group ·¡_ Jiãnghúxì·: the eastern part of Hunan Province, the southeastern corner of Hubei Province, and the southern part of Jiangxi Province 7. Jinsha group ¸;_ Jinshãxì·: Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou Provinces, the northern part of Guangxi Province, western part of Hunan Province 8. Taihu group ¸¡_ Tàihúxì·: Suzhou j|·, Songjiang |··, Changzhou ;|· along with Hangzhou ||·, Jiaxing ¸¦·, Huzhou ¡|· in Zhejiang Province A historical overview 41 9. Zheyuan group ,¡_ Zhèyuánxì·: Jinhua ¸'·, Quzhou @|·, Yanzhou ¨|· in eastern Zhejiang Province, to- gether with the eastern part of Jiangxi Province 10. Ouhai group ¦[_ Õuhàixì·: the southern part of Zhejiang Province, close to the sea 11. Minhai group |[_ Mínhàixì·: Fujian Province 12. Yuehai group º[_ Yuèhàixì·: Guangdong Province Li Jinxi quite evidently uses linguistic factors in his classification, as the dividing lines do not simply follow the borders of provinces. Although the first step towards a scientific classification has been made, Li did not break completely free from the traditional geographical method of classification (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. ed. 2004: 59; Wang Futang 2005: 54; Wang Futang 2004: 515). 2.5. Wang Li ¸¸· In 1936, in his work entitled ¹],,¸ Zhongguo Yinyunxue 27 (Wang Li 1936), Wang Li introduced a new classification of the Chinese dialects. On the basis of phonetic criteria he divided the Chinese dialects into 5 groups, similar to the ones in The Christian Occupation of China (see Chapter 5.2.3.). Not only does he give a detailed description, but he also lists the characteristics of each group and selects cities, each with its phonetic sys- tem regarded as representative for each of the groups. Wang himself states, that “until scientific research has been carried out throughout the country, we are not able to say exactly how many dialects of Chinese there are; however, the dialects can be roughly divided into five big phonetic groups” (Wang Li 1982: 563) in the following way: 28 1. Mandarin group ¡¦,_ Guãnhuà yinxì·, including Hebei, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Gansu, Shandong, Henan, Hubei, Hunan, Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Anhui Provinces, as well as the northern part of Jiangsu, the northern part of Jiangxi and the northern part of Guangxi Provinces 2. Wu group ¸,_ Wú yinxì·, including: Suzhou j|·, Changzhou ;|·, Wuxi ¸,·, Changshu ;;·, Kun- shan ¡¡·, Shanghai ¸[·, Songjiang |··, Yixing ¸¦·, Liyang ][·, Jintan ¸|·, Danyang )[·, Classifications of Chinese dialects 42 Jiangyin ·|· and other places in Jiangsu Province, as well as Ningbo ¸¡·, Jiaxing ¸¦·, Huzhou ¡|·, Hang- zhou ||·, Zhuji ,¸·, Jinhua ¸'·, Quzhou @ |·, Wenzhou ¸|· and other places in Zhejiang Province 3. Min group |,_ Mín yinxì·, including the major part of Fu- jian Province and places like Chaozhou ¡|·, Shantou ; ¸· and Hainan. Outside of China, it is most influential in the Malaysian Peninsula, Singapore, Sumatra, Siam, Philippines and other places 4. Yue group º,_ Yuè yinxì·, including the greatest part of Guangdong Province and the southern part of Guangxi Province. Outside of China it is most widespread in America (especially San Francisco) 5. Hakka group |¸,_ Kèjiã yinxì·, including Meixian ] ¸·, Dabu ,¸·, Huiyang ¸[·, Xingning ¦¸· and other places in Guangdong Province, as well as Tingzhou ; |· in Fujian Province and the southern part of Jiangxi Province. It has also penetrated through to the area around Gaozhou | |·, Qinzhou ||· and Lianzhou ||· in southern Guangdong Province and to the southern part of Guangxi Province. Outside of China, it is most influential in Indonesia (especially Bangka) (Wang Li 1982: 563–564) The main phonetic characteristics of the groups are: 29 1. Mandarin group ¡¦,_ Guãnhuà yinxì·: – It does not have the voiced initials [b], [d], [g], [v], [z] – It does not have the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k] – It has up to six tonal categories 2. Wu group ¸,_ Wú yinxì·: – It does have the voiced initials [b‘], [d‘], [g‘], [v], [z], which correspond to the voiced initials in Middle Chinese – It does not have the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k] – It has more than six tonal categories; it has two kinds of the fal- ling tone ,) qùsheng· 3. Min group |,_ Mín yinxì·: – Most of the Middle Chinese syllables in the level tone ¬) píngsheng· with voiced initials have become unaspirated A historical overview 43 – Some of the ¸) zìmù ) (zhï) | (chè) ¡ (chéng) have pre- served the plosive sounds [t], [t‘] – It does not have the labiodentals [f], [v] – It does have the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k] – It has more than seven tonal categories, not all of them corre- spond to the tones in Middle Chinese 4. Yue group º,_ Yuè yinxì·: – It does not have the voiced initials [b], [d], [g], [v], [z] – It does have the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k] – It has more than seven tonal categories, which in general corre- spond to the ones in Middle Chinese 5. Hakka group |¸,_ Kèjiã yinxì·: – It does not have the voiced initials [b], [d], [g], [z] – Middle Chinese voiced initials, regardless of being pronounced in the level ¬ píng· or oblique ) zè· tones, are now all pronounced as aspirated – Except for the following (iv), (v) features, the finals are gener- ally similar to those of the Mandarin group – It has the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k] – It does not have the ]¹| cuõkóuhù – The ¸) shàngsheng and the ,) qùsheng only have one cate- gory each, the ¬) píngsheng and ·) rùsheng both have two categories (Wang Li 1982: 564–565) In his book entitled ¹])¸]| Zhongguo Yuwen Gailun 30 (Wang Li 1939), Wang Li divides the five dialect groups into various subgroups (see Wang Li 2002b: 9–11): 1. Mandarin Dialect ¡¦¸, Guãnhuà Fãngyán·, meaning Northern China Dialect '¸¸, Huábéi Fãngyán·, Lower Yangtze Mandarin ¯·¸, Xiàjiãng Fãngyán·, Southwest China Dialect ¯¡¸, Xinán Fãngyán·: – Ji-Lu Group ,¦_ Jì-Lù Xì·: Hebei, Shandong Provinces and the Northeast China ¸¸ Dõngbéi·, and other places – Jin-Shan Group ¦|_ Jìn-Shàn Xi ·: Shanxi, Shaanxi, Gansu Provinces, and other places – Yu-E Group )¸_ Yù-È Xì·: Henan, Hubei Provinces – Xiang-Gan Group ±y_ Xiãng-Gàn Xì·: eastern Hunan, western Jiangxi Provinces Classifications of Chinese dialects 44 – Hui-Ning Group ¡¸_ Hui-Níng Xì·: Huizhou ¡|·, Ningguo ¸]·, and other places – Jiang-Huai Group ·]_ Jiãng-Huái Xì·: Yangzhou | |·, Nanjing ¡;·, Zhenjiang ,··, Anqing, ¸ ¸·, Wuhu ¸¡·, Jiujiang ¸··, and other places – Chuan-Dian Group )¡_ Chuãn-Diãn Xì·: Sichuan, Yun- nan, Guizhou Provinces, northern Guangxi Province, western Hunan Province 2. Wu Dialect ¸) Wúyù·: – Su-Hu Group j;_ Sù-Hù Xì·: Suzhou j|·, Shang- hai ¸[·, Wuxi ¸,·, Kunshan ¡¡·, Changzhou ;|·, Huzhou ¡|·, Jiaxing ¸¦·, and other places – Hang-Shao Group |,_ Háng-Shào Xì·: Hangzhou | |·, Shaoxing ,¦·, Yuyao _¿·, Ningbo ¸¡·, and other places – Jin-Qu Group ¸@_ Jin-Qú Xì ·: Jinhua ¸'·, Quzhou @|·, Yanzhou ¨|·, and other places – Wen-Tai Group ¸¡_ Wen-Tái Xì·: Wenzhou ¸|·, Taizhou ¡|·, Chuzhou ¸|·, and other places 3. Min Dialect |) Mínyù·: – Minhai Group |[_ Mínhài Xì ·: Fuzhou ||·, Gutian ,!·, and other places – Xia-Zhang Group ¸;_ Xià Zhãng Xì·: Xiamen ¸ ]·, Zhangzhou ;|·, and other places – Chao-Shan Group ¡;_ Cháo-Shàn Xì·: Chaozhou ¡ |·, Shantou ;¸·, and other places – Qiongya Group )¿_ Qióngyá Xì·: Qiongzhou )|·, Wenchang ¸;·, and other places – Overseas Group [(_ Hàiwài Xì·: the Min dialect spoken by Chinese abroad, in Singapore, Siam, the Malaysian Penin- sula, and other places 4. Yue Dialect º) Yuèyù·: – Yuehai Group º[_ Yuèhài Xì·: Panyu ±(·, Nanhai ¡[·, Shunde [j·, Dongguan ¸¸·, Xinhui ]¸·, Zhongshan ¹¡·, and other places – Tai-Kai Group ¡;_ Tái-Kãi Xì·: Taishan ¡¡·, Kaiping ;¬·, Enping ¸¬·, and other places A historical overview 45 – Xijiang Group ¯·_ Xijiãng Xì·: Gaoyao |]·, Luo- ding ¸¸·, Yunfu .,·, Yunan )¡·, and other places – Gao-Lei Group |,_ Gão-Léi Xì·: Gaozhou ||·, Leizhou ,|·, and other places – Qin-Lian Group ||_ Qin-Lián Xì·: Qinzhou ||·, Lianzhou ||·, and other places – Guinan Group |¡_ Guìnán Xì·: Wuzhou ||·, Rongxian {¸·, Guixian ¸¸·, Yulin )[·, Bo- bai ])·, and other places – Overseas Group [(_ Hàiwài Xì·: the Yue dialect spoken by Chinese abroad, in America, Singapore, Vietnam, in areas south beyond the South China Sea ¡,¦_ Nanyang Qun- dao·, and other places 5. Hakka Dialect |¸¦ Kèjiãhuà·: – Jia-Hui Group ¸¸_ Jiã-Huì Xì·: Meixian ]¸·, Huiyang ¸[·, Dabu ,¸·, Xingning ¦¸·, Wu- hua ¯'·, Jiaoling )¹·, Fengshun =[·, Long- chuan ¸)·, Heyuan ]¡·, and other places – Yuenan (“Southern Guangdong”) Group º¡_ Yuènán Xì·: spread over the area around Taishan ¡¡·, Dianbai ¸ )·, Huaxian ¡¸·, and other places – Yuebei (“Northern Guangdong”) Group º¸_ Yuèbéi Xì·: spread over the area around Qujiang ,··, Ruyuan ¸ ¡·, Lianxian ¡¸· – Gannan (“Southern Jiangxi”) Group y¡_ Gànnán Xì·: in the southern part of Jiangxi Province – Minxi (“Western Fujian”) Group |¯_ Mínxi Xì·: spread over the area of northwestern Fujian Province – Guangxi Group ¹¯_ Guàngxi Xì·: spread over counties in the area of eastern and southern Guangxi Province – Chuan-Xiang Group )±_ Chuãn-Xiãng Xì·: spread over the area of Sichuan, Hunan Provinces, and other places – Overseas Group [(_ Hàiwài Xì·: the Hakka dialect spo- ken by Chinese abroad, mostly in areas south beyond the South China Sea, Indonesia What follows this classification is a comment, that the “boundaries of each of the five big groups are rather clear”, though with an annotation: Classifications of Chinese dialects 46 “yet, some people classify the Xiang dialect as a separate group” (Wang Li 2002b: 11). The problem of whether or not to classify the Xiang dialect as a separate group seems to be solved by Wang Li in his ¡),, Hanyu Qiantan, published for the first time in 1964 (Wang Li 2002a). In the third chapter, “The dialects of Chinese” “¡)[¸,” Hanyude Fangyan· (Wang Li 2002a: 19–32), Wang discusses the criteria of dialectal classification. He says: “Up to now, linguists usually [classify dialects] according to phonological criteria. For example, one of the criteria of the Wu dialect is that it has preserved the ´¡, quánzhuóyin of Middle Chinese. Although the Xiang dialect also generally has the ´¡, quánzhuóyin, the method of articulation is not the same as that of the Wu dialect…, that is why the Xiang dialect should be considered to be a separate dialect group.” (Wang Li 2002a: 19). The author presents his new classification into six dialect groups: 1. Mandarin Dialect ¸¸¸, Béifãng Fãngyán, lit. “Northern Dialect”·: It covers the largest area. Although it is called “Northern Dialect”, in reality it extends from the northeast down to the southwest, including the area north of the Yangtze River, the area above Zhenjiang ,·· and below Jiujiang ¸·· south of the Yangtze River, Hubei Province (except for the southeastern corner), Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou Provinces; the northwestern corner of Hunan Province and the northern part of Guangxi Province. 2. Wu Dialect ¸¸, Wú Fãngyán·: Most of the area in Jiangsu Province south of the Yangtze River and east of Zhenjiang ,··, as well as the whole of Zhejiang Province. 3. Xiang Dialect ±¸, Xiãng Fãngyán·: Hunan Province (except for the northeastern part). 4. Gan-Hakka Dialect y|¸, Gàn-Kè Fãngyán·: This group can be divided into the Gan Dialect y¸, Gàn Fãngyán· and Hakka Dialect |¸¸, Kèjiã Fãngyán·. The Gan dialect includes most of Jiangxi Province and the southeastern corner of Hubei Province. The Hakka dialect is spread over Guangdong, Guangxi, Fujian, Jiangxi and other Provinces (or autonomous regions). There are also minorities which speak Hakka in Hunan and Sichuan Prov- inces. A historical overview 47 5. Min Dialect |¸, Mín Fãngyán·: This includes most of Fujian Province, Taiwan, the area around Huzhou ¡|· and Shantou ;¸· in Guangdong Province, as well as Hainan Island. The Min dialect can be further divided into Northern Min |¸ ¦ Mínbéihuà· and Southern Min |¡¦ Mínnánhuà·. The representative dialect of Northern Min is that of Fuzhou ||·, of Southern Min – Xiamen ¸]·. 6. Yue Dialect º¸, Yuè Fãngyán·: It includes the central, western and southern part of Guangdong Province, as well as the southern, eastern and western part of Guangxi Province. (Wang Li 2002a: 20) 2.6. Academia Sinica surveys Between 1928 and 1946 the Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica (Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo ¹,{¸|j¸) ,{¸]· dispatched a team of linguists to conduct dialect surveys in several provinces. The team was led by Zhao Yuanren and included Ding Shengshu, Yang Shifeng, Wu Zongji, Dong Tonghe, Bai Dizhou among other scholars. Eight large-scale surveys were accomplished during that time, i.e. in Guangxi and Guangdong, as well as Hainan (1928–1929, 1930); Central Shaanxi (1933); southern Anhui (1934); Jiangxi (1935); Hunan (1935); Hubei (1936); Yunnan (1940); Sichuan (1941–1946). In addition, Zhao Yuanren had carried out his own survey of the Wu dialect (on which basis he published _|¸){¸ Xiandai Wuyu Yanjiu – Studies in the Modern Wu Dialects in 1928). (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 55; Yan, M. M. 2006: 21–23). On the basis of the information gathered during the surveys, several classifications of the dialects were made. The classifications appeared in the ¹'[]]j¦ Zhonghua Minguo Xin Ditu (Ding, Weng and Ceng 1934) and in ¹]¸]]¦ Zhongguo Fensheng Xin Tu (a concise version of ¹'[]]j¦ Zhonghua Minguo Xin Ditu (Ding, Weng and Ceng 1939, 1948). The maps were not accompanied by any explanation (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 55; Wang Futang 2004: 515; Li Rong 1989a: 242, 243; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13). Classifications of Chinese dialects 48 In 1934 the dialects were divided into 7 groups: 1. Northern China Mandarin '¸¡¦ Huábéi Guãnhuà· 2. Southern China Mandarin '¡¡¦ Huánán Guãnhuà· 3. Wu dialect ¸¸, Wú Fãngyán· 4. Hakka dialect |¸¸, Kèjiã Fãngyán· 5. Yue dialect º¸, Yuè Fãngyán· 6. Min dialect |¸, Mín Fãngyán· 7. Hainan dialect [¡¸, Hàinán Fãngyán· Compared with Wang Li’s classification, the Mandarin dialect was di- vided into North-China Mandarin and South-China Mandarin, and the Hainan dialect was separated from the Min dialect (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13). In 1939 the dialects were reclassified into 9 groups: 1. Northern Mandarin ¸¸¡¦ Béifãng Guãnhuà· 2. Upper Yangtze Mandarin ¸·¡¦ Shàngjiãng Guãnhuà· 3. Lower Yangtze Mandarin ¯·¡¦ Xiàjiãng Guãnhuà· 4. Wu dialect ¸¸, Wú Fãngyán· 5. Hakka dialect |¸¸, Kèjiã Fãngyán· 6. Yue dialect º¸, Yuè Fãngyán· 7. Min dialect |¸, Mín Fãngyán· 8. Anhui dialect ]¸, Wàn Fãngyán· 9. Chaoshan dialect ¡;¸, Cháoshàn Fãngyán· South-China Mandarin was further divided into upper Yangtze Manda- rin, lower Yangtze Mandarin and the Anhui dialect. At the same time, the Chaoshan dialect was separated from the Min dialect (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13). In 1948 a reclassification into 11 groups took place: 1. Northern Mandarin ¸¸¡¦ Béifãng Guãnhuà· 2. Southwestern Mandarin ¯¡¡¦ Xinán Guãnhuà· 3. Lower Yangtze Mandarin (Xiajiang Mandarin)¯·¡¦ Xià- jiãng Guãnhuà· 4. Xiang dialect ±) Xiãngyù· 5. Gan dialect y) Gànyù· 6. Wu dialect ¸) Wúyù· 7. Hakka dialect |¸) Kèjiãyù· 8. Yue dialect º) Yuèyù· 9. Southern Min dialect |¡) Mínnányù· 10. Northern Min dialect|¸) Mínbéiyù· 11. Huizhou dialect ¡|¸, Huizhõu Fãngyán· A historical overview 49 The Xiang dialect was extracted from the upper Yangtze Mandarin and the Gan dialect from the lower Yangtze Mandarin. The Min dialect was divided into Northern and Southern Min. The Anhui dialect ]¸, Wàn Fãngyán· was renamed Huizhou dialect ¡|¸, Huizhõu Fãngyán· (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13). 2.7. Li Fanggui ¸¸|· In 1937 Li Fanggui in his article “Languages and dialects” (see Li Fanggui 1973) proposed a classification of Chinese dialects into 9 groups. These groups were (see Li Fanggui 1973: 3–5; cf. Wang Futang 2005: 56; Wang Futang 2004: 515; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 60; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13): 1. Northern Mandarin [¸¸¡¦ Béifãng Guãnhuà] 2. Eastern Mandarin [¯·¡¦ Xiàjiãng Guãnhuà] 3. Southwestern Mandarin [¯¡¡¦ Xinán Guãnhuà] 4. Wu ¸) Wúyù· 5. Gan-Hakka y|¸ Gàn-Kèjiã· 6. Min |) Mínyù· (divided into Northern and Southern sub- groups) 7. Cantonese or Yue º)Yuèyù· 8. Xiang ±) Xiãngyù· 9. Certain isolated groups The differences between his and the classification into 11 groups by Zhao Yuanren and others in 1948 were that Southern and Northern Min were treated as one group, Hakka and Gan were also treated as one group, Huizhou dialect was not a separate dialect group. Li’s article was reprinted in 1973 in the Journal of Chinese Linguistics and was very influential over- seas (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13). Jerry Norman (1988: 181) says “Li’s scheme has been widely accepted and has become one of the main foundations on which Chinese dialectological research has been based; it is essentially the classification employed by Yuan Jiahua in his 1961 standard handbook Hanyu fangyan gaiyao [An outline of Chinese dialects].” Classifications of Chinese dialects 50 2.8. Zhao Yuanren ¿¸|· In 1948 in the Mandarin Primer (Zhao Yuanren 1948) 31 , Zhao Yuanren divided the Chinese dialects 9 groups (see Zhao Yuanren 1985: 189–190; cf. Wang Futang 2005: 56; Wang Futang 2004: 515): 1. Northern Mandarin ¸¸¡¦ Béifãng Guãnhuà· 2. Southwestern Mandarin ¯¡¡¦ Xinán Guãnhuà· 3. Lower Yangtze Mandarin ¯·¡¦ Xiàjiãng Guãnhuà· 4. Yue º Yuè· 5. Gan-Hakka y| Gàn-Kè· 6. Southern Min|¡Mínnán· 7. Northern Min|¸Mínbéi· 8. Wu ¸ Wú· 9. Xiang ± Xiãng· 2.9. R.A.D. Forrest R.A.D. Forrest, in his book The Chinese Language (Forrest 1973), pub- lished for the first time in 1948, presents his classification of the Chinese dialects (Forrest 1973: 217–218): 1. Northern Chinese ¡¦ Guãnhuà· 2. Chin ¦ Jìn· 32 3. Cantonese 4. Wu 5. Min 6. Hakka 2.10. Dong Tonghe ¸]j· In 1953 Dong Tonghe (Tung T’ung-ho) (1953) grouped the dialects into 9 groups. Contrary to Zhao Yuanren, he separated the Gan and Hakka dialects and treated the Min dialects as one. His classification was as follows: 1. Northern Mandarin ¸¸¡¦ Béifãng Guãnhuà· 2. Southwestern Mandarin ¯¡¡¦ Xinán Guãnhuà· 3. Lower Yangtze Mandarin ¯·¡¦ Xiàjiãng Guãnhuà· 4. Wu dialect ¸) Wúyù· 5. Xiang dialect ±) Xiãngyù· A historical overview 51 6. Hakka dialect |¸¦ Kèjiãhuà· 7. Gan dialect y¸, Gàn Fãngyán· 8. Yue dialect º) Yuèyù· 9. Min dialect|) Mínyù· (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 62–63) 2.11. Ding Shengshu ¯)|· and Li Rong ¸¨· In 1955 Ding Shengshu and Li Rong presented a new classification at the Technical Conference on the Standardization of Modern Chinese _|¡ )|,]¸¸·¸, Xiandai Hanyu Guifan Wenti Xueshu Huiyi·, held in Beijing (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 56). 33 Not having enough data from field investigations, they reclassified the Academia Sinica 11 dialect groups of 1948. They put the Northern Mandarin ¸¸¡¦ Béifãng Guãnhuà·, Southwestern Mandarin ¯¡¡¦ Xinán Guãnhuà· and lower Yangtze Mandarin ¯·¡¦ Xiàjiãng Guãnhuà· into one dialect group called the Mandarin dialect ¡¦ Guãnhuà·. At the same time, they decided to cancel the Huizhou dialect ¡|¸, Huizhõu Fãngyán·. This way they obtained eight dialect groups (see Ding and Li 1956; cf. Li Rong 1989a: 243; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 62; Wang Futang 2005: 56; Wang Futang 2004: 519): 1. Mandarin ¡¦ Guãnhuà· 2. Wu dialect ¸) Wúyù· 3. Xiang dialect ±) Xiãngyù· 4. Gan dialect y¸, Gàn Fãngyán· 5. Hakka dialect |¸¦ Kèjiãhuà· 6. Northern Min dialect|¸¦ Mínbéihuà· 7. Southern Min dialect |¡¦ Mínnánhuà· 8. Yue dialect º) Yuèyù· 2.12. Luo Changpei ¸;)· and Lü Shuxiang ¦¡±· In a report which was also presented at the Technical Conference on the Standardization of Modern Chinese, Luo Changpei and Lü Shuxiang deliv- ered their classification of the dialects (see [www 6]; cf. DeFrancis 1967: 142; DeFrancis 1984: 57–58): Classifications of Chinese dialects 52 1. Mandarin dialect ¸¸¦ Béifãnghuà· 2. Jiangsu-Zhejiang dialect (Wu) ·,¦ Jiãng-Zhè huà· 3. Hunan dialect (Xiang) ¡¡¦ Húnán huà· 4. Jiangxi dialect (Gan) ·¯¦ Jiãngxi huà· 5. Hakka dialect |¸¦ Kèjiã huà· 6. Northern Min dialect |¸¦ Mínbéi huà· 7. Southern Min dialect |¡¦ Mínnán huà· 8. Guangdong dialect (Yue) ¹¸¦ Guàngdõng huà· 2.13. Pan Maoding (¡,· et al. The Technical Conference on the Standardization of Modern Chinese ad- vised the Chinese Academy of Sciences ¹]|¸| Zhongguo Kexue- yuan ·, the Ministry of Higher Education |¸{¡; Gaodeng Jiaoyubu· and the Ministry of Education {¡; Jiaoyubu· “to jointly map out a draft plan in order to make an initial general investigation of the Chinese dialects in two years’ time” (see [www 9]). Following the advice, in the years 1956–1958, 1849 out of the 2298 planned localities were investigated (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 56, Yuan Jiahua 2003: 22). Thanks to this, the dialectal situation began to be seen in a new perspective. As an outcome of the surveys, Pan Maoding, Li Rulong, Liang Yuzhang, Zhang Shengyu and Chen Zhangtai published an article in 1963 entitled | ¿¡)¸,¸l|¡ (Fujian Hanyu fangyan fenqu lüeshuo) (Pan Mao- ding et al. 1963). The authors cancelled the division of the Min dialects into two big groups of Southern Min and Northern Min, but considered them as one big dialectal group. However, this group is highly diversified and can be divided into five smaller groups: Eastern Min |¸ Míndõng·, Southern Min |¡ Mínnán·, Central Min |¹ Mínzhõng·, North- ern Min |¸ Mínbéi· and Puxian ;¦ Púxiãn· (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 57, Wang Futang 2004: 519–520). This new way of looking at the Min dialects brought about a new classification of the Chinese dialects in general, obtaining the following seven groups (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 57, Wang Futang 2004: 520): 1. Mandarin ¡¦ Guãnhuà· 2. Wu dialect ¸¸, Wú Fãngyán· 3. Xiang dialect ±¸, Xiãng Fãngyán· 4. Gan dialect y¸, Gàn Fãngyán· 5. Hakka dialect |¸¸, Kèjiã Fãngyán· A historical overview 53 6. Yue dialect º¸, Yuè Fãngyán· 7. Min dialect |¸, Mín Fãngyán· 2.14. Yuan Jiahua (¸[· In 1960, under the leadership of Yuan Jiahua, who held a course in Chinese dialectology at Peking University ¸;,¸ Beijing Daxue·, a hand- book for the course was published – ¡)¸,]] (Hanyu Fangyan Gai- yao) (Yuan Jiahua 2003, first edition in 1960). The book was re-edited in 1980 and reprinted several times and it still remains one of the most impor- tant modern works on Chinese dialects. 34 The compilation of the book was made possible by the results of the 1956–1958 surveys (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 22). In the second edition, the contents of the article by Pan Maoding et al. (see Chapter 5.2.13.) were taken into consideration, and the dialects were classified into the following seven groups 35 (the numbers in brackets indicate the estimated percentage of speakers of the dialect in question) (see Yuan Jiahua 2003: 22): 1. Mandarin dialect ¸¸¸, Béifãng Fãngyán· (70%) 2. Wu dialect ¸¸, Wú Fãngyán· (8.5%) 3. Xiang dialect ±¸, Xiãng Fãngyán· (5%) 4. Gan dialect y¸, Gàn Fãngyán· (2.5%) 5. Hakka dialect |¸¸, Kèjiã Fãngyán· (4%) 6. Yue dialect º¸, Yuè Fãngyán· (5%) 7. Min dialect |¸, Mín Fãngyán· (4%) The geographical distribution of the dialects is as follows: 1. Mandarin dialect ¸¸¸, Béifãng Fãngyán· Mandarin dialects are further divided into (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 24): – Northern Mandarin ¸¸¸, Béifãng Fãngyán· – Northwestern Mandarin ¯¸¸, Xibéi Fãngyán· – Southwestern Mandarin ¯¡¸, Xinán Fãngyán· – Jianghuai Mandarin ·]¸, Jiãnghuái Fãngyán· The Mandarin dialects are spread over the area north of the Yangtze River, the strip of land along the south bank of the Yangtze River east of Jiujiang ¸·· and west of Zhenjiang ,··, Hubei Province (excluding the southeastern corner), Sichuan, Yunnan, Classifications of Chinese dialects 54 Guizhou Provinces, the northwestern part of Guangxi A.R., the northwestern corner of Hunan Province (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 23). 2. Wu dialect ¸¸, Wú Fãngyán· In Jiangsu Province: over the area south of the Yangtze River and east of Zhenjiang ,·· (excluding Zhenjiang itself), Chong- ming Island ¸|_ Chongming Dao·, north of the Yangtze River in Nantong ¡j· (its eastern suburbs), Haimen [ ]·, Qidong )¸·, Jingjiang _··, as well as most of Zhejiang Province (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 57). 3. Xiang dialect ±¸, Xiãng Fãngyán· Depending on the presence or absence of voiced initials, the Xiang dialect can be divided into New Xiang ]± Xin Xiãng· and Old Xiang ,± Gù Xiãng·. Because the differences between the Old and the New Xiang are very big, and because the New Xiang is very influenced by Southwestern Mandarin ¯¡¡¦ Xinán Guãnhuà·, some people tend to include the New Xiang into the Southwestern Mandarin group. The author stated however, that this classification lacks a historical basis (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 101). The Xiang dialects are spread over the major part of Hunan Prov- ince, as well as in northern Guangxi A.R. in Quanzhou ´|·, Guanyang ][·, Ziyuan ¡¡·, Xing’an ¦¸· (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 101). 4. Gan dialect y¸, Gàn Fãngyán· The central and northern part of Jiangxi Province (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 126). 5. Hakka dialect |¸¸, Kèjiã Fãngyán· Eastern and northern Guangdong Province, western Fujian Prov- ince, southern Jiangxi Province, as well as parts of Taiwan, Guangxi A.R., Hunan, Sichuan Provinces (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 146). 6. Yue dialect º¸, Yuè Fãngyán· Central and southeastern Guangdong Province, southeastern Guangxi A.R. It is also spoken by Chinese living abroad, mostly in southeast Asia and North America (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 177). 7. Min dialect |¸, Mín Fãngyán· The Min dialects are further divided into (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 235): – Eastern Min |¸ Míndõng· A historical overview 55 – Puxian ;¦ Púxiãn· – Southern Min |¡ Mínnán· – Central Min |¹ Mínzhõng· – Northern Min |¸ Mínbéi· The Min dialects are spread over most of Fujian Province as well as the Chaoshan ¡;· area and the area around Haikang [ j· and Xuwen ]¦· on Leizhou Peninsula ,|¨_ Lei- zhou Bandao· in Guangdong Province, most of Hainan, in south- ern Zhejiang the area around Wenzhou ¸|· and the Zhoushan Archipelago )¡¦_ Zhoushan Qundao·, most of Taiwan (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 235). 2.15. Zhou Zhenhe )|y· and You Rujie ¡;,· Zhou Zhenhe and You Rujie (1986) divide the Chinese language into seven groups (the numbers in brackets denote the estimated percentage of speak- ers of the dialect in question) (Zhou and You 1986: 8): 1. Mandarin dialect ¸¸¸, Béifãng Fãngyán· (70%) 2. Wu dialect ¸¸, Wú Fãngyán· (8%) 3. Gan dialect y¸, Gàn Fãngyán· (2%) 4. Hakka dialect |¸¸, Kèjiã Fãngyán· (4%) 5. Xiang dialect ±¸, Xiãng Fãngyán· (5%) 6. Min dialect |¸, Mín Fãngyán· (4%) 7. Yue dialect º¸, Yuè Fãngyán· (5%) Concerning the Xiang dialect, there is a remark that it is traditionally di- vided into Old and New Xiang. Yet, the authors claim that the New Xiang can be classified as a part of the Southwestern Mandarin, whereas only the Old Xiang should be treated as the Xiang dialect (cf. Zhou and You 1986: 8; Künstler 2000: 252, see also Chapter 5.2.14.). 36 2.16. Li Rong ¸¨· In 1987, with the publication of The Language Atlas of China (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan yu Aodaliya Renwen Kexueyuan 1987, 1989, hence- forth called Atlas), a new classification was introduced by Li Rong. He extracted the Jin dialect ¦) Jìnyù· out of the Mandarin dialect and Classifications of Chinese dialects 56 added the Hui ¡) Huiyù·, and Pinghua ¬¦ Pínghuà· dialects, obtaining thus 10 groups of Chinese dialects (the numbers in brackets show the percentage of speakers of each dialect group out of 977,270,000 speak- ers of Chinese) (see Li Rong 1989a: 241; Atlas: A2): 37 1. Mandarin dialect ¡¦ Guãnhuà· (67.8%) 2. Jin dialect ¦) Jìnyù· (4.7%) 3. Wu dialect ¸) Wúyù· (7.1%) 4. Hui dialect ¡) Huiyù· (0.3%) 5. Gan dialect y) Gànyù· (3.2%) 6. Xiang dialect ±) Xiãngyù· (3.2%) 7. Min dialect |) Mínyù· (5.6%) 8. Yue dialect º) Yuèyù· (4.1%) 9. Pinghua dialect ¬¦ Pínghuà· (0.2%) 10. Hakka dialect |¸¦ Kèjiãhuà· (3.6%) The new classification caused a lot of discussions on the topic, which have continued to this day. The most controversial problem is the separa- tion of the Jin dialect from Mandarin. Prof. Li Rong, in his article ¡¦¸ ,[¸l (Guanhua fangyande fenqu) (Li Rong 1985a), advocates this division. The arguments for considering Pinghua and Hui as separate dia- lect groups are also rejected by some scholars (see Chapter 5.2.18.; see also Chapter 6.4.). 2.17. Jerry Norman In his book Chinese (1988), Jerry Norman examines the seven dialectal groups as classified by Yuan Jiahua (2003), proposing “a new set of criteria or diagnostic features” for classifying the Chinese dialects (see Norman 1988: 181–183; see also Chapter 5.1.2.3.). On the basis of these features, he classifies the existing seven dialects into three groups (see Norman 1988: 182–183): 1. Northern group – the Mandarin group 2. Southern group: – Kejia (Hakka) – Yue – Min A historical overview 57 3. Central group: – Wu – Gan – Xiang 2.18. Cao Zhiyun ¡±¦· In 2008 a project under the leadership of Professor Cao Zhiyun of the Bei- jing Language and Culture University ¸;),,¸ Beijing Yuyan Daxue· the Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects (Cao Zhiyun ed. 2008), was published. It contains 510 maps divided into three volumes (Phonetics, Lexicon and Grammar). The Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects does not draw the borders be- tween dialects, the maps picture the distribution of dialect characteristics. However, the 930 survey sites which have been selected for the project, are classified into the ten dialect groups as presented in The Language Atlas of China, without any comments or discussions on the topic (Cao Zhiyun ed. 2008: Phonetics vol., p. 9). 2.19. Conclusions: How many dialect groups are there? At present, two classifications are the most popular. The division into seven dialect groups seems to be more widely, though not fully, accepted while the classification into ten dialects causes more controversies. The issues at question are the following: 1. Whether the Min dialect should be classified as one group or divided into Northern and Southern Min? (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 63–64; Li Rong 1989a: 252–254) 2. Into how many groups should the Mandarin dialects be classified? (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 64–65; Li Rong 1989a: 245–248; Ding Bangxin 1998b: 212–216) 3. Should the Gan and Hakka dialects be treated as one group or as two separate groups? (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 65; Atlas: B8; Li Rong 1989a: 249–252; Wang Futang 1998; Wang Futang 2005: 67–77; Li Rulong 2003a: 40–42; Yan Sen 1986: 24) 4. Whether or not the Jin dialect should be separated from the Mandarin dialects? (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 351; Ding Bangxin 1998b: 213; Wang Classifications of Chinese dialects 58 Futang 2004: 530–531; Zou and You 2001: 31; Wen Duanzheng 1998; Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 1; Hou Jingyi 1999a: 1–2; Li Xiaofan 2005: 357; Wang Futang 2005: 100–108; Li Rulong 2003a: 42–43; Li Rong 1989a: 245; Li Rong 1985a: 2–3; see also Chapter 6.4.1.) 5. Should Pinghua be treated as an independent group? (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 351; Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 1; Zou and You 2001: 31; Wu Wei 2001; Wang Futang 2005: 117–118; Li Rulong 2003a: 43; Li Rong 1989a: 249; see also Chapter 6.4.3.) 6. Should the Hui dialect be treated as an independent group? (Zhan Bo- hui 2002: 351; Wang Futang 2005: 84–87; Li Rong 1989a: 248, see also Chapter 6.4.2.) The classification into seven major dialect groups, i.e. Mandarin ¡¦ Guãnhuà·, Wu ¸ Wú·, Xiang ± Xiãng·, Gan y Gàn·, Hakka |¸ Kèjiã·, Yue º Yuè·, Min | Mín·, has been the standard since the article of Pan Maoding (Pan Maoding et al. 1963) and it has been applied in many authoritative works, such as Yuan Jiahua’s second edition of ¡)¸,]] (Hanyu Fangyan Gaiyao) (Yuan Jiahua 2003; see Chapter 5.2.14.), Zhan Bohui’s _|¡)¸, (Xiandai Hanyu fangyan) (1981) as well as Zhan Bohui et al. Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha ¡)¸,,¸,j[· (2004), Zhou Zhenhe’s and You Rujie’s ¸,[ ¹]¸¡ (Fangyan yu Zhongguo wenhua) (1986), ¹],)|´·:·), ¸¸ (Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi) (1988), Huang Jinghu’s ¡)¸,¸ (Hanyu Fangyanxue) (1987), etc. This classification is also popular among scholars in Taiwan (cf. Ding Bangxin 1989a) and overseas (cf. Norman 1988: 181, see also Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 65–66). The classification made by Li Rong in the Atlas is applied in The Great Dictionary..., as well as in ¡)¸,,,3 (Hanyu Fangyan Dacidian) (Xu and Miyata ed. 2000). It is also assumed as obvious in the Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects (Cao Zhiyun ed. 2008). There are also classifications which reject one or more of the controver- sial groups. For example, in the work edited by Hou Jingyi (2002), Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Gailun _|¡)¸,]|·, nine dialect groups are described, omitting the Pinghua dialect. Table 7. (on the following pages) summarizes the history of dialect classifications. Classifications of Chinese dialects 62 Generally, a tendency towards gradually dividing the dialects into an in- creasing number of groups is visible. However, this trend is at present changing, and Chinese linguists incline rather towards classifying the groups into larger entities (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13). As the research of Chinese dialects is in constant progress, the classification may be changing. One more big undertaking is carried out at present: a new edition of the Language Atlas of China, by the scholars of the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences ¹]1¸|¸|[¡¸[¸¸¸{¸] Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Minzuxue yu Renleixue Yanjiusuo· (cf. “Xin bian Zhongguo Yuyan Dituji yu fangyan fenqu taolun de gaoyue” 2005). It is already known that this new edition will keep the division into 10 dialect groups, though with slight alterations (cf. Xiong and Zhang 2008). Nevertheless, this project is awaited with great expectation by dialectologists and it may cast a new light upon the classification of Chinese dialects. Chapter 6 The classification of Chinese dialects according to The Language Atlas of China 39 The classification proposed by Li Rong and others in The Language Atlas of China is applied in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects; therefore it will be described here in detail. 1. The Language Atlas of China TheAtlas is a result of cooperation between Chinese and Australian scien- tists. It appeared in two parts, both of which had an English and a Chinese edition. It consists of 35 maps altogether, divided into three sections. Sec- tion A includes general maps, B – maps of Chinese dialects, C – maps of minority languages. Each of the maps is accompanied by a description (cf. Zhongguo Yuyan Dituji chuban 1988; Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 241; Atlas: [preface]; [www 1]). 2. Classification into smaller units There exist two sets of terminology for the division of Chinese dialects into smaller units. The genetic one is (cf. You Rujie 2004: 1, Li Rulong 2003a: 1): 1. Dialect ¸,fãngyán· 2. Sub-dialect ]¸,cì fãngyán· 3. Vernacular (Patois) ¸)tùyù· 4. Accent (Sub-patois) ¡ qiãng / ]¸)cì tùyù· The geographical hierarchy of division, as applied in the Atlas is as fol- lows (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 243; You Rujie 2004: 1–2): 1. Supergroup ,ldàqù· 2. Grouplqù· 3. Subgroup ) piàn· 4. Cluster ¸) xiàopiàn· Classification according to The Language Atlas 64 5. Local dialect, dialect locality ) diàn· Among these, group and subgroup are the basic concepts. Groups are usually divided into subgroups, which are sometimes further divided into clusters. Some groups can be brought together into a supergroup. The “lo- cal dialects” denote the dialect points which have been examined (cf. Li Rong 1985b: 81–82; Li Rong 1989a: 243–244). 3. The classification 3.1. Mandarin supergroup ¡¦,lGuãnhuà dàqù· 40 3.1.1. Northeastern Mandarin group ¸ ¸ ¡ ¦ l Dõngbéi Guãnhuàqù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 255; Atlas: B1) Distribution: 41 The whole of Heilongjiang Province, J ilin Province, most of Liaoning Province, part of eastern Inner Mongolia A.R. 1. J ishen subgroup ¸¡)Jíshén piàn· a. J iaoning cluster |¸¸)Jiãoníng xiàopiàn· b. Tongxi cluster j¡¸)Tõngxi xiàopiàn· c. Yanji cluster ¸¸¸)Yánjí xiàopiàn· 2. Hafu subgroup ¦')Hãfù piàn· a. Zhaofu cluster ¬|¸)Zhàofú xiàopiàn· b. Changjin cluster |)¸)Chángjín xiàopiàn· 3. Heisong subgroup ;|)Heisõng piàn· a. Nenke cluster ÿ¸¸)Nènkè xiàopiàn· b. J iafu cluster ¦,¸)Jiãfù xiàopiàn· c. Zhanhua cluster ,¦¸)Zhànhuà xiàopiàn· 3.1.2. Beijing Mandarin group ¸;¡¦l Béijing Guãnhuàqù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 255; Atlas: B2, B5) Distribution: Beijing Municipality area, a small part of Tianjin Municipality, the eastern part of Hebei Province, the western part of Liaoning Province, a small part of eastern Inner Mongolia A.R., the northern part of Xinjiang A.R. 1. J ingshi subgroup ;[)Jingshi piàn· 2. Huaicheng subgroup ¦¸)Huáichég piàn· The classification 65 3. Chaofeng subgroup ¸¹)Cháofeng piàn· 4. Shike subgroup ¯¸)Shíkè piàn· 3.1.3. Jilu Mandarin group ,¦¡¦l Jìlù Guãnhuàqù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 255–256; Atlas: B2, B3) The group is also called ¸¸¡¦Béifãng Guãnhuà. Distribution: Southern part of Hebei Province, northern part of Shandong Province, most of Tianjin Municipality ¸,)Tiãnjin Shì·. 1. Baotang subgroup ]j)Bàotáng piàn· a. Laifu cluster ;'¸)Láifù xiàopiàn· b. Dingba cluster ¸¡¸)Dìngbà xiàopiàn· c. Tianjin cluster ¸,¸)Tiãnjin xiàopiàn· d. J izun cluster |j¸)Jìzùn xiàopiàn· e. Luanchang cluster ];¸)Luánchãng xiàopiàn· f. Fulong cluster |¸¸)Fúlóng xiàopiàn· 2. Shiji subgroup ¯¡)Shíjí piàn· a. Zhaoshen cluster ¿,¸)Zhàoshen xiàopiàn· b. Xingheng cluster )(¸)Xínghéng xiàopiàn· c. Liaotai cluster ](¸)Liáotài xiàopiàn· 3. Canghui subgroup ¸¸)Cãnghuì piàn· a. Huangle cluster ,;¸)Huánglè xiàopiàn· b. Yangshou cluster [¸¸)Yángshòu xiàopiàn· c. J uzhao cluster ]|¸)Jùzhào xiàopiàn· d. Zhanghuan cluster ¯j¸)Zhãnghuán xiàopiàn· 3.1.4. Jiaoliao Mandarin group ]¸¡¦l Jiãoliáo Guãnhuàqù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 256; Atlas: B3, B1) Distribution: J iaozhou Peninsula in Shandong Province, Liaodong Penin- sula in Liaoning Province. 1. Qingzhou subgroup ¡|)Qingzhõu piàn· 2. Denglian subgroup ¸¡)Denglián piàn· 3. Gaihuan subgroup ¸j)Gàihuán piàn· Classification according to The Language Atlas 66 3.1.5. Central Plains Mandarin group ¹)¡¦l Zhõngyuán Guãnhuàqù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 256, Atlas: B3, B4, B5, B7) Distribution: Most of Henan and Shaanxi Provinces, southern Shandong Province, western corner of J iangsu Province, western Anhui Province, southern Shanxi Province, southern Ningxia A.R., eastern corner of Qing- hai Province, a small part in western Gansu Province, central and south- western Xinjiang A.R. 1. Zhengcao subgroup ¹¡)Zhèngcáo piàn· 2. Cailu subgroup ¸¦)Càilù piàn· 3. Luoxu subgroup ¡])Luòxú piàn· 4. Xinbeng subgroup ]))Xìnbèng piàn· 5. Fenhe subgroup ,])Fénhé piàn· a. Pingyang cluster ¬[¸)Píngyáng xiàopiàn· b. J iangzhou cluster º|¸)Jiàngzhõu xiàopiàn· c. Xiezhou cluster ¶|¸)Xièzhõu xiàopiàn· 6. Guanzhong subgroup ¸¹)Guãnzhõng piàn· 7. Qinlong subgroup ,|)Qínlóng piàn· 8. Longzhong subgroup |¹) Lóngzhõng piàn· 9. Nanjiang subgroup ¡])Nánjiãng piàn· 3.1.6. Lanyin Mandarin group ¸|¡¦l Lányín Guãnhuàqù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 256; Atlas: B4, B5) Distribution: most of Ningxia A.R. and Gansu Province, central and eastern parts of Xinjiang A.R. 1. J incheng subgroup ¸,)Jinchéng piàn· 2. Yinwu subgroup |¸)Yínwú piàn· 3. Hexi subgroup ]¯)Héxi piàn· 4. Tami subgroup ,±)Tàmì piàn· 3.1.7. Southwestern Mandarin group ¯¡¡¦l Xinán Guãnhuàqù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 256–257; Atlas: B6) Distribution: Western part of Sichuan Province, almost the whole of Yun- nan Province, the whole of Guizhou Province, most of Hubei Province, the The classification 67 northwestern part of Hunan Province, northwestern Guangxi A.R., a small part of southern Shaanxi Province. 1. Chengyu subgroup j¡)Chéngyú piàn· 2. Dianxi subgroup ¡¯)Diãnxi piàn· a. Yaoli cluster ¿|¸)Yáolí xiàopiàn· b. Baolu cluster ]¡¸) Bàolù xiàopiàn· 3. Qianbei subgroup "¸)Qiánbéi piàn· 4. Kungui subgroup ¡¸)Kùnguì piàn· 5. Guanchi subgroup ]¸)Guànchì piàn· a. Minjiang cluster ¦·¸)Mínjiãng xiàopiàn· b. Renfu cluster ¦,¸)Rénfù xiàopiàn· c. Yamian cluster ¶|¸)Yàmián xiàopiàn· d. Lichuan cluster ¡)¸)Lìchuãn xiàopiàn· 6. Ebei subgroup ¸¸)Èbéi piàn· 7. Wutian subgroup ¡¸)Wùtiãn piàn· 8. Cenjiang subgroup ¸·)Cénjiãng piàn· 9. Qiannan subgroup "¡)Qiánnán piàn· 10. Xiangnan subgroup ±¡)Xiãngnán piàn· 11. Guiliu subgroup ||)Guìliù piàn· 12. Changhe subgroup ;y)Chánghè piàn· 3.1.8. Jianghuai Mandarin group ·]¡¦l Jiãnghuái Guãnhuàqù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 257; Atlas: B3, B10, B11) Distribution: mainly the area around the lower reaches of the Yangtze River (in Hubei, Anhui, and J iangsu Provinces). 1. Hongchao subgroup ;¸)Hóngcháo piàn· 2. Tairu subgroup (;)Tàirú piàn· 3. Huangxiao subgroup ,¸)Huángxiào piàn· 3.1.9. Unclassified (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 257) Some dialects, which belong to the Mandarin supergroup are difficult to classify into appropriate groups, therefore they remain unclassified. 1. Hubeihua ¡¸¦ Húbéihuà· (cf. Atlas: B10), a migrational dialect scattered over Anhui Province (Ningguo ¸]·, Guangde ¹j·, Xuancheng ¡,·, J ingxian ¡¸·, Classification according to The Language Atlas 68 Langxi F¡·), as well as in Anji ¸¸· in Zhejiang Prov- ince. 2. Henanhua ]¡¦ Hénánhuà· (cf. Atlas: B10), a migrational dialect scattered over Anhui Province (Guangde ¹j·, Langxi F¡·, Xuancheng ¡,·, Ningguo ¸]·), as well as Anji ¸¸· and Changxing |¦· in Zhejiang Province. 3. Nanping dialect ¡¬¸, Nánpíng fãngyán· (cf. Atlas: B12), an isolated Mandarin dialect in Fujian Province, spoken in the area of Nanping city (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1989: 55). 4. Yangyu ,|· village in Changle |;· county (cf. Atlas: B12). A variety called “Tu Mandarin” ¸¡¦¨ Tù Guãn- huà· is spoken in this area (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1989: 55). 5. In Hainan Province a variety of Mandarin called Junhua ´¦ Jùnhuà· (lit. “the speech of the army”) is spoken. Junhua is used by the descendants of ancient troops dispatched here by the govern- ment at the time of the Ming Dynasty (cf. Atlas: B12). 42 6. On Longmen island ¸]_Longmen Dao· in the area of Qin- zhou ||· in Guangxi A.R. a minority of inhabitants speak a variety of Mandarin (cf. Liang Yougang 1986). 3.2. J in dialect group ¦)l Jìnyù qù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 257; Atlas: B7) Distribution: most of Shanxi Province, the western part of Hebei Province north of the Yellow River, the southern part of Inner Mongolia A.R. west of the Yellow River, northern part of Shaanxi Province. 1. Bingzhou subgroup }|)Bingzhõu piàn· 2. Lüliang subgroup ¦¸)Lüliáng piàn· a. Fenzhou cluster ,|¸)Fénzhõu xiàopiàn· b. Xingxi cluster ¦|¸)Xingxí xiàopiàn· 3. Shangdang subgroup ¸¸)Shàngdàng piàn· 4. Wutai subgroup ¯¡)Wùtái piàn· 5. Dabao subgroup ,j)Dàbão piàn· 6. Zhanghu subgroup )|)Zhãnghù piàn· 7. Hanxin subgroup !])Hánxin piàn· a. Cizhang cluster |;¸)Cízhãng xiàopiàn· b. Huoji cluster ¸¡¸)Huòjí xiàopiàn· 8. Zhiyan subgroup ±¸)Zhìyán piàn· The classification 69 3.3. Wu dialect group ¸)l Wúyù qù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 257–258; Atlas: B9, B10) Distribution: most of Zhejiang Province, the whole of Shanghai Municipal- ity, southwestern part of J iangsu Province, a part of southern Anhui Prov- ince, a tiny part of northern Fujian Province. 1. Taihu subgroup ¸¡)Tàihú piàn· a. Piling cluster ||¸)Pílíng xiàopiàn· b. Suhujia cluster j;¸¸)Sùhùjiã xiàopiàn· c. Tiaoxi cluster ;¡¸)Tiáoxi xiàopiàn· d. Hangzhou cluster ||¸)Hángzhõu xiàopiàn· e. Linshao cluster |,¸)Línshào xiàopiàn· f. Yongjiang cluster j·¸)Yóngjiãng xiàopiàn· 2. Taizhou subgroup ¡|)Táizhõu piàn· 3. Oujiang subgroup ¦·)Õujiãng piàn· 4. Wuzhou subgroup ¸|)Wùzhõu piàn· 5. Chuqu subgroup ¸@)Chùqú piàn· a. Chuzhou cluster ¸|¸)Chùzhõu xiàopiàn· b. Longqu cluster ¸@¸)Lóngqú xiàopiàn· 6. Xuanzhou subgroup ¡|)Xuãnzhõu piàn· a. Tongjing cluster )¡¸)Tóngjing xiàopiàn· b. Taigao cluster ¸|¸)Tàigão xiàopiàn· c. Shiling cluster ¯|¸)Shílíng xiàopiàn· 3.4. Hui dialect group ¡)l Huiyù qù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258; Atlas: B10) Distribution: the drainage area of the Xin’an River ]¸· Xin’an Jiang· (the area of the former Huizhou Prefecture ¡|] Huizhou Fu·) in southern Anhui Province, the area of former Yanzhou Prefecture ¨|] Yanzhou Fu· in central-west Zhejiang Province, and a part of northeastern J iangxi Province. 1. J ishe subgroup ¸,) Jìshè piàn· 2. Xiuyi subgroup ¦))Xiùyi piàn· 3. Qide subgroup [j)Qídé piàn· 4. Yanzhou subgroup ¨|)Yánzhõu piàn· 5. J ingzhan subgroup ],)Jingzhàn piàn· Classification according to The Language Atlas 70 3.5. Gan dialect group y)l Gànyù qù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258; Atlas: B11) Distribution: central and northern J iangxi Province, eastern part of as well as a small part in southwestern Hunan Province, a small corner of south- eastern Hubei Province, southern corner of Anhui Province, and a small part of northwestern Fujian Province. 1. Changjing subgroup ;_)Chãngjìng piàn· 2. Yiliu subgroup ¸,)Yíliú piàn· 3. J icha subgroup ¸¸)Jíchá piàn· 4. Fuguang subgroup |¹)Fùguàng piàn· 5. Yingyi subgroup (_)Yingyì piàn· 6. Datong subgroup ,j)Dàtõng piàn· 7. Leizi subgroup ¬¡)Léizi piàn· 8. Dongsui subgroup ]¸) Dòngsuí piàn· 9. Huaiyue subgroup ¦¡)Huáiyuè piàn· 3.6. Xiang dialect group ±)l Xiãngyù qù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258; Atlas: B11) Distribution: central Hunan Province, northeastern part of Guangxi A.R. 1. Changyi subgroup |¸)Chángyì piàn· 2. Loushao subgroup ¸()Lóushào piàn· 3. J ixu subgroup ¸[)Jíxù piàn· 3.7. Min dialect supergroup |),lMínyù dàqù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258 Atlas: B12, B13, B14, B10) 43 Distribution: most of Fujian Province, Taiwan, Hainan Province, a small part of southwestern Guangdong Province. There are also minor Min- speaking areas in other provinces (Zhejiang, Guangxi, Jiangsu, Anhui, Jiang- xi). 1. Southern Min group |¡l Mínnán qù· (southern part of Fu- jian Province, the Min dialect area of Taiwan, southwestern Guang- dong Province) The classification 71 a. Quanzhang subgroup ;;)Quánzhãng piàn· b. Datian subgroup ,!)Dàtián piàn· c. Chaoshan subgroup ¡;)Cháoshàn piàn· 2. Puxian group ;¦lPúxiãn qù· (central-east Fujian Province) 3. Eastern Min group |¸l Míndõng qù· (northeastern part of Fujian Province) a. Houguan subgroup ]¡)Hòuguãn piàn· b. Funing subgroup |¸)Fúníng piàn· 4. Northern Min group |¸lMínbéi qù· (northern Fujian Prov- ince) 5. Central Min group |¹lMínzhõng qù· (central Fujian Prov- ince) 6. Qiongwen group )¸lQióngwén qù· (Hainan Province) a. Fucheng subgroup ],)Fùchéng piàn· b. Wenchang subgroup ¸;)Wénchãng piàn· c. Wanning subgroup ]¸)Wànníng piàn· d. Yaxian subgroup ¿¸)Yáxiàn piàn· e. Changgan subgroup ;¸)Chãnggàn piàn· 7. Leizhou group ,|l Léizhõu qù· 44 (Leizhou Peninsula , |¨_Leizhou Bandao· in southwestern Guangdong Province) 8. Shaojiang group (¦l Shàojiãng qù· (northwestern corner of Fujian Province) 3.8. Yue dialect group º)l Yuèyù qù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 259; Atlas: B13, B14) Distribution: Southwestern half of Guangdong Province, eastern and south- ern Guangxi A.R. 1. Guangfu subgroup ¹])Guàngfù piàn· 2. Yongxun subgroup ¸¡)Yõngxún piàn· 3. Gaoyang subgroup |[)Gãoyáng piàn· 4. Siyi subgroup |¸)Sìyì piàn· 5. Goulou subgroup ¸¡)Gõulòu piàn· 6. Wuhua subgroup ¸¡)Wúhuà piàn· 7. Qinlian subgroup ||)Qinlián piàn· Classification according to The Language Atlas 72 3.9. Pinghua dialect group ¬¦l Pínghuà qù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 259; Atlas: B14) Distribution: central Guangxi A.R. and other areas spread over Guangxi. 1. Guibei subgroup |¸)Guìbéi piàn· 2. Guinan subgroup |¡)Guìnán piàn· 3.10. Hakka dialect group |¸¦l Kèjiãhuà qù (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 259 Atlas: B15) Distribution: The Hakka dialect is spread over eight provinces. It is concen- trated in central and eastern Guangdong Province, western Fujian Province and southern J iangxi Province, and scattered over Hainan Province, Guangxi A.R., Taiwan, Hunan Province and Sichuan Province. 1. Yuetai subgroup º¡)Yuètái piàn· a. J iaying cluster ¸¹¸)Jiãying xiàopiàn· b. Xinghua cluster ¦'¸)Xinghuá xiàopiàn· c. Xinhui cluster ]¸¸)Xinhuì xiàopiàn· d. Shaonan cluster ¸¡¸)Sháonán xiàopiàn· 2. Yuezhong subgroup º¹)Yuèzhõng piàn· 3. Huizhou subgroup ¸|)Huìzhõu piàn· 4. Yuebei subgroup º¸)Yuèbéi piàn· 5. Tingzhou subgroup ;|)Tingzhõu piàn· 6. Ninglong subgroup ¸¸)Nínglóng piàn· 7. Yugui subgroup ¸|)Yúguì piàn· 8. Tonggu subgroup )¸)Tónggù piàn· 3.11. Unclassified non-Mandarin dialects (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 259) 3.11.1. Shehua ,¦ Shehuà The She nationality ,¡ Shezú· is scattered over Fujian, Zhejiang, J iangxi, Guangdong, Anhui Provinces. Most of the She people speak Chi- nese, with only a small percentage speaking their national language ,) Sheyù·, which belongs to the Miao-Yao (Hmong-Mien) Group ,)) ¡ Miáoyáo Yùzú·. 45 The Chinese language spoken by the She people is The classification 73 called Shehua ,¦ Shehuà·, to distinguish it from the She language ,)Sheyù·. Shehua is often identified with Hakka. 46 3.11.2. Danzhou dialect j|¦ Dãnzhõuhuà The Danzhou dialect is spoken in the area of Danzhou j|) Danzhou Shi· in Hainan Province. On map B12 in the Atlas, this dialect is classi- fied as belonging to the Yue group, but currently it is treated as an unclassi- fied non-Mandarin dialect. 47 3.11.3. Xianghua ¸¦ Xiãnghuà Xianghua is spoken in a small area in western Hunan Province (cf. Atlas: B11). 48 3.11.4. Shaoguan Tuhua ¸¸¸¦ Sháoguãn Tùhuà Shaoguan Tuhua (also called ¸|¸¦ Shãozhõu Tùhuà) is spoken in northern Guangdong Province, in areas bordering on J iangxi and Hunan Provinces. 3.11.5. Southern Hunan Tuhua ¸¦ Tùhuà The area of southern Hunan Province is classified as belonging to the Xiangnan subgroup of the Southwestern Mandarin group. However, simul- taneously in sixteen cities and counties in this area, a speech called Tuhua ¸¦Tùhuà· is used (cf. Atlas: B11). 49 3.11.6. Chinese dialects spoken by the Miao nationality The Miao people ,¡ Miáozú· in Guangxi A.R. and Guizhou Province speak certain varieties of Chinese, which differ from the dialects spoken in the area which they inhabit (cf. Atlas: C9). Classification according to The Language Atlas 74 4. Controversial issues The criteria according to which the dialects have been classified are not clarified anywhere in the Atlas in a definite manner, and can only be ex- tracted while analysing the characteristics of the dialects. The main features taken into consideration are phonological parameters, mostly diachronic. Synchronic differences are taken into account while dividing the dialects into smaller units (see Chapter 6.5.11.). The only clearly defined criterion of division is for the grouping of Mandarin dialects, i.e. the evolution of the Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 245–248; see also Li Rong 1985a; Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 244). The second criterion, which becomes apparent after some analysis, is the development of Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 244–245). As was mentioned earlier (cf. Chapter 5.2.16.), the new classification as presented in the Atlas has provoked many discussions. The most divisive points are: 4.1. The separation of the J in dialect from the Mandarin supergroup The main criterion according to which the J in dialect is treated as a separate dialect group is the preservation of the Middle Chinese entering tone · )rùsheng·. The J ianghuai Mandarin group has also preserved the enter- ing tone; nevertheless, it is not classified as independent from the rest of the Mandarin dialects. The explanation of this fact is that the J in group also has other characteristics, which distinguish it from the whole of the Mandarin dialects (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 245; Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 243, 246; see also Chapter 6.5.2.). Ding Bangxin (1998b: 213) postulates that the argument for preserving the entering tone is insufficient and that the J in dialect should be treated as a subgroup of the Mandarin dialects. This is generally the idea which other scholars put forward (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 351; Wang Futang 2004: 530– 531). The problem may also lie in the importance of the criterion in question. As Li Xiaofan (2005: 357) points out, the criteria used at every level of division should be the same for every dialect. The preservation of the enter Controversial issues 75 ing tone, which is treated by Li Rong as the decisive factor for the separa- tion of the J in dialect, is not equal in quality with the criteria used for the classification into other major dialect groups, i.e. the development of Mid- dle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 357). The modern pronunciation of Middle Chinese syllables in the entering tone is the parameter applied for the division of the Mandarin dialects into respective groups (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 245–246; Li Rong 1985a: 3; Wang Futang 2004: 530–531; Wang Futang 2005: 100–108). However, not all scholars are against the concept of the autonomy of the J in dialect. Wen Duanzheng (1998), Hou J ingyi (Hou J ingyi ed. 2002: 46– 48; Hou J ingyi 1999a: 1–2), Zhang Zhenxing (1997: 246–247) support this view and give reasons for the separation of the J in dialect. They state that it has more characteristics than the entering tone (see Chapter 6.5.2.), which are sufficient enough to declare independence and give the J in dialect a status equal to the other major dialect groups. Li Rulong (2003a: 42–43) discusses the arguments for and against the separation of the J in dialect and comes to the simple conclusion that this problem needs to be further investigated. 4.2. The independence of the Hui dialect The suggestion of separating the Hui dialect had been raised by Zhao Yuan- ren in 1939 (see Chapter 5.2.6.). In 1962 in his article Jixi Lingbei Yinxi ¸¡¹¸,_· (Zhao Yuanren 2002), Zhao raises this problem anew, admitting that the Hui dialect is difficult to classify, because it has features both of the Wu dialect (the distinction between |, yinqù and [, yángqù tones), as well as of the Mandarin dialect (absence of voiced plo- sive initials). However, in order to avoid the trivialization of the classifica- tion of Chinese dialects, Zhao tends rather to categorize the Hui dialect as a part of the Wu group (Zhao Yuanren 2002: 578). Li Rong (1989a: 248) advocates the autonomy of the Hui dialect, as it cannot be fitted into either Mandarin, or Wu. This argument is not rejected by Zhan Bohui (2002: 351), who only implies that this question needs deeper research. Wang Futang (2005: 84–85) discusses the criterion of “being difficult to classify” as the only argument for treating Hui as a disjoined dialect group. Classification according to The Language Atlas 76 Wang argues that it would be more appropriate to classify the Hui dialect as a sub-dialect of Wu (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 84–87). On the other hand, Zhao Rixin (2005: 279) reckons that the question as to whether or not the Hui dialect should be classified as an individual group is not important. What matters is that thanks to the problem being raised, the dialect has been subject to closer investigation. 4.3. The separation of Pinghua from the Yue group In the Atlas, Pinghua has received the status of a separate dialect group, which has sparked a number of controversies. Li Rong (1989a: 249) justifies this classification by the fact that Pinghua has since long ago been regarded as an individual dialect, especially in the popular saying that in Guangxi there are five languages/dialects spoken, namely ¡¬])| Guãn, Píng, Zhuàng, Bái, Kè ¨ – Mandarin, Pinghua, Zhuang, Bai (meaning Yue), Hakka (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 243). The common feature of Pinghua is that Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials, pronounced today as plosives or affricates, are usually unaspirated. This characteristic is also true for the Goulou subgroup of the Yue dialect, which allows many scholars to treat Pinghua as a subgroup of Yue (cf. Hou J ingyi ed. 2002: 1; Li Rulong 2003a: 43). Others tend to classify the Gui- nan subgroup as a subgroup of Yue, while the Guibei subgroup seems to cause more trouble (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 351; Wu Wei 2001: 133; Li Ru- long 2003a: 43). Zhang Zhenxing (1997: 247–248) supports the reasons for separating Pinghua from the Yue dialect, giving both linguistic and historical argu- ments. Wang Futang (2005: 117–118) reminds us of the historical importance of Pinghua, but at the same time admits that it is now rather tending to disappear than gain strength. Therefore it should not be of equal status with the large dialect groups, yet it is difficult to be classified merely as a subgroup of a larger dialect. Apparently, this question also awaits further investigation and more data. Characteristics of dialect groups 77 5. General characteristics of the ten Chinese dialect groups 50 5.1. Mandarin supergroup ¡¦,l Guãnhuà dàqù (cf. You Rujie 2004: 7–8) 51 The common features of the Mandarin dialects are: A. Most of the affricate and plosive initials are divided into voiceless aspirated and voiceless unaspirated, there is no distinction between voiceless and voiced. B. There are comparatively few tones, usually four |¬ yinpíng, [¬ yángpíng, ¸) shàngsheng, ,) qùsheng·. Few dialects have preserved the ·) rùsheng. C. The rules of tone sandhi are comparatively simple. D. The use of specific measure words is becoming simplified, while the use of the general classifier ´ (gè)` is expanding. E. In word-building, the construction when the modified word stands before the modifier is very rare. F. The vocabulary and grammatical system are comparatively close to the literary language. 5.1.1. Northeastern Mandarin group ¸ ¸ ¡ ¦ l Dõngbéi Guãnhuàq ù (cf. Atlas: B1; You Rujie 2004: 7) 52 A. There are four tones: |¬ yinpíng, [¬ yángpíng, ¸) shàng- sheng, ,) qùsheng. B. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ¡, qingyin initials have developed into syllables in all the four tones. C. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ¡, qingyin initials have developed into syllables in the ¸) shàngsheng more often than in the Beijing dialect. D. The tone values are similar to those of the Beijing dialect. However, the value of the |¬ yinpíng tone is mostly lower than in Beijing dialect. E. Usually there is no [,] initial. Syllables, which have the [,] initial in the Beijing dialect, are generally pronounced with a zero initial. F. Syllables, which have the [o] final after [p, p‘, m, f] in the Beijing dialect, end with [y], except for Zhanhua ,¦ Zhànhuà·. Classification according to The Language Atlas 78 G. Syllables which have the zero initial in the Beijing dialect, are pro- nounced with a zero initial in the Jishen subgroup 53 , with [n] as the initial in the Hafu subgroup, either with zero initial or with [n] as initial in the Heisong subgroup. H. Syllables with [t¸, t¸‘, ¸] initial in Beijing dialect are pronounced [t¸, t¸‘, ¸] in some dialect clusters, [ts, ts‘, s] in others, or they can be freely interchanged. I. Zhanhua ,¦ Zhànhuà· is a dialect spoken by the descendants of people based at post stations in the past. The Zhanhua cluster in Heisong subgroup is scattered over the area of the Nenke cluster. In Zhanhua there are [\, u\, \u, i\u] finals, which do not exist in the other clusters of the Northeastern Mandarin group. The main difference between Zhanhua and Nenke clusters lies in the tone values of the |¬ yinpíng tone. 5.1.2. Beijing Mandarin group ¸;¡¦l Béijing Guãnhuàq ù (cf. Atlas: B2, B5; You Rujie 2004: 7) A. There are mostly four tones: |¬ yinpíng, [¬ yángpíng, ¸) shàngsheng, ,) qùsheng. B. The development of the Middle Chinese tones into modern tones is as follows: – Middle Chinese syllables in the ¬) píngsheng with ¡, qingyin initials have developed into syllables in the |¬ yin- píng tone; syllables with ¡, zhuóyin initials – into ones in the [¬ yángpíng tone. – Middle Chinese syllables in the ¸) shàngsheng with ¡, qingyin initials, as well as ]¡ cìzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the ¸) shàngsheng tone. – Middle Chinese syllables in the ¸) shàngsheng with ´¡ quánzhuó initials as well as in the ,) qùsheng have devel- oped into syllables in the ,)qùsheng. – Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ]¡ cìzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the ,) qùsheng, syllables with ´¡ quánzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the [¬ yángpíng tone. Characteristics of dialect groups 79 C. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ¡, qingyin initials have developed into syllables in all the four tones |¬ yinpíng, [¬ yángpíng, ¸) shàngsheng, ,) qùsheng·. D. The tone values are either the same or very close to those of the Beijing dialect. 5.1.3. Jilu Mandarin group ,¦¡¦l Jìlù Guãnhuàq ù (cf. Atlas: B1, B2, B3, B7; You Rujie 2004: 7) 54 The A and B features of the Beijing Mandarin group are also true for the Jilu Mandarin group. The main differences between the Beijing Mandarin and Jilu Mandarin groups lie in the development of Middle Chinese sylla- bles in the ·) rùsheng with ¡, qingyin initials, as well as in the values of modern tones. A. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ¡, qingyin initials have developed into syllables: – In the |¬ yinpíng tone in the Shiji subgroup – Mostly in the |¬ yinpíng tone, rarely in the ¸) shàngsheng in the Canghui subgroup; however, in the Zhanghuan cluster, the ·) rùsheng has been preserved, and only a small amount of syllables are pronounced in the |¬ yinpíng tone – In all the four tones |¬ yinpíng, [¬ yángpíng, ¸) shàngsheng, ,) qùsheng· in the Baotang subgroup, yet they have developed into more syllables in the |¬ yinpíng and ¸) shàngsheng tones than in the Beijing dialect B. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ]¡ cìzhuó ini- tials have developed into syllables in the ,) qùsheng. 5.1.4. Jiaoliao Mandarin group ]¸¡¦l Jiãoliáo Guãnhuàq ù (cf. Atlas: B1, B3; You Rujie 2004: 7) A. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ¡, qingyin initials have developed into syllables in the ¸) shàngsheng. B. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ]¡ cìzhuó ini- tials have developed into syllables in the ,) qùsheng. C. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ´¡ quánzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the [¬ yángpíng tone. Classification according to The Language Atlas 80 D. Most of the dialect localities have four tones, others have three. E. In places where there are only three tones, the Middle Chinese tones have evolved in different ways. Nevertheless, their common feature is that the Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ¡, qingyin initials have developed into the same tones as Middle Chinese syllables in the ¸) shàngsheng with ¡, qing- yin initials and with ]¡ cìzhuó initials. 5.1.5. Central Plains Mandarin group ¹)¡¦l  Zhõngyuán Guãnhuàq ù (cf. Atlas: B3, B4, B5, B7; You Rujie 2004: 7) 55 A. There are mostly four tones: |¬ yinpíng, [¬ yángpíng, ¸) shàngsheng, ,) qùsheng, except for two places Luoning ¡¸ and Mianchi ¡¡· where there are three tones ¬) píngsheng, ¸) shàngsheng, ,) qùsheng·. B. The development of Middle Chinese syllables in the ¬ píng, ¸ shàng and , qù tones is the same as in the Beijing dialect. C. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ¡, qingyin and ]¡ cìzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the |¬ yinpíng tone. D. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ´¡ quánzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the [¬ yángpíng tone. 5.1.6. Lanyin Mandarin group ¸|¡¦l Lányín Guãnhuàq ù (cf. Atlas: B4, B5; You Rujie 2004: 7) 56 A. There are three or four tones (not taking the tone sandhi into consideration). Places with four tones have |¬ yinpíng, [¬ yángpíng, ¸) shàngsheng, ,) qùsheng. In other places, there is no distinction between |¬ yinpíng and [¬ yángpíng, [¬ yángpíng and ¸) shàngsheng or |¬ yinpíng and ¸) shàng- sheng. B. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ¡, qingyin initials have developed into syllables in the ,) qùsheng. C. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ´¡ quánzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the [¬ yángpíng tone. Characteristics of dialect groups 81 5.1.7. Southwestern Mandarin group ¯¡¡¦l Xinán Guãnhuàq ù (cf. Atlas: B6, B11, B14; You Rujie 2004: 7) 57 A. This is the most uniform group of the Mandarin dialects. B. There are four tones: |¬ yinpíng, [¬ yángpíng, ¸) shàng- sheng, ,) qùsheng. C. Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng have developed into syllables in the [¬ yángpíng tone. D. Most places do not distinguish between sharp and rounded initials ,[, jiãntuányin·. 58 5.1.8. Jianghuai Mandarin group · ] ¡ ¦ l   Jiãnghuái Guãnhuàq ù (cf. Atlas: B3, B10; You Rujie 2004: 7) The ·) rùsheng has been preserved. 5.2. Jin dialect group ¦)l Jìnyù qù (cf. Atlas: B7; You Rujie 2004: 8–9) 59 A. The ·) rùsheng has been preserved. B. Syllables in the ·) rùsheng usually end with a glottal stop [1]. C. Usually the following pairs of Beijing finals: [cn : cp, in : ip, ucn : ucp, yn : yp] are not differentiated and are pronounced with [p] as the coda. D. In many places the affix |` [kc1] is used. E. The ¸` suffix pronounced in the neutral tone in Beijing dialect, is pronounced [tsc1] or [zc1 ,c1 tc1 lc1] in many areas of the Jin dialect. F. In most places there exists a phenomenon called ¸,, fenyincí (syllable split). 60 5.3. Wu dialect group ¸)l Wúyù qù (cf. Atlas: B9, B10; You Rujie 2004: 9–10) 61 A. Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials are at present usually still voiced, and Middle Chinese ¡, qingyin initials are at present still Classification according to The Language Atlas 82 voiceless. The Middle Chinese distinction between voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated and voiced initials is still present in the Wu dialects. For example, the following Middle Chinese ¸) zìmù are still usually pronounced as [t, t‘, d] (which is the same as in the reconstructions): ¸ (duän), ¸ (tòu), ¸ (dìng). B. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ¸) zìmù ) (yí), at present have a nasal initial and have not merged with the ¸) zìmù ¸ (yìng). ;, hóngyin syllables have the [p-] initial, ;, xìyin syllables – [Ñ-]. C. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ¸) zìmù ] (wëi), at present have two pronunciations, the literary ¸, wén- dú· with a [v-] initial, and colloquial ), báidú· with an [m-] initial. D. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ¸) zìmù ¦ (rì), today have two variant pronunciations, the literary ¸, wén- dú· with [z-] or [z-] initials and colloquial ), báidú· with [Ñ-] or [n-] initials. E. [m, n, p] can function as independent syllables. F. The character _` (niào) has two variant pronunciations, the literary with [Ñ-] as the initial, and colloquial with [t-] as the initial. The colloquial pronunciation tallies with the Middle Chinese ¸) zìmù ¸ (duän). G. Syllables belonging to the Middle Chinese | shè j (xián) and ¡ (shän) usually do not end with a nasal coda, they have either an oral or a nasalized sound as the final. H. Syllables belonging to the second grade ¸ èrdéng· of the Middle Chinese | shè ¸ (xiè) do not have an [-i] ending, but have open finals. I. The finals of the syllables belonging to the first and the second grade ¸ yi, èr déng· of the Middle Chinese | shè j (xián) and ¡ (shän) with the ¸) zìmù ¸ (jiàn), are distinct. J. The finals in the colloquial pronunciation of the syllables belonging to the second grade ¸ èrdéng· of the | shè | (gèng) have not merged with those of the third and fourth grade |¸ sãn, sì déng· of the same | shè and of the | shè ¸ (zëng). K. The pronunciation of the | (dà)`character corresponds with the final of | (gèng)`, not that of ¦ (má)`. Characteristics of dialect groups 83 L. All the four Middle Chinese tones, i.e. ¬) píngsheng, ¸) shàngsheng, ,) qùsheng and ·) rùsheng, are divided into | yin and [ yáng categories. M. Syllables in the ·) rùsheng usually have a glottal stop coda. In some localities the syllables are open, but they are never confused with syllables deriving from the Middle Chinese ¬) píngsheng, ¸) shàngsheng and ,) qùsheng. N. The character ´ (bù)` representing the negative particle is pro- nounced with a labiodental initial. O. The possessive particle [ (de)` is in most places expressed by the word ´ (gè)` in the neutral tone, in some localities it is pronounced in the entering tone. 5.4. Hui dialect group ¡)l Huiyù qù (cf. Atlas: B10; You Rujie 2004: 18–19) 62 A. Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials are today all ¡, qingyin, in many dialect localities they are also aspirated. B. Most nasal codas have disappeared. Syllables which carry the [-n] ending are diminutives formed with the ¸ (ér) suffix (see Chapter 7.1.4.2.). C. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ;, hóngyin ¸ ) zìmù ¸ (yìng) have the initial [p-]. D. Initials of the syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ;, hóngyin ¸) zìmù ¡ (ní) and ¬ (lái) are not distinguishable. E. Most syllables which belong to the ¸) zìmù ¦ (rì) today have a zero-initial. 5.5. Gan dialect group y)l Gànyù qù (cf. Atlas: B8, B10, B11; You Rujie 2004: 15–17) 63 A. Present day plosive and affricate initials which have developed from Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials, regardless of the four tones, are all pronounced as voiceless aspirated. B. Syllables which derive from the following Middle Chinese sylla- bles, have in many dialect localities [c] as the nucleus: Classification according to The Language Atlas 84 – Second grade ¸ èrdéng· of the , yùn f (yú) of the | shè ¿ (yù), – First grade ¸ yidéng· of the | shè ¡ (liú), – First grade ¸ yidéng· of the ;¹| kãikóuhù of the | shè ) (zhëng) – Second grade ¸ èrdéng· of the ;¹| kãikóuhù of the | shè | (gèng) (in the colloquial pronunciation). C. Syllables belonging to the | shè | (gèng) have [ap uap iap] finals in the colloquial pronunciation. D. Most initials of the syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ;, hóngyin ¸) zìmù ¡ (ní) and ¬ (lái) are not distinguishable. E. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ;¹| kãikóuhù of the ¸) zìmù ¸ (yìng) have the initial [p-]. F. The character | (gèng)` (‘stalk or stem of some plants’) is pronounced with medial [u] in most dialect localities. G. Most of the dialect localities have preserved the ·) rùsheng. 5.6. Xiang dialect group ±)l Xiãngyù qù (cf. Atlas: B11, B14; You Rujie 2004: 10–12) 64 Present day plosive and affricate initials which have developed from Mid- dle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials, no matter if they are voiced ¡, zhuóyin· or voiceless ¡, qingyin·, if the tones are level ¬ píng· or oblique ) zè·, are all unaspirated. 5.7. Min dialect supergroup |),l Mínyù dàqù (cf. Atlas: B8, B12, B13, B14; You Rujie 2004: 12–13) 65 The Min dialects are quite diversified. Among the specified groups, the homogeneity between the Southern Min group, the Puxian group and the Eastern Min group is very high. The three can be combined as the three eastern Min groups |)¸l Mínyù dõng sãn qù·. The Northern Min group and the Central Min group are together called the two western Min groups |)¯l Mínyù xi èr qù·. The Qiongwen group is rather close to the three eastern Min groups. The strip of land near the coast in Fujian province is considered to be the centre of the Min dialect. The further to the west, the more the influence of the Hakka dialect can be Characteristics of dialect groups 85 found, and the western part of Fujian province is occupied by the Hakka dialect only. The common features of the Min dialects are: A. Middle Chinese syllables with ´¡ quánzhuó initials no matter if the tones were level ¬ píng· or oblique ) zè·, are today usually pronounced as unaspirated voiceless affricates or plosives. Few are pronounced as aspirated affricates or plosives. B. The literary pronunciation of initials which derive from Middle Chinese {¹| hékóuhù of the ¸) zìmù ( (fëi), ¸ (fú), ¯ (fèng) and | (xiào), [ (xiá) is [h-] or [x-]. C. The colloquial pronunciation of initials which derive from the Mid- dle Chinese ¸) zìmù ) (zhï), | (chè), ¡ (chéng) is [t-, t‘-], the same as of ¸) zìmù ¸ (duän), ¸ (tòu), ¸ (dìng). D. A small part of the syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ¸) zìmù [ (xiá), have the initial [k-] at present in the colloquial pronunciation. The rest have the zero initial. E. In many dialect localities, the equivalents of the Beijing dialect’s words ¸¸ (érzi)` (‘son’), | (gäo)` (‘tall; high’), ) (guö)` (‘pot; wok’) are ¦ (jiàn)`, ¡ (xuán)`, , (dìng)` respectively. 5.7.1. Southern Min group |¡l Mínnán qù 66 There are no ]¹| cuõkóuhù syllables. 5.7.2. Puxian group ;¦l Púxiãn qù There are no voiceless fricative initials [s-] and [j-]. In their place, usually the voiceless apical lateral fricative [I-] is used. 5.7.3. Eastern Min group |¸l Míndõng qù 67 The word for ) (gòu)` (‘dog’) is ¸ (quàn)`. Classification according to The Language Atlas 86 5.7.4. Northern Min group |¸l Mínbéi qù The character ¡ (hù)` (‘tiger’) is pronounced with a [k‘-] initial in colloquial speech. 5.7.5. Central Min group |¹l Mínzhõng qù The word for ¸¸ (qïzi)` (‘wife’) is ¦( (äniáng)`. 5.7.6. Qiongwen group )¸l Qióngwén qù A. There are two implosive initials: [1b-] and [1d-]. 68 B. Most places do not have the affricate and plosive aspirated initials [p‘, t‘, ts‘, k‘]. 5.7.7. Leizhou group ,|l Léizhõu qù (cf. Atlas: B13) A. The codas include [-m / -p, -p / -k]. B. There are no nasalized finals. C. The glottal stop coda [-1] does not exist. D. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ¸) zìmù ( (fëi), ¸ (fú) and ¯ (fèng), in the literary pronunciation have the initials [b-] or [h-], in the colloquial pronunciation – [p-] or [p‘-]. 5.7.8. Shaojiang group (¦l Shàojiãng qù A. The Shaojiang group has some of the characteristics of the Gan and Hakka dialect groups, for example that the plosive and affricate ini- tials which have developed from Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials are pronounced as voiceless aspirated. B. This group also has many features characteristic of the Min dialects, which is why it is regarded as a transitional dialect between the Gan/Hakka and Min dialects. Characteristics of dialect groups 87 5.8. Yue dialect group º)l Yuèyù qù (cf. Atlas: B13, B14; You Rujie 2004: 13–15) 69 A. There are usually nine to ten tones. The ¬) píngsheng, ¸) shàngsheng, ,) qùsheng and ·) rùsheng are all divided into | yin and [ yáng categories. The |· yinrù tone is further di- vided into high and low categories. The [· yángrù tone is also divided into high and low in some places. B. Middle Chinese syllables in the ¬) píngsheng with ´¡ quánzhuó initials have developed into syllables with aspirated voiceless initials. Syllables in the oblique tones )) zèsheng· are at present pronounced with unaspirated voiceless initials. C. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese first grade ¸ yidéng· and second grade ¸ èrdéng· of the {¹| hé- kóuhù of the ¸) zìmù | (xiào) today have the initial [f-]. D. Most of the syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ¸) zìmù ¸(jiàn) group are today pronounced with the velar [k-, k‘-] or the guttural [h-] initials, no matter whether they belong to the ;¹ |kãikóuhù, ,j|qíchihù, {¹|hékóuhù or ]¹|cuõkóuhù. E. In most places, the nucleus [a] in syllables with compound finals, as well as finals with a nasal or a plosive coda, is differentiated into long [a] and short [n]. These two vowels are phonologically relevant F. In many places there is a set of finals with [o] as the nucleus. G. Most of the dialect localities have the plosive [-p, -t, -k] codas and nasal [-m, -n, -p] codas. H. There are many words specific for this dialect group, e.g. | [wan 35 ] (‘to search’), | [lck 6 ] (‘gifted; talented’), etc. I. The aspectual system is comparatively rich. Special particles are used to express the various aspects, e.g.: ¿¦ (qìlí)` – ingres- sive aspect; ¦ (jìn)`, ; (käi)` – progressive aspect; ¦ (lí)` – continuous aspect; | (zhù)` – perfective aspect; ¸ (guò)` – experiential aspect; ¡ (fän)` – iterative aspect. 5.9. Pinghua dialect group ¬¦l Pínghuà qù (cf. Atlas: B14; You Rujie 2004: 19–20) 70 Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials, pronounced today as plosives or affricates, are usually unaspirated. Classification according to The Language Atlas 88 5.10. Hakka dialect group |¸¦l Kèjiãhuà qù (cf. Atlas: B8, B11, B13, B14, B15; You Rujie 2004: 17–18) 71 A. The ·) rùsheng has been preserved. In places where the distinc- tion between | yin and [ yáng is present, the |· yinrù tone is usually low, the [· yángrù is usually high. B. Some of the Middle Chinese syllables in the ¸) shàngsheng with ¡ zhuó initials have developed into syllables in the |¬ yinpíng tone. C. Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials, today plosive or affricate, are mostly voiceless aspirated. However, there are cases when they are unaspirated as well. D. The Middle Chinese ¡) shùsheng syllables can have the nasal codas [-m, -n, -p]. E. The Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng can today have the plosive codas [-p, -t, -k]. F. Syllables belonging to the | shè | (gèng) have [ap uap iap] finals in the colloquial pronunciation. G. The character | (gèng)` (‘stalk or stem of some plants’) is pronounced with medial [u]. H. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ;¹| kãikóuhù of the ¸) zìmù ¸ (yìng) have the zero initial, not [p-] as in the Gan dialect. I. The character j (kù)` is pronounced with initial [f-]. J. The character | (fú)` is pronounced with initial [p‘-]. K. Lexical characteristics include: – For the Beijing pronoun ] (wò)` (‘I’), the word 1; (ái)` is used – For Beijing ][ (wòde)` (‘my’) – 1; ´ (áige)` – For Beijing [, (chïfàn)` (‘to eat’), ¶¸ (hëchá)` (‘to drink tea’) – |, (shífàn)`, |¸ (shíchá)` – For Beijing ¸ (shì)` (‘to be’) – | (xì)` – For Beijing ´ (bù)` (the negative particle) – ¦ (m)` – For Beijing ,J (huó jï)` (‘live chicken’), ,f (huó yú)` (‘live fish’) – ¸J (shëng jï)`, ¸f (shëng yú)` – For Beijing j (cáng)` (‘to hide’) – | (bìng)` Characteristics of dialect groups 89 5.11. Conclusions As was mentioned earlier (6.4.), the two main parameters taken into consideration for the grouping of Chinese dialects in the Atlas are the evolution of the Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng (for the Mandarin dialects, as well as for the separation of the Jin dialect) and the development of Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials (for the remaining eight dialect groups). These characteristics are presented in Table 8. and Table 9.: Table 8. Development of Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng into mod- ern Mandarin dialects (after Li Rong 1985a: 3). MC sylla- ble in ·) rù- sheng SW Central Plains Jilu Lanyin Beijing Jiao- liao Jiang- huai ¡, qingyin initials |¬ yinpíng ,) qù- sheng |[ ¸, yin, yáng, shàng, qù ¸) shàng- sheng ]¡ cìzhuó initials |¬ yinpíng ,) qùsheng ´¡ quán- zhuó initials [¬ yáng- píng [¬ yángpíng ·) rù sheng The Northeastern Mandarin group is not to be found in the table presented by Li Rong in his article concerning the classification of Mandarin dialects (1985a: 3). In the description accompanying map A2 in the Atlas, this question is looked upon anew. In the dialects of Northeastern China, Middle Chinese syllables in the ·) rùsheng with ¡, qingyin initials Classification according to The Language Atlas 90 have, similarly to the Beijing Mandarin group, developed into syllables in all the four tones, which is a reason for classifying these two groups to- gether. Yet, due to the fact that these syllables are at present much more often pronounced in the ¸) shàngsheng, and that the tone values of the |¬ yinpíng tone are lower than those in the Beijing dialect, as well as the lack of the [,] initial (syllables, which have the [,] initial in Beijing dialect, are generally pronounced with a zero initial), Li Rong decides to classify the Northeastern Mandarin as an individual group (Li Rong 1989a: 247). Table 9. Development of Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials into modern dia- lects (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 244-245). Dialect group/supergroup Continuants of Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó initials Wu usually still voiced Hui all voiceless, in many dialect localities also aspirated Gan plosive and affricate initials voiceless aspi- rated Xiang plosive and affricate initials in some places voiced, in other voiceless, all unaspirated Min unaspirated voiceless affricates or plosives, in some places also aspirated Yue Middle Chinese ´¡ quánzhuó syllables in the ¬) píngsheng – aspirated voiceless initials; in the oblique tones )) zèsheng· – unaspirated voiceless ini- tials Pinghua plosive and affricate initials usually voiceless unaspirated Hakka plosive or affricate, mostly voiceless aspirated The Jin dialect is not included in the tables, as its distinctive feature – the preservation of the Middle Chinese ·) rùsheng does not agree with the criterion for classifying the remaining dialects. Chapter 7 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 1. Phonetics Differences between Chinese dialects are most evident in pronunciation. That is why most dialectal research begins with the survey of the phonetic system. 72 1.1. ¸ , j [ ¸ ( (Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao) [Questionnaire of characters for dialect survey] (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002) The most widely used manual for speech sound investigation is also based upon the achievements of traditional Chinese phonology. The questionnaire was written by the scholars of the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo) in order to help dialectologists with the re- search of Chinese dialects. Written on the base of ¸,j[(| (Fangyan Diaocha Biaoge) [the table for dialect research], published in 1930 by the Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica (Zhongyang Yanjiu- yuan Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo ¹,{¸|j¸),{¸]·, it was issued for the first time in 1955, and its revised edition was printed in 1981. Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao includes over 3700 characters. The order of characters is based on the sequence in Qieyun |,· (see Chapter 4.6.1.), Guangyun ¹,· (see Chapter 4.6.2.) and other similar rhyme books (see Chapter 4.6.). 1.1.1. The use of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao At the beginning of the book, there is a sheet where one can write down the information about the interviewed informant or informants (Zhongguo She- hui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: ix). The data includes his/her name, age, ancestral home (place of descent), occupation, level of education, Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 92 linguistic environment during childhood, places where he/she has lived afterwards, if he/she knows the speech of other places. On the sheet there is also space to write down the number of accents of the given place and which accents the informant speaks, as well as the time of writing down the results. All this information is necessary for estimating the linguistic situa- tion of the informant, all the possible influences on his/her speech. The next part of the book includes a list of characters helpful in describ- ing the rough draft of the phonetic system of the dialect in question. The list consists of three parts: for describing the tones, initials and finals respec- tively (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: x–xii). 73 Differentiating the tones 74 In the first list of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao, i.e. the list for describing the tonal system (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: x), the characters are listed according to their classical pronunciation, i.e. yinpíng |¬·, yángpíng [¬·, yinshàng |¸·, yángshàng [¸·, yinqù |,·, yángqù [,·, yinrù |··, yángrù [·· (see Chapter 4.2.). The list for investigating the tones is divided into three parts. In the first part there are four groups, and in each of them the characters differ only in tone, the initials and finals being the same. This part allows to roughly indi- cate if the tones are even, rising, falling, rising and falling or falling and rising, whether or not they differ in length, and then to decide on the values of the tones (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 120–121). The second part of the list focuses on the contrast between the voiceless and voiced ¡¡ qingzhuó· initials of Middle Chinese (see Chapter 4.3.). The last part gives 150 more examples of characters arranged accord- ing to their origin in order to make a final analysis. The next step in describing the tones of a given dialect is to name them. The names show the roots of the tones in Middle Chinese pronunciation, i.e. yinpíng |¬·, yángpíng [¬·, yinshàng |¸·, yángshàng [¸·, etc. If in a dialect the tones did not evolve into separate subcategories, the names are simply the same as the Middle Chinese ones, i.e. without the yin |· and yáng [· prefixes. For example, the tones in the modern Beijing dialect are known as yinpíng |¬· (55); yángpíng [¬· (35); shàngsheng ¸)· (214) and qùsheng , )· (51) (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 122–123). Phonetics 93 Differentiating the initials 75 The characters in the list for investigating the initials (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: xi), are arranged according to the Bei- jing pronunciation, but at the same time they concentrate on the origin of the words. There are ten lines, each of them focusing on different characteristics of the initials. The first line examines labial sounds, its aim being to verify whether the initials are voiced or unvoiced, aspirated or not. The second line looks for apical sounds; the third line – velar sounds and zero-initials; the fourth and fifth lines – sharp and rounded initials; sixth, seventh and eighth – affricates; the last two lines look for zero initials and initials like [n; p; ,]. Differentiating the finals 76 The list for investigating the initials (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: xii) consists of fourteen lines. The characters are arranged according to their pronunciation in the Beijing dialect. The first four lines represent open finals in the Beijing dialect, while investigating them one should pay special attention to the medial and nu- clear vowel (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 126). The four following lines all represent characters which were pronounced as syllables in the entering tone ·) rùsheng· in Middle Chinese. Not- ing down these syllables, one should make sure whether or not the finals end with a plosive and at the same time check if the syllable is pronounced in the entering tone (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 126–127). In the next two lines there are syllables which have a vowel (either [i] or [u]) as the end of the finals in the Beijing dialect; the aim is to find out if these syllables also end with a vowel in the given dialect or if they end with other vowels than [i] or [u] (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 127). The last four lines all belong to the group of syllables whose finals ended with nasal sounds in Middle Chinese (and still end with nasals in the Beijing dialect). The purpose of researching these syllables is to find out if the given dialect has preserved the nasal endings. If so, which nasals can be found? Some dialects have nasalized endings or vowel endings, others have compound endings consisting of a vowel and a nasal sound. In some dia- lects, syllables from this group have finals made up of single nasal conso- nants (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 127). Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 94 Having noted down the tones, initials and finals, one should prepare rough tables of the phonetic system of the given dialect, in order to use it as a reference and to correct it during further investigations by means of the table proper (see Chapter 7.1.2.). The structure of the table proper The characters in the table are arranged according to sixteen | shè (see Chapter 4.4.) in the following order: 1. ¦ guò 9. , shën 2. j jià 10. ¡ shän 3. ¿ yù 11. ) zhëng 4. ¸ xiè 12. { dàng 5. ) zhì 13. · jiäng 6. ; xiào 14. ¸ zëng 7. ¡ liú 15. | gèng 8. j xián 16. j töng Figure 2. Order of the sixteen | shè in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao. Each | shè is then divided into ;¹| kãikóuhù and {¹| hékóuhù (see Chapter 4.4.), and these are further divided into the four grades |¸ sìdéng·. Each unit (e.g. ¦|;¹¸ guóshè kãikóu yidéng) is divided into the four tones ¬¸,· píng shàng qù rù·. Vertically, in the first row on each page one finds thirty six initials, based on the thirty six ¸) zìmù (see Chapter 4.3.). These come in the following order: 77 1. ¸ bäng(·(fëi) 12. ) cóng 2. ¡ päng¸·(fú) 13. ( xïn 3. } bìng¯·(fèng) 14. ( xié 4. | míng]·(wëi) 15. ) zhï 5. ¸ duän 16. | chè 6. ¸ tòu 17. ¡ chéng 7. ¸ ding 18. ¸ zhuäng 8. ¡ ní(·(niáng) 19. | chü 9. ¬ lái 20. ¸ chóng 10. | jïng 21. ¸ shëng 11. ¡ qïng 22. ¯ zhäng Phonetics 95 23. ;chäng 30. ¦ qún 24. ¦chuan 31. ) yí 25. ·shü 32. | xiào 26. ¦chán 33. [ xiá 27. ¦rì 34. ¸ yìng 28. ¸jiàn 35. . yún 29. ¡ xï 36. ) yì Figure 3. Order of the thirty six ¸) zìmù in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao. Example characters have been placed in the table according to their phono- logical features. The informant should read the separate characters. While questioning the informant, one should note down (using the International Phonetic Alphabet (see Chapter 7.1.5.) all the phonetic features of the given character, i.e. the tone, the initial and the final. The informant should only pronounce the characters in his/her vernacular. (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: vi). 1.1.2. Shortcomings of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao contains many characters which are rarely used. Researching particular dialects, the informants may not be able to give the pronunciation. For some dialects, the table is insufficient, there might be syllables in the dialects which are impossible to find through Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao. Thus, the table of single characters (see Chapter 7.1.2.3.) may not include all the existing syllables. Therefore, a table consisting of monosyllabic words which are in everyday use should be prepared with the purpose of completing the deficiencies of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 10). The results can also be completed during further research of vocabulary and grammar. One should continuously check and compare the outcome and note down every new discovery. 1.2. Arrangement of the results of research While writing down the results of one’s investigation, one should continu- ously verify and correct the rough table of the phonetic system, made beforehand. Having noted down the pronunciation of the individual charac- Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 96 ters in the table, one should organize the results into specific tables. In this section the most important kinds of tables will be presented. 1.2.1. Tables of the phonetic system Table of tones The table of tones should be divided into as many of the traditional eight tone categories i.e. yinpíng |¬·, yángpíng [¬·, yinshàng | ¸·, yángshàng [¸·, yinqù |,·, yángqù [,·, yinrù |··, yángrù [·· (see Chapter 4.2.), as there are in the given dialect. The adequate tone values should be placed in the blanks, examples should follow (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 220–221; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 135–137). For example, the table of tones of the Beijing dialect should look like this: Table 10. Tones of the Beijing dialect. Tone category j¸ diàolèi |¬ yinpíng [¬ yángpíng ¸) shàng-sheng ,) qùsheng Tone value jj diàozhí 55 35 214 51 Example , shi | ti } shí ¸ tí | shí ¦ tí ± shì ¡ tì Table of initials The table of initials of a given dialect should be arranged according to the features of the consonants, i.e. the place and the manner of articulation. Horizontally, one should have the sounds with the same place of articula- tion, vertically – the same manner of articulation (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 220–221; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 135–137; You Rujie 2004: 62–63). The IPA should be used. Phonetics 97 Table 11. Initials of the Beijing dialect (after You Rujie 2004: 63). p p‘ m f t t‘ n l ts ts‘ s t¸ t¸‘ ¸ , tc tc‘ c k k‘ x c Table of finals The table of finals should take the various features of the medial, nucleus and coda into consideration (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 220–223; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 135–137; You Rujie 2004: 63–64). Also here, the IPA should be used. Table 12. Finals of the Beijing dialect (after You Rujie 2004: 64). Î Ï cr a o y e ai ei au ou i ia ie iau iou u ua uo ue uai uei y ye an cn ap cp ian in iap ip uan ucn uap ucp up yan yn yp 1.2.2. Table of homophonic characters ],¸( tóngyinzìbiào Having written down the pronunciation of individual characters on the ba- sis of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao, one can organize the characters into a table of homophonic characters. This kind of table arranges the characters according to their pronunciation. Usually each final has its own table, horizontally the table is divided into tones, vertically into initials. Charac- ters are placed in their appropriate position, with all the ones pronounced in exactly the same way being in one blank. It is not necessary to write all the initials existing in a given dialect for each final, one can write only those, Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 98 which form syllables with the specified final (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 225– 226; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 138–140; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 33). For example, we can choose the [in] final in the Beijing dialect: Table 13. Table of homophonic characters for the [in] final in the Beijing dialect (after Huang Jinghu 1987: 226). in |¬ yinpíng 55 [¬ yángpíng 35 ¸) shàngsheng 214 ,) qùsheng 51 p |]])|( ¸; p‘ ;| ¸]¯ , ]] m [¦] ||¸¡! n ¸ l [[;|÷¦ ],[ |\¦ tc ´)¸¹¸, ¦{ ¦|)' ~¸· ¸¦j, |~· ¦~)·¡ '~¸· tc‘ _j|, ,{`}j) ¸ ¡j ¡j] c (¬]¸)] ]¤{ c ,|¦||/ |;,| ,~;·¯ ¸[¡ ¹|~_· |¸ 1.2.3. Table of single characters ÷¸,( dãnzì yinbiào The table of single characters is also called the table of syllables ,¯( yinjiébiào·, or coordinative table of initials, finals and tones ),jµ {( shengyùndiào pèihébiào·. The table assembles the initials, finals and Phonetics 99 tones with one single character as representative for each syllable. The representative character can be chosen from the table of homophonic characters (see Chapter 7.1.2.2.). The table is arranged similarly to the table of homophonic characters (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 224–225; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 140–142; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 33). Table 14. Table of single characters for the [an, ian, uan, yan] finals of the Beijing dialect (after Zhan Bohui ed. 2004: 141–142). an ian uan yan | [ ¸ , | [ ¸ , | [ ¸ , | [ ¸ , p ¹ | | ¸ ) ¸ p‘ ( ¸ ) ¡ , ) m ] ¸ ¡ j , ¸ ¦ f ¡ ) ¡ , t ÷ | , { ) j ¸ ) | t‘ ¸ , ¸ ¸ ¸ ! ( | [ n ¡ ¸ ¹ ) + ] ¸ | l , | ) ¡ ] , [ ] ¡ ts ) ) j ¸ j \ ¿ ts’ ¡ _ ] ) ¸ ´ s ´ ¸ ¶ , t¸ , | , ' ¡ j t¸‘ | ) \ ¦ ¸ ¦ ¦ ` ¸ ¡ [ j [ , , ¸ ¸ ] tc , ) ¸ | j ; tc‘ ¯ j , ¸ [ ´ ¸ ¸ c ¸ ] } _ ¡ ¸ ¸ ¦ k | ¸ ¯ ¡ ¸ ] k‘ | ] ( ¸ ¸ x ¦ ¬ ´ ¡ ¸ ' ¸ | c ¸ ] ¦ ) ¸ ¡ @ _ ¸ ] ] ¸ ¸ j | 1.3. ¡)¸,j[]( (Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao) [Concise table for the research of Chinese dialects] (Ding and Li ed. 1956a) This table was edited in 1956 by Ding Shengshu and Li Rong, and pub- lished by the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 100 Sciences (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo), with the inten- tion of being used during the general dialectal surveys carried out through- out China at that time. The primary aim of the surveys was to promote Putonghua, therefore the book focuses chiefly on phonetics, but it also contains some material for the research of vocabulary and grammar. The part for the research of phonetics includes five components: tones, initials, finals, basic characters for the phonetic system, and table of single characters. Altogether there are over 2500 characters. The order of characters both in the basic characters for the phonetic system and the table of single characters is based on the phonetics of the Beijing dialect. The part for the research of vocabulary and grammar consists of 172 words or phrases and 37 example sentences. To facilitate the use of the table, simultaneously ¡)¸,j[¸,j |) (Hanyu fangyan diaocha ziyin zhengli kapian) (Ding and Li ed. 1956b) was issued, holding 2136 cards. The characters in this work and in Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao are numbered in corresponding order. While researching dialects of Chinese, either Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao or the Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao can be used. However, since Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao is arranged according to the pronuncia- tion of the Beijing dialect, it is more convenient while investigating dialects of the Mandarin group. Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao is more useful for the research of dialects from other groups (cf. Zhan Bohui ed. 2004: 171; Huang Jinghu 1987: 208; You Rujie 2004: 59). 1.4. Variant pronunciations of one character [, yìdú· As a rule, one Chinese character is read in one way. Nevertheless, some characters have more than one reading. There are two main types of variant readings: one is when the variant readings carry different meanings (e.g. in Putonghua the character | can be read as cháng, meaning ‘long’ or as zhàng – ‘older; senior’); the second type is the opposite – the meaning re- mains the same despite different pronunciations. This latter type is called [, yìdú and is the one which is especially important in the investigation of dialects. There are several kinds of [, yìdú. While researching dialects, one should be careful to take notice and distinguish between them. Phonetics 101 1.4.1. Research of sandhi While researching the phonetic system, one has to bear in mind that it is not sufficient to study separate syllables, but also to survey the changes which appear in the course of speaking, the so-called sandhi. In some dialects (especially Min), changes caused by sandhi are more common, in others (like Hakka, Gan, Xiang ), they are quite rare (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 168). The most frequent kind of sandhi is tone sandhi. To study the tone san- dhi of a given dialect, a special list of characters needs to be prepared. The list should include all possible tonal combinations, either only disyllabic words and expressions, or both disyllabic and tri-syllabic ones. A universal list can be made for the research of any dialect, or one can prepare a list for each individual dialect. The universal list should consist of all hypothetical tonal combinations, i.e. of the eight Middle Chinese tones |¬ yinpíng, |¸ yinshàng, |, yinqù, |· yinrù, [¬ yángpíng, [¸ yángshàng, [, yángqù, [· yángrù·. Thus, there should be 64 sets of disyllabic examples and 512 sets of tri-syllabic ones (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 172; You Rujie 2004: 76–77, 2000: 32–34). Examples of such lists can be found in Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 386–393; You Rujie 2004: 247–252; Huang Jinghu 1987: 241 (disyllabic); Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 394–412 (trisyllabic). The list for an individual dialect should include all possible tonal combinations of the given dialect, i.e. if a dialect has 4 tones, there should be 16 disyllabic combinations, if it has 5 tones – 25, and so on. In such a list, specific local words and expressions can be taken into account (cf. You Rujie 2004: 76; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 172). These lists can be helpful in researching both tone sandhi and sandhi of other kinds, checking for changes which may occur in the initials and finals during the process of speaking (cf. You Rujie 2004: 78–79; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 172). 78 1.4.2. Phonetic changes of diminutives ¸|¸, xiàochéng biànyin (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 236–237) In some dialects there are occasional specific sound changes as a means of indicating diminutives. This kind of phonetic change usually concerns the tones. E.g. in the dialect of Wenzhou ¸|·, besides the basic eight tones, there are two tones which indicate the diminutives: 15 and 51. Thus, Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 102 the basic pronunciation of the character J` (‘chicken’) is [tsÎ 33 ], the changed form is [tsÎ 15 ], meaning ‘small chicken’. 79 ¸¡ Érhuà One of the specific kinds of phonetic changes of diminutives is the phenomenon of ¸¡ érhuà, which is quite common in the dialects of Chi- nese. In general, it consists of adding the ¸ (ér) suffix which “merges with the syllable it attaches to” (Duanmu, San 2002: 195), forming a retroflexed final. For example in the Beijing dialect: @ [ky] + ¸ [e] @¸ [gyr] (‘a song’) In most cases, adding the ¸ (ér) suffix forms a diminutive, as the word ¸ ér means ‘child; son’, and thus denotes something small. It also indi- cates endearment. However, the ¸ (ér) suffix can also be added to adjec- tives and some verbs (cf. Duanmu, San 2002: 195). 80 1.4.3. Alternative pronunciations ,, yòudú There are cases when a character is pronounced in different ways with no clear explanation (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyan- shi 2004: 32). For example, the character ¡ in the Beijing dialect, besides the regular pronunciation in the falling-rising tone (214) (fà), is also pro- nounced in the level (55) (fã), as well as the rising tone (35) (fá). E.g.: (1) a. ¡¸ fãr (method; way): ¸¯¡~¸ Zhè ké méi fãr le. ‘There is no way of doing it.’ b. ¡¸ fázi (method; way): |¦´~¨ Yóu shénme fázi? ‘How to do it?’ (Examples taken from Xu Shirong ed. 1996: 127) 1.4.4. The literary and colloquial variant pronunciations ¸)[,  wénbái yìdú The distinction between the pronunciation of the literary and of the collo- quial language becomes visible depending on the circumstances in which Phonetics 103 the specified character is being pronounced. The general rule is that the literary pronunciation occurs when a book is read, and the vernacular one while having a colloquial conversation. Yet, the situation is not at all as straightforward as it may seem. In some cases the two readings can be used alternatively. Usually, the literary reading is then perceived as being “more refined”. In other in- stances, the literary pronunciation is reserved for the official language, while the vernacular one is used in colloquial speech only and both cannot be freely interchanged (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 130; You Rujie 2000: 27–28). Most commonly, the dissimilarity between the two variant pronuncia- tions lies in finals, but it can just as well happen between initials, tones or all kinds of combinations of the three components of the syllable (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 233–234). During the study of a dialect, one should take note of this occurrence and describe it carefully. In order to explore the matter thoroughly, while noting down the pronunciation of the individual characters, it is helpful to put the characters into various words and phrases. At the end of the studies, the diverse forms should be compiled so as to find existing rules of differentiation (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 131–132; 144–145; Huang Jinghu 1987: 234–235). Special care should be taken while interviewing the informant and showing him/her characters in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao. Seeing the written form, the informant might give the literary pronunciation in a natural way. That is why it is necessary to be very persistent while investigating the subject, at times enquiring again and again (cf. You Rujie 2000: 27; Zhong- guo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: vi). 1.4.5. Borrowing the pronunciation of a synonym ¦, xùndú ¦, xùndú is a specific phenomenon which can be quite confusing while researching the phonetics of a dialect, especially for those who study the historical sound changes. When a certain character is not used in colloquial speech, its reading may be substituted by the reading of a synonym which is in common use (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 132–133; Huang Jinghu 1987: 235). Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 104 The Min dialect of Hainan is very rich in cases of ¦, xùndú. An example of the phenomenon follows (taken from Chen Hongmai 1993: 45): 81 ¸ is read as ( ¸ and ( are synonyms. In the dialect of Qiongzhou )|·, ¸ is seldom read in its original reading [zi 33 ] or [zui 33 ], e.g.: (2) ¸]¸ [1dau 23 hu 23 zi 33 ] or [1dau 23 hu 23 zui 33 ] ‘fermented bean curd’ More often ¸ is read as (, i.e. [ne 23 ], especially in the colloquial lan- guage, e.g.: (3) a. ¸¬ [ne 23 ku 21 ] ‘milch cow’ b. ¸[ [ne 23 1bap 21 ] ‘breast; udder’ 1.4.6. Differences between the new and old varieties ];.¸;[, xinpài, làopài yìdú In the dialects of Chinese, some characters are read in a different way by young and old speakers. This phenomenon is tending to become stronger nowadays, since the beginning of the promotion of Putonghua in the 1950- ies. Yet, some dialects, except for the influence of Putonghua, are also un- der the pressure of neighbouring dialects (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 133– 134; Huang Jinghu 1987: 235–236). 1.4.7. Popular reading ], súdú and misreading ,, wùdú Some characters are often mispronounced ,, wùdú·; for instance, in the Beijing dialect, the word ¸¸ should be read [kan 55 ka 51 ], but due to the elements of the characters which suggest a different reading, it is often mispronounced as [tcian 55 tcic 51 ] (see Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 32). If the mispronunciation is widespread and has become common practice, the reading is treated as a popular reading ] , súdú·, not a mistake (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 134–135). Phonetics 105 1.4.8. Geographical differences Evident differences between the pronunciation of some characters in the city and in the suburbs or countryside ,¸[, chéngxiãng yìdú· are also common. These variations are caused by sociological factors. For example, in the Fuzhou dialect, the character = is pronounced [tsa] in the city and [tsia] in the suburbs (see Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 33). 1.5. The usage of IPA in the research of Chinese dialects The International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) is currently generally applied for recording the phonetics of Chinese dialects. However, Chinese dialectology has also developed some specific symbols which are commonly used, as well as adjusted some of the IPA symbols to its own needs (cf. You Rujie 2000: 22–26): The implosives are written down as [b, o, g] in the IPA, but in the field of Chinese dialectology, they are usually written as [1b, 1d, 1g]. Yet, where the injection is light, consonants are noted down as [’b, ’d], etc. The retroflex vowels [Ï Î Ý ¶], frequent in Chinese dialects, are not listed in the basic IPA, but can be found in the IPA extensions. The IPA uses the symbol [h] to indicate aspiration. Chinese dialectology generally notes down the aspiration with [‘], for instance [p‘, t‘, ts‘]. The tone values are described according to the five point scale, with 1 as the lowest and 5 as the highest point. The tones can be represented by num- bers and also by fixed symbols of IPA, e.g. the tones of the modern Beijing dialect are shown as 55 , 35 , 214 , 51 1 (cf. You Rujie 2000: 23; Bei- jing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 28). 82 To represent the tones, there is also a set of special symbols applied to denote the traditional Middle Chinese names of tones. This method is called ¿[¡ fãquãnfà. Semicircles are placed in respective corners of the character to indicate the ¬ píng, ¸ shàng, , qù, · rù tones. If the tones are divided into | yin and [ yáng categories, the symbols for the [ yáng-tones are underlined semicircles. The set of symbols is (the square representing a character): Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 106 ¯ |¬ yinpíng ¯ [¬ yángpíng ¯ |¸ yinshàng ¯ [¸ yángshàng ¯ |, yinqù ¯ [, yángqù ¯ |· yinrù ¯ [· yángrù Figure 4. Symbols of ¿[¡fãquãnfà. For example, the tones of the Beijing dialect are: ¯ |¬ yinpíng (e.g.¸ [tèiau 55 ]) ¯ [¬ yángpíng (e.g. j [tèiau 35 ]) ¯ ¸ shàng (e.g. ] [tèiau 214 ]) ¯ , qù (e.g. l [tèiau 51 ]) (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: v; Lin and Geng 2004: 59–60; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 28–29; You Rujie 2000: 25). The IPA does not provide any symbols to represent the light tone j j qingdiào·. Customarily, syllables in the light tone are not labelled with any numbers or symbols. One other solution is to mark them with a dot on their left-hand-side. E.g., the Beijing syllables ]| [ti 55 ·ta]. To record the pronunciation, the narrow transcription ¨]|, yán- shì biãoyin· or the broad transcription ¸]|,kuãnshì biãoyin· are to be used. While recording the speech sounds on the spot, the narrow transcription should be applied. Later, when describing the phonetic system and the phonemes, the broad transcription is to be employed. The narrow transcription shows the minute differences between the speech sounds, while the broad transcription is sufficient to indicate the distinctive features (cf. You Rujie 2000: 25–26; Zhou Dianfu 2001: 11–15). 2. Vocabulary The research of Chinese dialectal vocabulary, has long been neglected, as is the case with grammar, since linguists concentrated on the phonetic differences rather than on the lexicological or grammatical diversity. This probably happened because of the mistaken idea that surveying dialects was equal to surveying the dialectal phonetics. Also, the promotion of Putonghua in the beginning focused mainly on the teaching of Beijing phonetics. Since the 1980s the interest in dialect vocabulary and grammar has increased (cf. Zhai Shiyu 2003: 271–273). Vocabulary 107 In the foreword to ¸,j[,,( Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981) (see Chapter 7.2.1.2.), the scholars state that the research of dialects should include all three aspects, i.e. phonetics as well as vocabulary and grammar or even concentrate on the survey of vocabulary and grammar, naturally without neglecting phonetics. This is primarily justified by the duty of improving the promotion of Putonghua, but is also important for the sake of compiling dialect dictionaries (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981: 161–162). The influence of the national standard on dialectal vocabulary is im- mensely strong. The promotion of Putonghua and the standardization of the language are changing the local lexicons in a natural way. That is why the research of dialectal vocabulary seems to be even more significant (cf. Bei- jing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 39; Zhan Bohui et al.2004: 174, see also Chapter 3.3.). 2.1. Lists for the research of dialectal vocabulary Depending on the conditions and the purpose of research, various kinds of vocabulary lists can be used. There are two main kinds of such lists: sketchy, for a general survey (such as ¸,j[,,¸) (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Shouce) (Ding Shengshu 1989; see Chapter 7.2.1.1.); ¸, j[,,( (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao) (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981; see Chapter 7.2.1.2.) and detailed – for a thorough investigation (cf. You Rujie 2000: 35, 2004: 103; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 230–234; Huang Jinghu 1987: 246–248). For specific research of dialect vocabulary, individual lists can be pre- pared according to needs. One can, for example, investigate the speech of the suburbs of a certain city (see You Rujie 2004: 103–104). Or else, one can concentrate on some particular field of vocabulary, e.g. the names of plants in some region or the influence of neighbouring languages on a dia- lect, etc. (see Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 233). This chapter concentrates on some of the commonly used lists for gen- eral surveys of the vocabulary of dialects. Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 108 2.1.1. ¸,j[,,¸) (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Shouce) [A selected word list for Chinese dialectal survey] This list was published for the first time in 1955 by the Institute of Linguis- tics of the Chinese Academy of Sciences ¹]|¸|),{¸] Zhongguo Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo· and reprinted in 1989 in the periodical Fangyan, with a few entries added (Ding Shengshu 1989). The original included also a sheet to fill in the data about the informants, the same as in the Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: ix), which has been omitted in the version printed in Fangyan. This list was created with the purpose of preparing ground for making a language atlas of China. The list is short, containing just over 300 entries. The entries are arranged according to their meaning, divided into 18 categories, of which the last one is a set of grammatical example sentences. Next to each entry, examples of synonyms in various dialects are given for reference (e.g. ¸[ (tàiyáng) (‘sun’) —— ¦¸ (rìtou), }¸ (rètou), ¸´ ¸ (làoyér), Ding Shengshu 1989: 92, cf. Chapter 9.3.1.). The entries were chosen with the intention of making a general investigation, therefore there are only colloquial words and expressions. No specialized terms have been used. To show the close and distant relation- ships between dialects, words which are divergent in various dialects have been selected; those words which only differ from the national standard in pronunciation have been omitted. To make it easier to arrange the results and make comparisons, only words with clear meaning and definite scope of meaning have been chosen; that is why there are mostly names of spe- cific objects and a lesser amount of abstract words, verbs, adjectives, etc. (cf. Ding Shengshu 1989: 91). This word list should be used together with the Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002). Having investigated the phonetics of a dialect, one should not have problems with writing down the words from the list (cf. Ding Shengshu 1989: 91). 2.1.2. ¸,j[,,( (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao) [A word list for the survey of Chinese dialects] (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981) This word list was compiled by the Dialect Section of the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences¹]1¸|¸| Vocabulary 109 ),{¸]¸,¸ Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fang- yanzu· in 1958 with the aim of investigating the dialects of Hebei prov- ince. It was printed in Fangyan in 1981. The list is rather detailed; it includes over 4000 entries, divided into 31 categories, of which the last one is again a set of sentences for grammatical research. The 30 lexical categories are: (1) astronomy; (2) geography; (3) season, time; (4) agriculture; (5) flora; (6) animals; (7) houses and utensils; (8) people; (9) kinship; (10) body; (11) diseases, medical treatment; (12) clothing; (13) food and drink; (14) weddings and funerals; (15) supersti- tions; (16) litigation; (17) daily life; (18) communication; (19) commerce; (20) culture and education; (21) recreation; (22) movement; action; (23) positions; (24) pronouns, etc.; (25) adjectives; (26) adverbs; (27) preposi- tions, etc.; (28) examples of ¸¡ érhuà (see Chapter 7.1.4.2.); (29) meas- ure words (classifiers); (30) numerals, etc. 2.1.3. Handbook of Chinese Dialect Vocabulary ¸,,,j[¸) Fangyan Cihui Diaocha Shouce· (Chinese Linguistics Project 1972) Published by the Chinese Linguistics Project at Princeton University, the handbook includes 4348 vocabulary entries and 132 example sentences for the research of grammar. It was based on the ¡)¸,,, (Hanyu Fang- yan Cihui) (Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yan- jiushi 2005). It has been used by many researchers outside of China in their fieldwork (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 232). 2.1.4. ¡)¸,,)j[¡¦( (Hanyu Fangyan Ciyu Diaocha Tiaomu Biao) [A list of items for the lexical investigation of Chinese dialects] The contents of the list (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyan Yanjiushi Ziliaoshi 2003) is primarily based upon ¸,j[,, ( (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao) (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981) (see Chapter 7.2.1.2.). It is also a revised edition of the list used for the specific purpose of compiling The Great Dictionary..., i.e. ¡)¸,,,j[( (Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaochabiao). The entries are divided into 29 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 110 categories, the same as those in the basic version of ¡)¸,,,j[( (Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaochabiao) (see Chapter 8.2.3.) (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyan Yanjiushi Ziliaoshi 2003: 6). 2.1.5. ¡)¸,,,j[¸) (Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaocha Shouce) (Handbook for Lexicon Based Dialect Fieldwork) The handbook (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006) is an outcome of the Ameri- can-Chinese cooperation during the “Project for the Investigation of the Boundary between Wu and Jiang-Hwai Dialects”. The project was funded by the Henry Luce Foundation U.S. China Cooperative Research Program and the Chinese Foundation for the Social Sciences (cf. Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: Frontispiece). This handbook does not concentrate solely on nouns, but it also pays attention to verbs and adjectives as well as function words. It also includes a list for the research of tone sandhi (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 179–183). The lists for the research of vocabulary are preceded by tables for the re- search of phonetics (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 4–14), as well as a sheet to be filled in with data about the time and place of the investigation and about the informant (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 3). This sheet is similar to the one found in the Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: ix, see also Chapter 7.1.1.1.). There are three lists for the research of isoglottic lines of dialects: a de- tailed list, a brief list and a short list, each of them can be used depending on the purpose of the investigation. The entries are arranged alphabetically according to the pinyin transcription of Putonghua pronunciation. The detailed list (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 15–140) includes 1900 entries and is sufficient for thorough investigation. The brief list (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 141–174) holds 450 entries which are more crucial and can be used for a general survey of a number of dialect localities, with the intention of comparing their vocabulary before a thorough investigation. The short list (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 175–178) is made up of 60 items, which are the most crucial, and it can be helpful while drawing maps of dialects and depicting isoglosses. Vocabulary 111 2.2. Definition of dialectal word and dialectal vocabulary The terms ‘dialectal word’ ¸,, fãngyáncí· and ‘dialectal vocabu- lary’ ¸,,, fãngyáncíhuì· are always used in comparison with Putonghua. A dialectal word is one which differs from the national standard language in the meaning and morphology. Dialectal vocabulary is a collec- tion of words which differ from Putonghua in these aspects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 39; Huang Jinghu 1987: 242–243). 2.3. Characteristics of Chinese dialectal vocabulary Chinese dialectal vocabulary is utterly diverse, though some common fea- tures can be found. Usually, the differences are listed in comparison with the national standard. Except for words which vary only in pronunciation, numerous kinds of disparities occur. 2.3.1. Different origins Archaisms Putonghua is based mainly on the northern, i.e. Mandarin dialects, which have evolved faster than the southern dialects. That is why many southern dialects have preserved ancient words, which nowadays exist only in the formal or literary language of Putonghua, or are known as ,|¡) Gùdài Hànyù – classical Chinese 83 (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 39; Huang Jinghu 1987: 245; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 199–201; Li Rulong 1997: 38–40). For example: Guangzhou ¹|· dialect: (1) a. | [hap 21 ] ‘to walk’ (Putonghua: _ zóu) b. _ [tsnu 35 ] ‘to run’ (Putonghua: | pào) Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 112 Xiamen ¸]· dialect: (2) ¦ [bak 5 ] ‘eye’ (Putonghua: ¦[ yànjing) (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 39) Loan words from other languages Many dialects have absorbed words from other languages; either from nationalities living in the same area, or from foreign languages (mostly English) (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 245–246; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 201; Zhan Bohui 1981: 54–55; Li Rulong 1997: 40). Here are a few examples: Northeastern Mandarin group borrowing from Manchurian (Shenyang ¡[·dialect): (3) |*,* [mai 35 t‘ai] ‘dirt, filth’ Northeastern Mandarin group borrowing from Russian (Shenyang ¡ [· dialect): (4) ]*]* [lie 53 pa] ‘bread’ (Russian ‘xneô’ [xl’cp]) Yue dialect borrowing from English (Guangzhou ¹|· dialect): (5) ¡* [p5 55 ] ‘ball’ Southern Min dialect borrowing from Malaysian (Xiamen ¸]· dialect): (6) ¸*F* [to 33 11 l5p] ‘help’ (Malaysian ‘tolong’) (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40) 2.3.2. Partial differences Some dialectal words denoting the same thing differ partly from each other as regards the morphemes used to form these words. These dissimilarities can be divided into three categories: Vocabulary 113 Polysyllabic words partially different A number of polysyllabic dialectal words are both partly similar to and partly different from Putonghua. This is because one (or more) of the mor- phemes used to form them is different from those in other dialects and in the national standard (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244–245; Zhan Bohui 1981: 50– 51). For example, the word denoting ‘the palm of the hand’ is: (7) a. In Putonghua: ¸¸ shóuzhàng b. In Beijing dialect: ]¸ [pa 55 ·t¸ap] c. In Suzhouj|·dialect: ¸( [s. 52 sin 44 23 ] d. In Shuangfeng¸¹·dialect: ¸| [èio 31 pæ 31 ] e. In Chaozhou¡|·dialect: ¸[ [ts‘iu 53 34 toi 53 21 ] f. In Meixian]¸·dialect: ¸]¸ [su 31 pa 44 45 ts5p] (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40) Presence and absence of affixes; distinct affixes In various words, the root is the same in different dialects, though in some localities, the words are formed with affixes, and in others without them (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Zhan Bohui 1981: 51; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244). E.g.: (8) a. In Putonghua: ) zào (‘cooking stove’) ^ che (‘car; vehicle’) b. In Suzhou j|· dialect: )¸ [tsaæ 513 55 ·d.] ^¸ [ts‘o 55 ·ts] (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40) Other words have different affixes in different dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Zhan Bohui 1981: 51; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244), e.g.: (9) a. In Putonghua: ,¸ bízi (‘nose’) b. In Shanghai¸[·dialect: ,¸ [bie1 13 11 dr 13 12 ] c. In Guangzhou¹|·dialect: ,¸ [pei 22 k5 55 ] Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 114 d. In Meixian]¸·dialect: ,, [p‘i 53 kup 44 ] (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40) Differences in sequence Multiple polysyllabic words are built up of the same morphemes in a vari- ety of dialects, but sometimes in an inverted order (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Zhan Bohui 1981: 50; Huang Jinghu 1987: 245). For instance: 84 (10) a. Putonghua’s |¸ kèrén (‘guest’) in Yue, Min and Hakka dialects is ‘¸|’ b. Putonghua’s }¦ rènao (‘lively; bustling with activity’) in Wu, Min, Gan, Hakka dialects is ‘¦}’. c. Putonghua’s ,¸ xíhuan (‘to like; be fond of’) in Yue, Wu, Gan dialects is ‘¸,’. (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40) 2.3.3. Semantic differences Some words are built up of the same morphemes, but denote different things in various dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 48–50; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 196–197; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244; Li Rulong 1997: 40–42). Meaning broader than in Putonghua A part of the dialectal vocabulary differs from Putonghua in regard to the scope of the meaning. Sometimes words which denote a certain thing in the national standard, can have a broader sense in certain dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 49; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244). E.g.: (11) a. |¸· Putonghua: wénzi – ‘mosquito’ Changsha |;· dialect: [mcn 33 ts 3 ] – ‘mosquito; fly’ Vocabulary 115 b. ,¸· Putonghua: bízi – ‘nose’ Yangzhou ||· dialect: [pie1 4 ·tsc] – ‘nose; nasal mucus’ (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41) Meaning narrower than in Putonghua Sometimes the scope of the meaning is narrower than that of Putonghua (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 49; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244), e.g.: (12) ¦; in unsimplified characters· Putonghua: miàn – ‘flour; powder; noodles’ In many dialects, among others: Wuhan ¡¡· [micn 35 ]; Changsha |;· [mie 11 ]; Guangzhou ¹|· [min 22 ] – ‘noo- dles’ (Examples taken from Zhan Bohui 1981: 49 and Li Rong ed. 2002, 6: 6211) (13) ;/ Putonghua: zímèi – ‘sisters; elder and younger sisters’ Changshu ;;· dialect: [tsi 44 me 213 21 ] – ‘younger sister’ (Example taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiao- yanshi 2004: 41) Shifted meaning There are also words, with the same origin, but where the meaning has changed in a different way in various dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhong- wenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 49–50). For example: (14) a. )_j Putonghua: bái wùgui – ‘white turtle’ Shanghai dialect: [bo1 13 1 u 53 11 tèy 53 11 ] – ‘goose’ b. ,, Putonghua: gõnggong – ‘husband’s father; father-in-law’ Yangzhou | | · dialect: [kop 21 ·kop] – ‘maternal grandfather’ Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 116 (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41) Swapped meaning In some cases, the signification of a dialectal word can be swapped with the signification of another word in the national standard (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 49; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244). E.g.: (15) In the dialect of Guangzhou ¹|·, the word [ [f5p 21 35 ] is translated into Putonghua as ¿¸ wùzi – ‘room (in a house)’, whereas the word ¿ [ok 5 ] is [¸ fángzi – ‘house’ – in Putonghua. (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41) 2.3.4. Different conceptualization with the same referential frame Due to cultural disparities, numerous words referring to the same objects or concepts are completely different in various dialects (cf. Zhan Bohui 1981: 51–53; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41–42; Huang Jinghu 1987: 243–244). Different ways of describing objects Various objects are perceived and described in a different way. For example, the word denoting ‘sunflower’ is described as: (16) a. In Putonghua: ]¦¸ xiàngrìkuí ‘flower facing the sun’ ¸ kuì – ‘certain herbaceous plants with big flowers’· b. In Beijing dialect: ¡¦¸ [t¸uan 51 , 51 lian 35 ] ‘lotus turning towards the sun’ c. In Jinan ¡¡· dialect: ¸[¡ [t¸‘5 42 45 ·iap xua 213 ] ‘flower facing the sun’ d. In Kunming ¡|· dialect: ¸[,¸ [t¸‘au 31 ia 31 pir 53 ] ‘round cake facing the sun’ Vocabulary 117 e. In Wenzhou ¸|· dialect: ¸[]¡ [t‘a 42 ni 31 21 vci 212 31 ho 44 33 ] ‘Buddha’s flower of the sun’ (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41) Another example is the word for ‘kerosene; paraffin’: (17) a. In Putonghua: ), méiyóu – ‘coal oil’ b. In Wenzhou ¸|· dialect: ,, [ji 31 21 jiau 31 22 ] ‘oil from overseas; imported oil’ c. In Guangzhou ¹|· dialect: ,¸ [f5 35 joy 35 ] ‘fire-water’ d. In Chaozhou ¡|· dialect: ,, [hue 53 24 iu 55 ] ‘fire-oil’ (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 42; Beida Zhongwenxi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi 2005: 185) Fear of breaking a taboo Some words sound the same as words which are believed to be inauspi- cious. In order to avoid bringing bad luck, other words are chosen to de- scribe those objects. For example: In the word, which in Putonghua is called ¸¸¸ zhù shétou – ‘pig tongue (as food)’, the syllable ‘, shé’ calls up bad associations, because it is homophonous with the word ‘| shé’, as in ‘|7 shébén’ – ‘to lose money in business’. That is why it is replaced by various words, such as: (18) a. In Beijing dialect: ¹¡ [k‘ou 214 21 t‘iau 35 ] ‘mouth-strip’ b. In Nanchang ¡;· dialect: |[ [tscu 42 ts‘ai 24 ] ‘bringing in money’ (Examples taken Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41) Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 118 2.3.5. Words specific to particular dialects There are a certain number of dialectal words, used only in a certain area, and their origin is as yet not known. These words are traditionally called ‘specific dialectal words’ ¸,|/,) fãngyán tèshù cíyù or ¸,|¡ , fãngyán tèzheng cí·. They are colloquial, frequently used every-day words, mostly monosyllabic These kinds of words are especially common in the Southern dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 42; Zhan Bohui 1981: 53–54 Li Rulong 2003a: 37; see also Chapter 5.1.2.1.). 85 For example: Yue dialect (Guangzhou ¹|· pronunciation): (19) a. ± [jc 23 ] ‘thing, object’ ¸¯ dõngxi in Putonghua· b. ] [mnt 5 ] ‘what’ ¦´ shénme in Putonghua· Min dialect (Xiamen ¸]· pronunciation): (20) a. ¦ [kia 51 ] ‘son’ ¸¸ érzi in Putonghua· b. [*|* [tik 11 kuat 11 ] ‘pleased with oneself’ |¸ déyì in Putonghua· 2.4. Noting down the results 2.4.1. Choosing the characters Characters used for writing down dialectal words, often cannot be found in the national standard, or they do not function in every-day use. One of the reasons is that the dialects have preserved many ancient words (see Chapter 7.2.3.1.) and, naturally, still use the adequate characters to write them down. Sometimes dialects use characters which exist in Putonghua, but under a different meaning. In such cases, there is no problem in noting down the words, one uses the characters which are known (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 248; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 193). However, it is not always easy to find an appropriate Chinese character. 86 Vocabulary 119 Dialectal characters ¸,¸ fãngyánzì Many dialectal words have adequate dialectal characters ¸,¸ fãng- yánzì·, also called ‘non-standard characters’ ]¦¸ sútízì or ]¸ súzì· (cf. You Rujie 2004: 207). Often the dialectal characters exist concurrently with original characters 7¸ bénzì·. For instance, when a Chinese character has a literary and a colloquial pronunciation ¸)[, wénbái yìdú· (see Chapter 7.1.4.4.), sometimes they differ so much, that people invent a new character (usually for the colloquial pronunciation) which renders the reading more accurately. At other times, the character is created to clarify the meaning. For example, in Guangzhou ¹|· dialect the word for mud and for dry soil is the same: ¡ [nni 21 ]. In order to differentiate the two meanings, dry soil is writ- ten down as ‘|’. There is also a group of dialectal characters, which are constructed on the basis of the original ideogram. For example, a part can be altered or added (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 193). When the dialectal character is used beside the original one, it is not necessary to note down the local variety, but it may be interesting to show the atypical popular forms. If the dialectal shape has already become so popularized as to enter the dictionaries, it is advised to use it (cf. Zhan Bo- hui et al. 2004: 193). At times, the dialectal variations do not have an evident origin, still they are commonly applied. For example, the character ‘¦’ [m 21 ] which denotes negation, is widespread in the Yue language area (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 193–194). These types of ideograms should be taken into account and noted down. 87 Borrowing homophonic characters There are many dialectal words which cannot be written down in the exist- ing characters, neither standard, nor non-standard. If in a dialect there is a word which is homophonic with the word in question, this homophone is used to write it down, though usually with an asterisk [*] or some other symbol (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 248–249; Ding Shengshu 1989: 91; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 194–195; You Rujie 2004: 207). For example, in Suzhou j|· dialect, the word for ‘child’ is pronounced [siæ 31 ko 33 35 ], and can be written down as ‘¸¡*’, as the word pronounced as [ko 33 ] does not Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 120 have a character to represent it (example taken from Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 194). Sometimes the homophonic characters become widely used and finally enter the dictionaries. This has happened for instance with the word [ma 23 t‘ni 21 35 ], meaning ‘water chestnut’ in the dialect of Guangzhou ¹ |·. It is commonly written as ‘_¦’ (see Bai Wanru ed. 2003: 3), which in Putonghua is pronounced màtí and means ‘horse’s hoof’. However, it can also be found in The Contemporary Chinese Dictionary (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002: 1290), with the annotation¸ (Fãng) dial.`and the meaning of ‘water chestnut’. The usage of symbols If there is no homophone which could substitute for a given syllable, an empty square [¯] is used instead. This method can cause some confusion, as it indicates neither the reading, nor the meaning. That is why it is neces- sary to always write down the pronunciation next to the word (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 248–249; Ding Shengshu 1989: 91; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 194–195). For example: (21) Meixian ]¸· dialect: ¯] [nem 53 55 i 31 ] ‘unbroken spell of wet weather’ (Example taken from Li Rong ed. 2002, 6: 6515). 2.4.2. Transcription At present, the characters or symbols, which have been noted down, should be supported by an IPA transcription of the pronunciation. 88 While researching the vocabulary, one can discover more sounds and occurrences of sandhi than during the research of phonetics (see Chapter 7.1.4.1.). Every new phenomenon is to be recorded, and the tables of the phonetic system completed (cf. You Rujie 2004: 106; Huang Jinghu 1987: 249; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 185–186). Grammar 121 Explanation of the meaning Usually the meaning of the dialectal words is explained either in Putonghua or in the literary language ·¦) shùmiànyù·. Equivalents in the na- tional standard or literary language are to be used if possible, or else con- cise definitions should be formed. Examples should also be presented, in order to clarify the meaning (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 186–193, You Rujie 2004: 105–106; Huang J inghu 1987: 249–250). 3. Grammar The grammar of dialects is still the least explored area in Chinese dialectol- ogy. For a very long time a misconception has dominated, namely that the grammar of all dialects is generally the same. This was also stated by Zhao Yuanren in his Grammar of Spoken Chinese (first published in 1968): “Apart from some minor divergencies…, one can say that there is practi- cally one universal Chinese grammar” (Zhao Yuanren 2004a: 41). This statement was based upon the fact that “it is in matters of grammar that the greatest degree of uniformity is found among all the dialects of the Chinese language” (Zhao Yuanren 2004a: 41). This is true with phonetics and vocabulary, but it does not mean that the grammar of dialects is homogene- ous. Bao Houxing (cf. 2003: 34) mentions two main reasons for the disregard of dialectal grammar. One is that it is in phonetics that the dialectal differ- ences are most visible; the phonetic divergence has for a long time been the indicator for the classification of dialectal groups, as well as the means for qualitative analysis. The other reason is the great degree of difficulty of dialectal research, including field research. The investigation of phonetics has a long tradition and much experience has been accumulated in this area of knowledge, while the research of grammar still needs to be given much more attention. Turning the focus towards dialectal grammar should be considered both by dialectologists and by researchers of the grammar of Putonghua. It is only since the 1980s that more attention has been paid to this aspect of Chinese dialectology (cf. Wang Futang 2004: 524; J in and J in 2004: 242; Zhan Bohui 2001: 2–3). By 1991, over 400 different papers had been pub- lished on this topic. Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 122 The investigation of dialectal grammar is much more difficult than the research of phonetics and vocabulary. It is not easy to prepare a table for a systematic research of grammar, and the existing tables consist of a limited number of entries. The investigation of dialectal grammar should be carried out on the basis of the results of the research of phonetics and vocabulary. To be able to register all the features of a given dialect, the researcher should be very well acquainted with the speech; the best situation is when the researcher is a native of the area (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xian- dai Hanyu J iaoyanshi 2004: 47; You Rujie 2004: 106; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 239). 3.1. Questionnaires As was mentioned above, the grammar of a dialect is usually researched in comparison with Putonghua, but can also be analysed in opposition with other dialects, especially neighbouring ones (cf. You Rujie 2004: 107). Before starting the investigation of the grammar of a given dialect, it is necessary to prepare a questionnaire. This should include all the items one wants to research. Depending on the purpose of investigation, various kinds of tables can be prepared. It is sufficient to do only some brief research, examine the grammar thoroughly, or one can investigate a special grammatical topic (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 287–289). Most of the questionnaires which are commonly available are not per- fect, but can be helpful either as a means for a rough investigation, or as a basis for creating more accurate questionnaires (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 288). A list of the most commonly used questionnaires follows: 3.1.1. ¡)¸,j[]( (Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao) [Concise table for the research of Chinese dialects] Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao (Ding and Li ed. 1956a) (see Chapter 7.1.3.) includes 37 example sentences for the research of dialectal grammar. It consists of sentences and phrases in Putonghua which are to be translated into the given dialect, with special attention being given to the underlined words or phrases. The examples are supposed to show the special grammatical features of a dialect (see also Huang Borong et al. 2001: 126– 127). Grammar 123 3.1.2. ¸,j[,,¸) (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Shouce) [Word list for Chinese dialectal surveys] The list (Ding Shengshu 1989) (see Chapter 7.2.1.1.) holds 53 grammatical examples, placed at the end of the list. It is similar to the above-mentioned list in Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao (Ding and Li ed. 1956a). The researcher should again focus on the underlined parts; their aim is to reveal such problems as different word-order, usage of particles, etc. Several of the items are meant to show differences in vocabulary used in some grammatical constructions (cf. Ding Shengshu 1989: 92). 3.1.3. ¸,j[,,( (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao) [A word list for the survey of Chinese dialects] This list (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981) (see Chapter 7.2.1.2.) has over 300 grammatical entries. The entries are divided into the following catego- ries: word order, comparison, sample sentences, particles ¸ le, ( zhe, | de, [ de, elements placed at the end of a construction, elements placed at the beginning of a construction. 3.1.4. A questionnaire in ¡)¸,,¸,j[ (Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha) [Chinese dialects and the study of dialects] One of the most important books in modern Chinese dialectology, (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004), also provides its readers with a list for the investigation of grammar (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 464–470). It contains more than 70 entries, each of them followed by examples in Wu, Min, Yue and Hakka dialects. 3.1.5. ¡)¸,)¡j[¸) (Hanyu Fangyan Yufa Diaocha Shouce) [a handbook for the research of Chinese dialectal grammar] (Huang Borong et al. 2001) This handbook is the first systematic manual for the investigation of Chi- nese dialectal grammar. It was written on the basis of the results of ¡)¸ ,)¡¸, (Hanyu Fangyan Yufa Leibian) (Huang Borong ed. 1996). It Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 124 applies the materials collected in the work mentioned, i.e. data from over 250 dialect localities. Thanks to the fact that the data comes from all cor- ners of China, the handbook can be used as an aid in research on every dialect locality in the country. The book is divided into twelve chapters, of which the first three con- cern syntax (sentence patterns; syntactic structures; word-order and ellipsis), and the remaining chapters are on morphology (nouns; verbs; adjectives; numerals and measure words; adverbs; pronouns; prepositions and conjunc- tions; onomatopoeias and exclamations). Each of the chapters is further divided into detailed parts. The entries are all written in the national standard. They are followed by examples of translations into respective dialects; every example has its place of origin noted down, e.g. in the first subchapter (passive sentences) of the first chapter (sentence patterns), the first group of sentences are examples which in some dialects may differ in word-order from Putonghua. For instance: ][)¡|¡)]y (Wóde guõ méiyóu bèi Zhãng Sãn zápò. – ‘My pot was not broken by Zhang San.’) is followed by the translation: ][)l)¡|]y and the dialect locality it comes from: [¡¸¯¸ Shandong Zaozhuang] (Huang Borong et al. 2001: 1) As appendices, the book supplies lists for the research on dialects from three important works in the field of dialectal grammar research, namely: Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao (Ding and Li ed. 1956a; see Chapter 7.3.1.1.); ¸,j[,,(Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981; see Chapter 7.3.1.3.); ¡)¸,,¸,j[ (Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha) (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004) (see Chapter 7.3.1.4.). These lists are meant to complete the handbook itself (cf. Huang Borong et al. 2001: 2). 3.1.6. Comparative Chinese Dialectal Grammar: Handbook for Investigators. Thehandbook (Yue-Hashimoto 1993) “constitutes part of a research project on Comparative Chinese Dialectal Grammar…” (Yue-Hashimoto 1993: i). The Project was set up at the University of Washington under the leadership Grammar 125 of Anne Yue Hashimoto. At the time of the Handbook being published, the Project had accumulated computerized data on syntactic constructions of over one hundred dialects (see Yue-Hashimoto 1993: ii; cf. Yan, M. M. 2006: 57–58). As the author says in the acknowledgement, “the aim of publishing this handbook is to encourage the study of dialectal grammar and to draw atten- tion to the syntactic differences across dialects” (Yue-Hashimoto 1993: ii). The book consists of fourteen chapters, each of which is meant to investigate a certain grammatical feature. Every chapter is made up of a theoretical part, followed by a set of example sentences (for a detailed explanation of the structure of the book, see Yue-Hashimoto 1993: iv–v). The content is supplemented by three appendices: Informant Back- ground (Yue-Hashimoto 1993: 263–264), Sources (265–268) and Bibliography of Chinese Dialectal Syntax (269–312). The Informant Back- ground is more detailed than the one included in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: ix, cf. Chapter 7.1.1.1.). The Sources list the origin of unpublished data. The Bibliography gives an exhaustive record of works concerning Chinese dialectal grammar, divided into several categories. 3.2. Relevant dialectal features Dialectal grammar in China is, as a matter-of-course, multifarious. Grammatical characteristics are usually looked for in comparison with Putonghua. It would be very difficult to research every grammatical feature of a dialect. That is why one can choose to look for the most important aspects, commonly found in various dialects. He Wei (1992: 170–171) pro- poses the following aspects: 89 – Reduplication – Use of measure words – Pronouns – Forms and usage of adjectives – Types of verb-complement phrases – Patterns of sentences – Usage of specific dialectal words – Geographical distribution of grammatical characteristics. Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 126 There are, naturally, many more features which can be taken into consideration, such as the relationship between grammar and pronunciation, affixes, auxiliary words, etc. 3.3. Different sources As is suggested by many authors (cf. You Rujie 2000: 38–39, 2004: 108; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu J iaoyanshi 2004: 47–48; Zhan Bohui et al. ed. 2004: 241–242; Huang J inghu 1987: 277–278), in preparing the research on dialectal grammar, one should remember to use different linguistic sources for the research. One important factor is to prepare a questionnaire of sample sentences and phrases (see Chapter 7.3.1.). Nevertheless, the list should never be the only basis for the investigation. The necessary materials should also include various forms of longer samples to put the issues into context. You Rujie (2000: 38–39) lists the following four sources of linguistic samples: 3.3.1. Samples of colloquial speech A lot of linguistic data can only be discovered during the investigation of natural colloquial speech. Asking the informants for example sentences and phrases, one must keep in mind that the answers may not be fully natural. That is why it is important to investigate everyday conversations and listen for special grammatical features. There are two methods of noting down the materials. One is to directly write down what one has heard, though this is rather problematic and re- quires high-level skills. The other way is to record samples of speech and write them down afterwards. However, in order to make the samples natu- ral and reliable, one should make sure that the people, whose speech is being recorded, are not aware of this fact. 3.3.2. Samples of folklore Folklore includes proverbs, riddles, folk songs, tongue twisters, folk tales, folk performing art, local opera, etc. This kind of data can either be re- corded on the spot, or one can use the material collected in book-form. For Grammar 127 comparative purposes, the informants can, for example, be asked to trans- late a story into their dialect. 3.3.3. Samples of language spoken on radio and television One can also collect samples of speech from local radio and television. This can be useful while researching social dialects, for instance comparing the official broadcasting language with colloquial speech. 3.3.4. Samples of dialectal literary language The dialectal literary language includes dialectal literature, translations of the Bible into the vernacular, local textbooks, etc. These materials can be used while investigating the historical dialectal grammar. Chapter 8 Analysis of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects 1. Introduction The project of creating The Great Dictionary... was decided upon during the second meeting of the Press and Publication Administration ]¦± [± Xinwen Chubanshu· on the planning of issuing dictionaries and reference books in 1988 (cf. Chen Fengying 1995: 107). The Great Dictionary... is a result of the work of over sixty linguists over a period of more than ten years. The convener of this project was Li Rong, other members of the leadership group included Rong Wenmin, Xiong Zhenghui, Xu Zongwen, Yang Muzhi, Zhang Zhenxing and Zhou Fang. The undertaking was supervised by the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (cf. Chen Fengying 1995: 107; Yan, M. M. 2006: 33). The authors compiled the data for the dictionary through on-the-spot re- search. The work was divided into two steps. Firstly, they were going to compile forty dictionaries of dialects of individual localities, although in the end there were forty two volumes. 90 Secondly, on the basis of these forty two volumes, a comprehensive edition was published. The whole dictionary, i.e. the dictionaries of individual local dialects and the comprehensive dictionary, were published by the J iangsu Educational Press ·j{¡±[1 Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe· (cf. Li Rong 1993: 1; Chen Fengying 1995: 103). The work on the project of The Great Dictionary... began in the spring of 1991, and in the autumn of 1992 the first dictionaries started being printed. By the end of 1998 the compilation of the individual local dialect dictionaries was completed, excluding Jixi Fangyan Cidian (¸¡¸,,3) [J ixi Dialect Dictionary] (Zhao Rixin 2003). After another four years, the comprehensive edition was published (cf. Li Rong 2002: 1). The two aims of writing the individual dialect dictionaries were “to pre- pare conditions for editing the comprehensive volume, and to reflect the characteristics of the local dialects” (see Li Rong 1992: 246, 1993: 1). Introduction 129 The Chinese characters in The Great Dictionary... are the unsimplified characters ¦¦¸ fántízì·. For the most part, regular characters are used, though sometimes the non-standard forms are applied (see Li Rong 1992: 253–254, cf. [www 10]). 91 If a character is not possible to write down (i.e. a word or a part of it does not have an existing character to write it down), then a square (¯) is used to represent it (cf. Chapter 7.2.4.1.). The pronunciation is written down in the IPA. The tones are also noted down according to the IPA transcription, i.e. by the fixed symbols based on the five point scale (cf. Chapter 7.1.5.). 1.1. The composition of the individual local dialect dictionaries 92 The forty two individual dialect dictionaries are as follows (in alphabetical order according to the places’ names in pinyin, mentioning all names of authors): Changsha Fangyan Cidian |;¸,,3· [Changsha dialect diction- ary] ed. Bao Houxing, Cui Zhenhua, Shen Ruoyun and Wu Yunji (1998). Chengdu Fangyan Cidian j¶¸,,3· [Chengdu dialect dictionary] ed. Liang Deman and Huang Shangjun (1998). Chongming Fangyan Cidian ¸|¸,,3· [Chongming dialect dictionary] ed. Zhang Huiying (1998). Danyang Fangyan Cidian )[¸,,3· [Danyang dialect dictionary] ed. Cai Guolu (1998). Dongguan Fangyan Cidian ¸¸¸,,3· [Dongguan dialect diction- ary] ed. Zhan Bohui and Chen Xiaojin (1997). Fuzhou Fangyan Cidian ||¸,,3· [Fuzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Feng Aizhen (1998). Guangzhou Fangyan Cidian ¹|¸,,3· [Guangzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Bai Wanru (2003). Guiyang Fangyan Cidian ¸[¸,,3· [Guiyang dialect Dictionary] ed. Wang Ping (1998). Haikou Fangyan Cidian [¹¸,,3· [Haikou dialect dictionary] ed. Chen Hongmai (1996). Hangzhou Fangyan Cidian ||¸,,3· [Hangzhou dialect diction- ary] ed. Bao Shijie (1998). Analysis of The Great Dictionary 130 Ha’erbin Fangyan Cidian ¦¸]¸,,3· [Harbin dialect dictionary] ed. Yin Shichao (1997). Jian’ou Fangyan Cidian ¿¦¸,,3· [J ian’ou dialect dictionary] ed. Li Rulong and Pan Weishui (1998). Jinan Fangyan Cidian ¡¡¸,,3· [J inan dialect dictionary] ed. Qian Zengyi (1997). Jinhua Fangyan Cidian ¸'¸,,3· [J inhua dialect dictionary] ed. Cao Zhiyun (1998). Jixi Fangyan Cidian ¸¡¸,,3· [J ixi dialect dictionary] ed. Zhao Rixin (2003). Leizhou Fangyan Cidian ,|¸,,3· [Leizhou dialect dictionary] ed. Zhang Zhenxing and Cai Yeqing (1998). Lichuan Fangyan Cidian \)¸,,3· [Lichuan dialect dictionary] ed. Yan Sen (1995). Liuzhou Fangyan Cidian ||¸,,3· [Liuzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Liu Cunhan (1998). Loudi Fangyan Cidian ¸[¸,,3· [Loudi dialect dictionary] ed. Yan Qinghui and Liu Lihua (1998). Luoyang Fangyan Cidian ¡[¸,,3· [Luoyang dialect dictionary] ed. He Wei (1996). Meixian Fangyan Cidian ]¸¸,,3· [Meixian dialect dictionary] ed. Huang Xuezhen (1998). Muping Fangyan Cidian "¬¸,,3· [Muping dialect dictionary] ed. Luo Futeng (1997). Nanchang Fangyan Cidian ¡;¸,,3· [Nanchang dialect diction- ary] ed. Xiong Zhenghui (1998). Nanjing Fangyan Cidian ¡;¸,,3· [Nanjing dialect dictionary] ed. Liu Danqing (1995). Nanning Pinghua Cidian ¡¸¬¦,3· [Nanning Pinghua Dictionary] ed. Qin Yuanxiong, Wei Shuguan and Bian Chenglin (1997). Ningbo Fangyan Cidian ¸¡¸,,3· [Ningbo dialect dictionary] ed. Tang Zhenzhu, Chen Zhongmin and Wu Xinxian (1997). Pingxiang Fangyan Cidian ,¸¸,,3· [Pingxiang dialect diction- ary] ed. Wei Gangqiang (1998). Shanghai Fangyan Cidian ¸[¸,,3· [Shanghai dialect dictionary] ed. Xu Baohua and Tao Huan (1997). Suzhou Fangyan Cidian j|¸,,3· [Suzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Ye Xiangling (1998). Introduction 131 Taiyuan Fangyan Cidian ¸)¸,,3· [Taiyuan dialect dictionary] ed. Shen Ming (1998). Wanrong Fangyan Cidian ]¨¸,,3· [Wanrong dialect dictionary] ed. Wu J iansheng and Zhao Hongyin (1997). Wenzhou Fangyan Cidian ¸|¸,,3· [Wenzhou dialect dictionary] ed. You Rujie and Yang Ganming (1998). Wuhan Fangyan Cidian ¡¡¸,,3· [Wuhan dialect dictionary] ed. Zhu J iansong (1998). Wulumuqi Fangyan Cidian _¦Z,¸,,3· [Ürümqi dialect dictionary] ed. Zhou Lei (1998). Xi’an Fangyan Cidian ¯¸¸,,3· [Xi’an dialect dictionary] ed. Wang J unhu (1996). Xining Fangyan Cidian ¯¸¸,,3· [Xining dialect dictionary] ed. Zhang Chengcai (1998). Xiamen Fangyan Cidian ¸]¸,,3· [Xiamen dialect dictionary] ed. Zhou Changji (1998). Xinzhou Fangyan Cidian ¦|¸,,3· [Xinzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Wen Duanzheng and Zhang Guangming (1998). Xuzhou Fangyan Cidian ]|¸,,3· [Xuzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Su Xiaoqing and Lü Yongwei (1996). Yangzhou Fangyan Cidian ||¸,,3· [Yangzhou dialect diction- ary] ed. Wang Shihua and Huang J ilin (1996). Yinchuan Fangyan Cidian |)¸,,3· [Yinchuan dialect dictionary] ed. Li Shuyan and Zhang Ansheng (1996). Yudu Fangyan Cidian ¸¶¸,,3· [Yudu dialect dictionary] ed. Xie Liuwen (1998). These dictionaries are all arranged according to the same pattern, how- ever aberrations can be found. At the very beginning of each volume, there is a general introduction by Professor Li Rong (which can also be found in Fangyan [Li Rong 1993]). The rest is composed of three parts: an introduc- tion, the dictionary proper and indexes (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 99). The introduction usually includes eight parts (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 108–109; Li Rong 1992: 246–247; [www 10]): 1. A brief description of the geographical features of the place, its his- tory and population, i.e. various factors which have an influence on the linguistic situation. 2. Internal differences of the local dialect, including geographical dif- ferences and differences depending on the age of the users. The Analysis of The Great Dictionary 132 question of age divergence is closely bound with the dissimilarities between the language of the younger and the older generations. The geographical differences include disparities between the city and the suburbs or countryside, as well as between various parts of the town. 3. A description of the phonetic system of the dialect, i.e. the initials, final and tones; including tone sandhi and other phenomena. 4. Table of single characters ÷¸,( dãnzì yinbiào· (see Chap- ter 7.1.2.3.). Each syllable is represented by one character. If an existing syllable does not have a character to represent it, an empty circle is placed in its place 93 All the syllables written down as cir- cles, as well as non-standard characters, are explained below the ta- ble. 5. The characteristics of the given dialect, in pronunciation, vocabu- lary and grammar. This is the most important part of the introduc- tion. 6. A guide to the use of the dictionary, the explanation of symbols used etc. 7. An annotation of the characters frequently used in the examples in the dictionary. This part is intended to be a help to the user, so that there is no need to search the dictionary for every word in the examples. 8. A list of syllables of the given dialect. The syllables written down in the IPA are arranged according to the order in the table of single characters (see above). Next to each syllable, the number of the page on which it appears in the dictionary is given. The entries in the dictionary proper are arranged phonetically according to the final, initial and tone. The order of the syllables is written down in point (3) of the introduction. Entries with the same pronunciation are ar- ranged according to the number of strokes. To make it easier to look up words, there are two indexes at the end of each volume. The first one arranges the entries in thematic order. In the other one the entries are put in the order according to the number of strokes of the first character. The average number of entries is 8000, though the largest number is around 10000 (the dictionaries of Guangzhou and Fuzhou), the smallest one is 7000 (Xining and J ian’ou) (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 99). In order to make comparisons possible, the Committee of the Dialect Dictionary Compilation prepared a list especially for the study of dialects Introduction 133 for The Great Dictionary... – Chinese Dialect Lexicon Survey List ¡) ¸,,,j[( Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaochabiao ·, containing around 2000 entries (for further details concerning the Lexicon Survey List, see also Chapter 8.2.3.) (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 109–110). The Committee decided on 3500 obligatory entries for each dictionary, the rest of the entries are specific local words (cf. [www 10]; Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 99). Entries in the thematic index are arranged roughly according to the list, taking the specific local words into consideration. If the meaning of an entry does not differ from the standard use i.e. from the meaning the characters have in Putonghua, then the explanation is based on the Xiandai Hanyu Cidian_|¡),3· (The Contempo- rary Chinese Dictionary) (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002). 94 If the meaning of an entry differs from the stan- dard one, the explanation is given in Putonghua. If the entry is specific to the region, the explanation also comes in Putonghua (see Li Rong 1992: 251–252). 1.2. The composition of the comprehensive edition The comprehensive edition of The Great Dictionary... (Li Rong 2002) con- sists of six volumes. Beside the preface and the guide to the use of the dictionary, there are three main parts: introductions to all the forty two local dialects which were investigated for the project (pp. 1–263); an index of characters, arranged according to the number of strokes (pp. 1–33); the dictionary proper (pp. 1–6556). The introductions to the individual dialects include uniformed points 1, 2, 3, 5 and 7 from the separate volumes: 1. A brief description of the geographical features of the place, its his- tory and population 2. The geographical differences and differences between generations within the dialect of the place 3. A description of the phonological system of the dialect 4. The characteristics of the given dialect in pronunciation, vocabu- lary and grammar 5. A list of the characters frequently used in the examples in the dictionary. The entries in the dictionary proper are arranged according to the num- ber of strokes. If an entry has the same meaning in several dialects, first the Analysis of The Great Dictionary 134 pronunciation in each of them is given, then the explanation in Putonghua. The entries are collected from all the separate volumes. The comprehensive edition is a collection of the individual dictionaries, but improvements have been made. A few years had passed between the publication of the individual dictionaries, especially the earliest ones, and the comprehensive edition. Naturally, the linguistic situation of the dialects had already changed by then, and so the comprehensive edition takes this fact into account. Most of the explanations in the comprehensive edition remain the same as in the individual dictionaries, but some have been cor- rected and improved. Over 500 entries have been added compared with the separate volumes (cf. Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian zongheben chu- ban 2003: 197). 2. Methods of research for The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects 95 Most of the authors of The Great Dictionary... are either native speakers of the dialect they have described, or they have lived in the place for a long time and are well acquainted with the local speech. In this way, they have been able to study the dialect thoroughly (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 99). The list of authors includes probably all of the outstanding modern Chinese dialectologists. 2.1. The choice of informants Questionees were chosen according to the following rules: One could choose individuals belonging to different age groups, to make the results more accurate. Elderly people were rather supposed to be chosen for describing the phonetic system, as they are believed to preserve the local characteristics of the dialect, while younger generations tend to succumb to influences of the outer world, especially to the influence of Putonghua (cf. Li Rong 1992: 243). The best type of informant was to be of rather old age. He/she should not have experienced a lot of influence of other dialects and should be able to speak an unadulterated variety of the particular dialect. 96 A note about the main informants can usually be found at the end of the second part (or at other places, including postscripts) of the introductions to the individual dialect dictionaries and in the collected introductions in the Methods of research for The Dictionary 135 comprehensive edition. Unfortunately, nearly half of all the dictionaries do not contain this information (Harbin, Wuhan, Guiyang, Liuzhou, Xi’an, Xining, Xinzhou, J ixi, Chongming, Hangzhou, Changsha, Nanchang, Pingxiang, Guangzhou, Dongguan, J ian’ou, Xiamen, Haikou). Where the information exists, the number of main informants listed varies from one (Xuzhou, J inhua, Loudi) to five (Nanjing). The version of a certain dialect which has been chosen for the descrip- tion is usually that of the urban area, the oldest part of town, and at the same time of the old generation (Wenzhou, where the language of the new generation is the basis, is an exception, cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 166; You and Yang ed. 1998: 6). The informants belong generally to the old generation; nevertheless younger varieties are also taken into consideration, especially for the analy- sis of vocabulary. Most of the informants are of Han nationality, though in some dictionaries, other Chinese-speaking nationalities have been inter- viewed in addition (the Hui in J inan, Nanjing, Yinchuan, Ürümqi). Some of the introductions include additional information about the informants’ background, such as place of residence, place of birth and where he/she has lived, if not one’s whole life was spent in the same place (which is the most frequent situation), education and occupation. The professions of the informants include teachers, medical doctors, folk-art performers, workers, housewives, office workers, farmers, businessmen, a hairdresser. There are both men and women, with a slight majority of men. What raises some doubts is the number of people interviewed. Where the names are mentioned, only one to five are listed as main informants, which might mean that they are dictionaries of idiolects, not dialects. The choice of elderly people who have not spent much time outside their place of living, seems rational as the aim was to record the oldest and most “genuine” variety, although Chambers and Trudgill (2003: 47) suggest that this group of informants does not necessarily represent the most typical dialect of a place, but the most conservative variety. On the other hand, the description of the cross-section of the language can be found in the chapters about internal diversification. Analysis of The Great Dictionary 136 2.2. Phonetics The foundation for the research of the phonetic system of the local dialects was Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yan- jiusuo 2002, see Chapter 7.1.1.). The phonetic system was described on the basis of consultations with native speakers of the given speech. To begin with, the method of writing down what one had heard was to be used. Gradually, this turned into a systematic method, but one had to complement the system permanently, as new phenomena could appear (cf. Li Rong 1992: 244–245). 2.3. Vocabulary As was mentioned above (see Chapter 8.1.1.), a special list was made for the purpose of studying the vocabulary of the dialects, ¡)¸,,,j[ ( (Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaochabiao) [Chinese dialect lexicon survey list]. The list consists of around 2000 entries, which were mainly words in common use (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 109). It included all the entries from Ding Shengshu 1989 (see Chapter 7.2.1.1.), the main entries from Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981 (see Chapter 7.2.1.2.), as well as new entries (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyan Yan- jiushi Ziliaoshi 2003: 6). Authors were allowed to extend the list with entries characteristic for the given dialect. The basic list included 29 categories (see Zhang Zhen- xing 2000b: 112): (1) astronomy; (2) geography; (3) season, time; (4) agriculture; (5) flora; (6) animals; (7) houses, buildings; (8) utensils; (9) terms of address; (10) kinship; (11) body; (12) diseases, medical treatment; (13) clothing; (14) food and drink; (15) weddings and funerals; (16) daily life; (17) litigation; (18) communication; (19) commerce, transportation; (20) education; (21) recreational and sport activities; (22) movement; action; (23) positions; (24) pronouns and the like; (25) adjectives; (26) adverbs, prepositions and the like; (27) measure words; (28) affixes; (29) numerals and the like. These categories were further divided into subcategories and comple- mented with local features. The authors were at liberty to add categories, as long as the order was not changed too much. The list was also used as the thematic index (see Chapter 8.1.1.; Chapter 9.3.1.). The choice of dialect localities 137 2.4. Grammar The grammatical system of dialects was not analysed according to any spe- cific guidelines, there was no list which was to be used as a model, and thus there is a lack of a common paradigm. The authors designed the materials for research in grammar to suit their particular needs. Generally, the characteristics of Putonghua served as the base, and special features of the dialect in question were added. One could also study the grammar through recordings of linguistic material. 97 3. The choice of dialect localities for The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects The number of local dialects included in one dictionary is truly impressive and there is no doubt about the monumental role which The Great Diction- ary... plays in the course of Chinese dialectology. However, some deficien- cies are also perceptible. The forty two local dialects ¸,) fãngyándiàn· chosen for The Great Dictionary... are to be representatives of the most important dialect groups and subgroups as divided in the Language Atlas of China (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 98; Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian fenjuanben chu- ban zuotanhui 1999: 87–88). For big dialect groups, usually three or four dialect localities were chosen, in order to make comparisons possible (cf. [www 10]). Originally there were also plans to compile a dictionary of the Beijing dialect to cover the Beijing Mandarin group, and of Shexian ,¸· in Anhui Province as a representative of the Hui dialect group, but due to some mishap, this never happened (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 98). Later, the J ixi ¸¡· dialect was added to cover the latter of these gaps (cf. Zhao Rixin ed. 2003: 410). The places were also chosen according to the actual situation and possibilities. Surely, many more localities could be found and their dialects described, but there were not enough specialists who could do this appropriately, mainly because of the Cultural Revolution, which has left a gap in the continuation of Chinese dialectology. A question which can cause some trouble to the reader of The Great Dictionary... is that the linguistic affiliation of each dialect locality is not always clearly defined. A large number of the descriptions seem to take it Analysis of The Great Dictionary 138 for granted that everybody knows which dialect group and subgroup the local dialect belongs to. Such is the case with the descriptions of Harbin, Xuzhou, Liuzhou, Luoyang, Xining, Wanrong, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, J ixi, Ningbo, Pingxiang, Haikou. In other introductions only an unspecified affiliation can be found (or guessed at), for example indicating the dialect group only, not the subgroup (Nanjing, Wuhan, Chengdu, Guizhou, Dan- yang, Chongming, Shanghai, Suzhou, Meixian, Nanning, Dongguan, Fuzhou). When the dialectal affiliation of a locality is fully defined, it does not appear at the same place in all the introductions, it can be found either in the first, second or fifth part, which may be confusing. In a work strictly concerning dialects, such relevant information should rather be stated in a definite manner, preferably at the same place in all the introductions. 3.1. Representativeness of dialect localities included in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects While referring to such an extraordinary work as The Great Dictionary..., the question arises whether or not the described local dialects are representatives of their groups and subgroups, and if they fully cover the dialectal areas of China. 3.1.1. Proportion between representatives of various dialect groups The following table pictures the number of local dialects chosen for each of the groups and subgroups. The dialect localities are written next to each subgroup into which they have been classified according to the Atlas (see Chapter 6.3.): 98 Table 15. Dialect groups and subgroups and their representatives in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects. Dialect group/subgroup Representatives of dialects in The Great Dictionary... Northeastern Mandarin group J ishen subgroup - Hafu subgroup Harbin ¦¸]· Heisong subgroup - The choice of dialect localities 139 [Table 15. cont.] Dialect group/subgroup Representatives of dialects in The Great Dictionary... Beijing Mandarin group J ingshi subgroup - Huaicheng subgroup - Chaofeng subgroup - Shike subgroup - J ilu Mandarin group Baotang subgroup - Shiji subgroup J inan ¡¡· Canghui subgroup - J iaoliao Mandarin group Qingzhou subgroup - Denglian subgroup Muping "¬· Gaihuan subgroup - Central Plains Mandarin group Zhengcao subgroup - Cailu subgroup - Luoxu subgroup Xuzhou ]|· Luoyang ¡[· Xinbeng subgroup - Fenhe subgroup Wanrong ]¨· Guanzhong subgroup Xi’an ¯¸· Qinlong subgroup Xining ¯¸· Longzhong subgroup - Nanjiang subgroup - Lanyin Mandarin group J incheng subgroup - Yinwu subgroup Yinchuan |)· Hexi subgroup - Tami subgroup Ürümqi _¦Z,· Southwestern Mandarin group Chengyu subgroup Chengdu j¶· Dianxi subgroup - Qianbei subgroup - Kungui subgroup Guiyang ¸[· Guanchi subgroup - Ebei subgroup - Wutian subgroup Wuhan ¡¡· Cenjiang subgroup - Analysis of The Great Dictionary 140 [Table 15. cont.] Dialect group/subgroup Representatives of dialects in The Great Dictionary... Qiannan subgroup - Xiangnan subgroup - Guiliu subgroup Liuzhou ||· Changhe subgroup - J ianghuai Mandarin group Hongchao subgroup Nanjing ¡;· Yangzhou ||· Tairu subgroup - Huangxiao subgroup - J in dialect group Bingzhou subgroup Taiyuan ¸)· Lüliang subgroup - Shangdang subgroup - Wutai subgroup Xinzhou ¦|· Dabao subgroup - Zhanghu subgroup - Hanxin subgroup - Zhiyan subgroup - Wu dialect group Taihu subgroup Danyang )[· Suzhou j|· Shanghai ¸[· Chongming ¸|· Hangzhou ||· Ningbo ¸¡· Taizhou subgroup - Oujiang subgroup Wenzhou ¸|· Wuzhou subgroup J inhua ¸'· Chuqu subgroup - Xuanzhou subgroup - Hui dialect group J ishe subgroup J ixi ¸¡· Xiuyi subgroup - Qide subgroup - Yanzhou subgroup - J ingzhan subgroup - The choice of dialect localities 141 [Table 15. cont.] Dialect group/subgroup Representatives of dialects in The Great Dictionary... Gan dialect group Changjing subgroup Nanchang ¡;· Yiliu subgroup Pingxiang ,¸· J icha subgroup - Fuguang subgroup Lichuan \)· Yingyi subgroup - Datong subgroup - Leizi subgroup - Dongsui subgroup - Huaiyue subgroup - Xiang dialect group Changyi subgroup Changsha |;· Loushao subgroup Loudi ¸[· J ixu subgroup - Min dialect supergroup Southern Min group Xiamen ¸]· Puxian group - Eastern Min group Fuzhou ||· Northern Min group J ian’ou ¿¦· Central Min group - Qiongwen group Haikou [¹· Leizhou group Leizhou ,|· Shaojiang group - Yue dialect group Guangfu subgroup Dongguan ¸¸· Guangzhou ¹|· Yongxun subgroup - Gaoyang subgroup - Siyi subgroup - Goulou subgroup - Wuhua subgroup - Qinlian subgroup - Pinghua dialect group Guibei subgroup - Guinan subgroup Nanning ¡¸· Hakka dialect group Yuetai subgroup Meixian ]¸· Yuezhong subgroup - Analysis of The Great Dictionary 142 [Table 15. cont.] Dialect group/subgroup Representatives of dialects in The Great Dictionary... Huizhou subgroup - Yuebei subgroup - Tingzhou subgroup - Ninglong subgroup - Yugui subgroup Yudu ¸¶· Tonggu subgroup - The rough percentage of subgroups of each group covered by The Great Dictionary... is shown in the following diagram: 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 1. Northeastern Mandarin group 10. Wu dialect group 2. Beijing Mandarin group 11. Hui dialect group 3. J ilu Mandarin group 12. Gan dialect group 4. J iaoliao Mandarin group 13. Xiang dialect group 5. Central Plains Mandarin group 14. Min dialect supergroup 6. Lanyin Mandarin group 15. Yue dialect group 7. Southwestern Mandarin group 16. Pinghua dialect group 8. J ianghuai Mandarin group 17. Hakka dialect group 9. J in dialect group 18. Overall Diagram 1. Percentage of subgroups of each dialect group covered by The Great Dictionary... The Mandarin supergroup has 16 representative dialects altogether, de- scribed in The Great Dictionary.... Percentage-wise, the best described Mandarin group is the Lanyin group (50% of all subgroups are covered). The choice of dialect localities 143 Of all the dialects, the Xiang dialect group is best covered in terms of percentage. Two out of three subgroups have their representatives in The Great Dictionary.... The dialect group, which has the smallest percentage of subgroups de- scribed, is Yue. Only one of seven subgroups is taken into account. Even though there are two dialect localities in The Great Dictionary..., they be- long to the same subgroup. Some of the subgroups have more than one exemplary dialect included in the dictionary. For example, the Luoxu subgroup of the Central Plains Mandarin group, the Hongchao subgroup of the J ianghuai Mandarin group, the Guangfu subgroup of the Yue dialect group, each has two dialect locali- ties described. The best described subgroup is clearly the Taihu subgroup of the Wu dialect group – it has six representatives, of which the Suhujia cluster has three dialect localities, Piling, Hangzhou and Yongjiang clusters – one each. Overall, 34 out of 97 of all the existing subgroups, which constitutes 35%, have been included in the dictionary. The maps on the following pages show the distribution of the examined localities. Map 1. and Map 2. are a compilation of two sources: The Great Dictionary... and the Atlas. The distribution of the ten main dialect groups has been drawn in accordance with the Atlas (map A2) and the forty two dialect localities of The Great Dictionary… have been placed within the borders. An analysis of these maps denotes forthcoming conclusions on the imperfect correlation between three factors: territorial extent, number of speakers and density of the forty two dialect localities. 11144 Anal ysi s of the Great Di cti onar y44 Map 1. Distribution of the forty two dialect localities of The Great Di cti onar y of Moder n Chi nese Di al ects Map 1. Distribution of the forty two dialect localities of The Great Di cti onaty of Moder n Chi nese Di al ects The choi ce of di al ect l ocal i ti es 145 Map 2. Distribution of the dialect localities of The Great Di cti onar y of Moder n Chi nese Di al ects in southern China Analysis of The Great Dictionary 146 The absence of the Beijing dialect The lack of an example of the Beijing Mandarin group constitutes a large deficiency. Zhang Zhenxing (2000b: 98) claims, that this shortcoming can be overcome by existing dictionaries of the Beijing dialect, of which he lists a few. Nevertheless, it is a serious shortcoming that it has not been added to this large-scale project, especially as the Beijing dialect is used as a point of reference for describing the characteristics of many of the forty two dialects in The Great Dictionary.... 3.1.2. Geographical coverage of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects Table 16. illustrates the geographical coverage of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects. Table 16. Provinces/A.R./Municipalities/S.A.R. and their representatives in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects. Province/A.R./Municipality/S.A.R. Dialect localities Anhui Province J ixi Beijing Municipality - Chongqing Municipality - Fujian Province Fuzhou J ian’ou Xiamen Gansu Province - Guangdong Province Dongguan Guangzhou Leizhou Meixian Guangxi Zhuang A.R. Nanning Liuzhou Guizhou Province Guiyang Hainan Province Haikou Hebei Province - Heilongjiang Province Harbin Henan Province Luoyang Hong Kong S.A.R. - The choice of dialect localities 147 [Table 16. cont.] Province/A.R./Municipality/S.A.R. Dialect localities Hubei Province Wuhan Hunan Province Changsha Loudi Inner Mongolia A.R. - J iangsu Province Danyang Nanjing Suzhou Xuzhou Yangzhou J iangxi Province Lichuan Nanchang Pingxiang Yudu J ilin Province - Liaoning Province - Macau S.A.R. - Ningxia Hui A.R. Yinchuan Qinghai Province Xining Shaanxi Province Xi’an Shandong Province J inan Muping Shanghai Municipality Chongming Shanghai Shanxi Province Taiyuan Wanrong Xinzhou Sichuan Province Chengdu Taiwan - Tianjin Municipality - Tibetan A.R. - Xinjiang Uygur A.R. Ürümqi Yunnan Province - Zhejiang Province Hangzhou J inhua Ningbo Wenzhou Not every province (or other provincial-level administrative unit) has a representative in The Great Dictionary..., while others have several each. Analysis of The Great Dictionary 148 Most of the provinces covered by The Great Dictionary... have their capi- tals included in the descriptions. It is a shame that the dialects of Hong Kong and Macau S.A.R., as well as of Taiwan, have not been included on the list, as these regions are, due to their specific status, without doubt a very interesting field of investigation for dialectologists. There are unquestionably regions which still need to be explored and their dialects described. On the other hand, some areas are portrayed in great detail. This may, however, be explained in part by the diversity of some dialectal areas, and general uniformity of others. The Mandarin dia- lect is comparatively uniform in nature, disregarding the large expanse, while the dialects in the southeast are much more diversified. Most of the non-described provinces (Beijing, Chongqing, Gansu, Hebei, J ilin, Liao- ning, Tianjin, Yunnan) belong either wholly or in the largest part to the Mandarin dialect area. The Inner Mongolia and Tibetan A.R. belong (ex- cept for minor regions in Inner Mongolia) to areas of non-Chinese lan- guages (cf. Atlas: A1, A2). 3.1.3. Proportions between number of speakers and number of described dialect localities The following diagram illustrates the comparison between the percentage of users of each dialect group and the percentage of dialect localities (i.e. volumes of the Dictionary) belonging to each group out of the forty two included in The Great Dictionary.... The columns on the left-hand-side represent the volumes in The Great Dictionary..., the columns on the right- hand-side – the percentage of speakers. The percentage of speakers has been calculated according to the data found in Li Rong 1989a: 241, out of 977,270,000 speakers of the Chinese language. The choice of dialect localities 149 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1. Mandarin (16 localities) 2. J in (2 localities) 3. Wu (8 localities) 4. Hui (1 locality) 5. Gan (3 localities) 6. Xiang (2 localities) 7. Min (5 localities) 8. Yue (2 localities) 9. Pinghua (1 locality) 10. Hakka (2 localities) Diagram 2. Percentage of volumes in The Great Dictionary... against the percent- age of speakers of each dialect group. The Mandarin dialect, which is spoken by 67.8% of all users of Chinese, has also the most representatives in The Great Dictionary.... Although there is a disproportion between the two numbers in terms of percentage, it is justified by the general uniformity of Mandarin dialects. The two smallest dialect groups (Hui and Pinghua) have only one representative dialect de- scribed in The Great Dictionary.... The Wu, Min and Gan dialects have proportionally the most dialect localities included in The Great Diction- ary.... Analysis of The Great Dictionary 150 3.2. Representatives of dialects in previous surveys Authors who describe the characteristics of Chinese dialect groups choose representative places as the basis for their description. In Table 17. a choice of the most prominent works, in which such descriptions are present, is included and the portrayed dialect localities are listed. The chosen works are as follows: 1. Wang Li 1982. Hanyu Yinyunxue ¡),,¸) [Chinese Phonology] See Chapter 5.2.5. Yuan J iahua 2003. Hanyu Fangyan Gaiyao (Di’er Ban) ¡)¸ ,]]¸[·· [An Outline of Chinese Dialects (Second edi- tion)] See Chapter 5.2.14. 2. Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi 2003. Hanyu Fangyin Zihui. Di’er Ban Chongpai Ben. ¡)¸ ,¸,¸[¸|7· [Dictionary of pronunciation of charac- ters in Chinese dialects. Second edition recomposed] and Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi 2005. Hanyu Fangyan Cihui. Di’er Ban. ¡)¸,,,¸ [· [Lexicon of Chinese dialects. Second edition]. Two classic works in the field of Chinese dialectology. They con- sist of a large amount of data for the comparison of dialect pronunciation of characters and vocabulary. The first editions (¡ )¸,¸, Hanyu Fangyin Zihui in 1962, ¡)¸,,, Hanyu Fangyan Cihui in 1964) were compiled under the leadership of Yuan J iahua, the re-editions (first published in 1989 and 1995 respectively) – led by Wang Futang (cf. Gan Yu’en 2005: 238–239). 3. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004. Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha ¡ )¸,,¸,j[· [Chinese Dialects and the Study of Dialects]. One of the basic handbooks for the students of Chinese dialects (cf. Gan Yu’en 2005: 234, see also Chapter 5.1.1.2.). 4. You Rujie 2004. Hanyu Fangyanxue Jiaocheng ¡)¸,¸{ |· [A Course in Chinese Dialectology]. A popular manual in Chinese dialectology. 5. Hou J ingyi ed. 2004. Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Yinku_|¡)¸ ,,¹· [Sound database of Chinese dialects]. A sound database of 40 dialect localities. The choice of dialect localities 155 Compared with the earlier works, The Great Dictionary..., apart from in- cluding a larger number of dialect localities, differs somewhat in the choice of representatives. The Beijing dialect has been described by all the six authors in question as an example of the Mandarin group, but has been omitted in The Great Dictionary... (see Chapter 8.3.1.1.). All the places, except for Hefei { |·, chosen by Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi, are listed in The Great Dictionary.... The Taiyuan ¸)· dialect, due to a different classification in The Great Dictionary..., belongs to the J in group. Suzhouj|· is the most often chosen representative of the Wu dia- lect, also included in The Great Dictionary.... Wenzhou ¸|·, men- tioned by Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yan- jiushi, as well as Shanghai ¸[·, by Zhan Bohui, are also part of The Great Dictionary.... The Yongkang ,j· dialect, selected by Yuan J iahua in order to supplement the description of the dialects of southern Zhejiang (Yuan J iahua 2003: 57), is not listed in The Great Dictionary.... The authors seem to agree about the importance of Nanchang ¡;·, Changsha |;·, Xiamen ¸]·, Fuzhou ||·, Guangzhou ¹|·, and Meixian ]¸· as representatives of their respective dialect groups. Shuangfeng ¸¹· which seems to play an important role in other classifications as an example of the Xiang group (in the earlier works it was to represent the Old Xiang variety), is not mentioned by The Great Dictionary..., nor by Hou J ingyi ed. 2004. Wang Li (1982) uses the classification into five dialect groups; Yuan J ia- hua (2003), Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yan- jiushi (2003, 2005), Zhan Bohui et al. (2004) – into seven. Therefore there is no comparison with respect to the J in, Pinghua and Hui groups. You Rujie (2004) is of the same opinion as The Great Dictionary... regarding Taiyuan ¸)· as the model dialect for the J in group, J ixi ¸¡· – for Hui and Nanning ¡¸· – for Pinghua. Hou J ingyi’s edition (2004) portrays a comparative number of dialect localities as The Great Dictionary..., namely 40. Both works share ten of the local dialects chosen for the Mandarin supergroup. Regarding the J in dialect, Taiyuan ¸)· is the common choice, while the remaining localities are not the same. The cities chosen by Hou J ingyi ed. for the Wu dialect are all included in The Great Dictionary..., though the latter does contain a bigger number of them. Concerning the Hui dialect, there is a full discrepancy: The Great Dictionary... has chosen J ixi, while Hou J ingyi – Analysis of The Great Dictionary 156 Shexian,¸· and Tunxi ¸¡·. Nonetheless, as mentioned previ- ously (see Chapter 8.3.), Shexian ,¸· was originally supposed to be included in The Great Dictionary.... There is no big disagreement as re- gards the Min dialect. Only the absence of a representative of the dialects of Taiwan in The Great Dictionary... can cause some feeling of regret. Hou J ingyi does not take into account the classification of Pinghua as a separate group (cf. Chapter 6.4.3.), hence the Nanning ¡¸· dialect appears as an example of Yue. The dialect of Hong Kong ¡¸ Xianggang· is an interesting representative of this dialect group, which has not been de- scribed in The Great Dictionary.... The Meixian ]¸· dialect is se- lected by both works as representative for Hakka, however the second choice is different – Taoyuan |¦· in Hou J ingyi’s work and Yudu ¸¶· in The Great Dictionary.... 3.3. Conclusions The forty two local dialects chosen for The Great Dictionary... give the best panoramic overview hitherto of the linguistic situation in China, though not without some shortcomings. One of the decisive factors for choosing the dialect localities for The Great Dictionary... was the availability of specialists. Most of the places which are commonly considered as the models for particular dialects have been included. At the same time, prominent dialectologists were asked to describe their native dialects and thus these localities also became a part of the project. 99 Once the dialectal affiliation is defined, it becomes clear that almost all of the dialect groups have been covered by The Great Dictionary.... The only deficiency is the Beijing Mandarin Group. The proportions between the numbers of representatives of various subgroups are not even, mostly because of the number of specialists who were “at hand”. And thus for example the Wu dialect has the most representatives, simply because there are comparatively many specialists in this particular dialect group. 100 Geographically, not all the provinces have been included in the project, but this problem is of secondary importance, as the linguistic factors are deci- sive. Nonetheless, the lack of representatives of some of the geographical areas, such as Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau, leave some feeling of regret because of their importance in the communication with the outside world. Background overview of explored places 157 The proportion between the number of speakers and number of dialect localities described in The Great Dictionary... has been essentially kept, with the exception of the Wu dialect which has proportionally the most representatives. In comparison with earlier dialectologists, most of the dialect localities regarded by them as models of the groups in question have been included in The Great Dictionary..., yet some important ones have been omitted (see Table 17). 4. Background overview of explored places In this section, territorial guidelines of the places whose dialects have been chosen for The Great Dictionary... are presented, on the basis of introduc- tions to individual volumes. The information which can be found in the introductions (both in the individual volumes and in the comprehensive edition) lacks uniformity. The data about the population, for example, comes from very different periods of time and different sources. The percentage of various nationalities is not always given. In some of the dictionaries a lot of linguistically relevant information is provided (e.g. about migrations, influence of minorities, etc.), while others do not give a clear account of the factors which have shaped the dialect. The places are arranged in the same order as in the first volume of the comprehensive edition of The Great Dictionary.... The data concerning population is also given according to the information in the comprehensive edition (Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 1–263); it may differ slightly from the figures found in the individual dictionaries. Where it is not stated otherwise, the Han is the major nationality, constituting over 99% of the population. In such cases the ethnic minorities are not listed, as they do not have a great influence on the dialect of the place. The numbers of the populations are most often outdated, yet they were more or less valid at the time of the compilation of the dictionaries. 101 Only the most important facts which could have an impact on the dia- lects in question are described below, based on the introductions to the individual dictionaries (also found in the comprehensive edition, Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 1–263). Due to the diversity of the introductions, the amount of information put forward here varies. For more details, especially regarding the history of the places, the reader is referred to the introductions. Analysis of The Great Dictionary 158 4.1. Harbin¦¸]· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 1; Yin Shichao ed. 1997: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Northeastern Mandarin group, Hafu subgroup, Zhaofu cluster ¸¸¡¦l¦')¬|¸) Dõngbéi Guãnhuàqù Hãfù piàn Zhàofú xiàopiàn· – Administrative affiliation: Heilongjiang Province, Harbin Municipality ¦¸])Ha’erbin Shi· 102 – Status: provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 2001: 9,270,000 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ¡¡ Hànzú·, Manchu ¡¡ Mànzú·, Hui }¡ Huízú·, Korean ¸=¡ Cháoxiànzú·, Mongolian ¸,¡Ménggùzú· As the capital of Heilongjiang, Harbin is the cultural, economical and political centre of the Province (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 1; Yin Shichao ed. 1997: 3). Compared with all the varieties of Chinese, the Harbin dialect is the closest to the Beijing dialect, both in the aspect of phonetics, and of vocabulary and grammar (cf. Yin Shichao ed. 1997: 12; Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 2). Being a point of connection between China and Russia (later the Soviet Union), Harbin has incorporated both Chinese and Western elements (cf. Dai Zhaoming 1998: 192–193). In the linguistic aspect, this becomes apparent especially while analysing the vocabulary of the dialect of Harbin, where the Russian influence is clear. The ethnical diversity is not very large, yet noticeable. In 1990, the Han nationality constituted 94.28% of the population (cf. Yin Shichao ed. 1997: 3). 4.2. J inan¡¡· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 4–5; Qian Zengyi ed. 1997: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: J ilu Mandarin group, Shiji subgroup, Liaotai cluster ,¦¡¦l¯¡)](¸)Jìlù Guãnhuàqù Shíjí piàn Liáotài xiào- piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Shandong Province, J inan Municipality ¡ ¡)Jinan Shi· Background overview of explored places 159 – Status: provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 5,580,000 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ¡¡Hànzú· (98%), Hui }¡Huízú·, Manchu¡¡Mànzú· In J inan, the roads between north and south, east and west of China inter- sect, therefore the capital of Shandong Province is the communication hub of eastern China (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 5; Qian Zengyi ed. 1997: 3). The dialect of J inan is the standard of central-western Shandong. It plays an important role as the basic language of two forms of folk art: ]· kuàishù – clapper ballad 103 , and Lü Opera ¦[Lüjù· – one of the local operas in Shandong 104 (cf. Qian Zengyi ed. 1997: 16; Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 9). 4.3. Muping "¬· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 14–15; Luo Futeng ed. 1997: 3) – Dialect affiliation: J iaoliao Mandarin group, Denglian subgroup ]¸ ¡¦l¸¡)Jiãoliáo Guãnhuàqù Denglián piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Shandong Province, Yantai Municipality )¡)Yantai Shi·, Muping District "¬lMuping Qu· – Population of the whole district in 2000: 490,000 inhabitants Muping lies on the route between Yantai )¡· and Weihai ¡[· on the Shandong Peninsula ¡¸¨_Shandong Bandao·. In the past it was a place of military importance, today it is still a significant point in the transportation between the main cities of the peninsula. The dialect of Mu- ping is said to be representative of the area (cf. Muping Fangyan Cidian chuban 1998: 278–279). 4.4. Xuzhou]|· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 23; Su and Lü ed. 1996: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Luoxu subgroup ¹)¡¦l¡])Zhõngyuán Guãnhuàqù Luòxú piàn· – Administrative affiliation: J iangsu Province, Xuzhou Municipality ] |)Xuzhou Shi· Analysis of The Great Dictionary 160 – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 8,780,000 inhabitants Located in the northwestern corner of J iangsu Province, on the intersection of the railroad connecting the north with the south and the east with the west, Xuzhou is one of the communication hubs of China (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 23; Su and Lü ed. 1996: 3–4). 4.5. Yangzhou||· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 30–31; Wang and Huang ed. 1996: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: J ianghuai Mandarin group, Hongchao subgroup · ]¡¦l;¸)Jiãnghuái Guãnhuàqù Hóngcháo piàn· – Administrative affiliation: J iangsu Province, Yangzhou Municipality ||)Yangzhou Shi· – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 4,470,000 inhabitants Yangzhou lies in the central part of J iangsu Province, on the northern bank of the Yangtze River and by the Grand Canal ,j]Da Yunhe·. The dialect of Yangzhou has been shaped essentially by three events in the history of China. One was the migration caused by the Yongjia Turmoil ,¸¸¡ Yongjia zhi luan· (which started in 311 A.D. during the rule of the J in Emperor Huai ¦¯ Huai Di·), when the people moved southwards. Many of them settled in the area of today’s Yangzhou (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 31; Wang and Huang ed. 1996: 4; Ge, Cao and Wu 1993: 612–613). The second wave of migration which reached Yangzhou was at the end of the Northern Song Dynasty. Emperor Huizong built a temporary palace in the city. The emperor and his entourage stayed in Yangzhou for a year and a half and thus many northern people settled down in the area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 31; Wang and Huang ed. 1996: 4; Ge, Cao and Wu 1993: 613–614). The third moment in history which had an impact on the Yangzhou dia- lect was the massacre conducted by the Yuan army on Ming rebels at the end of the reign of the Yuan Dynasty. Records reveal that only eighteen families had survived (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 31; Wang and Huang ed. 1996: 4). Background overview of explored places 161 4.6. Nanjing¡;· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37–38; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: J ianghuai Mandarin group, Hongchao subgroup · ]¡¦l;¸)Jiãnghuái Guãnhuàqù Hóngcháo piàn· – Administrative affiliation: J iangsu Province, Nanjing Municipality ¡ ;)Nanjing Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 5,370,000 inhabitants Nanjing is the capital of J iangsu Province, located at the southern bank of the Yangtze River. It has played a particularly important role in Chinese history. Not only has it been the capital city of the country several times, but it has also served as a cultural, political and economic centre. The modern dialect of Nanjing is an outcome of many historical events, of which some had the strongest influence on both the people as well as the language. The records show that during the time of Eastern J in ¸¦ Dong Jin· (317–420), the dialect spoken in this area was Wu. When the J in ¦· Dynasty escaped southwards, it settled down in the area of modern Nanjing and established its capital J iankang ¿j· at the site. Together with the Emperor, many soldiers and ordinary people migrated to the new capital, and thus the people from the north outnumbered the local residents and the language of Nanjing began to change from Wu into Mandarin (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 4; Ge, Cao and Wu 1993: 612–613). During the reign of Emperor Wu ¡¯ Wu Di· of the Liang ¸· Dynasty (one of the Southern Dynasties), the rebellion of Hou J ing ]¸ ¸¡ Hou Jing zhi luan· ruined most of J iankang. When the Sui Dynasty was overthrowing the Chen |· Dynasty in 589, the Sui Emperor Wen ¸¯Wen Di· commanded that the capital be destroyed. In 1129 the J in ¸· troops invaded J iankang and the next year the city was burnt down (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 4). At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, Emperor Taizu ¸±· re- established the capital in Nanjing (under the name ¹¸] Yingtianfu – “responding to Heaven”), bringing with him many craftsmen and other people from south of the Yangtze River. From 1853 until 1864, the Taiping Kingdom ¸¬¸] Taiping Tian- guo· set up its capital in Nanjing, giving it the name Tianjing ¸;·. Once again Nanjing became the victim of war and the people were deci- Analysis of The Great Dictionary 162 mated. In 1937 the J apanese invaded the then capital of China and carried out yet another massacre (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 4). The present dialect of Nanjing is much diversified internally. In various districts of the town, different influences are salient. Therefore it is believed that the speech of only three districts in the southern part of the city can be representative of the Nanjing dialect. But also here, a strong effect of the Beijing dialect and Putonghua is visible, especially since the time when Nanjing was declared the capital of the Republic of China (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37–38; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 4). 4.7. Wuhan¡¡· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 49; Zhu J iansong ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Southwestern Mandarin group, Wutian subgroup ¯¡¡¦l¡¸)Xinán Guãnhuàqù Wùtiãn piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Hubei Province, Wuhan Municipality ¡¡ )Wuhan Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 7,400,000 inhabitants Wuhan is a hub of land and water communication and the largest economic centre of central China. It is often referred to as the “thoroughfare of nine Provinces” ¸]j@ Jiù shéng tõngqú·. The present city of Wuhan was established in 1949 out of three towns: Wuchang ¡;·, Hankou ¡¹· and Hanyang ¡[· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 49; Zhu J ian- song ed. 1998: 3). The Wuhan dialect is the easternmost point of the Southwestern Manda- rin group, from the north, east and south it is encircled by the region of J ianghuai Mandarin (cf. Hu Huibin 1995: 110). 4.8. Chengduj¶· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 52–53; Liang and Huang ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Southwestern Mandarin group, Chengyu subgroup ¯¡¡¦lj¡)Xinán Guãnhuàqù Chéngyú piàn· Background overview of explored places 163 – Administrative affiliation: Sichuan Province, Chengdu Municipality j¶)Chengdu Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 2000:10,040,000 inhabitants As the capital of Sichuan, Chengdu is the political, economic, cultural and communications centre of the Province (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 52–53; Liang and Huang ed. 1998: 3). 4.9. Guiyang ¸[· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Southwestern Mandarin group, Kungui subgroup ¯¡¡¦l¡¸)Xinán Guãnhuàqù Kùnguì piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Guizhou Province, Guiyang Municipality ¸[)Guiyang Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 3,220,000 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ¡¡ Hànzú·, Bouyei ´|¡ Bùyizú·, Miao,¡Miáozú· In the past, the inhabitants of Guiyang were mostly non-Chinese, but since the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, Han people began to settle down in this area. The Han people living in Guiyang believe that their ancestors mi- grated from the area of Yingtianfu ¹¸]· (present day Nanjing, see Chapter 8.4.6.) (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 3). During the War of Resistance against J apan (1937–1945), refugees from the north and the coastal areas moved to Guiyang. After the war, many of them went back to their homes, but a large number settled down. A large proportion of the inhabitants of Guiyang today are those (or their descen- dants) who arrived during that period from many parts of China. Among them, most came from Sichuan and Hunan (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 3). In the 1950s, as a result of the country’s efforts to minimize the differ- ences between the inland and coastal areas, numerous enterprises were established in Guiyang and the whole of Guizhou, bringing quick develop- ment, and at the same time many new inhabitants (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 3–4). Analysis of The Great Dictionary 164 The urban area is mostly populated by the Han nationality, while a comparatively large number of people from the Bouyei and Miao nationali- ties live in the suburbs. The minorities usually use their own languages, but to communicate with the Han, they speak the colloquial dialect of Guiyang (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 4). 4.10. Liuzhou||· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65–66; Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Southwestern Mandarin group, Guiliu subgroup ¯ ¡¡¦l||)Xinán Guãnhuàqù Guìliù piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Liuzhou Municipality ||)Liuzhou Shi· – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 4,790,000 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ¡¡ Hànzú· (84%), Zhuang ]¡ Zhuàngzú·, Hui }¡Huízú·, Yao )¡Yáozú·, Dong ]¡ Dòngzú·, Mulam ||¡ Mùlàozú·, Miao ,¡ Miáozú·, Manchu¡¡Mànzú· Liuzhou is an important communications link between the provinces of the central-south and southwest as well as the major industrial base of Guangxi Province (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65; Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 3). The inhabitants of Liuzhou are mostly descendants of migrants from different historical periods. Since the Qin and Han dynasties, soldiers from the area of Hunan, Hubei and the Central Plains have been immigrating to the region. In the times of the Yuan and Ming Dynasties, Liuzhou served as a military base. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, troops which were meant to open up the wasteland were stationed in the city. Many of the soldiers settled in the area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65; Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 4). Liuzhou has long been an industrial and commercial centre of the region covering today’s Guangxi and Guangdong Provinces. During the Qing Dy- nasty, a large number of industrialists and traders from other provinces arrived in Liuzhou. Presently, there are many guilds associating traders from various places outside of Guangxi (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65; Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 4). Due to the frequent migration waves, a choice of variants of Chinese is spoken in Liuzhou: Mandarin, Yue, Hakka, Xiang, Pinghua, Min. Besides Background overview of explored places 165 the speakers of Chinese, which include the Hui and Man nationalities, other ethnic minorities speak their own languages. There are also many speakers of Putonghua, these are military men and workers of the railways, large factories and building companies (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65; Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 4). 4.11. Luoyang ¡[· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 70; He Wei ed. 1996: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Luoxu subgroup ¹)¡¦l¡])Zhõngyuán Guãnhuàqù Luòxú piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Henan Province, Luoyang Municipality ¡ [)Luoyang Shi· – Population of the whole municipality in 1986: 1,063,475 inhabitants Luoyang has a history dating back to 770. It has been the capital of many dynasties, and as such a political, economic, cultural and communications centre (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 70; He Wei ed. 1996: 3). 4.12. Xi’an¯¸·(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 76; Wang J unhu ed. 1996: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Guanzhong subgroup ¹)¡¦l¸¹)Zhõngyuán Guãnhuàqù Guãnzhõng piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Shaanxi Province, Xi’an Municipality ¯ ¸)Xi’an Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 6,179,552 inhabitants In the area Xi’an is located in today, capitals of ancient Chinese dynasties (Zhou, Qin, Han among others) were established since the eleventh century B.C. (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 76; Wang J unhu ed. 1996: 3). At present it is the capital of Shaanxi Province. Analysis of The Great Dictionary 166 4.13. Xining¯¸· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 82; Zhang Chengcai ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Qinlong subgroup ¹)¡¦l,|)Zhõngyuán Guãnhuàqù Qínlóng piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Qinghai Province, Xining Municipality ¯ ¸)Xining Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 1,085,155 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ¡¡ Hànzú · (85.1%), Hui }¡ Huízú·, Tibetan j¡ Zàngzú·, Manchu ¡¡ Mànzú·, Tu ¸¡ Tùzú·, Mongolian ¸,¡ Ménggùzú·, Salar j¸¡ Sãlãzú· Xining is the capital of Qinghai Province, which was created in 1928. Ly- ing on the routes connecting Qinghai with Gansu and with Tibet, it is an important communications centre. The city is ethnically very diversified (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 82; Zhang Chengcai ed. 1998: 3). 4.14. Yinchuan|)· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 87–88; Li and Zhang ed. 1996: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Lanyin Mandarin group, Yinwu subgroup ¸|¡ ¦l|¸)Lányín Guãnhuàqù Yínwú piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, Yinchuan Municipality |))Yinchuan Shi· – Status: Capital of the autonomous region – Population of the whole municipality in 1992: 501,332 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ¡¡ Hànzú· (80.08%), Hui }¡ Huízú·, Manchu ¡¡Mànzú· When the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region was established in 1958, Yinchuan became the capital. Since then it developed a great deal, and a large number of immigrants began to inhabit the city. The Hui nationality constitutes a large percentage of the population (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 87–88; Li and Zhang ed. 1996: 3–4). Background overview of explored places 167 4.15. Ürümqi _¦Z,· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 94; Zhou Lei ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Lanyin Mandarin group, Tami subgroup ¸|¡¦ l,±)Lányín Guãnhuàqù Tàmì piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Ürümqi Municipality _¦Z,)Wulumuqi Shi· – Status: Capital of the autonomous region – Population of the whole municipality in 1992: 1,366,492 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ¡¡ Hànzú· (72.7%), Uygur ¬;¸¡ Wéiwú’érzú·, Hui }¡ Huízú·, Kazak ¦}¸¡ Hãsàkèzú·, Manchu ¡¡ Mànzú·, Mongolian ¸,¡ Ménggùzú·, Xibe ,|¡Xibózú·, Russian ]¸)¡Éluósizú· In 1884 Xinjiang was established as a province with Ürümqi as the capital (under the name Dihua ¸¡·). In 1954, the name was changed into Ürümqi and in 1955 the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region was estab- lished, Ürümqi remaining the capital. The city is ethnically heterogeneous, with the Uygur nationality as the biggest minority (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 94; Zhou Lei ed. 1998: 3). 4.16. Wanrong]¨· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 98–99; Wu and Zhao ed. 1997: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Fenhe subgroup, Xiezhou cluster¹)¡¦l,])¶|¸)Zhõngyuán Guãnhuàqù Fénhé piàn Xièzhõu xiàopiàn· – Administrative affiliation: Shanxi Province, Yuncheng Municipality j,) Yuncheng Shi ·, Wanrong County ]¨¸ Wanrong Xian· – Population of the whole county in 1990: 376,445 inhabitants The Wanrong County was established in 1954, as the result of a fusion of Wanquan County ];¸ Wanquan Xian· and Ronghe County ¨] ¸Ronghe Xian· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 98–99; Wu and Zhao ed. 1997: 3). It is located in Shanxi Province, very close to the area of the J in dialect (cf. Atlas: B7). Analysis of The Great Dictionary 168 4.17. Taiyuan ¸)· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 106–107; Shen Ming ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: J in dialect group, Bingzhou subgroup ¦)l}| )Jìnyù qù Bingzhõu piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Shanxi Province, Taiyuan Municipality ¸ ))Taiyuan Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 2,710,500 inhabitants The history of the city started around 2400 years ago, with the founding of J inyang ¦[·. During the Qin Dynasty, the name was changed to Tai- yuan. The city is quite homogeneous ethnically (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 106–107; Shen Ming ed. 1998: 3). 4.18. Xinzhou¦|· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 112; Wen and Zhang ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: J in dialect group, Wutai subgroup ¦)l¯¡) Jìnyù qù Wùtái piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Shanxi Province, Xinzhou Municipality ¦ |)Xinzhou Shi· – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 456,120 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ¡¡ Hànzú·, Manchu ¡¡ Mànzú·, Mongolian ¸,¡ Ménggùzú·, Hui }¡ Huízú·, Tu ¸¡ Tùzú·, Korean ¸=¡Cháoxiànzú· Xinzhou has traditionally been a crossroads between the south and the north. It is still a very important communication hub of Shanxi (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 112; Wen and Zhang ed. 1998: 3). The ethnic minorities living in Xinzhou all speak only the Xinzhou dia- lect, not their native tongues (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 112; Wen and Zhang ed. 1998: 3). Background overview of explored places 169 4.19. J ixi ¸¡· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 115–116; Zhao Rixin ed. 2003: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Hui dialect group, J ishe subgroup ¡)l¸,) Huiyù qù Jìshè piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Anhui Province, Xuancheng Municipality ¡,)Xuancheng Shi·, J ixi County ¸¡¸Jixi Xian· – Population of the whole county in 1987: 179,468 inhabitants J ixi is divided by a mountain ridge into a northern and a southern part. This natural barrier has caused not only social differences, but also disparities in language (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 115; Zhao Rixin ed. 2003: 3, 4). The dialect of J ixi has been the focus of attention of Luo Changpei, Zhao Yuanren, Yang Shifeng in the 1930s and 40s. Hirata Shoji has also taken the dialect into consideration in his research during the 1990s (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 116; Zhao Rixin ed. 2003: 4). 4.20. Danyang )[· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 121–122; Cai Guolu ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Piling cluster ¸)l¸¡)||¸)Wúyù qù Tàihú piàn Pílíng xiàopiàn· – Administrative affiliation: J iangsu Province, Zhenjiang Municipality ,·)Zhenjiang Shi·, Danyang City )[)Danyang Shi· – Population of the whole city in 1992: 800,854 inhabitants Danyang is a city with its history reaching back to the times of the Qin Dynasty. It lies on the borderland between the Wu and J ianghuai Mandarin dialects, which is why the speech of Danyang is internally much diversified (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 121–122, 126; Cai Guolu ed. 1998: 3–4, 19). 4.21. Chongming ¸|· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 130; Zhang Huiying ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Suhujia cluster ¸)l¸¡)j;¸¸)Wúyù qù Tàihú piàn Sùhùjiã xiàopiàn· Analysis of The Great Dictionary 170 – Administrative affiliation: Shanghai Municipality ¸[) Shanghai Shi·, Chongming County ¸|¸Chongming Xian· – Population of the whole county in 1982: 215,452 inhabitants Chongming lies within the administrative borders of Shanghai Municipality. The county governs the Chongming Island ¸|_ Chongming Dao· and some small neighbouring islands. The dialect of Chongming is rather homogeneous (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 130; Zhang Huiying ed. 1998: 3). 4.22. Shanghai ¸[· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 133; Xu and Tao ed. 1997: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Suhujia cluster ¸)l¸¡)j;¸¸)Wúyù qù Tàihú piàn Sùhùjiã xiàopiàn· – Administrative affiliation: Shanghai Municipality ¸[) Shanghai Shi· – Population of the whole municipality in 1993: 13,000,000 inhabitants Shanghai is one of the largest cities in China and one of the biggest eco- nomic, communications and cultural centres of the country. Shanghai has experienced a very dynamic growth, from around 500,000 inhabitants in 1852, over 2,500,000 in 1927 up to 13,000,000 in 1993. 105 The growth of population has been caused mostly by a wave of immigrants to this eco- nomic mecca. In 1934 the indigenous people constituted only 25% of the population. Most of the new settlers came from J iangsu and Zhejiang (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 133; Xu and Tao ed. 1997: 3–4). The surge of incomers has induced great changes in the language spoken in the district. The strongest is the influence of the dialects of northern J iangsu, especially of Ningbo ¸¡· and Suzhou j|·, as well as the Beijing dialect and foreign languages. The impact of the Beijing dialect has increased since the founding of People’s Republic of China, while the remaining sources were strongest before 1949 (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 133; Xu and Tao ed. 1997: 4). Besides the Shanghai dialect, other forms of Chinese are used in Shang- hai, mainly Yue, Ningbo dialect and J ianghuai Mandarin (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 134; Xu and Tao ed. 1997: 5). Background overview of explored places 171 4.23. Suzhouj|· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 143–144; Ye Xiangling ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Suhujia cluster ¸)l¸¡)j;¸¸)Wúyù qù Tàihú piàn Sùhùjiã xiàopiàn· – Administrative affiliation: J iangsu Province, Suzhou Municipality j |)Suzhou Shi· – Population of the whole municipality in 1993: 1,965,900 inhabitants The ancient name (dating back to the beginning of the Zhou Dynasty) of Suzhou is Wu ¸·, which is the present name of the dialect spoken in the surrounding area(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 143; Ye Xiangling ed. 1998: 3). Suzhou is located by the Grand Canal, as well as on other major communication routes. 4.24. Hangzhou||· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 149–150; Bao Shijie ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Hangzhou cluster ¸)l¸¡)||¸)Wúyù qù Tàihú piàn Hángzhãu xiàopiàn· – Administrative affiliation: Zhejiang Province, Hangzhou Municipality ||)Hangzhou Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 1992: 5,824,000 inhabitants Hangzhou is one of the ancient capitals of China and a city with a very long history (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 149–150; Bao Shijie ed. 1998: 3–4). Lo- cated in the delta of the Yangtze River, it has for a long time been an impor- tant communication point. Several important traffic routes pass through the city. The region in which the Hangzhou dialect is spoken is rather small and it covers only the urban area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 150; Bao Shijie ed. 1998: 4). Analysis of The Great Dictionary 172 4.25. Ningbo¸¡· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 156; Tang, Chen and Wu ed. 1997: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Yongjiang cluster ¸)l¸¡)j·¸)Wúyù qù Tàihú piàn Yóngjiãng xiàopiàn· – Administrative affiliation: Zhejiang Province, Ningbo Municipality ¸¡)Ningbo Shi· – Population of the whole municipality in 1996: 5,300,800 inhabitants Ningbo is located in the northeastern part of Zhejiang, south of Hangzhou Bay ||] Hangzhou Wan·. It has a history going back to the Spring and Autumn Period (722–481 B.C.) (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 156; Tang, Chen and Wu ed. 1997: 3). 4.26. Wenzhou¸|· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 164–165; You and Yang ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Oujiang subgroup ¸)l¦· )Wúyù qù Õujiãng piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Zhejiang Province, Wenzhou Municipality ¸|)Wenzhou Shi· – Population of the whole municipality in 1993: 6,726,000 inhabitants Wenzhou is located in the southeastern part of Zhejiang, near the border with Fujian and, at the same time, on the borderland between the Wu and Min dialects (cf. Atlas: A2). 4.27. J inhua¸'·(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 171; Cao Zhiyun ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Wuzhou subgroup ¸)l¸| )Wúyù qù Wùzhõu piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Zhejiang Province, J inhua Municipality ¸ ')Jinhua Shi· – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 836,030 inhabitants Background overview of explored places 173 J inhua is situated in central Zhejiang, near the area of the Hui dialect (cf. Atlas: A2). It lies on important communication routes. 4.28. Changsha|;· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 176–177; Bao Houxing et al. ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Xiang dialect group, Changyi subgroup ±)l| ¸)Xiãngyù qù Chángyì piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Hunan Province, Changsha Municipality |;)Changsha Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality: 5,200,000 inhabitants As the capital of Hunan, Changsha is a political, economic and cultural centre of the Province. The dialect of Changsha is regarded as one of the most representative of the Xiang dialect group (cf. Table 17.). 4.29. Loudi¸[·(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 181; Yan and Liu ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Xiang dialect group, Loushao subgroup ±)l¸ ()Xiãngyù qù Lóushào piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Hunan Province, Loudi Municipality ¸[ )Loudi Shi· – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 301,300 inhabitants Loudi is located in the central part of Hunan Province. The city is divided into northern and southern parts by the railroad linking Hunan with Guizhou. The southern part was built after 1978; the northern part is the original site of the town (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 181; Yan and Liu ed. 1998: 3). Analysis of The Great Dictionary 174 4.30. Nanchang¡;· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 185–186; Xiong Zhenghui ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Gan dialect group, Changjing subgroup y)l; _)Gànyù qù Chãngjìng piàn· – Administrative affiliation: J iangxi Province, Nanchang Municipality ¡;)Nanchang Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the urban area in 1990: 1,369,125 inhabitants The history of Nanchang reaches back to 201 B.C. It became the provincial capital after 1949. During the Second Sino-J apanese war (1937–1945), Nanchang was attacked and many residents fled from the city. After the war, a large number of people from the rural areas moved into town. The city has been developing rapidly since it became the capital of J iangxi (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 185–186; Xiong Zhenghui ed. 1998: 3–4). 4.31. Pingxiang ,¸· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 189; Wei Gangqiang ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Gan dialect group, Yiliu subgroup y)l¸,) Gànyù qù Yíliú piàn· – Administrative affiliation: J iangxi Province, Pingxiang Municipality ,¸)Pingxiang Shi· – Population of the urban area in 1990: 1,388,427 inhabitants Pingxiang is situated near the border with Hunan and on the railroad route between Zhejiang and J iangxi. At the turn of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, people from the area of Fujian and Guangdong used to move to Hunan and J iangxi to set up sheds to cultivate the land. In the beginning, they only stayed for the season, but later many of them settled down at their place of work and were called Pengmin j[ Péngmín· (lit. “shed people”). Present day Pingxiang lies close to the Hakka-speaking region, however in the city itself there are no people who refer to themselves as Hakkas (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 189; Wei Gangqiang ed. 1998: 3). Background overview of explored places 175 4.32. Lichuan\)· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 195–196; Yan Sen ed. 1995: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Gan dialect group, Fuguang subgroup y)l|¹ )Gànyù qù Fùguàng piàn· – Administrative affiliation: J iangxi Province, Fuzhou Municipality | |)Fuzhou Shi·, Lichuan County \)¸Lichuan Xian· – Population of the whole county in 1986: 197,174 inhabitants Lichuan is located in western J iangxi, very close to the border with Fujian and with the area of the Min dialect. It is a rather small county, ethnically homogeneous, with only a small percentage of ethnic minorities. The main industries are agriculture and forestry (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 195–196; Yan Sen ed. 1995: 3–4). 4.33. Yudu¸¶· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 200–201; Xie Liuwen ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Hakka dialect group, Yugui subgroup |¸¦l¸ |)Kèjiãhuà qù Yúguì piàn· – Administrative affiliation: J iangxi Province, Ganzhou Municipality y|)Ganzhou Shi·, Yudu County ¸¶¸Yudu Xian· – Population of the whole county in1985: 678,029 inhabitants Located in southern J iangxi, Yudu is a county whose economy is based mainly on agriculture and farming as well as traditional handicraft indus- tries. Most of the ancestors of present residents of the county settled down in the area after moving from the north since the Tang Dynasty. Yet not many came directly from the north, most of the settlers wandered around different places before they stayed in Yudu (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 200– 201; Xie Liuwen ed. 1998: 3–4). Analysis of The Great Dictionary 176 4.34. Meixian]¸· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 206–207; Huang Xuezhen ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Hakka dialect group, Yuetai subgroup, J iaying cluster |¸¦lº¡)¸¹¸) Kèjiãhuà qù Yuètái piàn Jiãying xiào- piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Guangdong Province, Meizhou Municipality ]|)Meizhou Shi·, Meixian County ]¸Meixian· – Population of the whole county in 1992: 580,000 inhabitants Meixian lies in northeastern Guangdong Province, near the borders with Fujian and J iangxi, in the central part of the Hakka dialect area. The Meixian dialect is considered to be the most representative of the Hakka group (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 209; Huang Xuezhen ed. 1998: 16; Table 17.). 4.35. Nanning¡¸· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 213–214; Qin, Wei and Bian ed. 1997: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Pinghua dialect group Guinan subgroup ¬¦l| ¡)Pínghuà qù Guìnán piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Nan- ning Municipality ¡¸)Nanning Shi· – Status: Capital of the Autonomous Region – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 2,608,566 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Zhuang ]¡ Zhuàngzú· (63.6%), Han ¡¡ Hànzú· (35.6%) In Nanning, three varieties of the Chinese language are spoken: Yue (known here as )¦ báihuà), Southwestern Mandarin and Pinghua. Pinghua is distributed mainly in the suburbs and the area surrounding the city. The language of the Zhuang people is also an important factor, as they constitute the largest part of the population (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 214; Qin, Wei and Bian ed. 1997: 4). Background overview of explored places 177 4.36. Guangzhou¹|· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 218; Bai Wanru ed. 2003: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Yue dialect group, Guangfu subgroup º)¹]) lYuèyù qù Guàngfù piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Guangdong Province, Guangzhou Municipal- ity¹|)Guangzhou Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole urban area in 1996: 3,853,000 inhabitants Guangzhou has been a trading port since the times of the Qin and Han Dynasties and still remains one of the most important ports in China (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 218; Bai Wanru ed. 2003: 3). The dialect of Guangzhou is regarded as the standard form of the Yue dialect. Due to ongoing social changes, the circulation of residents and of functionaries, the dialect is going through changes. Since the implementa- tion of the policies of Reform and Openness [÷;jGàigé Kãifàng·, more people from the rural areas have been moving into town (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 218; Bai Wanru ed. 2003: 3–4). 4.37. Dongguan¸¸· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 224; Zhan and Chen ed. 1997: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Yue dialect group, Guangfu subgroup º)¹]) lYuèyù qù Guàngfù piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Guangdong Province, Dongguan Municipal- ity¸¸)Dongguan Shi· – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 1,311,892 inhabitants Dongguan is located about 50 km southeast of the capital of Guangdong Province – Guangzhou. The number of people residing in Dongguan is only the official statistical data. It is very difficult to estimate the real number of inhabitants, as many of them are unregistered migrant workers; in some areas of the municipality they even outnumber the native residents by far (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 224; Zhan and Chen ed. 1997: 3). A number of inhabitants of Dongguan speak the Hakka dialect; however Hakka is spoken only in a relatively small area of the municipality with Analysis of The Great Dictionary 178 speakers who constitute around 16% of the population (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 224; Zhan and Chen ed. 1997: 3–4). 4.38. J ian’ou ¿¦· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 229–230; Li and Pan ed.1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Northern Min group |) ,l|¸lMínyù dàqù Mínbéi qù· – Administrative affiliation: Fujian Province, Nanping Municipality ¡ ¬)Nanping Shi·, J ian’ou City ¿¦)Jian’ou Shi· – Population of the whole city in 1992: 489,300 inhabitants J ian’ou is the largest city in Fujian Province as regards area. It is located in northern Fujian (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 229, 230; Li and Pan ed. 1998: 3, 4). The northern part of Fujian started to develop first of all as the whole Province and J ian’ou has been the political, economic and cultural centre of this part of Fujian up till the time of the Republic of China (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 229–230; Li and Pan ed.1998: 3). 4.39. Fuzhou||· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 235; Feng Aizhen ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Eastern Min group, Houguan subgroup |),l|¸l]¡)Mínyù dàqù Míndõng qù Hòuguãn piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Fujian Province, Fuzhou Municipality | |)Fuzhou Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 5,340,927 inhabitants Fuzhou is located in the eastern part of Fujian, at the lower reaches of the Min River |· Min Jiang·. It has a long history, reaching back to the times of the Spring and Autumn Period (722–481 B.C.). Ethnically, it is not very diversified (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 235; Feng Aizhen ed. 1998: 3–4). The dialect of Fuzhou has been very influential both in the area of Fu- jian Province, and abroad, as many Chinese from this part of China have Background overview of explored places 179 migrated to Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan and overseas (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 235; Feng Aizhen ed. 1998: 3–4). The Fuzhou dialect is often studied in comparison with Qi Lin Bayin g[/,·, a rhyme book compiled in the eighteenth century (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 235–236; Feng Aizhen ed. 1998: 4–5). 4.40. Xiamen ¸]· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 246–247; Zhou Changji ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Southern Min group, Quanzhang subgroup |),l|¡l;;) Mínyù dàqù Mínnán qù Quánzhãng piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Fujian Province, Xiamen Municipality ¸ ])Xiamen Shi· – Population of the whole municipality in 1989: 1,093,299 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ¡¡ Hànzú·, Hui }¡ Huízú·, Gaoshan|¡¡Gãoshãnzú· Xiamen lies in the southeastern part of Fujian, looking out to the Taiwan Strait ¡][#Taiwan Haixia·. The main part of the city is located on the Xiamen Island ¸]_Xiamen Dao·. In 1981 Xiamen was declared a Special Economic Zone (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 246–247; Zhou Changji ed. 1998: 3–4). Since the middle of the seventeenth century and especially since the middle of the nineteenth century, when Xiamen became a treaty port, it gradually turned into the political, economic and cultural centre of southern Fujian. Furthermore, the dialect of Xiamen became the dominant language of the area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 249–250; Zhou Changji ed. 1998: 19). 4.41. Leizhou,|· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 254–255; Zhang and Cai ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Leizhou group |),l ,|lMínyù dàqù Léizhõu qù· – Administrative affiliation: Guangdong Province, Zhanjiang Municipal- ity,·)Zhanjiang Shi·, Leizhou City ,|)Leizhou Shi· – Population of the whole city in 1994: 1,116,000 inhabitants Analysis of The Great Dictionary 180 Leizhou is situated in the central part of Leizhou Peninsula ,|¨_ Leizhou Bandao· in southern Guangdong. In some parts of the Peninsula, the Yue and Hakka dialects are spoken (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 254–255; Zhang and Cai ed. 1998: 3). 4.42. Haikou[¹· (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 259–260; Chen Hongmai ed. 1996: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Qiongwen group, Fucheng subgroup |),l)¸l],) Mínyù dàqù Qióngwén qù Fùchéng piàn· – Administrative affiliation: Hainan Province, Haikou Municipality [ ¹)Haikou Shi· – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 370,420 inhabitants Lying at the northern coast of Hainan Island [¡_ Hainan Dao·, Haikou is the capital of Hainan Province and is its political, economic, cultural and communications centre (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 259–260; Chen Hongmai ed. 1996: 3). 4.43. Conclusions The dialect localities of The Great Dictionary... are of a different nature. Looking through the prism of this assortment, factors which are of great importance in shaping the language of an explored place can be extracted: 1. Administrative status Many of the localities included in The Great Dictionary... are capitals of provinces / autonomous regions. This is explained by the influence of the language spoken in a city of such great political, economic and cultural importance. 2. Ethnical diversity Interactions between the majority and minority languages play a signifi- cant role. Where the percentage of the Han nationality is comparatively low, the minority languages sometimes have a strong impact on the local variety of Chinese (e.g. Harbin, Liuzhou, Xining, Yinchuan, Ürümqi, Nanning). Background overview of explored places 181 3. Linguistic status Some of the listed localities are considered to be standards for the dia- lect group they belong to (e.g. Taiyuan, Shanghai, Suzhou, Nanchang, Changsha, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Guangzhou, Meixian). This opinion is often based on the linguistic tradition (cf. Chapter 8.3.2.). 4. Transportation When a city is a transportation hub, its language can be receptive to the influence of other dialects (or languages), and at the same time it can have the power to change them. 5. Migrations Big migrations have played a significant role in the forming of dialects. The history of migration waves which have had an impact on Chinese dia- lects are described in more detail in Ge, Cao and Wu 1993. 6. Historical significance Most of the cities in question have a long history. Some of them have played an extraordinarily important role as ancient capitals of the country or communication centres. The language of the city where the seat of the government is located has always been significant in the process of standardization. Table 18. summarizes the most salient features of the dialect localities, i.e. the administrative status, the population and ethnic diversity. All these characteristics play an important role in determining the status of the dialect of a place (for scale figures see the bottom of the table). Table 18. A choice of features of the forty two dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects. Dialect locality Administrative status Population Ethnical diversity Harbin provincial capital 4 2 J inan provincial capital 4 1 Muping county-level district 1 0 Xuzhou prefecture-level municipality 4 0 Yangzhou prefecture-level municipality 3 0 Nanjing provincial capital 4 0 Wuhan provincial capital 4 0 Chengdu provincial capital 5 0 Guiyang provincial capital 3 ? Analysis of The Great Dictionary 182 [Table 18 cont.] Dialect locality Administrative status Population Ethnical diversity Liuzhou prefecture-level municipality 3 3 Luoyang prefecture-level municipality 3 0 Xi’an provincial capital 4 0 Xining provincial capital 3 3 Yinchuan capital of A.R. 2 3 Ürümqi capital of A.R. 3 4 Wanrong county 1 0 Taiyuan provincial capital 3 0 Xinzhou prefecture-level municipality 1 ? J ixi county 1 0 Danyang county-level city 2 0 Chongming county 1 0 Shanghai municipality directly under the jurisdiction of the State Council 5 0 Suzhou prefecture-level municipality 3 0 Hangzhou provincial capital 4 0 Ningbo prefecture-level municipality 4 0 Wenzhou prefecture-level municipality 4 0 J inhua prefecture-level municipality 2 0 Changsha provincial capital 4 0 Loudi prefecture-level municipality 1 0 Nanchang provincial capital 3 0 Pingxiang prefecture-level municipality 3 0 Lichuan county 1 0 Yudu county 2 0 Meixian county 2 0 Nanning capital of A.R. 3 5 Guangzhou provincial capital 3 0 Background overview of explored places 183 [Table 18 cont.] Dialect locality Administrative status Population Ethnical diversity Dongguan prefecture-level municipality 3 0 J ian’ou county-level city 1 0 Fuzhou provincial capital 4 0 Xiamen prefecture-level municipality 3 ? Leizhou county-level city 3 0 Haikou provincial capital 1 0 Ethnic diversity scale (according to the percentage of Han nationality): 0 – >99% 1 – 98%99% 2 – 94%98% 3 – 80%94% 4 – 70%80% 5 – <70% Population scale: 1 – 100,000–500,000 inhabitants 2 – 500, 000–1,000,000 inhabitants 3 – 1,000,000–5,000,000 inhabitants 4 – 5,000,000–10,000,000 inhabitants 5 – >10,000,000 inhabitants Chapter 9 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects The Great Dictionary... is a rich source of information about the current situation of Chinese dialects. Vocabulary is naturally the most important feature of the dictionary, nonetheless a lot of material about the phonetic and grammatical system can also be found, especially through the introduc- tions. 1. Internal diversification The descriptions of internal differences of the individual dialects, which can be found in the second section of most of the introductions, present an overview of the diversity of speech in a certain area, and also reveal the phenomena which are occurring in the evolution of dialects at present. Some of the introductions contain very detailed descriptions of the internal diversification of the dialects, in others only a rough sketch can be found. The differences include phonetic, grammatical and lexical features. 1.1. Territorial divergence The territorial divergence of a certain dialect is visible in nearly all the dia- lect localities taken into consideration in The Great Dictionary.... The de- scribed territorial differences include the following kinds (cf. Chapter 7.1.4.8.): 1. Between urban and rural/suburb areas (Harbin, Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Nanjing, Chengdu, Liuzhou, Luoyang, Xi’an, Xining, Taiyuan, Danyang, Shanghai, Suzhou, Ningbo, Wenzhou, J inhua, Nanchang, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Haikou) 2. Inside the urban area (Nanjing, Wuhan, Chengdu, Changsha, Pingxiang, J ian’ou) Internal diversification 185 3. Between various parts of districts (Muping, Wanrong, Danyang, Chongming, J inhua, Lichuan, Meixian, Nanning, Dongguan, J ian’ou, Fuzhou, Leizhou) 4. Between the main dialect and other dialect islands (Chengdu, Ürümqi, Shanghai, Nanning, Leizhou) 1.2. Differences between generations The differences between the generations reflect the changes which are ongoing in the dialects of Chinese. The influence of Putonghua is the most prominent factor (though not without exceptions 106 ). The changes affect mostly the phonetic system, but they also occur in the lexical and grammatical sphere (cf. Chapter 7.1.4.6.): 1. Phonetic changes (Harbin, J inan, Muping, Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Nanjing, Wuhan, Chengdu, Guiyang, Liuzhou, Xi’an, Wanrong, Taiyuan, Danyang, Shanghai, Suzhou, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Wen- zhou, J inhua, Changsha, Nanchang, Pingxiang, Lichuan, Guang- zhou, Fuzhou) 2. Lexical changes (J inan, Yangzhou, Wuhan, Chengdu, Yinchuan, Danyang, Shanghai, Fuzhou) 3. Grammatical changes (Yangzhou, Wuhan, Wanrong, Danyang, Shanghai, Changsha) Sometimes the territorial and generational differences correspond, i.e. people living in the rural area speak the same variety as the old generation, while inhabitants of the urban area use the same language as the new generation (Harbin, Liuzhou). The generational diversification is also linked with the differences in educational level. Educated people usually speak the newer variety of the dialect (Yangzhou, Yinchuan, Ürümqi). 1.3. Differences between the literary and colloquial pronunciation ¸) [,wénbái yìdú The opposition between literary and colloquial pronunciation (see Chapter 7.1.4.4.) is quite strong in some dialects (Lichuan). In some cases, this fea- ture is described in more detail in the fifth part of the introductions Information gathered from The Great Dictionary 186 (Characteristics) (Wanrong, Taiyuan, J ixi, Hangzhou, Changsha, Loudi, Pingxiang, Yudu Xiamen, Leizhou). Often the literary pronunciation is close to that of the Beijing dialect, or Putonghua. At the same time, the variety spoken by the young generation is getting closer to the national standard, thus the literary and new pronuncia- tion are similar (J inan, Nanjing, Yinchuan). 1.4. Other In the dialects there are also internal differences which are due to other factors. The ones described in The Great Dictionary... are the following: 1. Differences between the language of Han and Hui nationalities (J i- nan, Xi’an, Xining, Yinchuan, Ürümqi) 2. Family background (Nanjing) 3. Occupation (Nanjing) 2. Phonetics 2.1. Phonetic systems The phonetic system of each of the dialects is described in great detail in the introductions. The following data has been extracted in order to present an outline of the phonetics of modern dialects. 2.1.1. Number of initials, finals and tones The initials, finals and tones of Chinese dialects form a much diversified organism. The minute details shall not be analysed here, but the number of initials, finals and tones give a general idea of their multifarious nature. Table 19. Numbers of initials, finals and tones in the forty two dialect localities andPutonghua. Dialect group Dialect locality Initials 107 Finals 108 Tones 109 Putonghua 22 39 4 Phonetics 187 [Table 19. cont] Dialect group Dialect locality Initials Finals Tones 1. Harbin 22 38 4 2. Jinan 25 38 4 3. Muping 22 39 4 4. Xuzhou 23 40 4 5. Yangzhou 17 47 5 6. Nanjing 21 49 5 7. Wuhan 19 43 4 8. Chengdu 20 36 4 9. Guiyang 19 32 4 10. Liuzhou 19 41 5 11. Luoyang 23 36 4 12. Xi’an 26 39 4 13. Xining 23 33 4 14. Yinchuan 23 42 4 15. Ürümqi 25 32 3 Mandarin 16. Wanrong 28 35 4 17. Taiyuan 21 36 5 Jin 18. Xinzhou 25 47 4 Hui 19. Jixi 20 40 6 20. Danyang 22 48 6 21. Chongming 35 53 8 22. Shanghai 27 54 6 23. Suzhou 27 49 7 24. Hangzhou 29 53 7 25. Ningbo 29 50 7 26. Wenzhou 29 35 8 Wu 27. Jinhua 29 52 7 28. Changsha 23 41 6 Xiang 29. Loudi 24 40 5 30. Nanchang 19 67 7 31. Pingxiang 23 39 4 Gan 32. Lichuan 23 59 7 33. Yudu 24 52 6 Hakka 34. Meixian 17 73 6 Pinghua 35. Nanning 22 49 10 36. Guangzhou 16 94 9 Yue 37. Dongguan 19 40 8 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary 188 [Table 19. cont] Dialect group Dialect locality Initials Finals Tones 38. Jian’ou 15 34 6 39. Fuzhou 15 48 7 40. Xiamen 17 82 7 41. Leizhou 17 47 8 Min 42. Haikou 16 46 8 The proportions between the number of initials and finals are very different. The Mandarin dialects are roughly uniform in this aspect, with Yangzhou having the largest disproportion and Ürümqi and Wanrong with the two amounts closest to each other. Among the remaining dialect groups, the Guangzhou dialect of the Yue group has the least initials compared with the number of finals. The amount of initials and finals is not closely linked with the affiliation to a certain dialect group, though some similarities can be found within each group. The number of tones has clearly a much more decisive role in the classifications of dialects. The Mandarin dialects only have 3–5 tones, while the other groups have much more diversified tonal systems. The tonal categories and values are analysed more closely below. 2.1.2. Tonal categories and values The Middle Chinese tonal categories (see Chapter 4.2.) have evolved into multiple tones in modern dialects. The categories and their tone values are of a very complicated nature. The Great Dictionary... shows a broad spec- trum of this issue, as presented in Table 20.: 110 Table 20. Tonal categories and their values in the forty two dialect spots and Putonghua. Píng ¬ Sháng ¸ Qù , Rù · Dialect group Dialect locality Yin- píng |¬ Yáng -píng [¬ Yin- sháng |¸ Yáng -shàng [¸ Yin- qù |, Yáng -qù [, Yin- rù |· Yáng- rù [· Putong- hua 55 35 214 51 - Phonetics 189 [Table 20. cont.] Píng ¬ Sháng ¸ Qù , Rù · Dialect group Dialect locality Yin- píng |¬ Yáng -píng [¬ Yin- sháng |¸ Yáng -shàng [¸ Yin- qù |, Yáng -qù [, Yin- rù |· Yáng- rù [· 1. Harbin 44 24 213 53 - 2. Jinan 213 42 55 21 - 3. Mu- ping 42 (51) 553 (53) 213 131 - 4. Xu- zhou 213 455 (55) 24 (35) 51 - 5. Yang- zhou 21 (11) 34 (35) 42 55 4 6. Nan- jing 31 23 (24) 11 44 5 7. Wuhan 55 213 42 35 - 8. Cheng- du 45 (55) 21 53 213 - 9. Gui- yang 55 21 (31) 53 24 - 10. Liu- zhou 44 31 54 24 5 11. Luo- yang 33 31 53 412 - 12. Xi’an 21 24 53 44 - 13. Xi- ning 44 24 53 213 - 14. Yin- chuan 44 53 53 13 - 15. Ü- rümqi 44 51 - 213 - Man- darin 16. Wan- rong 51 24 55 33 - 17. Tai- yuan 11 53 45 2 54 Jin 18. Xin- zhou 31 313 53 2 Hui 19. Jixi 31 44 213 35 22 32 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary 190 [Table 20. cont.] Píng ¬ Sháng ¸ Qù , Rù · Dialect group Dialect locality Yin- píng |¬ Yáng -píng [¬ Yin- sháng |¸ Yáng -shàng [¸ Yin- qù |, Yáng -qù [, Yin- rù |· Yáng- rù [· 20. Dan- yang 33 24 55 11 3 4 (5) 21.Chong- ming 55 24 424 242 33 313 5 2 22. Shang- hai 53 13 44 (55) - 35 - 55 12 (13) 23. Su- zhou 44 (55) 23 (13) 51 - 412 (513) 31 5 3 24. Hang- zhou 33 213 53 - 445 (55) 13 5 2 25. Ning- bo 53 24 35 - 44 213 55 12 26. Wen- zhou 33 31 45 (35) 34 (24) 42 11 313 212 Wu 27. Jin- hua 334 (33) 313 535 - 55 24 4 212 (12) 28. Chang- sha 33 13 41 45 (55) 21 (11) 24 Xiang 29. Loudi 44 13 42 35 11 - 30. Nan- chang 42 24 213 35 11 5 2 31. Ping- xiang 13 44 35 11 - Gan 32. Li- chuan 22 35 44 53 13 3 5 33. Yudu 31 44 35 22 42 5 Hakka 34. Mei- xian 44 11 31 53 1 5 ¸ 5 ¸ 23 Ping- hua 35. Nan- ning 53 21 33 24 55 22 ¯ 3 ¯ 2 Phonetics 191 [Table 20. cont.] Píng ¬ Sháng ¸ Qù , Rù · Dialect group Dialect locality Yin- píng |¬ Yáng -píng [¬ Yin- sháng |¸ Yáng -shàng [¸ Yin- qù |, Yáng -qù [, Yin- rù |· Yáng- rù [· 36.Guang- zhou 53 55 21 35 23 33 22 ¸ 55 ¹ 33 22 44 22 Yue 37. Dong- guan 213 21 35 13 32 ¸·24 38. Jian- ’ou 54 - 21 33 55 24 42 39. Fu- zhou 55 53 33 212 242 24 5 40. Xia- men 55 24 (35) 53 - 21 22 (11) 32 11 55 41. Lei- zhou 35 (24) 22 (11) 31 33 21 55 5 1 5 3 Min 42. Hai- kou 24 21 213 - 35 33 |· 55 As can be seen from the figures above, the tonal categories and their values do not correspond. Tones of the same value in different dialects can belong to different categories, e.g. the tone with value 213 belongs to the following categories in the dialects in question: – |¬ yinpíng in Jinan, Xuzhou, Dongguan – [¬ yángpíng in Wuhan, Hangzhou – ¸) shàngsheng in Harbin, Muping, Jixi, Nanchang – |¸ yinshàng in Haikou – ,) qùsheng in Chengdu, Xining, Ürümqi – [, yángqù in Ningbo The presence or absence of the ·) rùsheng, which is an important fea- ture in the classification of dialects (cf. Chapter 5.1.5.), is also visible in the table. Among the dialect localities belonging to the Mandarin supergroup, three have preserved the ·) rùsheng: Yangzhou, Nanjing and Liuzhou. This is the distinctive feature of the Jianghuai Mandarin group, which Yangzhou and Nanjing both belong to. Liuzhou, on the other hand, belongs Information gathered from The Great Dictionary 192 to the Southwestern Mandarin group, together with Wuhan, Chengdu and Guiyang, and the presence of the ·) rùsheng is not its characteristic. This fact contradicts the description in the Atlas (A2, B14), where it is said that the Southwestern Mandarin group, with Guilin |[· and Liuzhou as examples of the Guiliu subgroup, has not preserved the ·) rùsheng. The dialect of Liuzhou is clearly an exception from the rule. In the description of the phonetic characteristics of the Liuzhou dialect it is said, however, that there are only remnants of the ·) rùsheng and that it is rare (Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 15; Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 68). Most of the non-Mandarin dialect localities do have syllables in the · ) rùsheng, except for Loudi (Xiang group) and Pingxiang (Gan group). Most of them have the | yin and [ yáng categories. In some cases this division goes further, as in Nanning Pinghua, where both the categories are split into upper ¸ shàng· and lower ¯ xià·. A more thoroughgoing analysis of tones and their categories and values reveals a large field for many interesting discoveries, and The Great Dictionary... can be of great value in such studies. 2.2. Secondary parameters The evolution of Middle Chinese plosive ´¡ quánzhuó initials is also one of the most often used criteria in the classifications of Chinese dialects. The modern continuants of Middle Chinese plosive and nasal codas play an important role, as well (cf. Chapter 5.1.5.). In Table 21., the opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials, the presence and kinds of plosive as well as nasal and nasalized codas in the forty two dialect locali- ties is shown: Table 21. Opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials; plosive codas; nasal and nasalized codas in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua. Dialect group Dialect locality Opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials Plosive codas Nasal and nasalized codas Putonghua - - -n; -p Phonetics 193 [Table 21. cont.] Dialect group Dialect locality Opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials Plosive codas Nasal and nasalized codas 1. Harbin - - -n; -p 2. Jinan - - -ã; -ë; -p 3. Muping - - -n; -p 4. Xuzhou - - -æ; -ë; -p 5. Yangzhou - -1 -æ; -ë; -õ; -n; -p 6. Nanjing - -1 -n; -p 7. Wuhan - - -n; -p 8. Chengdu - - -n; -p 9. Guiyang - - -n; -p 10. Liuzhou - -1 -ã; -e; -n; -p 11. Luoyang - - -n; -p 12. Xi’an - - -e; -æ; -p 13. Xining - - -ã; -5 ; -c 14. Yinchuan - - -n; -p 15. Ürümqi - - -n; -p Mandarin 16. Wanrong - - -æ; -p 17. Taiyuan - -1 -æ; -o; -p Jin 18. Xinzhou - -1 -o ; -c ; -5; -p Hui 19. Jixi - -1 -o; -e; -õ 20. Danyang - -1 -p 21. Chong- ming p-÷ b- t-÷ d- k-÷ g- -1 -ã; -o; -n;-p 22. Shanghai p-÷ b- t-÷ d- k-÷ g- -1 -ã; -o; -p 23. Suzhou p-÷ b- t-÷ d- k-÷ g- -1 -ã; -o; -n; -p; m ; n; p 24. Hang- zhou p-÷ b- t-÷ d- k-÷ g- -1 -c ; -õ; -n; -p Wu 25. Ningbo p-÷ b- t-÷ d- k-÷ g- -1 -ã; -5 ; -u; -p Information gathered from The Great Dictionary 194 [Table 21. cont.] Dialect group Dialect locality Opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials Plosive codas Nasal and nasalized codas 26. Wenzhou p-÷ b- t-÷ d- k-÷ g- - -p Wu 27. Jinhua p-÷ b- t-÷ d- k-÷ g- -1 -ã; -p 28. Chang- sha - - -n; -p; -õ; -c; -e Xiang 29. Loudi p-÷ b- t-÷ d- - -n; -p;-ã; -e; -5; -i 30. Nanchang - -t; -1 -n; -p 31. Ping- xiang - - -ã; -õ; -e; -p Gan 32. Lichuan - -p; -1 -m; -n; -p 33. Yudu - -1 -i; -ã; -5; -e; -p Hakka 34. Meixian - -p; -t; -k -m; -n; -p Pinghua 35. Nanning - -p; -t; -k -m; -n; -p 36. Guang- zhou - -p; -t; -k -m; -n; -p Yue 37. Dong- guan - -p; -t; -k; -1 -m; -n; -p 38. Jian’ou - - -p 39. Fuzhou - -1 -p 40. Xiamen p-÷ b- k-÷ g- -p; -t; -k; -1 -m; -n; -p; -i -ã; -5; -e; -u 41. Leizhou p-÷ b- -p; -k -m; -p Min 42. Haikou - -p; -t; -k -m; -n; -p The following conclusions can be drawn from the table (cf. Chapter 6.5.): 1. The Mandarin, Jin, Hui, Gan, Hakka, Pinghua, Yue dialects have not preserved the opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials. Phonetics 195 2. The opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive codas is pre- sent in almost all of the Wu dialect localities, except for Danyang, which gives it a unique place in the area of the Wu dialect group. This phenomenon is an outcome of the influence of the neighbour- ing Jianghuai Mandarin dialects (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 126–127; Cai Guolu ed. 1998: 19). 3. In the remaining dialect groups, some of the places have partly pre- served this opposition. 4. The plosive codas (glottal stop) are only found in the dialects which have preserved the ·) rùsheng in the Mandarin dialect supergroup (Yangzhou, Nanjing, Liuzhou). These two features are often linked together also in the remaining dialects, syllables in the entering tone often end with a glottal stop or other plosive coda. 5. Plosive codas have been preserved in most of the Jin, Hui, Gan, Hakka, Pinghua, Yue, Min dialect localities. 6. The Pinghua, Yue and Min dialects have the largest range of plo- sive codas. 7. The Mandarin dialects have only preserved the [-n; -p] (or only one of them) of the nasal codas, some have also retained the nasal co- das in the form of nasalized vowels. The Xining dialect only has the nasalized endings. 8. Both of the Jin dialects only have the [-p] coda and a few nasalized vowels. 9. The Jixi dialect of the Hui group has lost all the nasal codas and only kept the nasalized vowels. 10. The situation of the Wu dialects concerning nasal endings is similar to that of the Mandarin group, yet percentage-wise less have kept the [-n] ending. 11. Both of the Xiang dialects have retained the [-n; -p;] codas and have some nasalized vowels. 12. The presence and kinds of nasal codas among the Gan and Hakka, as well as Min dialects follow no rule. 13. The Pinghua and Yue dialects have preserved the three nasal codas [-m; -n; -p]. Information gathered from The Great Dictionary 196 2.3. Other phonetic phenomena Many phonetic phenomena are described in the introductions. Most of them relate to tonal changes, but some also show the alterations of initials and finals. The following occurrences are the most salient: 1. Initial mutations (Chongming, Fuzhou) 2. ¸¡ érhuà (Harbin, Jinan, Muping, Xuzhou, Nanjing, Luoyang, Xi’an, Ürümqi, Wanrong, Xinzhou, Jixi, Ningbo, Jinhua, Meixian) 3. Tone sandhi (Harbin, Jinan, Muping, Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Nanjing, Wuhan, Chengdu, Guiyang, Luoyang, Xi’an, Xining, Yinchuan, Ürümqi, Wanrong, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Jixi, Danyang, Chongming, Shanghai, Suzhou, Hangzhou, Wenzhou, Jinhua, Changsha, Loudi, Nanchang, Pingxiang, Lichuan, Yudu, Meixian, Dongguan, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Leizhou) 4. Neutral tone (Jinan, Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Nanjing, Wuhan, Luoyang, Yinchuan, Wanrong, Suzhou, Loudi, Lichuan, Fuzhou) An analysis of these cases can be of great help in depicting the current state of affairs in the field of phonetic changes in dialects. 3. Vocabulary Vocabulary is, as a matter of course, the best described aspect of Chinese dialects in The Great Dictionary.... The two parts of the dictionary, i.e. the individual volumes and the comprehensive edition, create an opportunity to look at the dialectal vocabulary from two different angles. 3.1. Comparison through the thematic indexes The individual volumes make it possible to carry out a thorough study of the lexicon of a single dialect, as well as to make comparisons between selected dialects. The thematic indexes (see Chapter 8.1.1.; Chapter 8.2.3.) can serve as the basis for comparison. The entries in the index are arranged more or less in the same order in each volume. The categories listed can provide an account of the characteristics of a dialect, especially if there are any specific ones, which are uncommon in other dictionaries. For example, in many of the volumes the category Vocabulary 197 “Other” )¡ qítã· is added at the end. In the Jinan dialect dictionary, subcategories of this category are listed: common nouns, natural states and changes, interjections and onomatopoeia, idioms, etc. In the Guiyang dia- lect dictionary, the 28 th category (affixes, etc.) has several subcategories: suffixes, prefixes, function words, interjections, exclamations, onomato- poeia. The Liuzhou dialect dictionary has an additional category: [) yínyù (jargon). Adding categories may imply that words of the supplemen- tary kinds are exceptionally plentiful in the dialects. Through the thematic index, one can also trace the local words for se- lected entries. Unfortunately, this is not an effortless task, as the entries in each category are not the same in all volumes. However, one can try to locate the names for certain objects or phenomena under the domain which they belong to. The basic concepts can be found quite easily. Two examples of such cases are presented in the following table (see also Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 106–107 for other examples): Table 22. Words denoting ‘sun’ and ‘spring’ in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua. Dialect group Dialect locality ‘sun’ ‘spring’ Putonghua ¸[ tàiyáng ¸¸ chùnjì ¸¸ chùntiãn 1. Harbin ¸[ t‘ai 53 ·iap ¦¸ ,Ï 53 ·t‘ou ¸´¸ lau 213 icr 24 ¸¸ t¸‘ucn 44 t‘ian 44 2. Jinan ¸[ t‘c 21 iap 42 ¦¸ ,Ï 21÷44 ·t‘ou ¸¸ t¸‘ue 213÷23 t‘ia 213 3. Muping ¦¸ i 213 ·t‘ou ¸¸ ts‘ucn 51 t‘ian 51 4. Xuzhou ¸[ t‘c 51 ·ip (or·iap) ¸¸ t¸‘ue 213÷35 t‘iæ 213 (or·t‘iæ ) 5. Yangzhou ¸[ t‘c 55 ·iap ¸ ts‘ucn 11 ¸¸ ts‘ucn 11 ·sap 6. Nanjing ¸[ t‘ae 44 ·iap ¦¸ ,Ï1 5 t‘cm 24 ¸¸ t¸‘un 31÷33 t‘ien 31 7. Wuhan ¦¸ m 213÷21 ·t‘ou ¸[ t‘ai 35 ·iap ¸¸ tc‘yn 55 tci 35 ¸¸ tc‘yn 55 ti cn 55 ¸¸ tc‘yn 55 ·sap Mandarin 8. Chengdu ¸[ t‘ai 213 iap 21 ¸¸¸· ts‘ucn 55 t‘icn 55 (tcia 55 ) Information gathered from The Great Dictionary 198 [Table 22. cont.] Dialect group Dialect locality ‘sun’ ‘spring’ 9. Guiyang ¸[ t‘ai 24 iap 31 ¸¸ ts‘ucn 55 t‘ian 55 10. Liuzhou ¦¸ i 31 tnu 31 ¸[ t‘æ 24 iop 31 ¸¸ ts‘unn 44 t‘e 44 11. Luoyang ¦¸ ,ï 33 ·t‘eu ¸[ tæ 412 ·iap ¸¸¸ t¸‘un 33 tcim 412 ¸¸ t¸‘un 33 ·t‘ian ¸¸ t¸‘un 33 ·¸ap 12. Xi’an ¦¸´· er 21 t‘ou (ic 44 ) ´ ic 44 ¸¸ pf‘e 21 ·ni 13. Xining }¸¸ ,c 44÷21 t‘m 24÷21 c 24÷53 ¸¸¸· t‘ia 44 tci 213 (·c) ¸¸ t¸‘ue 44 tia 44 14. Yinchuan ¦¸ ,Ï 13÷11 ·t‘eu ¸[ t‘c 13 ·iap ¸¸ t¸‘uep 44 ·¸Ï ¸¸ t¸‘uep 44 t‘ian 44 ;¸ kc 44 t¸‘uep 44 15. Ürümqi ¸[ t‘ai 213÷13 ·iop ¸¸ t¸‘up 44 ·t‘ian Mandarin 16. Wanrong ¸[ t‘ai 33 ·i\p ´´ ia 24 ia 24÷33 ¦¸ ,Ï 55 ·t‘eu ) er 33 ·sæ ·yi ¸¸ pf‘ei 51÷23 t‘iæ 51 17. Taiyuan ¸[ t‘ai 45 io 53 [¸´· io 11 p‘r 11 (ie 11 ) ¸¸ ts‘up 11 t‘ie 11 Jin 18. Xinzhou ´´ ic 31 ic 31 ¸) ts‘uep 313÷33 tc‘i 313÷31 Hui 19. Jixi ¦¸ Ñie1 32 t‘i 44 ¦¸¡ Ñie1 32 t‘i 44 k‘o 213 ¸¸ tc‘yo 31 ·cio ¸¸¸ tc‘yo 31÷33 cio 22÷53 t‘i 44 20. Danyang ¸[ t‘o 24÷42 ie 24 ¦¸ ni1 5÷5 te 24 ¸¸¸· tcyep 33÷55 t‘i 33÷11 (te 24÷11 ) ¸¸ tcyep 33÷55 tci 24÷55 ¸¸ tcyep 33÷55 te 24÷11 Wu 21. Chong- ming ¦¸ nÑie1 2 do 24÷55 ¸¸ ts’en 55 li 242÷0 ¸¸ ts’en 55 t‘ie 55 Vocabulary 199 [Table 22. cont.] Dialect group Dialect locality ‘sun’ ‘spring’ 22. Shanghai ¸[ t‘o 35÷33 nia 13÷53 ¦¸ Ñie1 13÷11 dr 13÷13 ¸¸ ts‘ep 53÷55 t‘ie 53÷53 ¸|¸ ts‘ep 53÷55 za 13÷55 li 13÷31 ¸¡*]* ts‘ep 53÷55 lo 13÷33 cia 35÷31 ¸¡* ts‘ep 53÷55 lo 13÷31 23. Suzhou ¦¸ Ñie1 3 ·d. ¸¸ ts‘en 55 t‘ii 55÷21 ¸|¸ ts‘en 55 za 13÷33 ·li 24. Hangzhou ¸[ t‘c 55 niop 213÷31 ¸¸ ts‘Ýen 33 t‘ic 33 25. Ningbo ¦¸ Ñii1 12÷22 dœ. 24÷44 ¸[ t‘a 44÷44 nia 24÷44 ¸¸¦ ts‘Ýøp 53÷55 t‘i 53÷55 ko 53÷55 ¸¸ ts‘Ýøp 53÷55 t‘i 53÷53 26. Wenzhou ¸[ t‘a 42÷11 ji 31÷13 ¸[] t’a 42÷53 ji 31÷42 vai 212÷13 }¸ Ñi 212÷0 du 31÷13 }¸] Ñi 212÷53 d u 31÷53 vai 212÷13 ¸¸ tc‘yop 33 lei 24÷0 Wu 27. Jinhua ¦¸ Ñie1 12÷21 diu 313÷24 ¦¸¡ Ñie1 12÷21 diu 313÷24 [t<d] k‘op 535 ¦¸,, Ñie1 12÷21 diu 313÷24 kop 33 kop 33÷55 ¸¸ tcyep 33 t‘ia 33÷55 28. Changsha ¸[ t‘ai 55 ian 13 ¦¸ ,Ï 24 ·teu ¸¸ tc‘yn 33 t‘ie 33 Xiang 29. Loudi ¦¸¸· ni 35 di 13÷33 (·k‘u 44÷33 ) ¸¸ t ‘yn 44 (or t‘un 44 ) zi5p 11÷1 Gan 30. Nanchang ¦¸ Ñit 5 ·t‘cu ¸[ t‘ai 213 ·i5p ¸¸ 'ts‘un 42 s5p 11 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary 200 [Table 22. cont.] Dialect group Dialect locality ‘sun’ ‘spring’ 31. Pingxiang ¦¸ Ñi 13 t‘œ 44÷4 ¦¸¦ Ñi 13 t‘œ 44÷4 ku 35÷5 ¸¸¸ 't¸‘¶p 13 ¸õ 11÷1 t‘ië 13 ¸¸¸ 't¸‘¶p 13 ¸õ 11 li 4 Gan 32. Lichuan ¦ pi1 5 }¸ pic1 5 ·hcu ¸¸ ts‘en 22 ·s5p 33. Yudu ¦¸ Ñic1 22÷5 t‘eu 44 ¸[ t‘æ 22 i5 44 ¸¸ t¸‘uë 31 t‘i 31 ¸¯ t¸‘uë 31 t‘5 31 Hakka 34. Meixian ¦¸ pit 1 t‘eu 11 ¸¸ ts‘un 44 t‘ien 44 Pinghua 35. Nanning }¸ µit 23 teu 21 ¦¸ µet 23 teu ¸¸ ts‘en 53 t‘in 53 36. Guang- zhou }¸ it 22 t‘nu 21÷35 (no data available) Yue 37. Dongguan }¸ zit 22 t‘au 21÷35 ¸¸ ts‘nn 213 t‘in 213 38. Jian’ou ¦¸ mi 42 t‘e 33 ¸¸ ts‘oyp 54 t‘ip 54 39. Fuzhou ¦¸ ni1 5÷33 t‘au 53 ¸ ts‘up 55 ¸¸ ts‘up 55 niep 55 (t‘-) 40. Xiamen ¦¸ lit 5÷21 t‘au 35 ¸¸ ts‘un 55 ·li 41. Leizhou ¦¸ ziek 1 t‘au 11 ¸ ts‘up 24 Min 42. Haikou ¦ zit 3 ¦¸ zit 3 hau 21 ¸¸ sun 24 kui 35 With these two simple examples, the great diversification of dialectal vocabulary is shown. Some of the words have the same form in various places, for example ¸[ (tàiyáng)` and ¦¸ (rìtou)` are the most frequent ways to indicate ‘the sun’, while ¸¸ (chüntiän)` indicates ‘spring’. However, many words specific to individual dialects can also be found, such as: ¸´¸ (làoyér)`, }¸¸ (rètour)`, [¸´· (yángpó (yé))`, ´´ (yéye)` for ‘the sun’; ¸¸ (chünli)`, ; ¸ (käichün)`, ) (èrsänyuè)` for ‘spring’. 3.2. Comparison via the comprehensive edition One can compare the meaning of a certain entry in various dialects in the comprehensive edition of The Great Dictionary.... For example, the word Grammar 201 ¸ (chün)`, which in Putonghua means: 1. ‘spring’; 2. ‘a year’; 3. ‘love between a man and a woman’; 4. (fig.) ‘life, vitality’: (1) ¸ a. Yangzhou – [ts‘ucn 11 ] – 1. ‘spring’; 2. (fig.) ‘life, vitality’ b. Guangzhou – [ts‘øn 55 ] – ‘common name for egg, ovum’ c. Fuzhou – [ts‘up 55 ] – 1. ‘spring’; 2. ‘love between a man and a woman’ d. Leizhou – [ts‘up 24 ] – ‘spring’ e. Haikou – [sun 24 ] – 1. ‘spring’; 2. ‘the season of growth (of plants)’; 3. ‘testicles of male poultry’ 3.2. Lexical characteristics The introductions to the individual dialect localities portray the main features specific to each of the dialects, including the vocabulary. The following characteristics are the most significant (cf. Chapter 7.2.2.): 1. Loanwords from other languages (Harbin, Ürümqi, Shanghai, Guangzhou) 2. Loanwords from other dialects (Shanghai, Hangzhou) 3. Archaisms (Guangzhou) 4. Specific usage of certain words (Liuzhou, Ürümqi, Shanghai, Changsha, Loudi, Nanchang, Jian’ou, Fuzhou) 5. Meaning broader than in Putonghua (Jinan, Muping, Guiyang) 6. {,,/ ¸ héyincí/zì 111 (Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Luoyang, Xi’an, Ürümqi, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Danyang, Suzhou, Ningbo, Jinhua, Changsha, Nanning, Xiamen) 7. ¸,, fenyincí 112 (Xuzhou, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Fuzhou) 8. Differences in sequence compared with Putonghua (Xuzhou, Wuhan, Wanrong, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Guangzhou) 9. Fear of breaking a taboo (Changsha, Loudi, Guangzhou) 10. Words specific to particular dialects (Xining, Jixi, Hangzhou, Loudi, Nanning, Leizhou) 4. Grammar The grammatical features for The Great Dictionary... have been investigated without any directives from the editing committee, therefore Information gathered from The Great Dictionary 202 there is no apparent parallelism between the respective descriptions. Only the most salient characteristics, which distinguish a given dialect from others and Putonghua, are described. Another question is that some grammatical parameters are treated as lexical ones, or either in different volumes. This is the case of pronouns, adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, measure words (classifiers), affixes, numerals, which can all be found at the end of the list of categories in the thematic index. Some authors describe these aspects as a part of the vocabulary, and others as grammar. Nevertheless, the reader can get a good account of the complexity of Chinese dialectal grammar (cf. Wang Guo- sheng 2003). The most commonly mentioned grammatical parameters are the following: 1. Word classes: – Pronouns (personal, demonstrative, interrogative) – Adjectives (especially the categorial comparison) – Adverbs – Verbs and their aspects – Auxiliary words – Measure words – Modal particles 2. Word-formation: – Affixes – Reduplication (of verbs, nouns, adjectives) 3. Syntax: – Complements – Types of sentences (comparative, interrogative, negative) – Word order other than in Putonghua – Specific phrases Chapter 10 Summary and conclusions The linguistic situation in China is much more complex than might seem at first to a viewer from the outside. The innumerable languages of national minorities, the many varieties of Chinese form a complicated pattern. Right now, the dialects are going through changes due to the economic, social and political transformations. In this light the study of dialects is a real chal- lenge and the responsibility of Chinese dialectologists is great. The Great Dictionary... is an example of the work which scholars are trying to per- form in order to record the current linguistic state of affairs. 1. Dialects or languages? Although many of the speakers of Chinese cannot communicate with each other in their mother tongues, the varieties of language used by the Han nationality are still persistently called ¸,fãngyán`, or ‘dialects’. The question whether or not the lack of mutual intelligibility does determine the linguistic borders goes beyond the domain of linguistics and enters the area of politics, anthropology and history. The question touches also upon the feeling of ethnic identity and linguistic ideology, which may, as in many cases in for example Europe, dominate the controversies around linguistic diversification. This is why it is probably best to leave this question aside and concentrate on scientific research of the tongues spoken by the inhabi- tants of China. The dictionary confirms that differences between Chinese dialects are enormous and that the various groups are in a great part mutually unintelligible. Even dialect localities which are geographically close can be very different, such as some of the example localities of the Wu dialect or Mandarin dialects neighbouring with Wu, etc. However, they are all treated as dialects of one language, a problem which is not questioned by The Great Dictionary.... There is obviously a need for a thorough study of the issue of mutual intelligibility between dialects of Chinese, a study which could reflect the extent of this problem. Summary and conclusions 204 2. The language of the majority The language of the Han people dominates the numerous languages of eth- nic minorities in China. The influence of Chinese on minority languages is overwhelming. Yet, the minority languages also do change the Chinese. This is highlighted in some of the volumes of The Great Dictionary... refer- ring to regions, where the percentage of minorities is significant (e.g. Harbin, Liuzhou, Xining, Yinchuan, Ürümqi, Nanning; see Chapter 8.4.43). 113 Some of the ethnic minorities do not have their own language and speak only the local variety of Chinese. This is the case of Hui and Manchu nationalities. The She people also use a kind of language similar to the Hakka Chinese. However, these problems deserve a thorough investigation and they are not the object of this book. 3. Language policy The dialects are undergoing rapid changes due to the language policy in China. This is observable especially in the internal diversification between the old and the young generations. The young people are absorbing the standard language while the old are much more conservative (see Chapter 9.1.2.; see also You Rujie 2000: 206–208, 2004: 198–199). The dialects also affect Putonghua, but not to a symmetrical extent (see Chapter 3.3.). From the point of view of the central authorities, the unification of the language is explicitly desired (cf. Chapter 3.2.). The motivation is practical; it is justified, as it makes communication between the citizens easier. But on the other hand, looking at it from the linguistic perspective, this rapid assimilation of dialects to Putonghua is a rather alarming phenomenon. Chinese dialectologists are undoubtedly aware of it, as one can notice that there is lately an increase in the interest towards dialects. Many varieties of them are being studied, in order to preserve as much information about them as possible. This is the only way to protect them from oblivion. One of the most important contributions in this domain is The Great Diction- ary.... The Great Dictionary... is at the same time viewed by Chinese scholars as a medium in promoting Putonghua, fulfilling its responsibility (cf. Chen Fengying 1995: 107; see also Chapter 3.4.). The language policy of the Different classifications 205 People’s Republic of China on the one hand encourages dialectal research, but on the other hand treats the investigations as a tool for promoting the national standard. This way, paradoxically, the study of dialects is supposed to become the means of eliminating the local varieties of Chinese. 4. Criteria While studying the dialects of Chinese, one encounters the disputes over the criteria for classification. The Middle Chinese phonetic system is still considered the “zero-point” from which all the dialects evolved, even if the scholars are aware that this is but a hypothetical construct which needs critical revisions (cf. Chapter 4.6.2.). Nonetheless, the phonetics are now being looked upon in a broader context, the syllables are no longer treated as individual beings, but various phonetic changes and other parameters are surveyed as well. It is encouraging that at present not only phonetic factors are taken into consideration, but also grammatical and lexical parameters are being valued. The linguists tend to standardize the common theoretical paradigm which they apply for the classifications and try to reach an agree- ment, yet the issue requires further discussions. 5. Different classifications As the criteria have been changing throughout time, so have the classifica- tions. The number of dialect groups has been fluctuating, and at present the two divisions – into seven and into ten groups – are the most popular. Both of these classifications cause many controversies (see Chapter 5.2.18.; Chapter 6.4.). Nowadays, there appears to be a tendency towards regroup- ing the dialects into fewer groups (cf. 5.2.18.). The Great Dictionary... applies the classification presented in the Atlas, i.e. into ten dialect groups (Mandarin, J in, Wu, Hui, Gan, Xiang, Min, Yue, Pinghua and Hakka), despite the most intense controversies around the classifications of J in, Hui and Pinghua. The homogeneity constitutes a practical advantage as it increases the usefulness of both monumental works. In the nearest future, new points of view may be presented in the forthcoming project of the new edition of the Language Atlas of China (see Chapter 5.2.18.). They may bring some consensus, or raise new arguments. Summary and conclusions 206 Whichever the case, they will surely reveal the current state of research of Chinese dialects and cause discussions, which will hopefully lead to deeper investigations on the topic. 6. Research methods The study of Chinese dialects is currently progressing and becoming more and more advanced. Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao is still used as the most com- mon means for the study of phonetics, even though it is rather old. So far no better questionnaire has been invented for the investigation of isolated syllables. Since the syllables are being put into context, other features are investi- gated (see Chapter 7.1.4.). Thus many aspects need to be taken into consideration, for example: sandhi (especially tone sandhi), phonetic changes of diminutives ¸|¸, xiàochéng biànyin· (especially ¸¡ érhuà), alternative pronunciations ,, yòudú·, (such as the literary and colloquial variant pronunciations ¸)[, wénbái yìdú·, borrow- ing the pronunciation of a synonym ¦, xùndú·, differences between the new and the old varieties ];.¸;[, xinpài, làopài yìdú·, popular reading ],súdú·, geographical diversification. The study of vocabulary and grammar does not have such a long tradi- tion as that of phonetics. For the investigation of vocabulary, there exist a few lists which can be used depending on the purpose of research; however none has established such a status as Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao. The investigation of dialectal vocabulary is more irregular than that of the pho- netic system and it requires more thorough analysis. The Great Dictionary... is one of the greatest modern achievements regarding the study of dialectal vocabulary. It gives a broad look at the various characteristics which occur in this field, many of which are de- scribed in great detail in the introductions (see Chapter 9.3.). Hitherto, there are no clear rules as regards the methods of research on dialectal grammar. Usually, the grammatical system is compared with that of the national standard. This way, only features which are found in a different form in Putonghua can be found, neglecting those which are spe- cific only to a certain region. The methods of investigation of grammar clearly need improvement. Chinese abroad 207 InThe Great Dictionary..., this aspect has not been standardized and the descriptions of grammar concentrate on features in some way or other characteristic to the dialect in question. Although the grammatical descrip- tions are not homogeneous, yet The Great Dictionary... is a dictionary, thus detailed grammatical explanations are not the core of it, but they do provide a lot of important information. 7. Other aspects of modern dialectology Modern dialectology does not concentrate only on dialects in terms of territorial diversification. There are other fields of interest, such as social dialects, but this facet is only beginning to develop in China (cf. You Rujie 2000: 11). 114 Other features which need to be thoroughly investigated and described are (to mention a few) diglossia (cf. You Rujie 2000: 208–211, 2004: 200–201; Wang Futang 2004: 526–527), dialect islands (cf. Wang Futang 2004: 526), mixed dialect areas and transitional dialects (Wang Futang 2004: 526, 527), etc. The Great Dictionary... touches upon some of these questions, for instance the internal diversification of dialects, such as differences between generations, geographical and ethnical divergencies as well as differences between the literary and colloquial pronunciation (see Chapter 9.2.). 8. Chinese abroad The Chinese language is naturally spoken not only within the borders of mainland China. It has many speakers who live in the neighbouring coun- tries, but also overseas. There are a significant number of Chinese people living in Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, as well as in the USA, Australia and in several countries in Europe. Specific Chinese dialects are spoken in these regions and they are developing in their own directions. Unfortunately, this aspect is not included at all in The Great Dictionary..., not even the regions which are considered an integral part with mainland China, i.e. Taiwan, Macau, Hong Kong. 115 Summary and conclusions 208 9. Are the dialects of China endangered? The persistent promotion of Putonghua is beyond any doubt a big threat to the dialects. The main aspect of language planning in China, i.e. the promotion of Putonghua, is not balanced by a protection of local vernacu- lars (cf. 3.2.). No matter how many times one will hear the declarations that it is not the intention of the language policy to eliminate the dialects, it is generally known that these measures do not remain without any influence on the dialects. The Great Dictionary... reveals the process of younger generations using a more and more standardized variety of their tongue. Nonetheless, a complete extinction of the local varieties of Chinese does not seem possible, at least because of the largeness of the country. At this point, one can but hope that the transformation of dialects will be a very long and never completed process. 10. Tasks of Chinese dialectology The most urgent responsibilities of Chinese dialectology at present seem to be the following: – To deepen the ground for dialect classification. – To clarify the classification and to decide on the borders between dia- lects. – To create universal research methods which would enable comparisons. – To establish a homogeneous theoretical frame in respect to the hypothe- sis of Middle Chinese as the point of origin of modern dialects. – To preserve data about modern dialects before they assimilate to Putonghua. 11. The role of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects The Great Dictionary... is a milestone in Chinese dialectology. Although not faultless, it constitutes a great contribution to Chinese linguistics and dialectology. Probably the greatest of its achievements is that it has pushed forward the state of dialectal research in China. Thanks to The Great Dictionary..., the status of dialectal vocabulary has risen. The phonetic aspect of dialects The role of The Great Dictionary 209 is no longer the only and the most important focus of dialectal research (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 100–105; [www 11]). The attainments in the field of vocabulary are not the only input of The Great Dictionary.... The dictionary also contains a lot of information about the phonetic system and about the grammar of dialects, providing a clearer overview of the linguistic situation in China as well as providing an opportunity for dialectal comparison (cf. Wang Guosheng 2003; [www 11]). Through The Great Dictionary... one can also verify the characteristics described in the Atlas, see if they agree with the real situation and if the dialect localities chosen for the dictionary have been classified correctly. In recognition of its merits, The Great Dictionary... was awarded prestigious prizes. In May 1999 it got the first grade prize of the Third Na- tional Reference Books Awards granted by the Press and Publication Administration of the People’s Republic of China. In September 1999 it got the highest prize at the Fourth National Books Awards (Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian (fenjuanben) huo jiang 2000: 4; Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 97). Nevertheless, The Great Dictionary... does have some shortcomings. One of the more significant is the lack of dictionaries of some important places, such as Beijing, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau. The question which causes some difficulties to the reader is the lack of uniformity of the introductions to the individual volumes. Not all of them contain the same kind of data. Some do not provide the information about the dialectal affiliation of the dialects in question or about the informants and researched variety. The statistics about population could be made more homogeneous, especially in the comprehensive edition, so that it would be possible to evaluate the status of the dialect localities. It is also not clear whether or not the informants engaged in the project are representative. Despite the deficiencies, The Great Dictionary... is unquestionably a great source of knowledge about the current situation of Chinese dialects, not only for researchers at present, but also for the generations to come. It has chronicled the present state of forty two dialect localities, at a time when the language in China is changing rapidly. This is an inestimable achievement (cf. Liu and Lu 2003). Though not without any objections, the dictionary portrays a large part of the actual linguistic situation in China from the point of view of Chinese dialectologists. A brief chronology of Chinese history since the Qin Dynasty Qin,· Dynasty 221 BC–206 BC Han ¡· Dynasty 206 BC–220 AD Western Han ¯¡· 206 BC–25 AD Eastern Han ¸¡· 25–220 Three Kingdoms ]· 220–280 J in¦· Dynasty 265–420 Southern and Northern Dynasties ¡¸¸· 386–589 Sui |· Dynasty 581–618 Tang j· Dynasty 618–907 Five Dynasties ¯|· 907–960 Five Dynasties and Ten States ¯|]· Ten States ]· 902–979 Song²· Dynasty 960–1279 Liao ¸ · (Qidan ¸ ) ) Dynasty 907–1125 J in¸· (Jurchen) Dynasty 1115–1234 Xixia¯¸· (Tangut) Dynasty 1038–1227 Yuan ¸· Dynasty 1279–1368 Ming |· Dynasty 1368–1644 Qing ¡· Dynasty 1644–1911 Republic of China ¹'[]· 1912–1949 People’s Republic of China ¹'¸[)|]· 1949– China’s main administrative units Province/A.R./ Municipality/ S.A.R. Chinese name Pinyin Chinese abbrevia- tion Capital/seat of government Anhui Province ¸¡] Ãnhui Shéng ]Wàn {| Hefei Beijing Municipality ¸;) Béijing Shì ;Jing ¸; Beijing Chongqing Municipality ¸¸) Chóngqìng Shì ¡Yú ¸¸ Chongqing Fujian Province |¿] Fújiàn Shéng |Mín || Fuzhou Gansu Province |µ] Gãnsù Shéng |Gãn or |Lóng ¸| Lanzhou Guangdong Province ¹¸] Guàngdõng Shéng ºYuè ¹| Guangzhou Guangxi Zhuang A.R. ¹¯]¡| ;l Guàngxi Zhuàngzú Zìzhìqù |Guì ¡¸ Nanning Guizhou Province ¸|] Guìzhõu Shéng "Qián or ¸Guì ¸[ Guiyang Hainan Province [¡] Hàinán Shéng )Qióng [¹ Haikou Hebei Province ]¸] Hébéi Shéng ,Jì ¯¸¸ Shijiazhuang Heilongjiang Province ;¸·] Heilóngjiãng Shéng ;Hei ¦¸] Harbin Henan Province ]¡] Hénán Shéng )Yù ¹| Zhengzhou Hong Kong S.A.R. ¡¸|¸| ]l Xiãnggàng Tèbiéxíng Zhèngqù ¸Gàng ¡¸ Hong Kong Hubei Province ¡¸] Húbéi Shéng ¸È ¡¡ Wuhan Hunan Province ¡¡] Húnán Shéng ±Xiãng |; Changsha Inner Mongolia A.R. ]¸,|; l Nèiménggù Zìzhìqù ]¸, Nèiméng- gù ||¡| Hohhot J iangsu Province ·j] Jiãngsù Shéng jSù ¡; Nanjing China’s main administrative units 212 Province/A.R./ Municipality/ S.A.R. Chinese name Pinyin Chinese abbrevia- tion Capital/seat of government J iangxi Province ·¯] Jiãngxi Shéng yGàn ¡; Nanchang J ilin Province ¸[] Jílín Shéng ¸Jí |¸ Changchun Liaoning Province ¸¸] Liáoníng Shéng ¸Liáo ¡[ Shenyang Macau S.A.R. ¡]|¸| ]l Àomen Tèbiéxíng Zhèngqù ¡Ào ¡] Macau Ningxia Hui A.R. ¸¸}¡| ;l Níngxià Huízú Zìzhìqù ¸Níng |) Yinchuan Qinghai Province ¡[] Qinghài Shéng ¡Qing ¯¸ Xining Shaanxi Province |¯] Shànxi Shéng ,Qín ¯¸ Xi’an Shandong Province ¡¸] Shãndõng Shéng ¦Lù ¡¡ J inan Shanghai Municipality ¸[) Shànghài Shì ;Hù ¸[ Shanghai Shanxi Province ¡¯] Shãnxi Shéng ¦Jìn ¸) Taiyuan Sichuan Province |)] Sìchuãn Shéng )Chuãn or \Shù j¶ Chengdu Taiwan 116 ¡] Táiwãn ¡Tái ¡¸ Taipei Tianjin Municipality ¸,) Tiãnjin Shì ,Jin ¸, Tianjin Tibetan A.R. ¯j|;l Xizàng Zìzhìqù jZàng ¸} Lhasa Xinjiang Uygur A.R. ]]¬;¸ |;l Xinjiãng Wéiwú’ér Zìzhìqù ]Xin _¦Z, Ürümqi Yunnan Province .¡] Yúnnán Shéng ¡Diãn or .Yún ¡| Kunming Zhejiang Province ,·] Zhèjiãng Shéng ,Zhè || Hangzhou Notes 1. This division is also questioned by some scholars (cf. Ruhlen 2004: 121–123). 2. The new edition of the Atlas, which is due to be published in 2010, lists 130 languages spoken in China (see Xiong, Zhang and Huang 2008: 194, 201– 202). 3. See also Chapter 6.3.11.1. 4. The Atlas describes the three languages as ‘non-defined’, although recent research classifies them into the following language families: Korean as Altaic, Gin as Austro-Asiatic (Viet-Muong Group); Huihui as Austronesian (cf. [www 3]). 5. Formerly known as Summer Institute of Linguistics. For information about SIL International see: [www 7]. 6. Cf. Kurpaska 2005. 7. ‘Colloquial speech’, the written form of the vernacular, which was recognized as the standard language after the May the Fourth Movement in 1919 (see also Crystal 2003: 315). 8. To find out more about the standard language as a prestigious form of speech and about dialect status, see Yule 2000: 227–228; Poole 2000: 111–112; Rob- ins 2000: 54–58. 9. Only the terms essential for dialect study are presented here, for more detailed information on traditional Chinese phonology and Middle Chinese cf.: Lin and Geng 2004; Liu Zhicheng 2004; Zou Xiaoli 2002; Tang Zuofan 2004; Wang Li 2004b; Li Xinkui 2000; Gao Benhan 2003; Karlgren 1915–1926; Wang Li 1982. 10. The traditional partition differs from the present one, however in this book only the traditional point of view will be presented, as it is usually employed during the study of dialects. For a discussion on the differences between the traditional and the present analysis of the syllable, and for arguments for the present analysis, see Duanmu, San 2002: 79–95. 11. The tone is pictured here as an integral part of the whole syllable, yet separate from the initial and final. In reality it is realized on the nucleus. 12. There are two optional pronunciations of ¸)¨, in the falling tone (51) and in the falling-rising tone (214). However, in this book it will be written down in the falling tone, according to the rule presented by Wang Ping (2003: 34–35). 13. The sound which has been classified as ¨j,bànchíyin is the initial of the character “¦ (rì)”. The reconstruction of this sound causes many controver- sies. One concept claims that this is the nasal dorsal [Ñ];Karlgren’s concept says that the sound was a combination of a nasal and fricative – [nz]; Wang Notes 214 Li proposes the flap [¡] (see Tang Zuofan 2004: 36; Lin and Geng 2004: 58; Wang Li 2004b: 77). 14. An inconsistency exists in translating the Chinese terms concerning the parts of a final and other related terms into English. This is especially visible when it comes to the term “rhyme (rime)” in English. Some linguists (cf. Chen, M. Y. 2001: 4–5; Duanmu, San 2002: 80) call “rhyme” what is known as ,¸ yùnji in Chinese, i.e. the nucleus and coda. But at the same time, Duanmu has a remark, that “in some analyses, the final is called the rhyme (…)” (2002: 80). Other terms, such as ,yùn; ,¸yùnlèi are translated as “rhyme” in the Chi- nese Encyclopaedia (Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 109; 504). Some of the terms are difficult to translate, as there are no English equivalents. In order to avoid confusion, the Chinese original terms will be used in this book. 15. The word | hù originally meant “to pronounce; pronunciation”, it was later adopted as a linguistic term, indicating whether the final of a syllable contains a medial and which kind of medial or nucleus it contains (cf. Zou Xiaoli 2002: 86–87). 16. For more details and various theories about the four grades (|¸sì déng) see: Wang Li 2004b: 105–108; Tang Zuofan 2004: 67–70; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 86; Lin and Geng 2004: 55–56; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 56–62; You Rujie 2004: 92– 93. For a discussion about ¸ déng, | hù and medials and how to survey them, see Li Rong 1983: 1–4. 17. For more information on ¡|fànqiè see: Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 71–73; Wang Li 2004b: 29–46; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 18–42; Tang Zuofan 2004: 19–28; Feng, Liang and Yang. 1997: 169–171. 18. For more details on Qieyun |,· see: Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 317–318; Lin and Geng 2004: 87–136; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 106–198; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 62–66; Feng, Liang and Yang 1997: 453–454; Li Sijing 2001: 47–96; Wang Li 2004a: 60–72. 19. Tangyun (j,) is a revised edition of Qieyun, written by Sun Mian during the time of the Tang Dynasty (618–907 A.D.). The original has not been pre- served. See Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 505–506; Feng, Liang and Yang 1997: 546. 20. For more information about Guangyun see: Tang Zuofan 2004: 75–192; Lin and Geng 2004: 104–136; Wang Li 2004b: 47–59; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 66–67; You Rujie 2004: 85–102; Feng, Liang and Yang 1997: 250–251; Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 115–116; Wang Li 2004a: 60–72. 21. For a discussion on the principles proposed by Ding Bangxin see: [www5]: 10–11; Li Rulong 2003a: 35. 22. The term “¸”zì, meaning ‘character’ is often used by Chinese scholars as equivalent to ‘syllable’. Each “¸”zì represents a morpheme and most mor- phemes in Chinese are monosyllabic (cf. Lin, Yen-Hwei 2007: 5–6), therefore Notes 215 characters used in the rhyme books usually represent syllables. In this book “¸”zì is usually referred to as ‘syllable’, however in some cases, the two terms are not fully interchangeable. 23. The tone-aspiration division means that apart from the split of Middle Chinese tones into |yin and [yáng categories, depending if the initials were voice- less¡qing· or voiced ¡zhuó·(see Chapter 4.2.), the tones were also divided depending on the aspiration or the lack of it. In dialects where this phenomenon has occured, there can be up to 12 tone categories (Li Xiaofan, personal communication). 24. For details about the gradation of division of dialects and the terminology used see Chapter 6.2. 25. The author has not been able to acquire the original names of the dialects proposed by von Möllendorf, therefore alternative names have been applied in this book. 26. The names of the dialects are written in pinyin or after Beijing Daxue Zhong- wenxi Xiandai Hanyu J iaoyanshi 2004: 12 , as the author has not been able to find the original text. 27. Wang Li’s ¹],,¸ Zhongguo Yinyunxue [Chinese phonology] was re- named in 1955 ¡),,¸ Hanyu Yinyunxue [the phonology of Chinese]. It was later reprinted several times under the new name. 28. Wang Li uses the term ¸,fãngyin, meaning the phonetic aspects of dialects. 29. For explanations of phonological terms, see Chapter 4. 30. Wang Li’s ¹])¸]|Zhongguo Yuwen Gailun, depending on the editions, is also known under the names: ¹])¸,¦ Zhongguo Yuwen Jianghua [a talk on Chinese language], ¡),¦Hanyu Jianghua [a talk on Chinese], ) ¸,¦Yuwen Jianghua [a talk on language]. 31. Mandarin Primer was translated into Chinese in 1952 by Li Rong under the title ¸;¹))¡ (Beijing kouyu yufa) [“the grammar of the colloquial speech of Beijing] (Zhao Yuanren 1985). Due to the fact that the author did not have access to the original version, the Chinese translation is applied in this book. 32. The Chin (J in) dialect described by Forrest is not equivalent to the J in ¦· dialect as described in Atlas (Atlas: A2; Li Rong 1989a: 257; cf. Wen Duanzheng 1998: 247). 33. For more information about the Technical Conference on the Standardization of Modern Chinese, see DeFrancis 1967: 139–142; [www 8]; [www 9]. 34. The book by Yuan J iahua was made known outside of China by a translation into Russian (J uan Czja-Hua 1965). Its contents have also been presented in great detail by Søren Egerod (1967). 35. In the original 1960 edition, the Min dialects were divided into the Northern and the Southern groups. Notes 216 36. The New Xiang is also called Northern Xiang ¸)±) Béipiàn Xiãng- yù· and the Old Xiang – Southern Xiang ¡)±) Nánpiàn Xiãngyù·. For more information about the classification of the Xiang dialect see: Zhan Bohui 1981: 124–125; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 78–79; Zhou and You 1985: 259–262; Künstler 2000: 255–259. 37. For a more detailed description of the classification presented by Li Rong in the Atlas see Chapter 6. 38. The classifications made by Zhang Binglin and Li J inxi are not included in this table, as they do not correspond with the divisions of the remaining authors. 39. See Li Rong 1989a: 255–259; Atlas: A2. 40. For details about the classification of Mandarin dialects established in the Atlas see Li Rong 1985a. 41. Only a rough description of the distribution of dialects is presented here. 42. For more information about Junhua see Pan J iayi 1998. 43. In the Atlas, the Min dialect is classified as a supergroup divided into groups, with an annotation that it might as well be classified as a group divided into subgroups, etc. in order to put it on a more equal footing with other non- Mandarin dialects (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258). For this reason, the classification is not as meticulous as that of the Mandarin supergroup. 44. On the maps in the Atlas (A2, B13), the Leizhou group figures as a subgroup of the Southern Min group, though in the descriptions it is treated as a sepa- rate group. 45. See Chapter 2.2. 46. For more information about the language of the She people see You Wenliang 2002. For information about relationships between the language of the She people with the Hakka dialect see You Wenliang 2002: 519–577; Dai Qingxia ed. 1992: 300–309. 47. For more information about the Danzhou dialect, see Wu Yingjun 1988; Liu Xinzhong 2001: 49–50; Liang Yougang 1984b: 266–267. 48. For more information on Xianghua, see Bao and Yan 1986: 276. 49. For more information on Tuhua, see Bao Houxing 2004; Xie Qiyong 2002; Qin Yuanxiong 2007. 50. For explanations of linguistic terms see Chinese-English index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology and Chapter 4. 51. For more general information about the Mandarin dialects see: Hou J ingyi ed. 2002: 3–40; Ding Bangxin 1998b. 52. For more information about the Northeastern Mandarin dialects see He Wei 1986; Zhang Zhimin 2005. 53. The full names of the subgroups and clusters together with the notation in Chinese characters and pinyin can be found in 6.3. 54. For more information about the J ilu Mandarin dialects see Liu Shuxue 2006. Notes 217 55. For more information about the Central Plains Mandarin dialects see He Wei 2005. 56. For more information about the Lanyin Mandarin dialects see Zhou Lei 2005. 57. For more information about the Southwestern Mandarin dialects see Huang Xuezhen 1986. 58. Today sharp initials (,, jiãnyin) include [ts-, ts‘-, s-] combined with [i] or [y] medials or finals; rounded initials ([,tuányin, also called [,yuányin) include [t-, t‘-, -] combined with [i] or [y] medials or finals. 59. For more information about the J in dialect see Hou J ingyi ed. 2002: 41–66; Hou J ingyi 1999; Qiao Quansheng 2000; Hou J ingyi 1989; Hou J ingyi 1986; Shen Ming 2006. 60. See also Chapter 9.3.3. 61. For more information about the Wu dialects see Hou J ingyi ed. 2002: 67–87; Shanghai Shi Yuwenxuehui and Xianggang Zhongguo Yuwenxuehui 2003, 2005; Cao Zhiyun 2002; Yan Yiming 1994; Qian Nairong 2003; Wuyu de bianjie he fenqu 1984; Fu Guotong et al. 1986. 62. For more information about the Hui dialects see Hou J ingyi ed. 2002: 88–115; Zhao Rixin 2005. 63. For more information about the Gan dialects see Hou J ingyi ed. 2002: 141– 153; Xie Liuwen 2006. 64. For more information about the Xiang dialects see Hou J ingyi ed. 2002: 116– 140; Peng Fengshu 1999; Bao and Chen 2005. 65. For more information about the Min dialects see Hou J ingyi ed. 2002: 207– 248; Huang Diancheng 1984; Zhang Zhenxing 1989, 2000a. 66. For more information about the Southern Min dialects see Zhou Changji 1991. 67. For more information about the Eastern Min dialects see Lin Hansheng 2002. 68. For the notation of implosives see Chapter 7.1.5. 69. For more information about the Yue dialects see Hou J ingyi ed. 2002: 174– 206; Zhan Bohui ed. 2004; Wu Wei 2007. 70. For more information about the Pinghua dialect see Liang and Zhang 1999; Li Lianjin 2007; Qin Yuanxiong 2007. 71. For more information about the Hakka dialect see Hou J ingyi ed. 2002: 154– 173; Li Rulong et al. ed. 1999; Luo and Deng 1995; Xie Liuwen 2003; He Gengyong 1993. 72. For more detailed descriptions on research of phonetics of dialects, different ways of recording the results and analysis see: Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 119– 173; You Rujie 2004: 57–84, 2000: 22–34; Li Rulong 2003: 81–94; Yuan J iahua 2003: 309–316; Huang J inghu 1987: 207–241. 73. For a more detailed description of the use of this list see Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 120–127; You Rujie 2004: 59–68; Huang J inghu 1987: 209–219. 74. Cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 120–124; You Rujie 2004: 60–62; Huang J inghu 1987: 209–213. Notes 218 75. Cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 124–125; You Rujie 2004: 62–63; Huang J inghu 1987: 213–219. 76. Cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 126–127; You Rujie 2004: 63–64; Huang J inghu 1987: 213–219. 77. For more information on the structure of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao see Zhong- guo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: viii. 78. For more details on tone sandhi research see You Rujie 2004: 76–80. For exhaustive details about tone sandhi itself, especially in Chinese dialects, see Chen, Matthew Y. 2001. 79. For details about the phonetic changes of diminutives in some dialects see: Zhao Rixin 1999; Zhuang and Lin 2000; Huang Qunjian 1993; Qian Huiying 1991; Zhou Zuyao 1987. 80. For more information about ¸¡ érhuà see: Duanmu, San 2002: 195–208; Wang Futang 2005: 150–181; You Rujie 2004: 49–50; Zhang Shifang 2004; Hu Guangbin 1994; Li Yuming 1996; Zhang Shuzheng 1996; Xing Xiangdong 1996; Li Bing 1981; Ying Yutian 1990. 81. For more details on¦, xùndú, especially in the dialect of Qiongzhou, see Chen Hongmai 1993; Liang Yougang 1984a; Zhang Shengyu 1984. 82. The inventor of this five-point scale system was Zhao Yuanren. For a detailed explanation of the system of “tone-letters” see Zhao Yuanren 1980. 83. In this sense, the term ,|¡) Gùdài Hànyù denotes the literary form of Chinese, mostly equal to ¸,wényán. 84. The pronunciation in dialects is not given here, as it is not relevant to the issue discussed. 85. For detailed descriptions of specific dialectal words from various dialects see Li Rulong ed. 2002. For more information see also Li Rulong 2003b; Li Ru- long 2003a: 108–11. 86. For a detailed description of characters used for writing down dialectal words see Dong Shaoke 2002: 238–266. 87. For more details on the forming and kinds of dialectal characters see You Rujie 2004: 206–208. 88. For information about systems of recording the dialectal pronunciation in the past see You Rujie 2004: 209–210. 89. For detailed descriptions of grammatical characteristics of Chinese dialects, see: Huang Borong ed. 1996; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu J iaoyanshi 2004: 43–46; Huang J inghu 1987: 260–275; Zhan Bohui 1981: 57– 91; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 257–287; Li Rulong 2003a: 132–141. The prob- lem will be further discussed at 9.4. 90. The last one, Jixi Fangyan Cidian (¸¡¸,,3) [J ixi Dialect Dictionary] (Zhao Rixin 2003), was added when most of the work on the dictionary was completed, that is why some articles concerning the The Great Dictionary... mention only 41 volumes (cf. Zhao Rixin 2003: 410; Li Rong 2002: 1; Zhang Notes 219 Zhenxing 2000b: 97; Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian zongheben chuban 2003: 193. 91. All the non-standard usage in the comprehensive edition is explained in the guide to the use of the dictionary (Li Rong 2002: 3–4). 92. Cf. Li Rong 1993: 1 and the general introduction to the separate volumes, found at the beginning of each of them. 93. Unlike the empty squares used throughout the dictionary proper (see Chapter 8.1.). 94. The first edition of Xiandai Hanyu Cidian_|¡),3·was published in 1978. In this book the author used the 2002 Chinese-English edition. 95. Cf. Chapter 7. 96. Xie Liuwen, personal communication. 97. Xie Liuwen, personal communication. 98. The affiliation of each local dialect has been found through Xu and Miyata ed. 2000, vol 5, appendix ´]|¸)¡)¸,_¡]( Quanguo ge xian shi Hanyu fangyan xishu jianbiao [Brief table of the dialectal affiliation of Chi- nese dialects of every city and county]. 99. Xie Liuwen, personal communication. 100. Xie Liuwen, personal communication. 101. Official statistical data always leaves a place for discussion as to whether or not this is the real state of affairs. The official numbers can differ greatly from the actual situation, especially with the large number of so-called migrant workers and unregistered inhabitants. 102. The Chinese term ) shi ¨ can carry different meanings in terms of administrative divisions. It can imply: a municipality directly under the jurisdiction of the State Council at the same level as a Province ¡¡) zhixia shi·, e.g. Beijing Municipality ¸;) Beijing Shi·; a municipal- ity at prefecture-level j¿) diji shi·, e.g. Harbin Municipality ¦¸ ]) Harbin Shi·; a city at county-level ¸¿) xianji shi·, e.g. Dan- yang City )[)Danyang Shi·. 103. ]· kuàishù is a folk art form in which the performer tells stories accompa- nied by rhythmic bamboo or copper clappers (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexue- yuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002: 1120). 104. Lü Opera ¦[Lüjù· has developed on the basis of a local form of story- telling to the accompaniment of a dulcimer (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002: 1265). 105. According to the fifth National Census, the population of Shanghai Municipality in 2000 was 16,740,000 people (cf. [www 13]). 106. In the dialect of Danyang, the new generation has been influenced by the language from the suburbs and countryside (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 124–125; Cai Guolu ed. 1998: 7–8). 107. Including zero-initial. Notes 220 108. Basic finals, excluding ¸¡érhuà and mutations; including nasal consonants which can form individual syllables. 109. Excluding neutral tone and tone sandhi. 110. In some of the introductions, the tone values used in the dictionary are not the actual ones, but are used for convenience and clearness of notation. The real values are then added in annotations. In this table, the real values are written down without brackets, while those applied in the dictionaries are in brackets. 111. The term {,, héyincí (or {,¸ héyinzì) means the contraction of two syllables into one, which has the initial of the first and the final of the second syllable. This is also sometimes called syllable fusion or syllable merger (information consulted with Moira Yip). 112. ¸,, fenyincí (syllable splitting) is the inverse of {,, héyincí. It con- sists of dividing a single syllable into two, of which the first one contains the initial of the original syllable, and the second one – the final. According to the information gained from Moira Yip, the term ¡| fànqiè is often used by English authors to describe this. ¸,,fenyincí is especially common in the J in dialect group (cf. Xing Xiangdong 2002: 254–265; Hou J ingyi 1999b: 330–333, Li Lan 2002: 46-47). 113. For more details on the topic, see for example: Dai Qingxia ed. 1992; Dai and Gu ed. 2003; Hanyu fangyan he minzu yuyan 2001; Liang and Zhang 1988; Hong Bo 2004; Wang J un 2004: 58–85; Gan Yu’en ed. 2005: 108–109. 114. For more information about social dialectology in China, see: You Rujie 2000: 211–215, 2004: 201–203; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu J iaoyanshi: 2–3; Wang Futang 2004: 527–528. 115. For more information about Chinese abroad, see Li Rulong ed. 1999; Zheng Ding’ou ed. 1997; Liu Zhenfa 2001; Zhang Zhenxing 1983; Sheng Yan 1997; Xu, Chew and Chen 2005; Zhou and Chew 2000; Chen Xiaojin 2003; Ha Mawan 1994; Zou and You 2001: 48–83; 183–195; 209–285; Beijing Shi Yu- yanxuehui 2004: 250. 116. Due to the specific political status of Taiwan, it is not called ‘Province’ in this book, but is included in this table as it is culturally an integral part of China. References Names of Chinese authors, who have published some of their works in English under a different than pinyin spelling of their names, are written in pinyin, with cross-references at their original form. English translations of Chinese titles of books and articles made by the author are written in square brackets. Instances where the English translation appears in the source book or periodical are indicated by round brackets and left in their origi- nal form. References to website addresses can be found on a separate list which follows the main list of references (see Technical notes for explanations). American Presbyterian Mission, (ed.) 1896 The China Mission Handbook. Shanghai ¸[·: The American Presbyterian Mission Press. Anshen, Frank 2001 Language Planning. In The Handbook of Linguistics, Mark Aronoff and Janie Rees-Miller (eds.), 704–713. Beijing ¸;·: Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu Chubanshe (){¸[{¸±[1· and Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Atlas (see Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan yu Aodaliya Renwen Kexueyuan ¹] 1¸|¸|[¡,]¯¸¸|¸|· 1987, 1989). Bai Wanru )¸;· (ed.) 2003 Guangzhou Fangyan Cidian ¹|¸,,3· [Guangzhou dialect dictionary]. Nanjing ¡;·: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe ·j{ ¡±[1·. Bao Houxing [)¸· 2003 Fangyan yufa yanjiu yu tianye diaocha ¸,)¡{¸[![j [· [The study and fieldwork of dialectal grammar]. 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Bao Shijie [,· (ed.) 1998 Hangzhou Fangyan Cidian ||¸,,3· [Hangzhou dialect dictionary]. Nanjing ¡;·: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe ·j{ ¡±[1·. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi ¸;,¸¹¸__|¡ ){{¬· [The Modern Chinese Section of Peking University Sinology Department] 2004 Hanyu Fangyanxue Jichu Jiaocheng ¡)¸,¸¸{{|· [A basic course in Chinese dialectology]. Unpublished textbook. Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi ¸;,¸ ¹]),¸¸_),{{¸¬· [The Linguistics Section of Pe- king University Sinology Department] 2003 Hanyu Fangyin Zihui. Di’er Ban Chongpai Ben. ¡)¸,¸, ¸[¸|7· [Dictionary of pronunciation of characters in Chi- nese dialects. Second edition recomposed]. Beijing ¸;·: Yu- wen Chubanshe )¸±[1·. 2005 Hanyu Fangyan Cihui. Di’er Ban. ¡)¸,,,¸[· [Lexicon of Chinese dialects. Second edition]. Beijing ¸;·: Yu- wen Chubanshe )¸±[1·. 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Fact and Fantasy. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. DeLancey, Scott 1987 Sino-Tibetan Languages. In The Worlds Major Languages, Bernard Comrie (ed.), 797–810. London & Sydney: Croom Helm. Ding Bangxin ¯|]· 1998 Ding Bangxin Yuyanxue Lunwenji ¯|]),¸|¸¸· [Ding Bangxin’s essays on linguistics]. Beijing ¸;·: Shangwu Yinshuguan ],¹·)·. 1998a Hanyu Fangyan qufen de tiaojian ¡)¸,l¸[¡¦· [Fea- tures for the classification of Chinese dialects]. In Ding Bangxin ¯ |]· 1998, 166–187. 1998b Lun Guanhua Fangyan yanjiu zhong de jige wenti |¡¦¸,{ ¸¹[)´]¸· [Some problems in studies of the Mandarin dia- lects]. In Ding Bangxin ¯|]· 1998, 209–245. Ding Shengshu ¯)|· 1989 Fangyan diaocha cihui shouce ¸,j[,,¸)· (A selected word list for Chinese dialectal survey). Fangyan ¸,· (Dialect) 2: 91–97. Ding Shengshu ¯)|· and Li Rong ¸¨· 1956 Hanyu fangyan diaocha ¡)¸,j[· [The study of Chinese dialects]. 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[www 12] Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Guojia Tongji Ju ¹'¸[)|]]¸,,) (National Bureau of Statistics of China) 2008-11-19a Diwuci Quanguo Renkou Pucha Gongbao (Diyi hao) ¸¯]´ ]¸¹|[,|¸_ [A report from the fifth National Cen- sus (No. 1)]. <http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjgb/rkpcgb/qgrkpcgb/t20020331_15434.ht m>. (2009-07-22). [www 13] Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Guojia Tongji Ju ¹'¸[)|]]¸,,) (National Bureau of Statistics of China) 2008-11-19b Diwuci Quanguo Renkou Pucha Gongbao (Di’er hao) ¸¯] ´]¸¹|[,|¸_ [A report from the fifth National Census (No. 2)]. <http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjgb/rkpcgb/qgrkpcgb/t20020331_15435.ht m>. (2009-07-22). [www 14] Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Jiaoyubu ¹'¸[)|]{¡; (Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China) 2005-09-02 Dangqian tuiguang Putonghua gongzuo de beijing `j|¹| j¦¯¦[¡¸ [Background of the current promotion of Putonghua]. <http://www.moe.edu.cn/edoas/website18/info15932.htm> (2007-11- 23). [www 15] Law of the People's Republic of China on the Standard Spoken and Written Chinese Language (Order of the President No.37) 2005-09-19 <http://english.gov.cn/laws/2005-09/19/content_64906.htm> (2009- 12-30) 1 The Chinese edition of The Language Atlas of China was published in two stages. Two first parts (maps A5, B3, B5, B9, B10, B12, B14, C2, C3, C4, C5, C7, C8, C9, C11, C12) were published in 1987, the remaining maps in 1989. Chinese-English index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. )¦ báihuà 1. “Colloquial speech”, the written form of the vernacular, which was recognized as the standard language after May the Fourth Movement in 1919. 10 2. The name for the Yue dialect spoken in Nanning 176 ¸¸¸, Béifãng fãngyán Northern Dialects, see also ¡¦Guãnhuà 1. 10, 46, 53, 55 ¸¸¦ Béifãnghuà same as ¡¦ Guãnhuà 1. 52 ¡¡|¸ bèi fànqiè zì the character, the pronunciation of which is described by the use of the fànqiè method (see also ¡|fànqiè; ¡|¸¸fànqiè shàngzì; ¡|¯¸ fànqiè xiàzì) 22 j¸, chitóuyin see¸, jiùyin j, chiyin dental sound (see also ¯,wùyin; ¸, jiùyin) 18, 19, 20 ¸, chúnyin labial sound (see also ¯, wùyin; ¸, jiùyin) 18, 20 ]¸, cì fãngyán sub-dialect 27, 63 ]¡ cìqing voiceless, aspirated plosives and affricates (see also ¡, qingyin) 19, 20 ]¸) cì tùyù same as ¡qiãng 63 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 253 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. ]¡ cìzhuó voiced nasals, laterals and semivowels (see also¡, zhuóyin) 19, 20, 27, 31, 78, 79, 80, 89 j) cùsheng checked tone, i.e. the entering tone (·) rùsheng), as opposed to ¡)shùsheng (see also |)sìsheng) 17, 18 ]¹| cuõkóuhù see||sìhù ,¸, dà fãngyán major dialect group (see also ¸,,l fãng- yán dàqù) 27 ,l dàqù see¸,,l fãngyán dàqù 63 ¸ déng see|¸ sì déng 22, 214 ) diàn see¸,) fãngyán diàn 64 j¸ diàolèi tone category 16, 96 jj diàozhí tone value; tone pitch 16, 96 ¸¡ érhuà one of the types of phonetic changes of diminutives; it consists in adding the ¸ (ér) suffix which “merges with the sylla- ble it attaches to” (Duanmu, San 2002: 195), forming a retroflexed final 29, 31, 36, 102, 109, 196, 206, 218, 219 ¸ èrdéng the second of the four grades of traditional finals (see also |¸sì déng) 22, 30, 82, 84, 87 ¿[¡ fãquãnfà a method of describing the tones of a Chi- nese character (see also |) sìsheng) xi, xx, 105, 106 ¡|¸¸ fànqiè shàngzì the first of the two characters used in the fanqie method (see ¡|fànqiè); this character indicates the initial of the character described (see also ¡|¯¸ fànqiè xiàzì; ¡¡|¸ bèi fànqiè zì) 22 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 254 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. ¡|¯¸ fànqiè xiàzì the second of the two characters used in the fanqie method (see ¡| fànqiè); this character indicates the final and tone of the character described (see also ¡|¸ ¸ fànqiè shàngzì; ¡¡|¸ bèi fànqiè zì) 22 ¸, fãngyán dialect ix, 1, 2, 3, 63, 203 ¸, Fãngyán Dialectology, the first Chinese work on dia- lects, written by Yang Xiong at the time of the Eastern Han Dynasty. The full title is: |¦|{¿|)¦¸]¸, (Yóuxuãn Shizhé Juédài Yùshì Biéguó Fãngyán) 1 ¸,, fãngyáncí dialectal word 111 ¸,,, fãngyáncíhuì dialectal vocabulary 111 ¸,,l fãngyán dàqù dialect supergroup (see also ,¸, dà fãng- yán) 63 ¸,) fãngyán diàn local dialect; dialect locality 137 ¸,¸¡l fãngyán guòdùqù intermediate (transitional) dialect areas (see also¡{¸,lhùnhé fãngyánqù) 34 ¸,) fãngyán piàn dialect subgroup 63 ¸,l fãngyán qù dialect group 63 ¸,|/, ) fãngyán tèshù cíyù specific dialectal words, also ¸,|¡, fãngyán tèzheng cí 32, 118 ¸,|¡, fãngyán tèzheng cí same as ¸,|/,)fãngyán tèshù cíyù 32, 118 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 255 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. ¸,¸) fãngyán xiàopiàn dialect cluster (see also ¸¸,xiào fãng- yán) 63 ¸,¸ fãngyánzì dialectal character (see also ]¦¸ sútízì) 119 ¸,, fenyincí fenyinci, syllable split 81, 201, 220 y¸, Gàn fãngyán same as y)Gànyù y) Gànyù Gan dialect, also y¸,Gànfãngyán 27, 35, 36, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 70, 83–84, 86, 88, 90, 101, 114, 141, 142, 149, 174, 175, 187, 190, 192, 194, 195, 199, 200, 205, 217 ,± Gù Xiãng Old Xiang dialect (see also ±)Xiãngyù) 54, 55, 61, 155, 215 1. Mandarin dialects, also ¸¸¦Béi- fãnghuà, ¸¸¸,Béifãng fãngyán 2, 10, 27, 31, 35, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 64–68, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77– 81, 89, 90, 100, 111, 112, 137, 138, 139, 142, 143, 146, 148, 149, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 169, 170, 176, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 203, 205, 216, 217 ¡¦ Guãnhuà 2. Mandarin, the standard language since the Ming Dynasty. 3, 10 ¹¸¦ Guàngdõnghuà dialect of Guangdong, Cantonese (see also º Yuè) 37, 52 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 256 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. ¹, Guàngyùn full title – ,²¸]¹, (Dàsòng Chóngxiù Guàngyùn), a rhyme book (,· yùnshù) written in 1008 A.D. by Chen Pengnian, Qiu Yong and others, on the basis of Qièyùn |,·, Tángyùn j,· and other rhyme books xx, 15, 23–24, 91, 214 |¸ Hakka (Kèjiã) same as |¸¦Kèjiãhuà ¡) Hànyù the Chinese language; language spoken by the Han people 5 ¡),,¸ Hànyù yinyùnxué Chinese historical phonetics; traditional phonology 15–24 {¹| hékóuhù see|| sìhù; || liànghù {,,/¸ héyincí/zì heyinci (zi), contraction of two syllables into one, which has the initial of the first and the final of the second syllable (also called syllable fusion or syllable merger) 201, 220 ;, hóngyin “vast sound”; the first grade (¸yidéng) and the second grade (¸èrdéng) of fi- nals, as opposed to ;,xìyin (see also |¸ sì déng) 22, 30, 82, 83, 84 | hù see||sìhù; ||liànghù ¡¸, Hui fãngyán same as ¡)Huiyù ¡) Huiyù Hui dialect, also ¡¸, Hui fãngyán 56, 58, 61, 69, 75, 76, 83, 90, 137, 140, 142, 149, 155, 169, 173, 187, 189, 193, 194, 195, 198, 205, 217 ¡{¸,l hùnhé fãngyánqù mixed dialect areas (see also ¸,¸¡l fãngyán guòdùqù) 34 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 257 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. ,[, jiãntuányin sharp and rounded initials in Chinese phonology; today sharp initials (,, jiãnyin) include [ts-, ts‘-, s-] combined with [i] or [y] medials or finals; rounded initials ([, tuányin, also called [, yuányin) include [t-, t‘-, -] combined with [i] or [y] medials or finals 81, 217 ,, jiãnyin see,[,jiãntuányin ], jièyin same as ,¸ yùntóu ¦¸, Jìnfãngyán same as ¦)Jìnyù ¦) Jìnyù J in dialect, also¦¸,Jìnfãngyán xi, 35, 43, 55, 56, 57, 61, 68, 74, 75, 81, 89, 90, 140, 142, 149, 155, 167, 168, 187, 189, 193, 194, 195, 198, 205, 215, 217, 220 ¸, jiùyin “nine sounds” – the nine points of consonant articulation in traditional phonology (see also¯, wùyin and ¸, qiyin): 19 ,, shéyin “lingual sounds”, divided into: 18, 19, 20 1.,¸, shétóuyin middle apical plosive, nasal and lateral sounds 19, 20, 31 2.,¸, shéshàngyin dorsal plosive and nasal sounds 19, 20, 31 ¸, chúnyin labial sounds, divided into: 18, 20 3.¸¸, zhòngchún-yin bilabial sounds 18, 20, 30 4.j¸, qingchúnyin labiodental sounds 18, 20, 28, 30 j, chiyin dental sounds, divided into: 18, 19, 20 5.j¸, chítóuyin affricate and fricative apico-dental sounds 19, 20 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 258 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. 6.¸j, zhèngchíyin affricate and fricative dorsal sounds 19, 20 7.;, yáyin velar sounds 18, 20 8.¦, hóuyin laryngeal sounds 18, 20 9.¨,,; ¨j, bànshéyin and bànchíyin lateral sounds and dorsal sounds 18, 19, 20, 213 ;¹| kãikóuhù see||sìhù; ||liànghù |¦ Kèhuà same as |¸¦Kèjiãhuà |¸¸, Kèjiã fãngyán same as |¸¦Kèjiãhuà |¸¦ Kèjiãhuà Hakka dialect, also|¦Kèhuà, |)Kèyù, |¸¸,Kèjiãfãngyán xi, xii, 27, 31, 35, 36, 37, 39, 42, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 72, 73, 76, 84, 85, 86, 88, 90, 101, 114, 123, 141, 142, 149, 156, 164, 174, 175, 176, 177, 180, 187, 190, 194, 195, 200, 204, 205, 216, 217 |) Kèyù same as |¸¦Kèjiãhuà || liànghù the two classes of syllables before the Ming Dynasty period (see also ||sìhù): xix, 21 1.;¹| kãikóuhù without the medial nor the nucleus [u] 21 2.{¹| hékóuhù with [u] as the final or a final beginning with [u] 21 ¸)) língshengmù zero initial 15 |¸, Min fãngyán same as |)Minyù |) Minyù Min dialect, also |¸,Minfãngyán 27, 31, 34, 35, 42, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 70– 71, 84–86, 90, 101, 104, 112, 114, 118, 123, 141, 142, 149, 156, 164, 172, 175, 178, 179, 180, 188, 191, 194, 195, 200, 205, 215, 216, 217 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 259 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. ) piàn see ¸,)fãngyán piàn ¬¦ Pínghuà Pinghua dialect 56, 58, 61, 72, 76, 87, 90, 130, 141, 142, 149, 155, 156, 164, 176, 187, 190, 192, 194, 195, 200, 205, 217 ¬) píngsheng level tone, as opposed to )) zèsheng (see also|) sìsheng) 17, 18 |j¦ Pùtõnghuà Putonghua (lit. “common speech”) – the national standard language of China ix, xi, xii, xix, xx, 10, 11, 12, 13, 19, 22, 24, 100, 104, 106, 107, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121, 122, 124, 125, 133, 134, 137, 162, 165, 185, 186, 188, 192, 197, 201, 202, 204, 206, 208 ¸, qiyin “seven sounds” – the seven points of conso- nant articulation in traditional phonology, i.e. ¯,wùyin (see) plus: 18 6. ¨,, bànshéyin lateral sounds (see also ¸,jiùyin) 18, 19, 20 7. ¨j, bànchíyin dorsal sounds (see also ¸, jiùyin) 18, 19, 20, 213 ,j| qíchihù see||sìhù ¡ qiãng accent (sub-patois) ( also ]¸)cì tùyù) 63 | qiè see¡|fànqiè |, Qièyùn one of the most important Chinese rhyme books (,· yùnshù), compiled by Lu Fayan in 601 A.D. 23, 91, 214 j¸, qingchúnyin see¸,jiùyin jj qingdiào same as j)qingsheng j) qingsheng neutral tone; light tone, also jjqingdiào xi, 29, 31, 106 ¡)) qing shengmù voiceless initials 17 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 260 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. ¡, qingyin voiceless sound, as opposed to ¡, zhuóyin 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 89 ¡¡ qingzhuó voiceless and voiced sounds (see also¡, qingyin; ¡,zhuóyin) 16, 92 l qù see¸,lfãngyán qù ,) qùsheng see|)sìsheng ´¡ quánqing voiceless, unaspirated plosives, affricates and fricatives (see also¡,qingyin) 19, 20 ´¡ quánzhuó voiced plosives, affricates and fricatives (see also¡, zhuóyin) xix, 19, 20, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 35, 46, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 192 ·) rùsheng see|)sìsheng ¸ sãndéng the third of the four grades of traditional finals, see |¸sì déng 22, 26, 30, 82 ¸) shàngsheng see|)sìsheng ,¸, shéshàngyin see¸,jiùyin ,¸, shétóuyin see¸,jiùyin ,, shéyin see¯, wùyin; ¸,jiùyin | shè same as ,|yùnshè )j shengdiào the tone of Chinese characters (also¸j zìdiào) 15, 16 )) shengmù initial (onset) 15, 16, 17 ·¦) shùmiànyù literary language; written language 121 ¡) shùsheng smooth tone, i.e. the level, rising and falling tones, as opposed to j)cùsheng (see also |)sìsheng) 17, 18, 31, 88 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 261 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. |¸ sì déng the four grades of traditional finals, divided according to the openness of the nucleus and depending on the absence or pres- ence of the vowel [i] as the medial 22, 30, 94, 214 |¸ sìdéng the fourth of the four grades of traditional finals, see |¸sì déng 22, 30, 82 || sìhù the four classes of syllables since the Ming Dynasty period (see also || liànghù): xix, 21–22 1.;¹| kãikóuhù with sounds other than [i], [u], [y] as the final 21, 22, 30, 84, 87, 88, 94 2.,j| qíchihù with [i] as the final or a final beginning with [i] 21, 22, 87 3.{¹| hékóuhù with [u] as the final or a final beginning with [u] 21, 22, 26, 29, 30, 85, 87, 94 4.]¹| cuõkóuhù with [y] as the final or a final beginning with [y] 24, 33, 46, 93, 95 |) sìsheng the four tones of classical Chinese pronunciation: 16 1. ¬) píngsheng level tone 16, 17, 18, 23, 29, 31, 42, 43, 78, 80, 83, 87, 90 2. ¸) shàngsheng rising tone xi, 16, 17, 18, 23, 27, 29, 31, 43, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 96, 98, 191, 213 3. ,) qùsheng falling tone 16, 17, 18, 24, 29, 42, 43, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 87, 89, 92, 96, 98, 191 4. ·) rùsheng entering tone xix, 16, 17, 18, 24, 26, 29, 30, 31, 35, 43, 74, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 93, 191, 192, 195 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 262 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. j¸¸j sòngqì fendiào tone-aspiration division 32, 215 ]¦¸ sútízì non-standard characters (also ]¸súzì), see also¸,¸ fãngyánzì) 119 ]¸ súzì same as ]¦¸ sútízì j, Tángyùn a revised edition of |,Qièyùn, written by Sun Mian during the time of Tang Dy- nasty 23, 214 ¸) tùyù vernacular (patois) 63 [, tuányin see,[, jiãntuányin ¸)[, wénbái yìdú literary and colloquial variant pronunciations 29, 31, 36, 102, 119, 185, 206 ¸¸, Wú fãngyán same as ¸)Wúyù ¸) Wúyù Wu dialect, also ¸¸, Wúfãngyán 2, 27, 35, 37, 39, 41, 42, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 69, 75, 76, 81–83, 90, 110, 114, 123, 140, 142, 143, 149, 155, 156, 157, 160, 161, 167, 169, 170, 171, 172, 187, 190, 193, 194, 195, 198, 199, 203, 205, 217 ¯, wùyin (literally: “five sounds”) the five points of consonant articulation in traditional phonology (see also¸,qiyin; ¸, jiùyin): 18 1. ;, yáyin velar sounds 18, 20 2. ,, shéyin “lingual sounds” 18, 19, 20 3. ¸, chúnyin labial sounds 18, 20 4. j, chíyin dental sounds 18, 19, 20 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 263 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. 5. ¦, hóuyin laryngeal sounds 18, 20 ;, xìyin “thin sound”; the third grade (¸sãndéng) and the fourth grade (|¸sìdéng) of fi- nals as opposed to;,hóngyin; see also |¸ sì déng 22, 30, 82 ±¸, Xiãng fãngyán same as ±)Xiãngyù ±) Xiãngyù Xiang dialect, also ±¸,Xiãng fãngyán 27, 35, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 70, 84, 90, 101, 141, 142, 143, 149, 155, 164, 173, 187, 190, 192, 194, 195, 199, 205, 215–216, 217 ¸|¸, xiàochéng biànyin phonetic changes of diminutives 31, 101–102, 206 ¸¸, xiào fãngyán dialect cluster (see also ¸,¸)fãngyán xiàopiàn) 27 ¸) xiàopiàn see¸,¸) fãngyán xiàopiàn ]± Xin Xiãng New Xiang dialect, see also ±)Xiãngyù 54, 55, 61, 215 ;, yáyin see¯,wùyin; ¸,jiùyin [¬ yángpíng the yangping tone, see also |)sìsheng 16, 17, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 89, 92, 96, 98, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 [, yángqù the yangqu tone 16, 17, 75, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 [· yángrù the yangru tone xi, 16, 17, 87, 88, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 [¸ yángshàng the yangshang tone 16, 17, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 ¸ yidéng the first of the four grades of traditional finals, see |¸sì déng 22, 30, 82, 84, 87 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 264 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. ,¯ yinjié syllable (also ,¸yinzhuì) 15 ,,¸ yinyùnxué see ¡),,¸ Hànyù yinyùnxué ,¸ yinzhuì same as ,¯yinjié |¬ yinpíng the yinping tone, see also |)sìsheng 16, 17, 27, 31, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 88, 89, 90, 92, 96, 98, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 |, yinqù the yinqu tone 16, 17, 75, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 |· yinrù the yinru tone 16, 17, 87, 88, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 |¸ yinshàng the yinshang tone 16, 17, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 ), yùyán language 1 º¸, Yuè fãngyán same as º)Yuèyù º) Yuèyù Yue dialect, also º¸, Yuèfãngyán 2, 27, 31, 34, 35, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 71, 73, 76, 87, 90, 112, 114, 118, 119, 123, 141, 142, 143, 149, 156, 164, 170, 176, 177, 180, 187, 188, 191, 194, 195, 200, 205, 217 , yùn “rhyme” 21, 23, 84, 214 ,; yùnbù “rhyme category” 21 ,] yùnfù nucleus (the essential vowel of a final, nu- clear vowel) (also ¸]¸,zhùyào yuányin) 15, 16 ,¸ yùnlèi “full rhyme” 21, 22, 214 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 265 Chinese term Pinyin transcription English translation Page no. ,) yùnmù final 15, 16 ,| yùnshè “rhyme group” (also | shè) xi, xx, 21, 24, 82, 88, 94 ,· yùnshù rhyme book 23–24 ,¸ yùntóu medial (the head vowel of a final, nuclear vowel) (also ],jièyin) 15, 16 ,¡ yùnwéi coda (the ending of a final, tail vowel) 15, 16 )) zèsheng oblique tone, i.e. the rising tone (¸) shàngsheng), falling tone (,)qùsheng) and entering tone (·)rùsheng), as op- posed to the level tone (¬) píngsheng). See also |)sìsheng. 17, 18, 87, 90 ¸j, zhèngchíyin see¸,jiùyin ¹,, zhõnggùyin Middle Chinese, a period in the history of the Chinese language, the time of the Sui, Tang and Song Dynasties (sixth – tenth century A.D.) ix, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 42, 43, 46, 74, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 101, 105, 188, 192, 205, 208, 213, 215 ¸¸, zhòngchúnyin see¸, jiùyin ¸]¸, zhùyào yuányin same as ,]yùnfù ¡)) zhuó shengmù voiced initial 17 ¡, zhuóyin voiced sound as opposite to ¡,qingyin 78, 84 ¸) zìmù a character representing an initial consonant in ¡),,¸Hànyù yinyùnxué xi, xix, xx, 19, 20, 28, 29, 31, 32, 43, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 94, 95 Index of personal names Anshen, Frank, 11, 221 Bai Dizhou )],, 47 Bai Wanru )¸;, 120, 129, 177, 221 Bao Houxing [)¸, 121, 129, 173, 216, 217, 221, 222 Bao Shijie [,, 129, 171, 222, 226 Bian Chenglin j[, 130, 236, 176 Bussman, Hadumod, 1, 222 Cai Guolu ¸]j, 129, 169, 195, 219, 223 Cai Yeqing ¸¦¡, 130, 179, 180, 245 Cai Yongfei ¸±¸ , 226 Cao Zhiyun ¡±¦, 57, 58, 130, 172, 217, 223, 245 Ceng Shiying ¸¹¸, 47, 225 Chambers, J. K., 1, 135, 223 Chao, Yuen Ren, see Zhao Yuanren Chen Fengying |j¸, 128, 204, 223 Chen Hongmai |,j, 104, 129, 180, 218, 223 Chen Hui ||, 217, 222 Chen Pengnian |j+, 23 Chen Ruli |], 229 Chen Songcen ||¸, 220, 242 Chen Xiaojin ||), 129, 177, 178, 220, 223, 244 Chen Yunlong |.¸, 232 Chen Zhangtai |¯¸, 10, 13, 52, 224, 231, 235 Chen Zhongmin |¸¸, 130, 172, 238 Chen, Matthew Y. (|]; Chen Yuanquan), 218, 223 Chew Cheng Hai )¡[ (Zhou Qinghai), 220, 242, 248 Chomsky, Noam, 2, 224 Ceng Yiping ¸¸¬, 232 Crystal, David, 2, 4, 213, 224 Cui Zhenhua ¬|', 129, 222 Dai Qingxia ,¸¸, 216, 220, 224 Dai Zhaoming ,l), 158, 221, 224 Dao Bu ¸´, 4, 10, 11, 224 DeFrancis, John, 2, 51, 215, 224– 225 DeLancey, Scott, 4, 225 Deng Xiaohua /|', 217, 234 Ding Bangxin (Ting Pang-Hsin) ¯ |], 25–27, 29, 35, 36, 57, 58, 74, 214, 216, 225, 226 Ding Shengshu ¯)|, 47, 51, 99, 107, 108, 119, 120, 123, 136, 225 Ding Wenjiang ¯¸·, 47, 225 Dong Shaoke ¸,¸, 218, 226 Dong Tonghe (Tung T’ung-ho) ¸] j|·, 26, 47, 50–51, 226 Duanmu, San ¸Z, 102, 213, 214, 218, 226 Egerod, Søren, 215, 226 Fang Songxi ¸|¸, 226 Feng Aizhen ]¸¸, 129, 178, 179, 226 Feng Chuntian ]¸!, 18, 214, 226 Forrest, Robert Andrew Dermod, 26, 35, 50, 60, 215, 226 Fu Guotong ]]j, 217, 226 Index of personal names 267 Fu Zuozhi ],¸, 226 Gan Yu’en |¸¸, 150, 220, 226 Gao Benhan|7¡·, see Karlgren, Bernhard Gao Mingkai |(|, 1, 227 Gao Ran |¸, 2, 34, 227 Ge Jianxiong [¸!, 160, 161, 227 Geng Zhensheng ]|¸, 15, 16, 19, 21, 22, 24, 106, 213, 214, 233 Gu Qian [", 110, 237 Gu Yang [[, 220, 224 Guo, Longsheng, 13 Ha Mawan ¦)¸, 220, 227 He Gengyong ]]¶, 1, 217, 227 He Wei ¸¡, 125, 130, 165, 216, 217, 228 Hirata Shoji ¬!;), 169 Hong Bo ;¡, 220, 228 Hou Jingyi ]|, 58, 75, 76, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 216, 217, 220, 228 Hu Guangbin §¸), 218, 229 Hu Huibin §¸), 162, 229 Hua Xuecheng '¸}, 234 Huang Borong ,|¨, 122, 123, 124, 218, 229, 244 Huang Diancheng ,3}, 217, 229 Huang Jiajiao ,¸{, 231, 244 Huang Jilin ,¶[, 131, 160, 239 Huang Jinghu ,¸¡, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 107, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 126, 217, 218, 229 Huang Qunjian ,¦¿, 218, 229 Huang Shangjun ,¡´, 129, 162, 163, 233 Huang Xing ,|, 213, 241 Huang Xuezhen ,¸¸, 130, 176, 217, 229 Jin Xinxin ¸]], 121, 229 Jin Youjing ¸|¸, 121, 229 Künstler, Mieczyslaw Jerzy, 55, 216, 230 Kurpaska, Maria, 213, 230 Lewis, M. Paul, 249, 250 Li Bing )|, 218, 230 Li Fanggui (Fang-kuei Li) ¸¸|, 8, 25, 26, 49, 60, 227, 230 Li Jian ¸j, 232 Li Jinxi \)[, 40–41, 216, 230 Li Lan ¸,, 220, 230 Li Lianjin ¸¡¸, 217, 230 Li Rong ¸¨,4, 5, 25, 35, 37, 47, 51, 55–56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 75, 76, 89, 90, 99, 100, 115, 120, 122, 123, 124, 128, 129, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 148, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 192, 195, 214, 215, 216, 218, 219, 225, 231, 246 Li Rulong ¸;¸, 10, 13, 24, 25, 27, 29–32, 33, 35, 52, 57, 58, 63, 75, 76, 95, 111, 112, 114, 118, 130, 178, 214, 217, 218, 220, 231–232, 235, 244, 250 Li Shuyan ¸|), 131, 166, 232 Li Sijing ¸¡], 214, 232 Li Xiaofan ¸¸), 25, 34, 35, 58, 74, 75, 215, 232 Li Xinkui ¸][, 213, 233 Li Yuming ¸¸|, 218, 233 Li, Fang-kuei, see Li Fanggui Lian Chunzhao ,¸|, 232 Liang Deman ¸j¸, 129, 162, 163, 233 Index of personal names 268 Liang Min ¸¸, 217, 220, 233 Liang Yougang ¸µ|, 68, 216, 218, 233 Liang Yuan ¸¸, 18, 214, 226 Liang Yuzhang ¸±;52, 235 Lin Dao [,, 15, 16, 19, 21, 22, 24, 106, 213, 214, 233 Lin Hansheng [¬¸, 217, 233 Lin Lifang [¸, 218, 249 Lin, Yen-Hwei, 2, 214, 233 Liu Cunhan [|¡, 130, 164, 165, 192, 234 Liu Danqing [)¡, 130, 161, 162, 234 Liu Junhui [(¸, 1, 234 Liu Lihua [¡', 130, 173, 242 Liu Shuxue [¡¸, 216, 234 Liu Xiaonan [|¡, 209, 234 Liu Xinzhong []¹, 216, 234 Liu Zhenfa [,¿, 220, 234 Liu Zhicheng [±j, 19, 21, 213, 214, 234 Lo Ch’ang-p’ei, see Luo Changpei Lu Fayan }¡,, 23 Lu Guoyao ¦]¸, 209, 234 Lü Jiping ¦,¬, 10, 12, 235 Lü Shuxiang ¦¡±, 51–52, 250 Lü Yongwei ¦,¦, 131, 159, 160, 238 Luo Changpei (Lo Ch’ang-p’ei) ¸ ;), 51–52, 169, 227, 250 Luo Futeng ¸|}, 130, 159, 234 Luo Meizhen ¸±¸, 217, 234 Majewicz, Alfred Franciszek, 4, 235 Miyata Ichiro ¸!F, 58, 219, 242 Mu Linde |¦j, see von Möllendorf, Paul Georg Norman, Jerry, 2, 33, 35, 36, 49, 56– 57, 58, 61, 235 Pan Jiayi (¸¸, 216, 235 Pan Maoding (¡,, 52–53, 58, 61, 235 Pan Weishui (¡¸, 130, 178, 232 Peng Fengshu j¸¡, 217, 235 Poole, Stuart C., 213, 235 Qi Xiaojie g|,, 229 Qian Dianxiang ,¸¡, 232 Qian Huiying ,¸¸, 218, 235 Qian Nairong ,]¨, 217, 235 Qian Zengyi ,¸,, 130, 158, 159, 235 Qiao Quansheng }´¸, 217, 236 Qin Yuanxiong ¨j!, 130, 176, 216, 217, 232, 236 Qiu Yong 1¶, 23 Ramsey, S. Robert, 9, 236 Robins, Robert H., 213, 236 Rong Wenmin ¸¸¸, 128 Ruhlen, Merrit, 4, 213, 236 Shen Ming ¡|, 131, 168, 217, 237 Shen Ruoyun ¡{., 129, 222 Shen Zhongwei ¡)¦, 228, 237 Sheng Yan ,j, 220, 237 Shi Anshi ¯¸¯, 1, 227 Shi Feng ¯¡, 228, 237 Shi Guanxin ¸¸], 229 Shi Rujie ¯],110, 237 Shou Wen ¸¸, 19 Simmons, Richard VanNess [Shi Haoyuan ¸¦¸([)], 110, 237 Song Xinqiao ²]|, 10, 237 Stauffer, Milton Theobald, 38, 59, 237 Su Xiaoqing j|¡, 131, 159, 160, 238 Sun Lindong )[¸, 229 Index of personal names 269 Sun Mian )j, 214 Tan Dazheng ,,¸, 10, 238 Tang Zhenzhu ¡¸¯, 130, 238, 172 Tang Zuofan j¦,, 19, 21, 22, 24, 213, 214, 238 Tao Huan |¡, 130, 170, 241 Tewksbury, Malcolm Gardner, 38, 237 Ting Pang-Hsin, see Ding Bangxin Trudgill, Peter, 1, 135, 223 Tung T’ung-ho, see Dong Tonghe von Möllendorf, Paul Georg Mu Linde |¦j·, 37, 59, 215 Wang Futang ¸|¸, 25, 27, 34, 38, 40, 41, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 57, 58, 74, 75, 76, 121, 150, 207, 218, 220, 232, 238 Wang Guosheng ;]], 202, 209, 238 Wang Hui ¸|, 224, 229 Wang Jun ¸|, 220, 238–239 Wang Junhu ¸´¡, 131, 165, 239 Wang Li ¸¸, 15, 19, 21, 23, 25, 41–47, 59, 60, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 213, 214, 215, 226, 239 Wang Ping ;¬, 129, 163, 164, 213, 239 Wang Shihua ¸¹', 131, 160, 239 Wei Gangqiang ¸,¸, 130, 174, 240 Wei Shuguan ¸|¸, 130, 176, 236 Wen Duanzheng ¸¸], 58, 75, 131, 168, 215, 240 Weng Wenhao ¸¸¡, 47, 225 Wong, Tsinforn C., 38, 237 Wu Jiansheng ¸¿¸, 131, 167, 240 Wu Songdi ¸|µ, 160, 161, 181, 227 Wu Wei j¡, 58, 76, 217, 240 Wu Xinxian ¸]], 130, 172, 238 Wu Yingjun ¸¸j, 216, 240 Wu Yunji j.¿, 129, 222 Wu Zongji ¸_¡, 47 Xie Liuwen ¡j¸, 131, 175, 217, 219, 241 Xie Qiyong ¡,±, 216, 241 Xing Xiangdong )]¸, 218, 220, 241 Xiong Zhenghui ]¸', 62, 128, 130, 174, 241 Xu Baohua .¸', 130, 170, 232, 241, 242, 244 Xu Daming ],|, 220, 242 Xu Hui ]¸, 232 Xu Shirong ]¹¨, 101, 242 Xu Zongwen ]_¸, 128 Yan Qinghui ¡¡¡, 130, 173, 242 Yan Sen ¡{, 36, 57, 130, 175, 216, 222, 242 Yan Yiming ¡¿|, 217, 242 Yan, Margaret Mian, 1, 2, 15, 26, 27, 40, 47, 59, 125, 128, 242 Yang Gang |,, 234 Yang Ganming |¸|, 131, 135, 172, 243 Yang Muzhi ||¸, 128 Yang Shifeng (Yang Shih-Feng) | }¸, 47, 169 Yang Shih-Feng, see Yang Shifeng Yang Shumin |¡¸, 18, 214, 226 Yang Xiong |!, 1 Ye Xiangling ¦;¸, 130, 171, 242 Yin Shichao ¯¹], 130, 158, 242 Ying Yutian ¹]!, 218, 242 You Rujie ¡],, 1, 4, 10, 13, 16, 19, 24, 25, 27, 33, 37, 38, 39, 55, 58, 61, 63, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 87, 88, 96, 97, 100, Index of personal names 270 101, 103, 105, 106, 107, 119, 120, 121, 122, 126, 131, 135, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 172, 204, 207, 214, 216, 217, 218, 220, 243, 248 You Wenliang ¡¸|, 216, 243 Yu Aiqin _¡), see Yue- Hashimoto, Anne O. Yuan Jiahua (¸[, 1, 26, 35, 49, 52, 53–55, 56, 58, 61, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 215, 217, 230, 243 Yue-Hashimoto Oi-kan Anne, see Yue-Hashimoto, Anne O. Yue-Hashimoto, Anne O. (Yu Aiqin; Yue-Hashimoto Oi-kan Anne) _¡), 124, 125, 232, 243 Yule, George, 213, 243 Zhai Shiyu j}], 106, 243 Zhan Bohui ¡|¸, 1, 16, 25, 26, 27, 28–29,32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 49, 51, 57, 58, 74, 75, 76, 92, 93, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 107, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 129, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 177, 178, 216, 217, 218, 231, 244 Zhang Ansheng )¸¸, 131, 166, 232 Zhang Binglin ¯)¦ (Zhang Taiyan ¯¸j), 37–38, 216, 245 Zhang Chengcai )j|, 131, 166, 244 Zhang Guangming )¸|, 131, 168, 240 Zhang Huiying )¸¸, 129, 169, 170, 244 Zhang Junru )|;, 217, 220, 233 Zhang Shengyu ),|, 52, 218, 232, 235, 244 Zhang Shifang )¹¸, 218, 244 Zhang Shuzheng )|), 218, 244 Zhang Taiyan ¯¸j, see Zhang Binglin ¯)¦ Zhang Zhenxing )|¦, 62, 63, 68, 74, 75, 76, 90, 128, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 136, 137, 179, 180, 197, 209, 213, 217, 220, 241, 245 Zhang Zhimin )±¸, 216, 245 Zhao Hongyin ¿¸¦, 131, 167, 240 Zhao Rixin ¿¦], 76, 128, 130, 137, 169, 217, 218, 245, 246 Zhao Yuanren (Yuen Ren Chao) ¿ ¸|, xii, 2, 25, 47, 49, 50, 60, 75, 121, 169, 215, 218, 223, 227, 246 Zheng Ding’ou ¹¸¦, 220, 246 Zhengzhang Shangfang ¹)¡¸, 226 Zhou Changji )||, 131, 179, 217, 247, 248 Zhou Dianfu )[|, 106, 248 Zhou Fang )¸, 128 Zhou Lei )¸, 131, 167, 217, 248 Zhou Qinghai )¡[ see Chew Cheng Hai Zhou Qingsheng )¸¸, 4, 12, 14, 248 Zhou Zhenhe )|y, 55, 61, 216, 248 Zhou Zuyao )±), 218, 249 Zhu Jiansong ¨¿¸, 131, 162, 249 Zhuang Chusheng ¸|), 218, 232, 249 Zou Jiayan ´¸j, 4, 58, 220, 249 Zou Xiaoli ´|¡, 19, 21, 213, 214, 249 Index of Chinese place names The index includes Chinese place names which are mentioned in the book, it does not cover the pages of the References and Appendices. The names of the forty two dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects are given in boldface. Anhui ¸¡, 40, 41, 47, 48, 49, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 137, 146, 169 Anji ¸¸, 68 Anqing ¸¸, 40, 44 Aomen, see Macau ¡] Beijing ¸;, xi, xii, xix, 2, 10, 13, 51, 53, 57, 64, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 85, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 104, 105, 106, 113, 116, 117, 137, 139, 142, 146, 148, 151, 155, 156, 158, 162, 170, 186, 209, 215, 219 Bobai ]), 45 Caozhou ¡|, 38 Chang J iang |·, see Yangtze River Changle|;, 68 Changsha |;, 114, 115, 129, 135, 141, 147, 153, 155, 173, 181, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 190, 194, 196, 199, 201 Changshu ;;, 41, 115 Changxing |¦, 68 Changzhou ;|, 38, 40, 41, 44 Chaoshan ¡;, 48, 55, 60, 71 Chaozhou ¡|, 37, 42, 44, 113, 117, 154 Chengdu j¶, 129, 138, 139, 147, 151, 162–163, 181, 184, 185, 187, 188, 191, 192, 193, 196, 197 Chongming Dao ¸|_, see Chongming Island Chongming Island (¸|_ Chongming Dao), 54, 170 Chongming ¸|, 129, 135, 138, 140, 147, 152, 169–170, 182, 185, 187, 190, 193, 196, 198 Chongqing ¸¸, 146, 148 Chuzhou ¸|, 44, 69 Da Yunhe,j], see Grand Canal Dabu ,¸, 42, 45 Danyang )[, 41, 129, 138, 140, 147, 152, 169, 182, 184, 187, 190, 193, 196, 198, 201, 219 Danzhou j|, 73, 216 Dianbai ¸), 45 Dihua ¸¡ (old name for Ürümqi _¦Z,), 167 Dongbei ¸¸, see Northeast China Dongguan ¸¸, 44, 129, 135, 138, 141, 146, 154, 177–178, 183, 185, 187, 191, 194, 196, 200 Enping¸¬, 44 Fengshun =[, 45 Fujian|¿, 37, 41, 42, 45, 46, 47, 52, 54, 55, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 84, 85, 146, 172, 174, 175, Index of Chinese place names 272 176, 178, 179 Fuzhou ||, 175 Fuzhou ||, 37, 39, 44, 47, 105, 129, 132, 138, 141, 146, 154, 155, 178–179, 181, 183, 184, 185, 188, 191, 194, 196, 200, 201 Gansu |µ, 5, 6, 7, 37, 40, 41, 43, 66, 146, 148, 166 Ganzhou y|, 175 Gaoyao |], 45 Gaozhou ||, 42, 45 Grand Canal (,j]Da Yunhe), 160, 171 Guangde ¹j, 67, 68 Guangdong ¹¸, 6, 37, 41, 42, 45, 46, 47, 52, 54, 55, 61, 70, 71, 72, 73, 146, 164, 174, 176, 177, 179, 180 Guangxi ¹¯, 5, 6, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 54, 59, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 76, 146, 164, 176 Guangxin ¹], 38 Guangzhou ¹|, 39, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 129, 132, 135, 141, 146, 154, 155, 177, 181, 182, 185, 187, 188, 191, 194, 200, 201 Guanyang ][, 54 Guixian ¸¸, 45 Guiyang ¸[, 129, 135, 139, 146, 151, 163–164, 181, 185, 187, 189, 192, 193, 196, 197, 198, 201 Guizhou ¸|, 5, 6, 38, 40, 41, 44, 46, 54, 66, 73, 138, 146, 163, 173 Gutian ,!, 44 Ha’erbin, see Harbin ¦¸] Haikang [j, 55 Haikou [¹, 129, 135, 138, 141, 146, 154, 180, 183, 184, 188, 191, 194, 200, 201 Haimen [], 54 Hainan Dao [¡_, see Hainan Island Hainan Island ([¡_ Hainan Dao), 39, 47, 180 Hainan [¡, 39, 42, 47, 48, 55, 59, 60, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 104, 146, 180 Hangzhou Bay (||]Hangzhou Wan), 172 Hangzhou Wan ||], see Hangzhou Bay Hangzhou ||, 38, 39, 40, 42, 44, 59, 69, 129, 135, 140, 143, 147, 152, 171, 182, 185, 186, 187, 190, 191, 193, 196, 199, 201 Hankou ¡¹, 162 Hanyang ¡[, 162 Harbin ¦¸](Ha’erbin), 130, 135, 138, 146, 151, 158, 180, 181, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191, 193, 196, 197, 201, 204, 219 Hebei ]¸, 37, 40, 41, 43, 64, 65, 68, 109, 146, 148 Hefei {|, 151, 155 Heilongjiang ;¸·, 6, 64, 146, 158 Henan ]¡, 37, 40, 41, 43, 66, 68, 146, 165 Heyuan ]¡, 45 Hohhot ||¡| (Huhehaote), 152 Hong Kong ¡¸ (Xianggang), 146, 148, 154, 156, 179, 207, 209 Huai He, see Huai River Huai River (]]Huai He), 38, 40 Huaiqing ¦¸, 37 Huaxian ¡¸, 45 Index of Chinese place names 273 Hubei ¡¸, 5, 37, 40, 41, 43, 46, 47, 53, 66, 67, 70, 147, 162, 164 Huhehaote, see Hohhot ||¡| Huiyang ¸[, 42, 45 Huizhou ¡|, 38, 44, 48, 49, 51, 60, 69, 72, 142 Hunan ¡¡, 5, 6, 37, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 52, 54, 61, 67, 70, 72, 73, 147, 163, 164, 173, 174 Huzhou ¡|, 38, 40, 42, 44, 47 Inner Mongolia (]¸, Neimenggu), 6, 8, 64, 68, 147, 148 Jian’ou ¿¦, 130, 141, 146, 154, 178, 183, 188, 194, 200 J iangsu ·j, 40, 41, 42, 46, 52, 54, 61, 66, 67, 69, 70, 128, 147, 159, 160, 161, 169, 170, 171 J iangxi ·¯, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 52, 54, 61, 69, 70, 72, 73, 147, 174, 175, 176 J iangyin ·|, 42 J iankang ¿j (old name for Nanjing ¡;), 161 J ianning ¿¸, 39 J ianyang ¿[, 39 J iaoling )¹, 45 J iaxing¸¦, 38, 40, 42, 44 J ilin ¸[, 6, 64, 147, 148 Jinan ¡¡, 116, 130, 135, 139, 147, 151, 158–159, 181, 185, 186, 187, 189, 191, 193, 196, 197, 201 J ingjiang _·, 54 J ingxian ¡¸, 67 Jinhua ¸', 38, 39, 41, 42, 44, 130, 135, 140, 147, 152, 172–173, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 194, 196, 199, 201 J intan¸|, 41 J inyang ¦[ (old name for Taiyuan ¸)), 168 J iujiang ¸·, 40, 44, 46, 53 Jixi ¸¡, 75, 128, 130, 135, 137, 138, 140, 146, 153, 155, 169, 182, 186, 187, 189, 191, 193, 195, 196, 198, 201, 218 Kaifeng ;|, 37, 38 Kaiping ;¬, 44 Kunming ¡|, 116, 151 Kunshan ¡¡, 41, 44 Langxi F¡, 68 Lanzhou ¸|, 151 Leizhou Bandao,|¨_, see Leizhou Peninsula Leizhou Peninsula (,|¨_ Leizhou Bandao), 55, 71, 180 Leizhou ,|, 45, 55, 71, 86, 130, 141, 146, 154, 179–180, 183, 185, 186, 188, 191, 194, 196, 200, 201, 216 Lianxian ¡¸, 45 Lianzhou||, 42, 45 Liaoning ¸¸, 6, 64, 65, 147, 148 Lichuan \), 67, 130, 141, 147, 153, 175, 182, 185, 187, 190, 194, 196, 200 Liuzhou ||, 130, 135, 138, 140, 146, 151, 164–165, 180, 182, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191, 192, 193, 195, 197, 198, 201, 204 Liyang ][, 41 Longchuan ¸), 45 Longmen Dao ¸]_, see Longmen Island Longmen Island (¸]_Longmen Dao), 68 Loudi ¸[, 130, 135, 141, 147, 153, 173, 182, 186, 187, 190, 192, Index of Chinese place names 274 194, 196, 199, 201 Luoding ¸¸, 45 Luoning ¡¸, 80 Luoyang ¡[, 130, 138, 139, 146, 151, 165, 182, 184, 187, 189, 193, 196, 198, 201 Macau¡] (Aomen), 147, 148, 156, 179, 207, 209 Meixian ]¸, 42, 45, 113, 114, 120, 130, 138, 141, 146, 154, 155, 156, 176, 181, 182, 185, 187, 190, 194, 196, 200 Meizhou ]|, 176 Mianchi ¡¡ 80 Min J iang|·, see Min River Min River (|·Min Jiang), 178 Muping "¬, 130, 139, 147, 151, 159, 181, 185, 187, 189, 191, 193, 196, 197, 201 Nanchang ¡;, 117, 130, 135, 141, 147, 153, 155, 174, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 191, 194, 196, 199, 201 Nanfang ¡|, 37 Nanhai ¡[, 44 Nanjing ¡;, 40, 44, 130, 135, 138, 140, 147, 151, 161–162, 163, 181, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 191, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197 Nanning ¡¸, 130, 138, 141, 146, 154, 155, 156, 176, 180, 182, 185, 187, 190, 192, 194, 200, 201, 204 Nanping ¡¬, 68, 178 Nantong ¡j, 54 Nanyang Qundao ¡,¦_ (areas south beyond the South China Sea), 45 Neimenggu ]¸,, see Inner Mongolia Ningbo ¸¡, 37, 38, 39, 42, 44, 130, 138, 140, 147, 152, 170, 172, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 191, 193, 196, 199, 201 Ningguo ¸], 38, 44, 67, 68 Ningxia ¸¸, 66, 147, 166 Northeast China (¸¸Dongbei), 43, 64, 77, 158 Panyu ±(, 44 Pingxiang ,¸, 130, 135, 138, 141, 147, 153, 174, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 190, 192, 194, 196, 200 Pingyao ¬j, 152 Qidong )¸, 54 Qingdao ¡_, 151 Qinghai ¡[, 5, 6, 7, 66, 147, 166 Qinzhou ||, 42, 45, 68 Qiongzhou )|, 44, 104, 218 Quanzhou ´|, 54 Qujiang ,·, 45 Quzhou @|, 38, 41, 42, 44 Raozhou ||, 38 Ronghe ¨], 167 Rongxian {¸, 45 Runing ]¸, 37 Ruyuan ¸¡, 45 Samkong, see Sanjiang · Sanjiang · (Samkong), 39 Shaanxi |¯, 37, 40, 41, 43, 47, 66, 67, 68, 147, 165 Shandong Bandao¡¸¨_, see Shandong Peninsula Shandong Peninsula (¡¸¨_ Shandong Bandao), 159 Shandong ¡¸, 37, 38, 40, 41, 43, 65, 66, 124, 147, 158, 159 Shanghai ¸[, 2, 37, 39, 41, 44, 69, Index of Chinese place names 275 113, 115, 130, 138, 140, 147, 152, 153, 155, 170, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 193, 196, 199, 201, 217, 219 Shantou ;¸, 39, 42, 44, 47, 154 Shanxi ¡¯, 37, 40, 41, 43, 66, 68, 147, 167, 168 Shaowu (¡, 39 Shaoxing ,¦, 38, 44 Shenyang ¡[, 112 Shexian ,¸, 137, 153, 156 Shuangfeng ¸¹, 113, 153, 155 Shunde [j, 44 Sichuan |), 5, 38, 40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 47, 53, 54, 66, 147, 163 Songjiang |·, 38, 40, 41 Suzhou j|, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 113, 119, 130, 138, 140, 147, 152, 153, 155, 170, 171, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 193, 199, 201 Taibei ¡¸, 154 Taicang ¸¸, 38 Taishan ¡¡, 44, 45 Taiwan Haixia ¡][#, see Taiwan Strait Taiwan Strait (¡][#Taiwan Haixia), 179 Taiwan ¡], 4, 7, 9, 47, 54, 55, 58, 70, 72, 147, 148, 156, 179, 207, 209, 220 Taiyuan ¸), 131, 138, 140, 147, 151, 152, 155, 168, 181, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 193, 196, 198, 201 Taizhou ¡|, 39, 44, 69, 140 Taoyuan |¦, 154, 156 Tianjin ¸,, 64, 65, 147, 148, 151, 161 Tianjing ¸; (old name for Nanjing ¡;), 161 Tibet (¯j Xizang), 5, 9, 147, 148, 166 Tibetan A.R. ¯j|;lXizang Zizhiqu, see Tibet Tingzhou ;|, 39, 42, 72, 142 Tunxi ¸¡, 153, 156 Ürümqi _¦Z,(Wulumuqi), 131, 135, 139, 147, 151, 152, 167, 180, 182, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 191, 193, 196, 198, 201, 204 Wanquan ];, 167 Wanrong ]¨, 131, 138, 139, 147, 151, 167, 182, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 193, 196, 198, 201 Weihai ¡[, 159 Weihui ¸', 37 Wenchang ¸;, 44, 71 Wenzhou ¸|, 37, 39, 42, 44, 55, 101, 117, 131, 135, 140, 147, 152, 153, 155, 172, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 194, 196, 199 Wu ¸ (old name for Suzhou j|), 171 Wuchang ¡;, 162 Wuhan ¡¡, 115, 131, 135, 138, 139, 147, 151, 152, 162, 181, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191, 192, 193, 196, 197, 201 Wuhu ¸¡, 40, 44 Wuhua ¯', 45 Wulumuqi, see Ürümqi _¦Z, Wuxi ¸,, 41, 44 Wuzhou ||, 45 Xi’an ¯¸, 131, 139, 147, 151, 152, 165, 182, 187, 189, 193, 198 Xiamen Dao¸]_, see Xiamen Island Xiamen Island (¸]_Xiamen Index of Chinese place names 276 Dao), 179 Xiamen ¸], 39, 44, 47, 112, 118, 131, 135, 141, 146, 154, 155, 179, 181, 183, 184, 186, 188, 191, 194, 196, 200, 201 Xianggang, see Hong Kong ¡¸ Xiangtan±], 153 Xin’an J iang ]¸·, see Xin’an River Xin’an River (]¸·Xin’an Jiang), 69 Xing’an ¦¸, 54 Xinghua ¦¡, 39 Xingning ¦¸, 42, 45 Xinhui ]¸, 44 Xining ¯¸, 131, 132, 135, 138, 139, 147, 152, 166, 180, 182, 184, 186, 187, 189, 191, 193, 195, 196, 198, 201, 204 Xinjiang ]], 6, 7, 8, 40, 64, 66, 147, 167 Xinzhou ¦|, 131, 135, 138, 140, 147, 152, 168, 182, 187, 189, 193, 196, 198, 201 Xuancheng ¡,, 67, 68, 169 Xuwen ]¦, 55 Xuzhou ]|, 131, 135, 138, 139, 147, 152, 159–160, 181, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191, 193, 196, 197, 201 Yangjiang [·, 154 Yangtze River (|·Chang Jiang), 37, 38, 46, 53, 54, 67, 160, 161, 171 Yangyu ,|, 68 Yangzhou ||, 44, 115, 131, 140, 147, 151, 152, 160, 181, 184, 185, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197, 201 Yantai )¡, 159 Yanzhou ¨|, 38, 41, 44, 69, 140 Yinchuan |), 131, 135, 139, 147, 152, 166, 180, 182, 185, 186, 187, 189, 193, 196, 198, 204 Yingtianfu ¹¸] (old name for Nanjing ¡;), 161, 163 Yixing ¸¦, 41 Yizhou ,|, 38 Yongkang ,j, 152, 155 Yudu ¸¶, 131, 142, 147, 154, 156, 175, 182, 186, 187, 190, 194, 196, 200 Yulin )[, 45 Yunan )¡, 45 Yuncheng j,, 167 Yunfu .,, 45 Yunnan .¡, 5, 6, 7, 38, 40, 41, 44, 46, 47, 53, 66, 147, 148 Yuyao _¿, 44 Zaozhuang ¯¸, 124 Zhangde ¸j, 37 Zhangzhou ;|, 37, 44 Zhanjiang ,·, 179 Zhejiang ,·, 38, 40, 41, 42, 46, 52, 54, 55, 61, 68, 69, 70, 72, 147, 155, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174 Zhengzhou ¹|, 152 Zhenjiang ,·, 37, 40, 44, 46, 53, 54, 169 Zhili ¡, (old name for ]¸ Hebei), 37, 40 Zhongshan ¹¡, 44 Zhoushan Archipelago ()¡¦_ Zhoushan Qundao), 55 Zhoushan Qundao )¡¦_, see Zhoushan Archipelago Zhuji ,¸, 42 Ziyuan¡¡, 54