Childbirth Votives and Rituals in Ancient Greece.pdf

UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATIMay 17, 2005 Date:___________________ Susan Wise I, _________________________________________________________, hereby submit this work as part of the requirements for the degree of: Doctor of Philosophy in: Classics It is entitled: Childbirth Votives and Rituals in Ancient Greece This work and its defense approved by: Brian Rose _______________________________ Chair: Charles Jack Davis _______________________________ Holt Parker _______________________________ Susan Cole _______________________________ Jenifer Neils _______________________________ Childbirth Votives and Rituals in Ancient Greece A dissertation submitted to the Division of Research and Advanced Studies of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTORATE OF PHILOSOPHY (Ph.D.) in the Department of Classics of the College of Arts and Sciences 2007 by Susan Wise B.A., University of Maryland, Baltimore County, 1993 M.A., University of Cincinnati, 1995 Committee Members: C. Brian Rose (chair), Jack Davis, Holt Parker, Susan Cole, Jenifer Neils Abstract This dissertation provides the first comprehensive account of private worship associated with childbirth throughout the ancient Greek world. It documents the rituals performed by individuals during various stages of the reproductive cycle and the different types of votives that were dedicated to the gods for fertility and birth. My work on this subject builds upon previous studies, which have collected much of the available evidence, by asking new questions of the material. In particular, I have sought to define the patterns of childbirth rituals that occurred in the lives of Greek women and to examine how the dedication of childbirth votives fits within this larger pattern of worship. The first chapter examines the cultural background within which the rituals and the votives must be understood. In addition to providing information about the divinities who oversaw childbirth and the sanctuaries for which childbirth worship is attested, this chapter explores the wider social and religious attitudes towards procreation and birth that played a defining role in the formation and practice of childbirth rituals. The second chapter provides a detailed discussion of the rituals surrounding childbirth. By examining the private rituals performed both within sanctuaries and within the home, this chapter establishes the patterns of ritual that punctuated the entire process of birth from the period immediately preceding conception through the time when the mother and child were (re)admitted into society after the birth. The third chapter examines the votives that represent the best-preserved evidence for childbirth rituals. By providing a critical assessment of the votives by type, i I first define what objects were dedicated as childbirth votives, and then I examine these votives in order to gather further information about childbirth rituals and Greek attitudes towards childbirth in general. A catalogue of the votives is provided in Appendix 1. In my conclusions I summarize the patterns of ritual that accompanied reproduction and analyze the iconography of the childbirth votives within the broader context of artistic depictions of birth. ii © 2007 by Susan Jennifer Wise. All rights reserved. iii Acknowledgements This dissertation has been many years in the making, and it would not have been possible at all without the help of a great many colleagues, friends, and family members. I am delighted to have the opportunity here to thank them for the support and assistance that they have given me throughout my work on this project. I am grateful to the Classics Department at the University of Cincinnati for the generous financial and intellectual support that I have received throughout the years of my graduate studies. I could not have conducted my study without the assistance of the Semple Fund. I am likewise grateful for the Cedric Boulter Memorial Scholarship and the Marion and Dorothy Rawson Fellowship in Archaeology, which enabled me to spend several months traveling throughout Greece to study the material for this dissertation. I am indebted to all the members of the Classics Department for providing an atmosphere of open scholarly exchange of ideas. The many discussions that I have had with students and faculty have enriched my scholarship immeasurably. This is true above all for the members of the Dissertation Discussion Group: Joanne Murphy, Kathleen Quinn, Shari Stocker, Carol Hershenson, Carrie Galsworthy, and Julie Hruby. I am deeply grateful that I have had such a thoughtful and helpful group of scholars with whom to discuss my ideas and to expand my own thinking by listening to theirs. Without their support, encouragement, and advice this dissertation would never have happened. There are many others who have provided invaluable help to me along the way. I am indebted to Diane Harris-Cline, whose seminars confirmed for me that Greek religion was truly a passion I wanted to pursue. While I was in Greece, I found iv I am deeply indebted to the members of my dissertation committee. and proved extremely useful. advice. Susan Cole. Jack Davis' careful reading and questioning of my draft. from advice on the implementation of the databases that I used to store my data to trouble-shooting the production of the final draft. Jean Wellington and Mike Braunlin of the Blegen Library in Cincinnati provided invaluable assistance in locating resources for this study. whose v . the Greek Ephoreia. I thank Carol Lawton and Leslie Beaumont for taking the time to discuss and clarify my ideas. His encouragement. and who have managed to love me despite it. For all of their suggestions and comments. I am grateful. My main advisor. I especially wish to thank Nancy Bookidis for opening up the storerooms of the Corinth Museum for me. has been a bastion of support throughout my years at Cincinnati. I thank my very dear friends. The blissful days that I spent examining drawers of terracotta figurines were a highlight of my research. has clarified my thinking and my prose considerably. particularly concerning votives and children. and the curators of the many museums I visited. I extend my thanks to the many people who have provided the most valuable help of all: their unwavering support.considerable support from members of the American School of Classical Studies. Brian Rose. I thank my colleagues and friends at Earlham College. as always. the British School. who have taken great interest in my work and who have cheered enthusiastically every step that I have made towards its completion. Jenifer Neils. and Holt Parker have each lent important insights into various aspects of this work. and occasional prodding were much needed and deeply appreciated. who have seen this project through from beginning to end. John Wallrodt contributed his considerable technical expertise to many aspects of this project. I hardly have the words to thank Joanne Murphy. and of course. Andrew Wallrodt. Wayne and Bernardina Wise. vi . who I hope will follow his own marvelous dreams. and to my son.friendship through these years has been the solid rock to which I have clung in all the ups and downs. who have always encouraged me to follow my dreams. Holly Jennings. Carrie Galsworthy. Joanne. Shari Stocker. David Kime. Carol Hershenson. I dedicate this dissertation to my parents. Kathleen Quinn. Bethany Qualls. have been the best cheerleaders one could ask for. no matter where they led. 1. 2.1-3.46) 117 Reliefs (cat. 3.1-1. nos.15) 180 Statues and Statue Bases 207 Other Objects 217 The Iconography of Birth 232 Conclusions 253 Appendix I: Catalog 263 Bibliography 291 1 .1-2.66) 103 Figurines (cat nos.Table of Contents Abstract i Table of Contents 1 List of Figures 2 Introduction 9 Chapter I: Background 17 Social and Religious Considerations 17 Divinities of Childbirth 28 Sanctuaries 48 Chapter II: Rituals 71 Fertility Rituals 71 Rituals During Pregnancy 76 Rituals During Birth 84 Rituals Following the Birth 88 Summary 99 Chapter III: Votives 101 Anatomical Votives (cat nos. List of Figures Fig. Image from Delos XXIII. 1. 90.10).25). Fig.14). 305.57. 2: Marble votive plaques from the sanctuary of Eileithyia. pl. Paros museum nos. Fig. Image from Lindos I.13). Fig. Image from Schefold 1955. Image from Besques 1971. Fig. 9: Terracotta figurine of nude round-bellied woman (2. 6: Terracotta Baubo figurine (2. 11. 142. and 307. 36. pl. 4: Terracotta Baubo figurine (2. pl. Fig. 3: Terracotta Baubo figurine (2. fig. fig. Sanctuary of Artemis Kalliste. d. Photograph by author.16). Fig. 3.15).5. 1. no. 5: Terracotta Baubo figurine (2. Fig.21). 1: Marble anatomical votive of female genitalia. 329.6). 115. Paros. 230. 7: Terracotta Baubo figurine (2. Fig. Fig. Photograph by author. fig. Fig. pl. 10: Terracotta figurine of nude round-bellied woman (2. p. Image from Schöne 1892. Image from Paris 1892. 151b. pl. pl. Image from Besques 1971.4). 42.4. Fig. 12: Terracotta figurine of nude round-bellied woman (2. Image from Schmidt 1911. 2 .17). Image from Schefold 1955. 373. Image from Besques 1971. pl. 1. 8: Terracotta Baubo figurine (2. 3048. 11: Terracotta figurine of nude round-bellied woman (2. 1. round-bellied woman (2. no. 4. no. 20: Terracotta pregnancy figurines (2.24). pl. 25: Terracotta comedic figurine (2. Fig. 3 . pl. Image from Corinth XII. 19: Terracotta figurine of nude. pl.33). pl.35b). 15: Terracotta “doll. 22: Terracotta pregnancy figurine (2. 229 center. Image from Lindos I. no. Image from from Corinth XII. round-bellied woman (2. 10. Image from Lindos I.31).27). 153.” possibly pregnant (2. Fig. 23: Terracotta figurine of nude. 2.45).24). 14: Terracotta figurine of round-bellied woman (2. Fig. Image from Orlandos 1965. Fig.Fig. 1996. Image from Peredolskaja 1964. 2. Fig. Image from Besques 1971. no. 2c. 13. 18: Terracotta figurine of nude. 17: Terracotta figurine of nude. pl. round-bellied woman (2. Fig. p. 13a.26). 153. Image from Cavanaugh et al. Fig. 230a.37). Fig. round-bellied woman (2. 1. 24: Terracotta comedic figurine (2. Drawing by author. 26: Figurine of nude woman. Fig. 13: Terracotta pregnancy figurines from the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus. 16: Terracotta figurine of nude.35a). pl. fig. 2966. A. Fig. pl. pl. round-bellied woman (2.30). 112. pl. 137. Image from Corinth XII.28). pl. Fig. 21: Terracotta pregnancy figurine (2. Fig. 10. Image from Alexiou 1956. pl. kneeling (2. Drawing by author. Image from Price 1978.1.36). Image from Peredolskaja 1964. Lakonia (2. 206.29). Fig. no. kneeling (2. Crete. Fig. Image from Lindos I. kneeling. Fig. 28: Nude female figurine. fig. pl. Image from Price 1978. Fig. pl. pl. 2318. 111. 108 no. 2a and b. Image from Besques 1971.Fig. 1864. 38: Terracotta seated child figurines from the sanctuary of Athena at Lindos.1. pl. 80 no. pl. Crete.40). 2369. 2125. with two genii (2. 30: Terracotta figurine group from Cyprus. 50-51. 2371. Fig. 32: Kourotrophos figurine from the Sanctuary of Athena at Lindos. 58. Image from Winter 1903. pl. nos. pl. pl.42). 4 . 34: Terracotta kourotrophos figurine from Gortys. 37: Two views of a terracotta kourotrophos figurine from the sanctuary of Athena at Lindos. 27: Nude female figurine. pl.44). vol. p. no. Image from Lindos I. Image from Karageorghis 1998. 35: Terracotta kourotrophos figurine. 29: Marble group of kneeling woman with two genii (2. Image from Lindos I. 3. Image from Lindos I. Image from Tod and Wace 1906. Image from Jamot 1895. Fig. Fig. Image from Stoop 1960. Fig. and 2372. 1. 36: Terracotta kourotrophos figurines from the sanctuary of Eileithyia Inatia. 10. 166 no. no. 58. 108 no. figs. Fig. Fig. Image from Karageorghis 1998. 160a. 7. 3. 33: Kourotrophos figurine from the Sanctuary of Athena at Lindos. 31: Terracotta figurine group from Cyprus. D870. Fig. Fig. 9. Image from Winter 1903. vol. Fig. pl. Crete. Crete. Fig 45: Terracotta figurines of female figures displaying genitalia. From the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus. 12a. pl. Fig. Image from Lindos I. 48: Childbirth relief (?) (3. 9. Fig. Image from Cavanaugh et al. 40: Terracotta figurines of infant in cradle from the sanctuary of Athena at Lindos. 50: Marble relief depicting a woman in childbirth. 3.3). 886. Argolid. 248.2. no. VIII. 41: Terracotta figurines of swaddled infants. Argolid. 46: Fragmentary relief showing sacrifice made by a worshipper (3. 136 nos. 271 nos. Phillips 1973. fig. 44: Terracotta ithyphallic figurine from the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus. 13. Image from Davaras 1976. 12b. fig. Fig.1). 1996. Image from Kontoleon 1970. p. Image from Mitropoulou 1977. pl. pl. 49: Votive relief of childbirth scene and divinities (3. Image from Staes 1886. Fig. Image from Daux 1965. fig. 66. 12 and 13. p. Fig. 2935 and 2936. Image from Delos XI. 104. D1139. 47. fig.2). 3. Fig. vol. Image from Besques 1971. 43: Terracotta figurines of embracing couple from the sanctuary of Eileithyia Inatia. 42: Terracotta figurines of embracing couple from the sanctuary of Eileithyia Inatia. Fig. p. 85. fig. 1996. 3. pl. 39: Terracotta figurine of infant in cradle. 10. p.Fig. 47: Votive relief depicting worshippers sacrificing to Athena (3. Image from Cavanaugh et al. pl. 229i. p. 5 . Fig. Fig.4). 45 no.2. Fig. 22 and pl. 40-41. two standing figures. 1. 61: Marble statue of standing girl. vol. Fig. 64 no. p. 255. Image from Daux 1959a. pp. inscribed to Eileithyia (3. pp.13).9). NM 695. 158 no. 21. 51: Relief depicting sacrifice to Artemis (3. p.1. p. 123 no. 238. Fig. p. from Brauron.8). Image from Mitropoulou 1977.14). Fig. 27. Fig. p.10). 58: Relief depicting the presentation of a child to Artemis (3. 55: Relief of worshipper and goddess (3. Image from Cole 1998. Image from Clairmont 1993. 54: Relief of Artemis with torch standing before a temple (3. and a child (3. 127. no.Fig. Image from Kastriotis 1903. Image from Svoronas 1917. 28. from Agrai.15). 1. 299 and fig.12). III. 9. 62: Marble statue of seated girl. 53: Relief of worshippers and Artemis (3. 52: Relief depicting worshippers. 247. 34-35. p. Fig. pl. 59: Relief of seated woman. pl.1. fig. fig. Image from Philadelpheus 1927.5). A3158. Image from Bruneau 1970. Fig.7). 56: Fragmentary votive relief of female figure (3. Image from Smith 1892. 60: Relief of women and infants (3.11). 57: Relief of female figure with torch (3. pl. 303. Image from Delos XI. 6 . pl. Image from Pingiatoglu 1981. 595. p. Fig. Fig. Fig. Image from Delos XI. Fig. Image from LIMC Athena 348. Rhodes Archaeological Museum 1470-3. polychrome pyxis from Eretria depicting the birth of Apollo. 5. 8. Image from LIMC. 63: Detail of black figure Attic amphora depicting the birth of Athena. Fig. 7 . 74: Lekythos of Theophante. Dionysus 666. Image from Demand 1994.8. Fig. Image from Demand 1994. 2.Fig. 70: Funerary stele from Rhodes. Sackler Museum 1905.C. 6. 3. 71: Lekythos of Peidestrate and Mnesagora. Fig. 146. NM 1055. Fig. 67: Classical marble relief depicting the birth of Apollo (?). Image from LIMC Athena 339. Fig. 69: Detail of Apulian volute krater depicting the birth of Dionysus. Image from Demand 1994. Image from Mitropoulou 1977. Fig. Arthur M. 64: Detail of black figure Attic cup depicting the birth of Athena. 65: Detail of black figure Attic amphora depicting the birth of Athena. pl. 73: Stele of Plangon and Tolmides. fig. Fig. Fig. pl. NM 1077. 66: Detail of a fourth century B. pl. Image from LIMC Athena 347. pl. Dionysus 667. Image from Demand 1994. Image from LIMC. Fig. 11. Image from Demand 1994. NM 749. pl. pl. Fig. Fig. After Pingiatoglu 1981. 68: Detail of Attic lekythos depicting the birth of Dionysus. 72: Funerary stele. fig.Fig. 75: Detail of the funerary relief of Francesca Tornabuoni. Image from Musacchio 1999. Fig. 20. 10. Image from Stewart and Gray 2000. Florence.36. AD 1477. Bargello.10. fig. Tampa Museum of Art no. 8 . erected in the church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva. 76: Detail of Apulian volute-krater depicting the death of Semele. 87. 2. 24-43. Mem. Xen. and 1 Beckman 1978. Despite the fact that childbirth itself. are yet to be answered. 3 Lys. this aspect of women's lives has remained surprisingly obscure. Gross 1980. Greek literature was written largely by and for men.3 This was especially true for women. 2.5. from antiquity to the present. whose status as gyne depended upon the birth of a child. played an important and continuing role in the lives of women in ancient Greece. Jordan 1993. Bhatia 1981. 1995. Adamson 1985. Literary and epigraphical sources indicate that numerous deities were regarded as watching over both mother and child during the critical time of childbirth. 1. both men and women considered producing children an essential function of adult life. Even some of the most basic questions about the rituals women used to alleviate their fears about childbirth. see below.Introduction Conception and childbirth have been the focus of elaborate religious and magical ceremonies in many cultures.1 Ancient Greece was no exception.2 Part of the reason for the preponderance of ritual activity associated with birth was the significance placed on the production of heirs in ancient Greek society.6-7. Jacobson 1980. The importance placed on reproduction in ancient Greece gave rise to ritual activities intended to ensure fertility and successful birth. and what objects they chose to give to the gods to thank them for a successful birth. Laget 1982. Sered 1994. Scurlock 1991. 2 For a full list of childbirth divinities. pp. Goodburn et al. 9 . Bates and Turner 2003. The reason for this lack of knowledge comes in part from the poverty of the ancient sources themselves. as well as the rituals that accompanied it. how and when they turned to the gods for assistance. preferably a son. 6 Not long after.5 Baur’s work. Theodora Hadzisteliou Price published an extremely useful account of kourotrophic divinities.therefore rarely addressed issues that predominantly belonged to the female sphere. and religious customs that were characterized as "female" were frequently regarded with scorn. the Greek deities involved in the nursing and upbringing of children. Given the paucity of information available in the written sources. I have referenced the translated version of Baur's work throughout. then. including literary references. providing a much-needed update to Baur's 4 Plutarch. is necessary.166. 5 10 . Lyons 2002. Diogenes Laertius 6. combining all available sources of information on the topic. This problem is magnified in the case of ritual practice associated with childbirth. those who have previously explored this topic have used this approach with considerable success. This work was later translated into English and published by the University of Missouri (Baur 1901). Superstit. Paul Baur wrote the first organized assessment of religious practice pertaining to childbirth in ancient Greece in a Philologus supplement of 1899-1901. Indeed. that the private rituals performed by women in association with childbirth are so difficult to find in ancient literature. as there was a distinct bias in male attitudes towards women's approach to religion. many of which were also worshipped for childbirth. two other works have dealt with cults closely connected with childbirth. it is clear that a multidisciplinary approach. More recently. In 1978. and votives that were dedicated to Eileithyia. sanctuaries. has provided the basis for most other studies of the topic.37-38. Semeli Pingiatoglu published her dissertation on the cult of Eileithyia.4 It is no wonder. which summarizes the archaeological and literary evidence for the statues. and epigraphical records. 6 Price 1978. Women were seen as superstitious and emotional. archaeological remains. 3. Baur 1899-1901. The first chapter of this dissertation provides the necessary background for the study of childbirth rituals and votives in Greece. The second chapter provides a discussion of the rituals of childbirth. Death.7 Like Baur. Pingiatoglu provides a broad discussion of the cult of the goddess Eileithyia. my own study seeks to assess critically that evidence in order to gain a broader understanding of the patterns of childbirth rituals that occurred in the lives of Greek women and how the dedication of childbirth votives fit within this larger pattern of worship. and I have relied heavily upon them as a foundation for my own research. While previous scholarship has concentrated primarily upon collecting the evidence for this topic. 11 . My own research focuses upon expanding our current knowledge of the rituals and votives pertaining to childbirth. The combined insights of these authors have enabled me to approach the topic of childbirth rituals in a more synthetic way than has been done previously. Nancy Demand has examined the social implications of the medical practices of childbirth in ancient Greece in her 1989 publication Birth. In order to place the study of childbirth rituals and votives within the wider framework of Greek thought. Each of these works has made a significant contribution to the study of childbirth in ancient Greece. I also discuss some of the social and religious attitudes that the Greeks held towards procreation and birth. but establishes the pattern of rituals that 7 Pingiatoglu 1981. Included in this chapter are lists of the myriad divinities that were worshipped for childbirth and the sanctuaries for which childbirth worship is attested. Most recently. This chapter not only documents the numerous rites that women in ancient Greece performed in association with childbirth. including a summary of the sanctuaries and votives of the goddess as well as an account of the representations of Eileithyia in art and myth.research. and Motherhood in Classical Greece. 8 One of the benefits of limiting my research to the sphere of private worship is that I have been able to explore all of the various rituals employed by individuals for childbirth purposes—both those performed within a public sanctuary setting and those that were performed within the confines of the home—in order to gain a clearer picture of these rituals and their significance within the daily lives of the people who used them. The second aim of this chapter is to examine how the votive objects preserved in the archaeological record add to our understanding of childbirth rituals and ancient attitudes towards childbirth in general. The third chapter examines the votives that were dedicated for childbirth. as the most tangible and best-preserved evidence for private childbirth rituals. and Pingiatoglu. It is important to note that in considering this pattern of ritual worship. My study of the votives has two aims. I have focused solely on those rituals that were performed as acts of private worship by individuals or families. 12 . from the preparation for conception to the time when both mother and child were (re)integrated into society after the birth. My study differs from these earlier works most markedly in my approach to the evidence. particularly Baur. I follow in the tradition of those scholars who have already sought to gather such evidence. and I provide a critical assessment of these votives by type. in that I establish a set of criteria by which one may identify childbirth votives in the archaeological record. To cite just a few examples: Léveque 1985. In this.punctuated the lives of individuals throughout the entire cycle of birth. Foley 1994. Price. Cole 1984. Among the questions that I ask of the votives 8 There are many excellent studies of the public festivals and rites pertaining to fertility and reproduction. I have omitted any discussion of the ways that the community as a whole sought to ensure or to regulate the fertility and reproduction of its citizens. Robertson 1983. The first is simply to define what types of votives were given to the gods after the birth of a child. and when they did. Second. to link them securely with childbirth. one is faced with a problem encountered by all scholars who study votive objects in order to reconstruct ritual activity: ambiguity. what does the choice of visual theme and the use of iconography say about religious belief. they almost never recorded the reason why the votive was given. namely the lack of interest of ancient writers in recording private religious activities performed by women. I have made sparing use of such artifacts. many potentially illuminating finds are from poor or undocumented contexts. The Greeks rarely inscribed their votives.9 9 I have chosen to include artifacts that lack context. The archaeological evidence presents its own difficulties. I include them because my aim in this study is to provide as accurate a picture of ancient religious activity and belief as possible. Given the limitations in our knowledge due to the nature of the subject itself. First. for example. In identifying what votives were dedicated for childbirth. for instance. in the case of the current study. including them only when they are unique and without a parallel from a better context. Nevertheless. Adding to the difficulty of drawing farreaching conclusions about the votives are two factors that are often associated with the use of archaeological evidence in general. despite the limited help that such objects can provide. many of the finds from the best contexts are unpublished or poorly published. and. are often discovered by chance as isolated finds or in reused contexts rather than through systematic excavation. 13 . This fact naturally makes it difficult to pinpoint the purpose of the dedication behind most Greek votives. ritual practice. or attitudes towards childbirth and women's role in reproduction? Naturally. Votive reliefs. including stray finds and some examples that have come to museums through private collections. most importantly. I have already mentioned the difficulties presented by the literary evidence.are: Why were certain objects considered appropriate as childbirth votives? Why were some types more popular than others. there are inherent problems in addressing such broad questions to a topic so poorly documented by the ancient evidence. despite the fact that the information that they may impart is extremely limited. I feel that to ignore a body of evidence would be to provide only a partial picture. and. pp. Throughout this work I have made use of anthropological studies from a wide range of different cultures. see Simon 1986. see Parker 1983.10 Second. This includes not only the gaps and inaccuracies caused by the biases of the male authors in relating matters of little interest to them. In doing so. 178-182. One further aspect of my study deserves mention here. synchronic study of childbirth practices and rituals. I have supplemented the scanty epigraphical evidence with iconographical analysis in order to draw conclusions about the types of votives that were dedicated for childbirth and to extrapolate religious practices and beliefs. on the use of fictional epigrams. I have from necessity drawn my evidence from the wide geographical and temporal boundaries that define the ancient Greek world. I have made a concerted effort to be mindful of the limitations and the pitfalls inherent in interpreting the "meaning" of art produced by and for a different culture. My study extends from the Geometric period to the Roman Imperial period. epigrams (particularly those found in the Palatine Anthology) and dialogs.I have sought to overcome these difficulties by adopting a multi-disciplinary approach to the evidence. in using the written evidence that is available on the subject. pp. in order to identify potentially similar practices and beliefs found in ancient Greece. poetry. No one city or region has enough material to allow a local. particularly one that is separated from my own frame of reference by such a considerable span of time and geographical space. in my study of the votive dedications. 13-14. I have tried to keep in mind the biases and problems inherent in the literary sources themselves.11 Finally. First. including ancient plays. 14 . As a result of this. For a discussion of the use of fictional works to draw conclusions about ancient practices and beliefs. but also the potential dangers of trying to draw conclusions about reality from fictional works. and covers nearly every place of 10 I have made use of ancient literature of all genres. both ancient and modern. I have sought to fill in gaps in our knowledge through the use of ethnographic comparisons. and 14712 15 . Childbirth practices. 2) the dangers of evil spirits and witchcraft. ritual blessings.S. Magna Graecia. but one that is alleviated in part by the nature of the activity under consideration. and talismans. Such practices include the use of amulets. In an anthropological study of modern American Jewish childbirth rituals. belong to the sphere of tradition that is often passed down from generation to generation with very little alteration. 3) the attempt to secure an easy delivery. 86-87. particularly the religious and symbolic activities that accompanied childbirth. See Gelis 1991. E. Hartland identified six main foci of birth rites that appear to be nearly universal: 1) the condition of tabu caused by gestation and birth. Her study indicates that such rituals persist even among well-educated women who are acquainted with modern secular childbirth practices intended to ease labor (such as Lamaze). Susan Sered (1994) notes the surprisingly high percentage of women who relied upon what she calls "folk-religious" rituals—private rituals that are traditionally practiced in Jewish communities but that are not required by Jewish law.13 The fact that all religious practices surrounding childbirth address the same limited needs—needs that are defined at least in part by biology—suggest that they would be less susceptible to regional variation than other religious practices. Richard and Eva Blum recorded numerous "survivals" of ancient cult practices. Gelis records that women in France continued to use pagan practices long after the Christian church leaders had forbidden them.12 Such traditions have been shown to be conducted for long periods of time. See Blum and Blum 1970. the most obvious of which is the oversimplification of beliefs and practices that inevitably had regional and temporal variations. 13 In their study of modern Greek beliefs and customs. In a classic essay on birth practices. The use of such wide-ranging material clearly has many dangers. This is a very real danger. see Stewart 1997. from the Greek mainland to Asia Minor. Cyprus. sometimes lingering within a culture long after other elements of society (even such important elements as religion or government) have changed drastically. and Southern Russia. Crete. The longevity of childbirth or fertility traditions is also witnessed outside of Greece. pp. and 6) the 11 For a useful discussion of the problems of iconographical analysis. the Cyladic islands. 4) the attempt to secure good fortune for the child.Greek habitation. 5) admission of the child into society. Sered suggests that the popularity and persistence of such rituals is due to their effectiveness in helping expectant mothers to deal with feelings of vulnerability and in mediating between conflicting expectations within the family that arise as a result of pregnancy. and the details of the rituals may differ somewhat from place to place. p. I have not sought to provide the full range of regional and temporal variation in ancient Greek childbirth rituals (though. 16 . Recent scholarship supports these observations. but rather to reveal the most basic attitudes and practices that were found throughout the ancient Greek world. to present those variations). 635.readmission of the parents into society.14 While not all of these elements would necessarily be addressed by each society. whenever the evidence allows. See Adamson 1985 and Newton and Newton 2003. I have made an effort. 148. naturally. 14 Hartland 1908. In using a synthesis of material from various locations and times. the main goals of these rituals—to secure the safety of mother and child and to ease the participants through the transitional period of birth— would undoubtedly be the same. see Sealey 1990. The marriage contract between the groom and the father or guardian of the bride stated specifically that the purpose of the marriage was to produce legitimate children. fears of the physical and spiritual dangers associated with pregnancy and birth. Martha Edwards argued that. 25. it is necessary first to understand cultural attitudes towards procreation and birth in general. 587-589.Chapter I: Background In order to appreciate the significance of childbirth rituals. p. Lys. 2. 2 Aristotle (Pol. 14. Xenophon Mem. see Aristophanes. It then moves to a discussion of the divinities worshipped for childbirth and the sanctuaries for which childbirth rituals are attested. 1335a) considers the age limits for which a man and a woman may “serve the state in the matter of producing children. Loraux 1995. This chapter explores some of the factors that contributed to the predominance of childbirth rituals in Greece. Social and Religious Considerations The Social and Civic Importance of Parenthood The ancient Greek writers were quite clear in expressing the view that the primary reason for marriage was to produce children. For this contract and the ancient sources that preserve the wording. In a recent article on disability in ancient Greece. p. so women produced the sons who would someday become good citizens. and the belief in the ritual impurity caused by childbirth. for instance. Sealey 1990.2. 27. since the ancient 17 .” For the fact that the civic worth of a woman lay solely in her ability to produce future citizens and soldiers. particularly sons. p.2 Legitimate sons were not only legally necessary for perpetuating the family line and for passing on 1 See.4-5. Just as men went into battle and sacrificed their lives for the good of the state. but was also considered her greatest contribution to the community as a whole.1 Indeed. was not only the woman’s main duty to the family. bearing and rearing legitimate children. including societal expectations for the production of heirs. would have made pregnancy and childbirth socially desirable for women. King 1995. for example. Ion.4 Indeed. 607-619. Demand 1994. See Edwards 1998. p.5 These social values placed considerable pressure on a young wife to become a mother. hallucination.7 The belief that pregnancy was a medical necessity for women’s sanity and health.6 The Hippocratic cure for this was a prompt marriage and pregnancy. 136). a disabled woman would be one who could not fulfill her role as a childbearer. 27. p. 17. a successful pregnancy. depression. For recent discussions on ancient Greek perceptions of women’s bodies. made it a prime focus for rituals that were designed to guarantee fertility.8 definition of disability was the inability to fulfill one’s primary role in the polis. 25. Ion. see. 103-7. Loraux 1995. p. 6 Hippocrates. Lefkowitz 1981. but were the best guarantee for security in old age. pp. particularly for a woman. 18 . 472-491. and strangling suffocation. p. 95-99. Similar attitudes towards women's roles in reproduction are evident in other patriarchal societies. 7 Hippocrates. 62. suicidal tendencies. therefore. see Loraux 1995. 35-6. it was through the production of a child. The importance placed on childbirth in the lives of women. along with the social value placed on the production of heirs. Adding to this pressure was the widespread belief that young women who were approaching menarche were susceptible to a strange illness resulting in fever. Demand 1994. that the young wife established her full status as gyne and alokhos. therefore.6-7. 4 Lys. 12-25. especially for new wives. p. Dean-Jones 1994 (especially p. Jacobsen 1980.3 Women who gave birth to legitimate children. especially a son. King 1998. 1. 5 Cole 1984.the father’s property. 20-21. 3 The pleasures and advantages of having children are ennumerated in Euripides. 8 On the preference for male children and the fact that ancient literature rarely mentions the birth of daughters. and were sometimes awarded greater freedom within the family. 77. Musacchio 1999. pp. 243 and n. see Dean-Jones 1991. Peri Parthenion 5-6. were treated with higher regard by their husbands. pp. and 759-764. For the misery of childlessness. and a healthy (preferably male) child. Loraux provides a particularly useful discussion on the term alokhos and its signficance. King 1994. Peri Parthenion. see Euripides. . see Plautus. 250-251. blood transfusions. Kovacs. they are in pain and are full of trouble night and day. 1135. child. 42. worries. Suppl. and in tragic plays.. Med. Andria 473 (all of which were borrowed from Menandrian originals). toxemia. though not enacted on stage. Terrence. see Hippocrates. and hygenic precautionary measures. On the Nature of the Child 18. 11. 10 19 . was indicated by the off-stage screams and cries of the woman in labor. 36. Pregnancy and childbirth in antiquity involved very real medical risks.”10 The Hippocratic corpus also acknowledges the fearful pain that accompanies labor. caesarean section. childbirth. Adelphoe 486-7. there is no doubt that the desire for children was accompanied by misgivings. emphasizing the pain and difficulty she endured in giving birth to them: “It was all in vain. 46. saying: “Now those who associate with me are in this matter also like women in childbirth. Terrence. Euripides.1. or both. and fear.).”9 Indeed.) 11 Hippocrates. enduring harsh pains in childbirth.The Fear of Pain and Death in Childbirth As important as childbirth was for the social fulfillment of women in ancient Greece. On the Diseases of Women 1. Theatetus 151a (H. On the Nature of the Child 30. For childbirth cries in theatrical performances. 72.2. Plato uses the pains of childbirth as an extended metaphor for men who are seeking philosophical enlightenment. Fowler. I see. It was no secret that childbirth was a painful event. Medea eloquently expresses her regret at the death of her children. as the ancient literature makes all too clear. Euripides. Plato. that I brought you up. 1029-1030 (D. all in vain that I labored and was wracked with toils. and hemorrhage posed considerable threats to the mother.11 Women’s fears were not unfounded. Med. complications in childbirth could easily mean the death of mother. Infection. Aulularia 692-3. and there is no doubt that many women died in childbirth as a result of these 9 Euripides. 12 For the physical dangers of childbirth in medical literature. 12 Without the benefits of modern medical innovations such as antibiotics. trans. trans. In an oft-quoted Euripidean passage. Cf. pp. 48-49. p. Aristotle.18 The terrifying symptoms that could accompany complications in pregnancy and childbirth are made explicit in the 13 An excellent assessment of some of the medical risks of pregnancy and childbirth in ancient Greece may be found in Demand 1994. 20 . The arkteia at Brauron has been interpreted as an initiation rite intended to protect the girls from the retribution of Artemis when they first become mothers. 16 It has been argued that prepubescent girls as young as seven to ten years of age were already undergoing rites to prepare them for their mature roles as wife and mother. p. based upon statistics gleaned from modern societies that do not regularly use antiseptic practices during obstetrical procedures.15 The cultural norm in ancient Greece. Gynec. 14 These statistics. were provided by Rousselle for Roman mortality rates in childbirth. 102-3 and citations. The ideal age for marriage for women was in the early teenage years. Recently. p.16 The mortality rate for women who give birth before the age of seventeen is considerably higher than for older women. 4. which were based upon research done primarily on pre-industrial societies. 17 Demand 1994. 112. See Corinth XVIII. King 1983. pp. and wives were expected to give birth not long after they were wed. Early childbearing can pose the additional risk of damaging the mother’s reproductive organs and can result in small. 1357) gives a lower estimate of 2.problems. See Rouselle 1992. According to Walter Burkert (1966).53. 15 For the age of women at marriage.5 percent. the arrephoria was also concerned with preparing young girls for childbirth.13 Some studies have estimated that as many as five to ten percent of all pregnancies in antiquity resulted in the death of the mother either during delivery or soon afterward. see below.4. French (1988. 127 and p. p. was for women to give birth to their first child while they themselves were still adolescents.1. therefore. For factors leading to a high maternal mortality rate. 18 Soranus. Shiffman 2000.17 These facts did not escape the notice of ancient scholars. 71-86. Pol. 210-213. see Garland 1990. 337. pp. Gloria Merker has suggested that a similar initiation rite was performed in the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Corinth. For a further discussion of this interpretation. see Loudon 1991. Greenwalt 1988. 298. under-developed children. p.14 Doubtless contributing to the high mortality rate was the early age at which women in antiquity began to have children. Certain aspects of this interpretation have been challenged by Noel Robertson (1983). 1335a. 167) it is recorded that Hera ordered the Eileithyias to delay the birth of Herakles.3 records how the Thebans believed that Hera sent witches to hinder Alcmena’s birth of Herakles. Although Artemis herself was regarded as one of the most important guardians of women in childbirth. 235-7. pp. 4. Peek 1955. it is not surprising that Hera often figures in this role.22 Like Hera. 7. Literature pertaining to death in childbirth: Plutarch.20.2.21 In at least one version of the story. Theseus 20.49. Funerary epigrams also dwell on this topic.3. 7. It was because of Hera’s jealousy that Leto had such difficulty in giving birth to Apollo.11. Cf. In Pseudo-Apollodoros (1. 21 . It was only through the actions of the Curetes. 2. but also to goddesses in travail. 21 Homeric Hymn to Delian Apollo. Pausanias 2.11. see Zeitlin 2002.24. 14. 7. 91-104.7. Hera was actually present on Delos during the birth and posed a direct threat to Leto and her offspring.Hippocratic Epidemics.20 Hera was a threat not only to mortal women. and the fear and reality of death in childbirth appear frequently in literature. and often not reliably. 22 Strabo. Peek 1932. 548. it is a role that the goddess seems to have accepted only grudgingly. 20 Pausanias 9. but that a simple ruse performed by one of the women attending the birth sent the witches away.730. nearly always female. Two different accounts preserve the story of how Hera attempted to hinder or prolong Alcmena’s birth of Herakles. too. Given the philandering tendencies of her immortal spouse.6. For a discussion of Hera's interference in births.5.3. 5. no. 14. Artemis.1. no. Epidemics 2. 199-200. especially one who was about to become a mother for the first time. who frightened Hera and helped Leto to conceal her newborn children that Artemis and Apollo were safely delivered. Artemis could readily destroy the women who sought her 19 Hippocrates. Just as she could aid in birth.20. Anth.17. 2.2. Pal. could be dangerous for a pregnant woman. pp.6.19 The Dangers of Divine Jealousy Several stories in the Greek mythological repertoire relate how childbirth could be hindered or complicated by the interference of a jealous divinity. 26 Suda. Ekroth (2003) suggests that the cult of Iphigeneia at Brauron was a Euripidean invention since this practice does not fit the standard votive practice of offering dedications for divine help.24 This tradition seems to suggest that the women who lost their lives during childbirth were regarded by the Greeks as sacrificial victims to Artemis in much the same way that Iphigeneia herself was intended to be. and Themistodice the simple folds of her gown. 8-10 and n. Il. s. cf. 6. 2. 21.66.1).8) and who strikes down Callisto for giving birth to Zeus' child (Apollodorus Bib.23 It is no coincidence that Euripides locates the tomb of Iphigeneia. Pyth. p. because that coming in gentle guise without thy bow thou didst hold thy two hands over her in her labour. 24 Euripides. the son of Cichesias dedicated the shoes to thee.23. 1462-1467. pp. 3.205. vouchsafe to see this baby boy of Leon’s grow great and strong.271 (Translation by W.T.25 This interpretation is well founded. R. Cole (2004. 25 Clinton 1988. Theoc.protection. Pal. In this light. Od. several ancient sources refer to the need for women to perform rituals as a means of placating the goddess and preventing her revenge for the loss of virginity. 218-219) suggests that the clothing of those who died in childbirth were not intended as votive offerings but rather as a way of appeasing the entities that threatened human reproduction. 27 Anth.6-7.483. See also Kearns 1989. Pausanias 4.27 23 It is Artemis. who serves as the vengeful power that slays Coronis while she is still pregnant with Asklepios (Pindar. 20. [Arkto" h] Braurwnivoi". 1916). pp.324. Paton. 29. but rather that of a harsher goddess who needed to be befriended and appeased. next to the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron. For Artemis striking at pregnant women and their unborn children. 3. acting on behalf of Apollo. 11. Il.30. Callimachus. Homer. Pausanias 8.26 The anxiety concerning the guise in which Artemis would appear at the side of a woman in labor is eloquently expressed in one of the poems of the Palatine Anthology: Artemis. Hymn to Artemis 124-128. as often assumed.8. Kevin Clinton has suggested that the cult of Artemis Brauronia was not. I. he has argued that the function of the Arkteia at Brauron served to protect the young girls from a goddess who might well claim their lives in childbirth.v. 6.5. 22 . Schol. But Artemis. that of a kourotrophos or protector of children. who was said to receive gifts of the robes of women who died in childbirth. each of the parents gladly dedicated an offering to Artemis to show their thanks that she chose to come. even so sharp pains came upon the mighty son of Atreus. the primary goddess of childbirth. 1924). T. 30 Ancient magic was often aimed at warding off the powerful supernatural forces that could threaten female sexuality and reproduction. The periods during pregnancy. see Aubert 1989. send—even the daughters of Hera that have in their keeping bitter pangs. Il. was sometimes viewed with trepedation and concern. which could be 28 Baur 1902. and the blood ceased to flow.265-270 (Translation by A. Even Eileithyia.29 Given the potentially dangerous nature of the goddesses who controlled fertility and childbirth. she is depicted as the force that actually causes the pains of labor: But when the wound waxed dry. one of the major purposes of childbirth rituals in ancient Greece was to win their help and continued favor. not in the guise of a huntress who kills her prey.30 Among the potential threats was the influence of the evil eye. then sharp pains came upon the mighty son of Atreus. and recuperation after birth were seen as particularly dangerous times when one was vulnerable to malevolent supernatural powers. 11. but as kind and gentle assistant to those in labor. the goddesses of childbirth. 29 23 . labor. Rather than a kindly goddess who eases women in their travail. Murray. Paul Baur suggested that Eileithyia was originally seen as a hostile divinity who must be appeased and propitiated. pp.In this case. And even as when the sharp dart striketh a woman in travail. The Danger of Supernatural Attacks Hostile divinities were not the only danger faced by expectant and new mothers.28 It is clear from early literary sources that Eileithyia was closely connected with the pangs of childbirth. 89-90. For examples. [270] the piercing dart that the Eilithyiae. then. but would only quietly state the sex of the child. 25. and with the din of their arms frightened Hera out of her wits when she was jealously spying on Leto. it is said.32 The myth of Leto’s birth of Apollo may be understood in a similar light. abundance. Mogk 1908. Plutarch. 1995. 1. In Strabo’s account. 682F-683A. Temkin. including taking precautions to ensure that the placenta and afterbirth are not stolen. Jacobson (1980. for instance. 1991). 38. It is quite likely that a similar practice was observed in ancient Greece. that pregnant women and newborn children. p. in which Apuleius relates how a jealous Thessalian witch uttered a magical word to close the womb of her lover’s pregnant wife. the women were careful not to make exclamations. Blunt 1878. p. she was to “make an announcement by signs as is the custom of women. p. the Curetes stationed themselves. On sealing the house in Mexico. for instance. 32 Met. see: Lefèber and Voorhoeve 1998. 35 On the stealing of the afterbirth.9. trans. where. Soranus (II. concoctions. 33 Strabo 14. Mor. in early modern France.” (O. preventing her from giving birth for eight years.33 The act of hiding or keeping quiet the birth of a child for fear of attracting the attention of jealous supernatural powers is found in many cultures. Gravel 1995. and sealing up the house to prevent the entry of malicious spirits. Several versions of this myth make it clear that it is because of Hera’s jealousy that Leto suffers such a difficult labor. For the tenacity of such beliefs see Dickie 1995. 662-663.34 Various means of preventing supernatural attacks on the woman and her newborn child during and immediately after birth have been recorded in different societies. 25. which was thought to pose a great risk for the newborn infant. p. see Gélis 1991. 97. for fear of the evil eye. 143-145. very few preparations were made for the upcoming birth for fear of attracting the attention of evil spirits. pp. Goodburn et al. or symbols intended to repulse spirits.1. p. 82) revealed that when the baby emerged from the womb.caused by the envy of one’s neighbors. p. Stol 2000. Jacobson 1980. Other measures include the use of amulets. or productivity is particularly vulnerable to the influences of the evil eye. pp. Solmissus. 24 .31 This fear is reflected in one late story. In her study of modern Hindu birth customs. pp. p. 25. as well as crops and herds. would be particularly vulnerable to the evil eye.. It is understandable.20.35 Similar preventative measures were 31 Anything that represents wealth. 46. Lefèber and Voorhoeve 1998. and when they helped Leto to conceal from Hera the birth of her children. Lefèber and Voorhoeve 1998. Jacobson. 34 Lefèber and Voorhoeve noted. 80. see Lefèber and Voorhoeve 1998. that in many societies. it is necessary for the Curetes to shield Leto from the jealous eyes of Hera: Above the grove lies Mt. 10) notes that once the midwife received the newborn and had examined whether it was male or female. 1-3. p. 36 Newborn infants and young children were also vulnerable to spiritual.37 It is difficult to judge how seriously the ancient Greeks regarded these stories. such beliefs served the practical purposes of redirecting the blame for an infant's death away from the parents and providing parents with a sense of control by setting out specific measures that could be taken to protect their children. 37 25 . it is clear that parents in ancient Greece believed that supernatural forces. 141-144. pp. rJavmno". pp.used in ancient Greece. Johnston 1995. who mentions that it was not uncommon in Greece to smear with pitch the houses in which a birth had occurred in order to drive away any demons or evil entities who might cause harm to the new mother and child. some of the demons and mythological beings that supposedly posed a threat to young children in popular Greek thought were believed to have been women whose childless state caused them to steal or kill the children of other women. Blum and Blum provide personal accounts of modern Greek villagers who swear that they have had encounters with malignant supernatural entities such as demons or Nereids. On the other hand. 36 Photius.v. posed a serious threat to very young children. and supernatural attacks. 12-21.38 Whether or not individual demons such as Mormo were regarded as real. Similar accounts of modern villagers’ belief in Nereids who steal children or cause them to die may be found in Lawson 1910. 39 As Golden (2004. Demeter accepts the role of the nurse of Damophoon. Evidence for the practice of sealing the house after birth. s. either acting on their own or called up by other humans. 152) has remarked. In The Dangerous Hour.39 In the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. As Sarah Johnston has pointed out.. comparanda from modern rural Greece suggests that these stories may have been accepted as based in truth at least in some communities. for example. Lex. Many of the tales may simply reflect popular folklore that was no more (or less) believed than are modern stories of werewolves or vampires. is found in a passage of Photius. magical. p. 38 Blum and Blum 1970. 45 Euripides.reassuring his mother that she will be a good nurse because she is competent in protecting children from evil forces and magic: 'May you also be of good cheer. 224.43 Furthermore.45 This belief in the polluting nature of childbirth is not 40 Homeric Hymn to Demeter. 140-145) examines the way that Greek ideas of miasma affected female ritual participation. of lesser impurity. but also to all who entered the house or had contact with her. 32-73. Childbirth was one of the few naturally occurring events in life that was considered to cause spiritual pollution. lines 16-20. Euripides. pp.3. p. woman. p. supernatural attacks nor magical cuttings. during which time she was confined to the house. Lys. Xenophon.42 The new mother herself was polluted for a period lasting approximately ten days after birth. 52 n. see Parker 1983. Aristophanes. the pollution of birth extended not only to the woman who had given birth herself. 16. and I do not expect that he will be injured by nurse’s incompetence. 46) notes that this passage is phrased in the same way that a magical incantation would be. which was then followed by a more extended period.44 Anyone tainted with this impurity was likewise forbidden to enter sanctuaries or worship the gods. probably lasting approximately forty days.19.41 Indeed. pp. and contact with others was extremely limited. Cole (2004. I willingly accept the child. and may the gods grant you all good things. Cyrene cathartic law. 42 Pausanias 2. states explicitly that whoever enters the house of a woman who has just given birth will be considered ritually unclean for a period of three days. I discuss the evidence for this as well as the practice of observing a period of confinement for new mothers in greater detail below. 41 Another was death. 26 . IT 380-384.3.’40 The Ritual Impurity of Birth One final cultural attitude towards birth must be mentioned here: the belief that the act of childbirth caused spiritual pollution. p.52. An indispensible discussion on the pollution caused by these events may be found in Parker 1983. 336. The period of confinement for a new mother most likely was marked by two distinct phases: the first ten days would have consisted of a period of intense impurity. El. 655. Char. 43 For the estimate of ten days for the period of impurity. childbirth was considered so contaminating that it was forbidden within any sacred space. 44 Theophrastus. see LSS 115 A 16-20. Susan Shelmerdine (1995.27. Hell.10. On this passage. 86-89. Thucydides 2. 5. 742. Parker 1983. as you bid me. See also. 74. I will nurse him. IGII2 1035. pp. for I know a fine preventative against malignant attacks.1. 27 . which were often regarded as divinely caused. and cultural attitudes towards birth examined above undoubtedly had a great impact not only on the way that women in ancient Greece regarded their own experiences with pregnancy and childbirth . 635 (in general). both ancient and modern. had the effect of excluding the new mother from the sanctuaries of the gods at a time when she 46 For parallels for this belief in other cultures and the accompanying period of seclusion. 19-20 (for modern Greece). religious. in many cases at an age when they were physically and emotionally immature.unique to Greece—indeed. The very real physical dangers of pregnancy and childbirth. Belief in the vulnerability of pregnant and parturient women to supernatural attacks would have heightened the sense of need for spiritual or supernatural protection. 46 Summary The social. were undoubtedly as familiar to the young women themselves as to the contemporary doctors and scholars who recorded them. The fear of pain and death in childbirth. but also on the types of rituals that they performed and the votives that they dedicated for birth. Blum and Blum 1970. see: Hartland 1908. however. particularly the dedication of votive gifts as a means of gaining divine favor and assistance. Finally. the cultural taboos associated with childbirth. especially at such an early age. p. pp. Its presence in ancient Greek society deserves to be noted. as such beliefs undoubtedly had a significant effect both on how childbirth itself was perceived and on the rituals surrounding birth. particularly the spiritual pollution caused by birth and the ensuing period of confinement. most certainly encouraged the widespread use of childbirth rituals. it is attested for numerous cultures. The social expectation that a woman would produce heirs for her husband and citizens for the polis encouraged new brides to have children quite early. at least nine were worshipped in connection with fertility. Aphrodite. Iphigeneia. These are: Artemis. Hera. Helen. In addition.was most in need of divine protection. Leto. and may have dictated to a certain extent the types of objects that were dedicated to the gods. Among the main divinities of Greek religion. or the care and upbringing of children. Demeter. This combination of beliefs and taboos most likely resulted in the greater use of superstitious and semi-magical practices in association with birth. Lecho. Hekate. pregnancy. the Eumenides. Athena. Each of these divinities and heroes is listed below along with their epithets and a brief summary of the evidence that suggests that they were worshipped for fertility. the Erinyes. Asklepios. 28 . the Moirai. Auge. including Ariadne. childbirth. I have also included a short list of some of the most common epithets given to divinities when they were worshipped in this capacity. and childbirth. the Genetyllides. Eileithyia. and the Tritopatores. the Hyperborean maidens. the Nymphs. and Zeus. a number of minor divinities and local heroes could be worshipped for these reasons. Divinities of Childbirth Women who sought to obtain divine assistance in conceiving and safely delivering a healthy baby had a wide choice of divinities to whom they could turn. Damia and Auxesia. see: Lucian. Erotes 42. be worshipped for fertility. Apollo received at least one thank-offering for overseeing the birth of a child. pp. The cult of Aphrodite Kolias in Attica may possibly have been connected with childbirth worship as well.v. pp.50 On Ceos. see below. offspring.49 This cult may or may not have been connected with that of Aphrodite Kalias. on occasion. Apollo himself could look after childbirth. particularly in Cyprus. 74-75. 161-170. no. the Koliades are sometimes mentioned in late sources along with the Genetyllides as minor divinities of childbirth. Genetyllis. according to Photios. pp.5. for her cult on Cyprus.47 There is also a story related by Pausanias that Aigeus introduced the cult of Aphrodite Ourania to Athens because of his childlessness. Kuvllou Phvran. was believed to help in matters of fertility and birth. minor childbirth divinities (discussed below). for the rock cuttings at Tyre. 90-100. 29 . 65 n. see below. and 426-428. 411 n. Lex. where her sanctuaries received numerous figurines of children.51 Aphrodite was also occasionally worshipped as Kourotrophos. 759. 99-112.6. see Pirenne-Delforge 1994. pp. s.. 48 Pausanias 1.Divinities connected with fertility and childbirth (alphabetically arranged) Aphrodite (Kolainis. see Baur 1902. She received female anatomical votives in her sanctuary at Daphne. pp. and vulvae were inscribed on the rock face of her sanctuary at Tyre. 62-63. Photios. Alciphron 3. p. 97. see Farnell 1896.1. and the care of children. vol. Kolias): Aphrodite could. whose spring on Mt. 118i. 52 For the cult of Aphrodite Kourotrophos in general.14. see Price 1978.48 In some areas. 11. 51 For Aphrodite Ctesylla. Aphrodite was worshipped as Aphrodite Ctesylla. Hymmettos. A third century 47 For the anatomical votives and their possible use as childbirth votives. p. 76-78.11. 49 Pirenne-Delforge 1994. pp. II. Kourotrophos. Pausanias 1. Although the meaning of the epithet remains obscure. her cult appears to have been assimilated with that of the Genetyllides. For figurines of children. 50 Baur 1902. a local figure who was said to have died in childbirth.52 Apollo: On rare occasions. At Delphi. For the connection between the Koliades and the Genetyllides. Pirenne-Delforge 1994. 20. Lysizonos. 59 Her cult was frequently conflated 53 SEG 3. overseeing the nurture and education of children. Hekate.53 In Euripides’ Ion. discovered in 1892. Praos). Apollo is also attributed with making sure that Creusa’s childbirth of Apollo’s own son.C. 137. Oupis. As a divine midwife who could be called upon to assist women in labor. Iphigeneia. 189. along with several other divinities. the Hyperborean maidens. 58 CIG 24. 1595-6. was successful. only a few of which may be listed here. see below. a fact that Baur believed was indicative of his status there as a childbirth divinity. Cf. Euripides.54 At Sparta. 24-25. records the assistance of Apollo. 54 30 . The fact that Ariadne's myth connects her explicitly with childbirth (since she was said to have died in childbirth) and that she was later worshipped at her tomb as a divine heroine fits well with the pattern of other local heroines who were worshipped as childbirth divinities. 349-350. 59 For these epithets. Eulocheia. Price 1978. p. 57 Plutarch.58 There is a vast corpus of ancient sources that mentions Artemis in her role as guardian of childbirth.56 Ariadne: Ariadne may well have been worshipped as a minor childbirth divinity on Cyprus.57 Artemis (Eileithyia. stele. 56 Price 1978.B. pp. p. p. Plutarch relates an alternate version of the story of Ariadne's abandonment by Theseus in which she is abandoned on Cyprus while pregnant and subsequently dies in childbirth on the island. Lochia. Ion. Mogostokos. Thes.55 Apollo could also serve as a kourotrophic god.3-4. Apollo Karneios was worshipped in the same sanctuary as Artemis Hegemone and Eileithyia.400. 55 Baur 1902. and describes an annual custom at the tomb of Ariadne Aphrodite in which a local youth would imitate a woman in childbirth. and Helen. He then notes that Theseus returned to establish a cult of Ariadne. Ion. Artemis was worshipped under the epithets of Lochia. 254 n. pp. Kithone. and Geneteira. in two miraculous births. Rouse 1902. 4. apparently closely connected with the cult of Aphrodite. Eulochia. Geneteira. 60 As Artemis Lysizonos. Anth. 121-122. 1.23. Pausanias 8.62 Other epithets of Artemis that pertain to her role as childbirth goddess include Bolosia. 110-112. Il.63 Asklepios : As a healing divinity. Artemis was often feared as one who could strike women down in the midst of childbirth. praised him as the god who gives humans immortality through granting them offspring.201-2. 65 See Appendix I. Herodas describes a visit to an Asklepieion by a woman named Cynno.37. no. Pal. suggesting that Askepios was regarded as a god who could assist in childbirth. a tamed and gentle version of herself who would kindly assist women in birth. for instance.59. cure records from Epidauros record Asklepios' miraculous assistance in obtaining fertility and help during difficult pregnancies.324. Pal.205. Euripides.6-7. 1. 62 For the fear of Artemis.18-1. She frequently received gifts of clothing. Kolainis. Theat. Anth.64 Numerous female anatomical votives were dedicated in his sanctuaries.C. no. 149B. 6. 1. 1464. 64 Aristides 42.16. either during intercourse or for childbirth.72. Pal. as thank offerings from grateful worshippers who had received her assistance in childbirth. Aristides. 63 For general references to Artemis as a childbirth divinity. Hip. and Soodine. Euripides.T. 11. 1.66 Herodas’ fourth mime supports this interpretation. Schol.30. Od.2.5. see: Callimachus. 66 IG IV2. Pausanias 4. 61 31 . Call. Oupis.5.1.61 Due to her fierce and unpredictable nature. at least some of which may have been dedicated in the hope of obtaining offspring. Pausanias 4. Il.46.with that of Eileithyia and Hekate in their roles as goddesses of childbirth. Hymn to Zeus 77. These inscriptions are discussed in greater detail below. Diodorus Siculus 5. xvii. Supp. 175-179. 1. who makes a thank- 60 Gonnoi II. including girdles. Suppl. nos. Plato. 9. Hymn to Artemis 124-128. 165. 21. Euripides. 670-675. 6. see Anth. it was no doubt because of this danger that she was sometimes worshipped as Artemis Praos. 6.483.30. 955-960.5. Asklepios appears to have also aided his worshippers in issues of fertility and reproduction. Euripides. I. she was regarded as the goddess who oversaw the loosening of a woman's girdle. Anth. pp.5. See also IC I. Pal. Aeschylus.242.65 Several 4th century B. 1.15. 9. 6. IT 1090-1105. Meter.70 Both in Athens and at Troezen. Oi.”67 Athena (Kourotrophos.72 Baur suggested on the basis of this passage that Auge was among the oldest of the minor childbirth divinities. 302. and an epigram in the Palatine Anthology includes Athena among the divinities that a female dedicant thanked for a successful marriage and the birth of a male child. Lochia ): Although often more of a kourotrophic goddess than one worshipped for birth itself. Pal.offering to the god for a successful healing. a statue of Eileithyia at Tegea was called by local residents "Auge on her knees. her cult seems to have had strong associations with fertility and the care of children. 72 Pausanias 8.1. and set up a sanctuary to Athena Meter in thanks for answering their prayers. Paeon. p. p. vol. the women prayed to Athena for offspring." commemorating Auge's birth of Telephos within the local sanctuary of Eileithyia. Schmitt 1977. Pausanius 2. According to Pausanias. pp. pp.73 Farnell argued that Auge was merely an epithet of the goddess 67 Herodas. I. 32. For Troezen. Paeon. Oi.2. girls sometimes dedicated belts to Athena before marriage.71 Auge: In some regions. 71 For her cult in Athens.18. Athena Lochia assisted in Leto’s birth of Apollo and Artemis. 69 Pausanius 5. Auge may have been worshipped as a minor childbirth divinity whose cult was confused or conflated with that of Eileithyia. 73 Baur 1902. see Price 1978. Farnell (1896. 82 ff. see Farnell 1896. 101-103.59. Anth. see especially Price 1978. Athena does appear to occasionally have had connections with fertility and the desire for offspring. may this come about.68 On one occasion at Elis. 68 32 . vol I.69 According to Aristides.3. At the conclusion of the mime. p. a sacristan makes the following invocation to the god: “Oi. According to Pausanias. Oi.33. 6.7. 70 Aristides 37. For a refutation of this. be propitious on the occasion of these women’s fine sacrifices and to any who are married and near birth.48. 101-105. IV. 303) interpreted Aristides' use of this epithet as being purely metaphorical in nature. 2.31.78 Damia and Auxesia: These minor goddesses were worshipped in sanctuaries at Argos and Aegina.74 It is quite possible that Auge's cult as a childbirth goddess was limited to those areas where the myth of Telephos was most popular.3.86. 441.80 Simon notes that. 75 33 . the Curetes also played the part of childbirth aids to Leto and protected her against the jealousy of Hera. 74 Farnell 1896. it is likely that these goddesses were worshipped for such purposes. pp. 79 Herodotus 5. 76 Strabo 10. Damia's worship as a childbirth and kourotrophic goddess is more secure.9.9.4.3. 201. suggesting that the cult was linked to fertility. p.79 Although ancient sources do not specifically connect them with fertility and childbirth. who both assisted in the birth of Zeus and who looked after the infant to keep him safe from Cronus.77 According to Pausanias. Pausanias 7. vol. The fact that the tomb of Auge at Pergamon is said by Pausanias to have been decorated with the statue of a nude woman may lend weight to the interpretation of Auge as a local childbirth divinity.76 In Strabo’s version of the birth of Artemis and Apollo. like the cult of Demeter in Attica.Artemis. p. the shrine of Eileithyia at Messene was located very near a shrine of the Curetes. the worship of Damia and Auxesia included ritual obscenity and abuse. such as at Tegea and at Pergamon.81 In addition. 80 In Italy.75 Curetes: These daemones.20.1. according to Herodotus. 78 Pausanias 4. 166-169. perhaps indicating a similarity of function. 77 Strabo 14. may have been worshipped as minor childbirth divinities in some cities. See Price 1978. the cult statues of these goddesses were.11. 81 Simon 1986. Among those who have interpreted Damia and Auxesia as childbirth goddesses because of this posture are Jacobsthal 1956. Note. p. 346.according to Herodotus. Mus. 85 The names mentioned in this inscription are Lochaia. 436-437. jEpilusamevnh.8. IV. Archaic inscriptions carved into a natural rock outcropping include Damia among a list of childbirth and kourotrophos divinities. Cassimatis 1984.82 This fact has sometimes been taken to mean that they were portrayed in a childbirth posture. Epilysamene): Demeter seems to have been worshipped as a childbirth goddess mainly in Magna Graecia. in which she serves as a counterpart to Eileithyia in assisting in the birth of Athena. see Jacobsthal 1956. p. 1588. it is unclear whether the name Lochia serves as an epithet for Damia or refers to a separate divinity. n. the Nymphs. 88 Baur 1902. though. pp. 86 Price 1978. an inscription mentions a cult of Demeter Kourotrophos. see below. 34-35. 63. 89 Berlin Staatl. p. p. too. for a useful summary of the names of Damia and Auxesia and the evidence for the nature of their cult. See Baur 1902. p. 170-186. 673-675.85 Demeter (Kourotrophos. pp. 87 Hesychius. LIV. Pliny 2. no sanctuary to these divinities has been located either at Aegina or Argos. 986 no. pp.86 Hesychius relates that in Syracuse and at Tarentum she was identified with Eileithyia. pp. however. Baur 1902. For the kneeling position as a childbirth posture. 84 IG IV. F1704. 190191. 78. For this cult.88 That Demeter served as a childbirth goddess is also suggested by her presence on a vase painting. pp. 100 and Stoop 1960. LSCG 154. Cook 1940.83 Although an inscription regarding their cult was found on Aegina. Frazer 1913.89 More frequently. that at Kos.84 In Thera. Beazley ABV 96. Damia. 26. 141-153. 14. pp.87 She and Kore together received votive offerings in the form of female breasts in a sanctuary at Knidos. pp. and Zeus Koures. pp. where her cult was also strongly kourotrophic in nature. s.v. see Baur 1902. 99-100. Demeter appears to have been concerned less with childbirth than with childcare. 90 For Demeter's role as nurse and Kourotrophos.82. 83 34 . 47.90 82 Herodotus 5. 485 and pl. 32 and 35. see Hymn to Demeter 224. Price 1978. Kale. fig.5. depicted on their knees. Cf. Pal. vol. honey-water. and Kourotrophos.91 Sometimes referred to in the plural (the Eileithyiae) and sometimes in the singular. 3.100-105. 89-90.4-6. Il. Diodorus Siculus 5. Anth. 39. Anth. pp. See also Hesychius s. 834-836. Moirai. Pyth.146. 7.1-4. 95 Pausanias 2. 800. this goddess may have originally been the deified personification of the childbirth pangs themselves. pp. Eu. 144-152. Interestingly enough. Eijl eiquiva". whose role in childbirth was essential.11. 19. Pindar.200. p. or "of the birth pangs" also supports this idea.270. 6. 93 The Homeric epithet Mogostokos. used of Eileithyia in Attica.4. most likely in their role as childbirth divinities. Eumenides:94 In at least a few instances. Athena promises these goddesses that they will receive numerous offerings pertaining to the family.73. pp. Eileithyia herself therefore rarely took on epithets. including first fruits.8. 96 Aeschylus.95 In addition. and pregnant sheep to the Eumenides and the Moirai at Sicyon. in Aeschylus' Eumenides (834836). Hesiod has the Erinyes rather than the Eumenides serve as the midwives at the birth of Horcus by Eris. which was occasionally attached to Eileithyia as a guardian of children. 11. 6. 39) suggested that a series of Archaic limestone reliefs found near 35 .264-275. Kourotrophos. Pal. 92 Homeric Hymn to Delian Apollo 113. p. A useful list of literary sources pertaining to Eileithyia and childbirth divinities has been gathered by Pingiatoglu 1981. Nem. Pausanias mentions an offering of flowers. for example: Il. Baur (1902. Pindar. 96 91 See. Pal. 608-617. the primary function of Eileithyia was always as a childbirth goddess. See below.92 The Homeric Hymn to Delian Apollo seems to support this concept by linking the arrival of Eileithyia on the island of Delos with the first labor pains of Leto. Two exceptions are the epithet Eukoline. Baur 1902.v. Op.93 Eileithyia was connected with childbirth to such an extent that her name frequently served as an epithet for other goddesses who acted in the role of childbirth goddess. 2. offerings for children. The Moirai were also considered childbirth divinities. Baur 1902. 6. and wedding offerings. Mogostokos): As numerous sources attest.Eileithyia (Eukoline. the Eumenides appear to have been worshipped for fertility and childbirth. Anth. but whose potentially hostile nature needed to be appeased. 94 Hesiod. See also Farnell 1896. 118g (Aphrodite Genetyllis). including Artemis Kalliste. whose sanctuary at the Kerameikos in Athens received several female anatomical votives. 392.1. 100 Aeschylus. or Genethliai: The name of these minor childbirth daemones varies considerably by region. p. see Et. Evang. 61-62. For the sanctuary of Artemis Kalliste in Athens and its connection with childbirth.100 Hekate was also identified with other childbirth divinities. Mag. 450-452. see pp. 97 Pausanias 1. While it is possible that the reliefs were dedicated for this purpose. For Artemis Genetyllis. Hesychius s. no. 102 Hesiod.99 Hekate (Eukoline. no.97 Genetyllis. For Artemis Hekate in association with childbirth. and pls. 101 Eileithyia: Eusebius.102 A figure on the south frieze of the 2nd century B.98 The cult of the Genetyllides appears to have been quite popular among women in Attica.43.1. 52) dismissed the Genetyllides as foreign goddesses. 98 See Farnell 1896. p. there is no clear evidence to prove that these were childbirth votives.v. Genetulliv". pp. 42) assessed them as divinities of dubious character whose cults played upon the superstitions of women. 800. For the reliefs themselves. II. while Lucian (Pseud. For the epithet Eukoline. 602. 759. a dangerous time of transition. 152 and 174. 323 n. Supp.103 Though Hekate could be called Argos were votives dedicated to the Eumenides as divinities of childbirth. Am. Arist.23. pp. 99 Aristophanes (Nu. 103 Schober 1933. Praep. 192 and Hesychius. Iphigeneia.Genetyllis. p. Genetyllis. these were known as Genetyllides in Athens. p. vol. Iphigeneia: Pausanius 1. LSCG 18 B 6-13.7. Genetyllides: Hesychius s. 23k (Hekate Genetyllis).v. Kourotrophos): It is not surprising that Hekate. and Artemis. see Jayne 1962. temple of Hekate at Lagina has been interpreted as Hekate Kourotrophos. IX and X.C. and in Phokaia they were the Gennaides. p.101 She was also sometimes regarded as a Kourotrophos. 4. Artemis-Hekate. 36 . 11. 41-43. Genetulliv". 3. Kallivsth. including Eileithyia. Her cult was most often conflated with that of Artemis. According to Pausanias. 77.v.5. 670-675. was often associated with Aphrodite. a minor childbirth goddess. Gennaides.. Vesp. see Milchhoefer 1879. Schol. Hecate. Genetyllides. as a chthonic deity associated with crossroads and portals. was sometimes regarded as a divinity that could assist in birth. s. and the Genytillides. despite the general air of suspicion and distain with which male writers regarded them. Th. see Johansen and Whittle 1980. v. In Athens. there is some evidence to suggest that the house was cleansed of the spiritual pollution of birth through a dog sacrifice to Hekate. Iphigeneia.108 It is quite likely that any sanctuary dedicated to Hera could and would be used at least some of the time for childbirth worship. Pal. 91-104.22.104 Since she was frequently regarded as a divinity worshipped by women. In addition.18.107 As the mother of Eileithyia. these apotropaic images may well have warded off the dangerous powers that threatened women giving birth. her images were placed before the doors of houses to protect the house from all sorts of evil.6. Vesp. Fulavda. Homeric Hymn to Delian Apollo. Quaest. In one epigram. for instance. there is a great deal of literary evidence to show that Hera was a major divinity worshipped for childbirth. 108 Pausanias 1. Hesychius s. 52. 804. Pseudo-Apollodoros 1. 105 37 . 106 Pausanias 2. 107 Anth.106 The story of her pregnancy and labor. Helen dedicated a shrine to Eileithyia at Argos while she was pregnant with Theseus’ child. The Samian Heraion’s connection with childbirth. and the connection of Helen with both Eileithyia and Iphigenia (also a minor childbirth divinity) suggests that Helen may have been worshipped as a local childbirth goddess in the Argolid. her role as a childbirth goddess may have centered more on her apotropaic and cathartic powers.5.upon to give protection to mother and child during labor. Hera (Eileithyia): Like Artemis. Rom.167.244. as the evidence above indicates. a worshipper entreats both Hera and Zeus to provide an easy birth. is highlighted by Pausanias’ remark that the Samians believed that Hera gave birth in the 104 Aristophanes. 6.105 Helen: According to Pausanias. she is often depicted in ancient literature as having control over the outcome of childbirth by commanding Eileithyia to help or to hinder the labor. Plutarch. 33-35. In mythology. 111 Hesychius. Hermes was worshipped as Eukolos. 113 SEG XXXV. s. p. Lupu 2005. see Price 1978.115 Hyperborean maidens: The earliest and most complete account of the Hyperborean maidens is found in a somewhat confused passage in Herodotus. and that these graves were located in or near the sanctuary of Artemis.4. there is some evidence to suggest that Hermes was connected with childbirth and the rearing of children. see Pingiatoglu 1981.spot where the sanctuary stood. he often ensured the upbringing of abandoned or orphaned infants such as Dionysus.114 Hermes was also a kourotrophic god. Two of the maidens. archaeological and literary evidence suggests that the cult of Hera at Perachora was connected to matters of female fertility.v. 70.110 That Hera in Argos was considered a childbirth goddess is stated by Hesychius.923. 114 Hesychius. named Hyperoche and Laodike.4. Novaro-Lefèvre 2000.111 Hera may also have been worshipped under the epithet of Eileithyia at Thorikos. pp. 116 Herodotus 4. it was the custom on Delos for young women and men before their wedding to offer locks of their hair on the tomb of these 109 Pausanias 7. 115 For images of Hermes in his role as kourotrophos.v.112 A late 5th century B. 110 38 . According to Hesychius. p. eu[kolo". 112 According to one reading of a boundary stone inscription. E60.109 Similarly. who specifically assimilates her with Eiliethyia. 305-315. 162 no.116 He mentions that the graves of four Hyperborean maidens were honored in Delos. For this and alternative readings. s. Eijleiquiva". came to Delos in order to dedicate childbirth votives to Eileithyia. an epithet associated with childbirth. decree from Chios concerning sacrificial procedures for the cult of Eileithyia likewise suggests a strong connection between the cults of Hera and Eileithyia. In honor of these maidens.113 Hermes (Eukolos): Though this aspect of his cult was minor. he says.C. 8. and to place the ashes from the burnt offerings of thigh bones at their tombs. Dion. Herodotus notes. pp. For these two maidens. 119 Farnell 1896.118 These figures may well have had a cultic relationship to Artemis similar to that of Iphigeneia. pp. the fact that all of the tombs of the Hyperborean maidens were located within or nearby the sanctuary of Artemis is significant. Indeed. Farnell suggests that the name of Oupis. 5. Hekaerge also seems to have been used as an epithet of Artemis. this custom appears to have served as a ritual intended to ensure the fertility of the marriage. it was customary for Delian women to perform an unusual ritual of begging. a. which was sometimes used as an epithet for Artemis.120 Like Oupis.119 Later literary sources give other names for the Hyperborean maidens. see Delos XI. 305. including Hekaerge. who were more explicitly connected with childbirth. particularly in connection with childbirth. who supposedly died in childbirth. Opis/Oupis. 121 For the name of Hekaerge as an epithet of Artemis and its connection with the cult of Ctesylla at Ceos. II.121 117 Baur 1902. In addition to the explicit connection between Arge and Opis with the goddess Eileithyia (who is also said to have come to Delos from the Hyperborean region in order to assist in Leto's birth of Apollo). The tradition that Eileithyia herself came to Delos from the Hyperborean region is found in Pausanias 1. They were said to have come from the land of the Hyperboreans in the long-distant mythological past. pp. Nonnus. pp. was originally an ancient name for Artemis "the watcher" who looked after women in childbirth. quite possibly in connection with Leto's birth of Apollo on the island.18. see Farnell 1896. and sometimes Loxo. 68-69.489-91.4. 118 39 . 55-56.5. whose tomb was connected with the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron.7. As Baur has pointed out. A useful summary of the evidence for the cult of the Hyperborean maidens on Delos and their worship for childbirth may be found in Robertson 1983. 487-488.43.331-334. see below. 5. 466 n.two maidens. For the possible identification of the tombs of the Hyperborean maidens on Delos. p. Hymn to Delos 292-293.117 The same passage in Herodotus mentions two other maidens. 465-466 and especially p. Arge and Opis (also called Oupis). For a discussion of Eileithyia and the Hyperborean Maidens. 144-153. in which the names of these two maidens were invoked. pp. Callimachus. 48. 120 Pausanias 1. II. probably incorporated both Helen and Iphigeneia as local childbirth divinities. 141-151. According to Euripides. Lochia): As an Egyptian goddess whose cult was often associated with creation.26.124 Kearns recently adopted a similar view of the heroine. 126 Pausanias 7. see Ekroth 2003. Ovid (Am. 124 Farnell 1896. For a stele 40 . Isis was assimilated with Artemis. see Witt 1971. and nurturing.T. especially pp.127 Like Artemis. she sometimes took the epithet Lochia. 2.Iphigeneia: The cult of Iphigeneia appears to have been directly linked with that of Artemis. 1462-1467. Isis was occasionally worshipped in the Greek world as a childbirth or kourotrophic goddess.3. p. rebirth. 128 For a Roman period dedicatory inscription to Isis Lochia set up by parents in thanks for their daughter. 441. literary sources indicate that both were connected with childbirth.122 A sanctuary to Eileithyia at Argos. 27-35. 32-33. Hesychius s. received childbirth worship. See Peek 1930. See Roussel 1915-1916. particularly during Hellenistic and Roman times. pp. jIfigevneia.1.6. as Isis Lochia.123 Farnell suggested that Iphigeneia was merely a local cult name for Artemis. Pausanias 2.128 Isis was also regarded 122 Euripides. see also Lloyd-Jones 1983. George at Beroea. Cole 2004. and her cult could include Artemis' role as the protectress of women in childbirth. 2. found reused as an altar in the Church of St. suggesting that originally Iphigeneia had served merely as an aspect of Artemis that was particuarly concerned with childbirth. see Cormack 1946. On the cult of Iphigeneia and her connection with Artemis. For recent scholarship on this cult and its peculiar connection with childbirth. supposedly established by Helen while she was pregnant with Iphigenia. vol. 127 An inscription by an Athenian priest of Serapis seems to link Artemis and Isis. pp. For further discussion of the conflation of Artemis and Isis. 198-201. In some places. 123 Pausanias 2.v. and. 13) prays to Isis and to Eileithyia as guardians of women in childbirth.126 Isis (Artemis. women dedicated the clothing of those who had died in childbirth to Iphigeneia at Brauron. Isis' role as guardian of childbirth is also celebrated in the Isis hymns. p.35.125 Supporting this view is the fact that the cults of Iphigeneia and Artemis were closely interconnected at Aigeira and that at Hermione the name seems to have been used purely as an epithet for Artemis. I. 125 Kearns 1989. In an elegy about on his mistress' attempted abortion.22. 179. pp. Hollinshead 1985. Hist. Apollo and Artemis. Pal. marriage. and Aristotle. For this altar and full bibliography. pp.1.N. For the fates represented in birth scenes in vase paintings. pp.202 and 6. 38. 100-105. Olen designated Eileithyia “the good spinner.132 Moirai: The Moirai preside over most important stages of one’s life: birth. Euripides. 530 (Louvre E 861).129 Leto (Kourotrophos): Leto was commonly associated with childbirth because of the popularity of the story of the difficult birth of her divine offspring. the Moirai take the place of Eileithyia as the childbirth goddesses in charge of assisting in the birth of Athena.20. Bacch. Ovid. 147-8. Q. see IG X 2. see Cook 1940. see Theocritus 18. and death. 41 . see Homeric Hymn to Delian Apollo. Plutarch.333. 97. See. see Ervin 1959. 193-194. which preserves the tradition of Leto coming from the land of the Hyperboreans to give birth on Delos.272.50 and Price 1978. 639. on the east pediment of the Parthenon.” an epithet usually given to the Moirai. 1.134 According to Baur. 129 The most complete survey of this image type is Tran Tam Tinh 1973. Strabo 14.21. and the care of children is suggested by a number of ancient texts and found in Thessaloniki mentioning an altar of Isis Lochia. pp. Met. 83-5. Leto receives gifts of clothing as childbirth offerings. p. Palagia 1993 for the difficulties in identifying the figures on the East Pediment. For Leto as a kourotrophos.42. 132 IG II2 4547.131 She is also named among the many childbirth and kourotrophic divinities on a small altar found in Athens. and are sometimes depicted as birth assistants in much the same capacity as Eileithyia. 6. 6.135 Nymphs (Geraistai. an. in a Delian hymn to Eileithyia.130 In the Palatine Anthology. 716 fig. Callimachus. 133 Pindar. Genethliai): That the nymphs were worshipped for fertility. Ol. Hymn 4. 134 Pausanias (8. 130 For various versions of the myth of Leto’s birth of Apollo. childbirth. numerous figurines and statues depict her holding or nursing the infant Horus.3) notes that. 80 fig.as a kourotrophos. 131 Anth. 580a 15. 6. 135 Baur 1902. 23 and p.133 Pausanias states that Eileithyia was occasionally associated with or confused with the Moirai. however. including the “Geraistai Nymphai Genethliai. he noted the modern practice of women sliding down the rock.138 Those who cared for the infant Zeus in Gortyn were known as the Geraistiades. n. 140 Pausanias 8. 183. Like Baur.257. see Price 1978.1-3 (Aristaeus). 143 Larson 2001. and Callimachus tells us that during Leto's birth of Apollo.81. 142 Baur (1902.v. 35. see Ervin 1959. 141 IG II2 4547. Richardson 1974. 138 Among those whom the nymphs supposedly raised were Semele.inscriptions. Diodorus Siculus 4.136 A passage in Euripides' Electra suggests that animal sacrifices were made to the nymphs for childbirth. Callimachus 4. s. 194. El.2. Ervin (1959) produced a complex argument to connect the “Geraistai Nymphai Genethliai. Diodorus Siculus 5. p.142 There is some evidence to suggest that nymphs which were connected with specific families were worshipped by those families in order to guarantee future generations. Aristaeus. Mag. p. 147-148. as well as the presence on this hill of the later church of Aghia Marina (a saint who is known for caring for women and children). p. 18. 625. and possibly Minos. p. For this altar. from prepubescent girls to mature women. Aeneas. Dionysus.2-3 (Zeus). For the nymphs as kourotrophoi. 42 . as continuation of the ancient fertility cult of the nymphs.139 According to Pausanias.41.70.137 The nymphs were likewise known to be nurses of various divinities and heroes during infancy or childhood.” (nymphs who were worshipped for childbirth and fertility) with the Hyakinthides and to locate their cult on the hill in Athens that in modern times has taken the name the Hill of the Nymphs.”141 It has long been thought that the modern practice of sliding down a smooth rock face on the Hill of the Nymphs in Athens in order to obtain fertility and a safe childbirth was a continuation of the ancient belief in the nymphs as childbirth divinities. 100) has suggested that one reason why the nymphs were so widely popular in rituals of the female life cycle was because the nymphs themselves had the ability to represent all the stages of female development. p. pp. Zeus. 47) noted this modern practice as evidence for the continued belief in the nymphs as childbirth divinities. it was the nymphs who sang a sacred song to Eileithyia. 139 Et. several nymphs were present at the birth of Zeus and assisted in the purifying bath after birth. Gerald Lalonde recently argued against the continuation of cult on this hill in a paper presented at the 2001 Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America (Lalonde 2001). Geraistiavde".140 A small altar discovered in Athens was inscribed to a number of different childbirth and kourotrophos divinities.143 136 Jennifer Larson (2001. 137 Euripides. As Zeus Hypsistos.151 Other variations include: 144 Suidas s. Pal. that the Tritopatores were worshipped as minor birth divinities.Tritopatores: According to one late source. 145 43 .244. Lecheates): Scattered evidence suggests that Zeus was occasionally worshipped as a deity concerned with childbirth and child care.26. this epithet is one of the many variant forms of the name of the goddess Eileithyia.” In describing a dedication to Artemis Bolosia.6.150 Eleutho ( jEleuqwv): "she who comes. because the pains of childbirth were sometimes called bolae. 11. 146 See below. p. 150 Procopius. 101.146 Zeus is also included in an Archaic inscription of childbirth and kourotrophic divinities from Thera.147 In an Augustan epigram in the Palatine Anthology.22. before a wedding ceremony the Athenians prayed to the Tritopatores. 150. Procopius explains the epithet as one that originally belonged to Eileithyia.145 Zeus (Hypsistos.v.144 Baur suggested that it was because of their connection with the winds. most likely dedicated for childbirth. there was an altar to Zeus Lecheates (Zeus in childbed) in commemoration of his birth of Athena. he received numerous female anatomical votives. which themselves were thought to endow the earth with fertility. or pangs. 147 Thera I. to ensure that the union was productive. p. Tritopavtore". De Bellis 8. 6. the guardians of the winds.149 Epithets pertaining to childbirth Bolosia (Bolosiva): “of the pangs." According to Hesychius. 149 Pausanias 8. Zeus is worshipped along with Hera as a god who eases childbirth.27-29. p. Baur 1902. 148 Anth.148 Pausanias mentions that in Arcadia. 154 Its meaning appears to be quite similar to the more common epithet Lysizonos.v.153 Epilysamene ( jEpilusamevnh): "the releaser.157 Eulochia ( Eujlociva): “of good birth. 155 For the epithet Eukoline applied to Hekate.155 A votive column found at the Ilissos dedicated to Eileithyia was inscribed with this epithet. eu[kolo". Anth. as he regarded the original nature of Eileithyia as a personification of the birth pangs themselves. 173. easy. 158 Euripides. pp. 88-89. Mag.152 Baur connected the meaning of this epithet with the onset of labor. 17 and n.v. Hesychius s. as was Asklepios at Epidauros. IG IV 1260. jEpilusamevnh. p. 156 Baur 1902. s.v. no. 152 44 .156 Hermes at Metapontum was sometimes called Eukolos. particularly in areas of Magna Graecia.v. 153 Baur 1902. Eukoline ( Eujkolivnh) and Eukolos (Eu[kolo"): "good natured. the one who unties or frees.Eleuthia. 3. and Eileithuia. 392.159 151 Hesychius s. LSJ s.158 A painted votive stele was dedicated to Artemis under this epithet in her sanctuary at Gonnoi in Thessaly. Pal. jEleuqwv. 19. see Et. 6. 157 Hesychius s.27." This epithet appears to appeal to the kindlier aspect of those divinities whose help was desired. or helping in birth. 159 Gonnoi II.v. Eujlociva. Eileoneia. 14. 166. 154 Hesychius. pp.146. jEleuqwv. p. Hipp." According to Hesychius. this epithet was used of Eileithyia and of Demeter. in much the same way that Artemis was called Praos (see below).”An epithet most frequently associated with Artemis and Eileithyia. s. Kovlia".4-6. 167 Artemis: Diodorus Siculus 5. For the practice of dedicating clothing as a thank offering for birth and additional references for Artemis Chitone.” This epithet was widely applied to any divinity who looked after the birth and upbringing of children.1. For the votive. 165 Hesychius. Schol. Erotes 42. such as Apollo and Hermes. 1.54. pp. Epigr. Leto: 161 45 . p. 168-172. pp. Hekate: Hesiod. to whom five painted votive stelai were dedicated under this epithet at Gonnoi.165 Aphrodite Kolias may well have been worshipped as a childbirth divinity. the one who cares for children. 221-223. see Appendix I. 163 Baur 1902. 655. Pindar. Cole 2004.167 Other divinities. served as Kourotrophoi 160 Gonnoi II. 166 Pausanias 1." An epithet of Artemis particularly at Miletus and Syracuse. it was presumed by Baur to pertain to childbirth. 61-63.161 Kolainis (Kolainiv"): An obscure epithet of Artemis. 61. Nem.Geneteira or Genetaira ( Genevteira): “giver of birth. Th. 7. see Farnell 1896. see below pp.163 At least one votive breast was dedicated to Artemis Kolainis. For additional discussion of this epithet. p. II.164 Kolias (Kwliav"): An obscure epithet of Aphrodite.v. as she is mentioned in connection with the Genetyllides by Pausanias and Lucian.166 Kourotrophos (Kourotrovfo"): “the nurse. Goddesses typically associated with childbirth were frequently regarded as Kourotrophoi who continued to look after the children that they helped to bring into the world. 218-225. This epithet is thought to derive from the practice of dedicating women's garments (chiton) to Artemis as a thank offering after birth.160 Kithone or Chitone (Citwvnh): "of the chiton. Hesychius associates the epithet with the word kw'lon.” Sometimes applied to Eileithyia and to Artemis. 162 Aristophanes. Av. 450. Lucian.5.1. Hymn to Zeus 77. Aphrodite: Homer. 874. pp. 12. IG III 216.162 Though the meaning of the epithet is unclear.73. Call. 164 Baur 1902. who was worshipped on a promontory of Attica of the same name. or limb. 97. 295-305. Ol. the Nymphs: Euripides. A 16-17. For a discussion of the need to loosen the zone during transitional points in a woman's development. particularly on the wedding night and in childbirth. 170 A sanctuary of Artemis Lochia is attested on the island of Cos.171 This epithet was sometimes also used for other divinities who could take on a childbirth role. there was an altar of Zeus Lecheates in Arcadia to commemorate his birth of Athena.50.168 A thorough discussion of this epithet and the numerous divinities that were regarded as Kourotrophoi may be found in Price 1978.5. Euripides. 1.when they oversaw the upbringing and education of children and youths. 172 Lysizonos (Lusivzwno"): "the freer of the zone. s. Callimachus 4. Lusivzwno" gunhv. 625-626. 6. I. 19. pp.7 and 36. Suda. El. 168 Apollo: Schol. SIG 1219. 659A. On the wedding night.173 This epithet was also sometimes given to Eileithyia.39.” Epithet of Zeus. 173. 169 Pausanias 8. frag. Or. 174 Theocritus 17. IG II2 4547. Od.288. According to Pausanias.209. 175 Pindar. In 46 . Ap. Hermes: Apollodorus 3.26.18.3.60.v.33. Orphic Hymn 2. IT 1097. 37.3-8. 173 Hesychius s. see King 1983. Rhod. Suppl. 99). pp. and Eileithyia: Antimachus of Colophon (Matthews 1996. such as Isis and Athena. 105-106. 172 Isis: IG X 2.29. no. The loosening of the zone was a magical act intended to open the womb through sympathetic magic. Symp. Lusivzwno". Lecheates (Leceavte"): “of the bed. Plutarch Quaest.” Most commonly an epithet of Artemis in her role as the overseer of childbirth. the womb would need to be opened in order to allow the passage of the child." Commonly an epithet of Artemis in her role of overseeing the loosening of the zone. 958.86. Ge: Aristophanes.169 Lochia (Lociva) or Locheia (Loceiva) or Lexo (Lecwv): “of childbirth. Cormack 1940-45.174 The loosening of a woman's girdle was symbolic of the opening of the womb itself during critical points of transition in a woman's life.C. Gonnoi II. Euripides. a woman's womb would need to be "opened" in order to properly receive her husband's seed. 171 This sanctuary is mentioned in passing in a Coan inscription of sacred laws dating to the 3rd century B. See: LSCG 154. Orphic Hymn 36.v. IG IX 141-142. 170 See for example.6. Thes. Schol.175 Theocritus 18. 120-121. just as in childbirth. an article of clothing worn by Greek women as a belt or girdle. Athena: Aristides. 6. Baur 1902. tamed.180 Indeed. see below. See Matthews 1996. Mag. These ideas are discussed in greater depth below. pp. fragment 99 (=Wyss. fragment 174). Anth. at least one votive was dedicated to Artemis Oupis.” This epithet seems to refer to a divinity whose potentially cruel nature has been made gentle and kindly. p. 487-493. 34-35 and 55-56. 101.176 This epithet was sometimes also applied to Artemis. 183 IG VII 3101. see Farnell 1896. particularly in areas of the Peloponnese. though a late source. the epithet of Oupis most likely referred to Artemis' role as the goddess who watches over women in labor. 178 For the cult of Artemis Oupis in Sparta and possibly at Troezen. 179 Et. 178 The Etymologicum Magnum. 11. Schachter 1981.C. stating specifically that Artemis Oupis oversees the birth and upbringing of children. He suggests that in later periods. s.183 pregnancy. Antimachus of Colophon includes the names of Oupis and Eileithyia in a fragment apparently celebrating Artemis' role as a childbirth goddess.185. p. Il. 47 . At the sanctuary of Artemis at Messene. 487-488. gentle. to Artemis Praiai by a married couple was most likely given as a childbirth votive. provides the clearest explanation of the epithet.182 A thank-offering of the 3rd century A. the womb would need to be "sealed" or "locked" in order to prevent miscarriage. similar to that of Nemesis. 19-20.181 Praos (Pra§o"): “Mild. pp. Pal. II.v.270. pp. 81-82. Ou\pi".271 and 6. an epithet particularly appropriate for Artemis in her role as childbirth goddess. 182 See for example. 16. Herodotus tells a story about a mythological Hyperborean maiden named Opis whose myth and later cult at Delos appear to have been deeply intertwined with both Artemis and Eileithyia as goddesses of childbirth. Il. 176 Il. 19." An early epithet of Eileithyia found frequently in Homer." This epithet was occasionally used for Artemis. pp. 181 See pp. 177 Theocritus 27. on the other hand. 59.100. II. 180 Farnell 1896.179 Originally.Mogostokos (Mogostovko"): "of the birth pangs.177 Oupis (Ou\pi") or Opis ( \Wpi"): "the watcher.30.244. For this sanctuary. the epithet of Oupis took on a broader moral sense of one who watches over the deeds of humans. More recently. I follow in the footsteps of several scholars. Two criteria may be used to identify childbirth sanctuaries: 1) Epigraphical or literary evidence that suggests either a) that the sanctuary was sacred to a major childbirth divinity. indeed. Pingiatoglu (1981) has summarized the evidence. or b) that the 184 In compiling a list of childbirth sanctuaries. Baur (1901) relied heavily on literary evidence to discuss the many sanctuaries in which Eileithyia was worshipped. including archaeological data.184 Identifying Childbirth Sanctuaries I have approached the study of childbirth sanctuaries systematically. and then providing a classification of these sanctuaries based upon the confidence with which they may be linked to childbirth worship. It would be impossible to list all of the sites where such worship was conducted. My purpose in assembling such a list is twofold: 1) to place childbirth votives and rituals into the physical context to which they originally belonged. I have thought it worthwhile to present a sampling of these sanctuaries and to discuss the evidence that connects them with childbirth worship. Nevertheless.Sanctuaries Given the multitude of divinities in the Greek pantheon that could be worshipped as childbirth divinities. and 2) to provide an overall picture of the range of sanctuaries that received worship of this nature. such as Eileithyia or Artemis Lochia. a comprehensive list would be so vast as to ultimately be of little use in clarifying patterns of ritual worship. the number of sanctuaries where childbirth worship occurred must have been quite large. A particularly useful map of all of the locations for which there is literary and 48 . for many childbirth sanctuaries. first establishing the criteria by which childbirth sanctuaries may be identified. In this dissertation. it would seem that we run the risk of circular argumentation. especially those votives that explicitly depict pregnancy or childbirth. in which sanctuaries and votives are both used to bolster the others’ link with childbirth. plate 9. Indeed. A Word About Circular Argumentation The similarity of the criteria listed above to those that I have set out for the identification of childbirth votives below (p. with such criteria the danger for a circular argument does exist. literary evidence that connects the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron with childbirth dedications). if the discovery of certain votives allows one to identify sanctuaries as childbirth sanctuaries. in which the sanctuaries and votive types may be linked with varying degrees of confidence to childbirth rituals. but only if these were the exclusive criteria used for identification. I have taken great care to use multiple types of evidence to connect both sanctuaries and votives with childbirth. 2) Deposits of votives that appear to connect the sanctuary with childbirth in some way. the sanctuaries may be grouped into three rough categories based on the degree of confidence with which they are connected with childbirth rituals. Classification of Sanctuaries Based on the criteria listed above. The result is inevitably hierarchical in nature. That is.sanctuary was the focus of childbirth rituals (for example. 49 . and at the same time. 97) seems at first to cause a circular argument. Those sanctuaries for which both written and archaeological evidence suggest a connection with childbirth may be identified as “secure” childbirth epigraphical evidence for the cult of Eileithyia may be found in Pingiatoglu 1981. the fact that childbirth sanctuaries commonly receive certain votive types is used to connect the votives to childbirth. those for which there is written evidence alone. 50 . 188. Rubensohn excavated the sanctuary in 1898.sanctuaries. IG XII 5. 1023. 190. Pingiatoglu 1981. 183-209. 201-207. 1022. Additional fragmentary inscriptions include IG XII 5. marble plaques. but in which votives that appear related to childbirth were found may be termed “possible” childbirth sanctuaries. this informal sanctuary consists of a small cave housing a natural spring and an open-air terrace beside a rock outcropping. 90-94. Below is a list of sanctuaries divided into these three categories and arranged according to degree of confidence with which the sanctuaries are identified. p. indicates 185 Rubensohn 1900. 189. For each sanctuary I have included a brief synopsis of the evidence and bibliographic references. The numerous inscriptions that came from this sanctuary firmly establish that the sanctuary was sacred to Eileithyia. 192-200. pp. 187. Faure 1964. 36) reports that the cave has collapsed and is no longer visible. which consisted of pottery. Price 1978. but never fully published his results.186 Numerous votive niches are carved into the rock face. During my visit to the site in the spring of 2000. 191. 185. 36-37. those for which no written evidence is available. and numerous statue bases. Pingiatoglu (1981. It may well have been this cave that Rubensohn had in mind. Kounados on Paros. I explored a small cave from which the spring still flows. pp. or for which the written evidence is the main reason for identifying it with childbirth activities may be deemed “probable” childbirth sanctuaries. Secure Childbirth Sanctuaries Sanctuary of Eileithyia on Paros185 Located on the south face of Mt. a few bronze pieces. 187 Fourteen inscriptions preserve Eileithyia's name at least partially: IG XII 5. terracottas. 186 Rubensohn’s description of the sanctuary states that the shrine included a cave and a spring.187 Pingiatoglu published the artifacts from this sanctuary in her 1981 dissertation on Eileithyia.188 Her study of this material. pp. 86-87. however. 9 and 91. pp. Pingiatoglu 1981. 310-311. pp. Daux 1965. IC IV 174.191 This cave was originally discovered by looters. Although a brief account of the results of the excavation is available. 188 Pingiatoglu 1981. A votive inscription to Eileithyia found near Tsoutsouros confirms that the sanctuary of Eileithyia at Inatos was located in the vicinity. 884-887. 86-87. See also Daux 1965. pp. 191 Several ancient sources mention Eileithyia under the local epithet Inatia. Steph. Price 1978. pp. 421. s. then after a long interruption. The artifacts from this cave have been discussed in the following places: Alexiou 1968. Alexiou 1968. Cave of Eileithyia Inatia at Tsoutsouros. and include large numbers of terracotta figurines. p.192 The upper levels of fill were badly disturbed by the looters. 310-311. pp. 92) suggests that this interruption in cult activity at the cave during the Classical and Hellenistic periods reflects the movement of the cult's center of worship to a location within the city. pp. pp. 120-134. Byz. and images of seated children in the form of both terracotta figurines and a relief. including female anatomical votives (some inscribed to the goddess). no full publication of the extraordinary artifacts from this cave exists.that the sanctuary was in use from the Geometric to Roman times. 192 For the excavation report. pp. 190 Alexiou 1963. pregnant female figures. nevertheless. again in Roman times.v. Price 1978. For this inscription see Platon 1956. Ei[nato". pp. Crete190 A cave situated on the southern coast of Crete near the modern town of Tsoutsouros (ancient Inatos) has been identified as a shrine to Eileithyia Inatia based on both literary references and inscriptions. Pingiatoglu 1981. Among the figurine types represented are ithyphallic male figures. nude female figures. embracing couples. 36. pp. 98-99. 60. see Alexiou 1963. pp.193 The majority of the preserved finds dates to the Geometric period. See Callimachus fr. many finds connect this sanctuary to both Eileithyia and childbirth. p. 31-32 and 50-52. 90-94.189 In addition to the numerous inscriptions. 193 Faure (1964. 189 51 . Pingiatoglu 1981. 31-32 and 50-52. 524. 86-87. 884-887. pp. p. Faure 1964. and was excavated in the early 1960s by the Greek Archaeological Service in order to prevent further plundering of the finds. Sakellarakis 1983. pp. 89 and 91. the available evidence indicates that the cave was used as a sanctuary from the Late Minoan to the Archaic period. ajpo. Faraone 2003. and infant and children figures.194 In addition to these explicit childbirth votives. 197 Perlman 1989. Linders 1972.197 Regardless of whether this festival actually had such significance. 260.n ojnomasivan hJ jArtemi" h] o[ti tiktomevnwn tw'n brefw'n ajnetivq esan iJmavtia th'/ jArtevmidi.n ejgei'rai xovanon th'/ jArtevmidi ajpo. tou' dhvmou ou\n e[sce th. 46 for ancient sources pertaining to this issue. p. See particularly p. is frequently thought to have served to mark the participants' transition from the status of child to that of a marriageable maiden. which may well have been dedicated as childbirth votives. p. whose primary function in adult life would be to bear children. it has been suggested that this festival was intended in part to appease Artemis for the loss of virginity that comes with marriage and to win the goddess' favor during childbirth.n eu|re dru'n pavmpolun…kai. For 4th century women’s dedications at Brauron. pagkavrpwn xuvl wn. see Themelis 1982. A late scholiast records an Attic custom of dedicating clothing to Artemis on the occasion of childbirth. Nilsson 1925 I2. Kondis 1967. 20. dh'mo" jAttikh'") ajpelqw. Kearns 1989. 2. Giuman 1999. 238-244.33 and Fig. 33 and n. Kahil 1983.198 More tellingly. Clinton 1993. ejk touvtou ejpoivhsen a[galma th'/ qea'/. 198 Schol. Cosi 2001. 1400. Call. 196 Jeanmaire 1939. Attica195 The rural sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron and the accompanying shrine of Iphigeneia have long been recognized as centers for childbirth and kourotrophic worship. Clinton 1988. 118-127. the Arkteia. dhvpote eJorth'" th'/ jArtevmidi ejn Citwvnh/ (e[sti de." oJ Kovdrou ajpoikivan qevmeno" ajpo. Sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron. kai. 52 . Euripides states that Iphigeneia received the 194 Some of the figurines from this cave are discussed and illustrated below. see IG II2 1388. 485. 121 n. there is ample evidence to suggest that women made private childbirth dedications in this sanctuary.kourotrophoi. performed by young Athenian girls. See Appendix I. See also Cole 1998. Cole 1984. there were also dedications of jewelry and Egyptian charms and scarabs. kai. jAqhnw'n e[labe crhsmo. Clinton 1988. The primary festival at this sanctuary. ou{tw metwv/kisen ejn Milhvtw/. p. 195 For the site and rituals performed there.196 In marking this transition. pp. 9 and 10. and 1514. pp. Hymn to Zeus 77: Nhleu. 205 Price 1969. but most likely refer to the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron. pp.201 Numerous dedications of clothing were recorded in inventory lists for the sanctuary.clothes of women who died in childbirth in her shrine at Brauron. the fact that all of the dedicants listed were women and that many of the articles listed were garments that were worn by women and children suggests that many of these dedications could have been made as childbirth offerings. For the custom of dedicating worn garments in sanctuaries. seem to confirm that these sanctuaries received childbirth votives. it appears that women frequently dedicated articles of jewelry and terracotta figurines of children. who presided specifically over death in childbirth. Preliminary accounts of the findings. see Linders 1972. however. p. 13 n. these garments therefore likely represent private dedications by individuals. Kondis 1967.204 In addition to clothing.205 A relief 199 Euripides. 1464.200 As Kearns has pointed out. however.202 Although the precise reason for dedication is not recorded. 201 Kearns 1989. but had actually been worn by the dedicants. 12-13. Also useful is Papademitriou 1963 and Kondis 1967. pp. 157-161. 200 53 . and by Daux in BCH from 1949-1963. this strict division of functions would be highly unusual. and the cult of Artemis at Brauron.T. These inscriptions were discovered on the Athenian acropolis. Linders notes the fact that most of these female garments were not made specifically for dedication. 202 IG II2 1514-1531. pp. The finds from these excavations were never properly published after Papadhimitriou's death. who oversaw successful childbirth. 203 Linders 1972. I.203 Both the sanctuary of Artemis and the heroön of Iphigenia were excavated by Ioannes Papadimitriou for the Greek Archaeological Society in 1946-52 and in 1956-63. 55. 204 Preliminary reports for the sanctuary were published by Papademitriou in Praktika and Ergon. See Linders 1972. it is far more likely that both Artemis and Iphigeneia were worshipped as childbirth divinities at Brauron and received offerings of clothes in connection with this role. it has sometimes been assumed that there was a strict division between the cult of Iphigeneia at Brauron.199 From this combined literary evidence. 28-29. p. pp.2. also found in the area. 77) interprets them as childbirth votives to Eileithyia. 56 no. suggesting that a sanctuary to Eileithyia existed at Agrai. An inscription in the theater of Dionysus at Athens mentions the honorary seats of two Ersephoroi who served Eileithyia in connection with this village. suggests that they may have been dedicated at the sanctuary of this goddess. Pingiatoglu 1981. pl. 124 and n. 197. 3. 211 For this statuette. Furtwängler 1878. 123-126.206 Probable Childbirth Sanctuaries Sanctuary of Eileithyia at Agrai. 17. and pp. 210 Karousou (1957. 123-126).208 Further evidence for this sanctuary was derived from the discovery in 1878 of four marble statuettes of young seated girls. 16-18. 207 54 .from the sanctuary depicting families approaching an altar with small children and an infant is also suggestive of the goddess' childbirth or kourotrophic function. Karousou 1957. 293-308.210 Strengthening this identification was the discovery in the area of Pankrati of another statuette inscribed to Eileithyia. an interpretation accepted by Price (1978. see below. p. p. consists primarily of scattered finds.209 Although various interpretations have been suggested for these statuettes. 79-80. 104. see Peek 1942. p. p. Attica207 Evidence for the sanctuary of Eileithyia at the village of Agrai. 4-6. 4-6) believes that these were offerings from Arrephoroi. Delos XI.211 Sanctuary of Artemis Lochia. the presence of a votive column inscribed to Eileithyia. 124 and n. 94. 212 Demangel 1922. 53 n. pp. p. pp. Vallois 1966. 104a. 215. Burkert 1966. 77. Price 1978. 208 IG II2 5099. p. p. 43-44 and 61-65. pp. 104. pp. pp. 209 On these statuettes. Pingiatoglu 1981. located near the Ilissos. Bruneau 1970. 191-195. Delos212 206 Kondis 1967. Baur 1901. p. Burkert (1966. 43 and pl. p.. see Delos XI. was excavated in 1920 by Demangel under the auspices of the French School in Athens.215 The identification of this shrine as a childbirth sanctuary is based in part on a passage of Euripides’ Iphigeneia at Taurus.C.217 One relief has been interpreted as depicting a pregnant worshipper. 215 Appendix I. consisting of stamped tiles and ceramics. and several votive reliefs found within the temenos (many within the building itself). This identification fits well with the iconographical evidence of the reliefs: in one relief the deity wears a short chiton suitable for hunting. which mentions a cult of Artemis Lochia on Mt. 213 For the results of this excavation. 3.T.219 Several other reliefs. provide a 1st century date. but did not flourish until the 2nd or 1st centuries B. Kynthos. 214 55 . 193. 217 I discuss these reliefs in detail below. 309. located on Mt. 216 Euripides. either the dedicants or the divinity are depicted with torches. 219 Appendix I.1.213 André Plassart also included this sanctuary in his final publication of the excavations on Mt.] inscribed on the architrave.C. 218 Appendix I..This small sanctuary.1.8. The majority of datable finds. I. 1097-1099. The sanctuary appears to have been built in the 5th century B. The identification of the divinity worshipped here as Artemis is reasonably secure.. suggesting that the goddess worshipped here was Artemis. Bruneau 1970. 180-207. remains of a poorly preserved altar. see Plassart 1928. One relief depicts a temple with the letters ART[. 3. Delos XI.216 The iconography of the reliefs found in this sanctuary also suggested to scholars that it was a focus of reproductive rituals. For the identification of the figure. a small building.218 Another was thought to show a married couple offering a sacrifice to the goddess in the hope of having a child. Kynthos. pp. and in several others. Kynthos. 3. p..214 The remains of the sanctuary include a temenos wall. see Bruneau 1970.222 Sanctuary of Eileithyia. at least one of whom was pregnant. and Leto. noting that the sanctuary on Mt. only known from inscriptional evidence. 221 56 . p. He assumed that Artemis and Eileithyia had been merged into one divinity. Demangel identified the sanctuary as the sanctuary of Artemis Eileithyia. 79.221 I have included this sanctuary as a probable childbirth sanctuary based upon the combination of epigraphical evidence that suggests that this was a sanctuary to Artemis and the literary evidence that suggests that Artemis’ cult in this location was focused on childbirth.all mere fragments.4. Kynthos did not fit the descriptions of the sanctuary of Eileithyia mentioned in the Delian inscriptions. connecting it with a sanctuary of Eileithyia mentioned in several Delian inscriptions. depict female worshippers alone. given the importance of Eileithyia in the myth of Apollo’s birth on 220 Vallois 1966. 194. given the similarities of their worship as childbirth goddesses. p. The picture of worship that emerges from these reliefs is one of a goddess who was called upon by families and by individual women. based upon the literary testimonia of Euripides. preferred Vallois’ identification. Delos223 The location of this sanctuary. Given the mythological tradition of Artemis assisting in the birth of her brother on Delos. has never been identified.220 Bruneau. it is quite likely that all sanctuaries of Artemis on the island received some worship associated with childbirth. Based upon the presumed focus of the cult on childbirth. Vallois later suggested that the identification be changed to that of Artemis Lochia.1. Artemis. 222 Apollodorus 1. It is likely that it was situated near the sanctuaries of Apollo. For fuller discussion of his arguments. Linders 1994. Delphi229 The sanctuary of Athena Pronaia. pp. Among 223 The most complete discussion of the evidence for this sanctuary is found in Bruneau 1970. see Hamilton 2000. In addition to several buildings associated with the cult of Athena. pp. 97-119. 227 Bruneau 1970.the island. altars dedicated to divinities associated with childbirth. For the most recent treatment of the inscriptions. healing. since Artemis was probably also quite popular as a childbirth goddess on Delos.21. appears to have housed a number of cults that attracted the worship of female dedicants. 225 IG XI 2.C. 191) notes that the number of objects that were added to the sanctuary in the interval from one temple inventory to another was always quite small. 212-219. it never seems to have been as popular as the larger sanctuaries on the island. 226 Hamilton (2000. literary sources indicate that the cult of Eileithyia on Delos was an important one. Hymn to Delos 255-257. A festival that included feasting.3.224 Inscriptions from Delos mention the existence of the sanctuary as early as 304 B. and we can expect that her sanctuaries would have recieved many of the offerings associated with childbirth. no.225 The dedications recorded in these inscriptions suggest that the sanctuary received at least a moderately steady worship.228 Sanctuary of Athena Pronaia. 228 Pausanias 8. and the chanting of sacred hymns was held annually for Eileithyia on the island. Callimachus. and women's work. line A113. though judging from the number of objects recorded for the sanctuary.226 This is not surprising. i-iii. sacrifice. 229 FdD II. the excavations revealed the location of a series of small 5th century B. all of the dedicants named in the inscriptions for the Eileithyiaion are female. 224 Homeric Hymn to Apollo. 144.227 Despite the limited number of offerings that were dedicated at the Eileithyiaion. As Bruneau has noted.C. located on a narrow terrace below the sanctuary of Apollo on Mt. 57 . p. 191-192 and 213-214. Parnassus. dwindling to nothing in the latest records. pp. a bronze mirror. 101. p. Pomtow 1912. See FdD II. See Marcadé 1953. c. 49-54. Gonnoi. pp. A third base. at the foot of the acropolis. see below. was discovered in the "Maison des Membres" to the southwest of the Apollo temenos. 231 Jewelry: FdD II. dated to the 3rd century B. Not far away were found two small pillars inscribed to Athena Ergane and Athena Zosteria. 232 For this mirror. her cult flourished in the 3rd and 2nd centuries B. pp.iii. 386-7. pp. 95.C. 234 Arvanitoupoulos 1911. base for a statue of a priestess of Eileithyia was reused as a building block in the east corner of the polygonal wall (Delphi Museum no. 58 .. p. The epithets under which she was worshipped at Gonnoi include: Genetaira. Lochia. 107-112.iii. Eleia. 820). Euonymos. SEG XXII 474.C. Eileithyia. The presence of an altar to Hygeia in this area led excavators to assume that a similar altar to Eileithyia (now missing) originally stood in this location. figs. with only a few inscriptions dating as late as the 1st century A. I. nos. 228. Eulochia. A second statue base. pp. The earliest inscriptions date to the 4th century B. and numerous dedications were found in the area.C. pp. Pingiatoglu 1981. 106-107. Eileithyia.. located on the southern slope of the northwest hill of the city. loomweights: FdD II. 161-196. 173. See Gonnoi II. These have been variously interpreted as votive pillars or libation altars. 148. once. As Pingiatoglu has 230 Two dedicatory inscriptions (one to Hygeia and one to Eileithyia) were found carved into the wall of the sanctuary. Gonnoi II.. See Bousquet 1963. and.231 At least one votive offering discovered in this sanctuary. was also inscribed to Eileithyia. The remains of a building were uncovered here.233 Sanctuary of Artemis Lochia. 51-54. 41-42. was discovered in the Roman Agora (Delphi Museum no. was excavated by Arvanitopoulos in the early 1900s. no. iii. these may have originated from this sanctuary. pp. Thessaly234 This sanctuary. 3793). when the town itself seems to have begun to decline.C.232 The bases of three statues dedicated to Eileithyia have been found elsewhere at Delphi. 235 One votive stele was discovered in situ. and Hygeia.230 The presence of deposits of jewelry and weaving equipment suggest that this sanctuary was popular among female worshippers. See Homolle 1899. Gonnoi I. pp. 190-191. 130. 317-320.235 Many dedications were inscribed to Artemis under various cult titles. most of which refer to her role as childbirth goddess.C. 120.the divinities associated with these altars were Athena Zosteria. 300 B. 233 A 2nd century B.C. Hera was worshipped under many different aspects of her cult.C. p. Although most of the votives found in this sanctuary point to a generalized cult of Hera. since Hesychius equates Eileithyia with Hera at Argos. 13-14. 237 59 . nos. and hundreds of votive stelai. 240 Hesychius s. began in 1892. given the focus of the cult on childbirth. there were at least two kourotrophos figurines and one pregnancy figurine dedicated here.noted. including her role as the city goddess of Argos and as a goddess of marriage. nos. jewelry. 2. black glaze pottery. see Gonnoi II. 112. conducted by Waldstein under the auspices of the American School of Classical Studies. 161-196.237 Unfortunately. 241 Kourotrophos figurines: Argive Heraeum I. 121. It appears that her cult here was also that of a childbirth divinity. 87. of these rich finds. including marble statuettes. the cult of Artemis seems to have survived here considerably longer than the other sanctuaries of the town. Pregnancy figurine: Appendix I.22. only the inscribed stelai have been published. 239 Argive Heraeum I. two votive altars. Arvanitopoullos 1916. At this sanctuary. 37. at least one of which was also a priestess of Artemis’ cult. at the foot of Mt. p. For a useful summary of excavation history and recent bibliography see Argive Heraion I. 19 no. Euboea. bone needles. Eileithyia. 238 Gonnoi II. bases. p. Arvanitopoullos 1911. 236 Pingiatoglu 1981. for the altars. This site is currently being restudied by members of the American School of Classical Studies. all of the preserved dedications were made by female worshippers. The ongoing studies of the finds from this sanctuary will undoubtedly shed new light on religious activity and the connection of this site with childbirth. was built in the 8th century B.240 Excavation of the sanctuary. located between Mycenae and Argos.236 Not surprisingly.238 Argive Heraeum239 The Argive Heraeum.241 Following the ancient literary evidence. 165 and 166. 8. The excavation report mentions that various types of objects were found in or near this area. 25 no. p. pp. figurines.v. no. 243 60 . pp. Vatin 1965.”242 Tombs of the Hyperborean Maidens on Delos243 According to Herodotus. designated by the excavators as the sêma.Waldstein believed that the Argive Heraeum served as a center for childbirth worship. 45-46. 32. which was surrounded by a Hellenistic enclosure wall. Arge and Opis. see Bruneau and Ducat 1983. and 149-150. two other Hyperborean maidens.245 This tomb. was located to the east of the sanctuary of Artemis. see pp. It appears that this tomb also was used as a sanctuary during the Hellenistic period. 145 no. lay to the east of the Artemisium. pp. p. 242 Argive Heraeum I.33-35. 34. 41. 8. 225-230.244 Excavations on the island have revealed two Mycenaean chamber tombs that may have served as the cult locations that Herodotus described. appears to have been used as a sanctuary from Geometric through Hellenistic times. Bruneau 1970. For a useful summary of the arguments for and against this identification. pp. 245 The identification of this tomb as the sanctuary of Arge and Opis is by no means universally accepted. near the banqueting hall of the Ceians. and even suggested that the baths at this sanctuary “formed a kind of special sanitarium for women in their troubles. For the myth of the Hyperborean maidens as told by Herodotus and their connection with childbirth. dubbed the thêkê. Bruneau and Ducat 1983. 144-145 no. The first of these. 244 Herodotus 4. there existed two tombs on Delos that served as sanctuaries where the Hyperborean maidens were worshipped as minor childbirth goddesses. pp. corresponding with Herodotus' description that the tomb of the first two maidens to arrive on the island. and may have housed a minor cult to Laodike and Hyperoke. 32. were found not far from the Artemisum. 34-35. The remains of a second Mycenaean tomb. terracotta figurines of seated children.Sanctuary of Artemis at Thasos246 A sanctuary of Artemis Eileithyia is mentioned in a 1st century B. 319. 382 and 383. pp. Votives from this site include marble statues of women and children. 2439. For the epithet Polo and its possible connection with young women. thymele. Maffre and Salviat 1978. p. 119 and n. Grandjean and Salviat 2000. at least two of which use the epithet Polo. 247 Thasos Museum 1491.. most of which are unpublished. For the kourotrophos figurines. p. 382-388. and p. protomes. 297-8. ithyphallic Silenoi. Daux 1959b. and jewelry. Grandjean and Salviat 2000.C. 450a. see Price 1978. p. Pingiatoglu 1981. 2396 II) that I have not seen. established perhaps as early as the 6th or 5th century B. became one of the major healing sanctuaries of the ancient world during the 4th century B. and numerous other structures. 119. shows strong evidence of receiving childbirth worship. p. 51 no. The excavations by Panayotis Kavvadias under the auspices of the Archaeological Society of Athens from 1881 to 1928 revealed quite an extensive sanctuary. Pingiatoglu mentions a terracotta figurine of a nude pregnant female figure (Thasos Museum no. p.249 Sanctuary of Asklepios at Epidaurus The sanctuary of Asklepios at Epidaurus. it may have been identical to the sanctuary of Artemis located in the eastern corner of the agora of Thasos that was excavated intermittently from 1957 to 1985. see Pingiatoglu 1981. 61 . see IG XII Suppl. see also: IG XII Suppl.C. 250 Though there is a strong likelihood that women prayed to Asklepios for fertility and safe childbirth at all of his sanctuaries. For these inscriptions.247 Though the location of this sanctuary is uncertain. Salviat 1959. 362. including a temple.. and nude female figures (including one possibly representing a pregnant woman). 164. decree from Thasos. built in the 6th century B.C. p. kourotrophoi. at Epidaurus this fact is made evident by a series 246 Daux 1958. abaton. pp. 965 no. 249 For the artifacts from this sanctuary. Maffre and Salviat 1976. 546a.248 This sanctuary. in addition to citations above. since the inscription in which it was mentioned was found in a secondary context. 89-91. Daux 1960.C. Daux 1966. 47 no. 248 The divinity worshipped in this sanctuary is identified as Artemis through several inscriptions. and whether it was 250 Epidaure I. see Faure 1964. and other finds were numerous. pp. Few finds from the Archaic through the Hellenistic periods were discovered. p. Faure 1964. pottery.19. 10. Among the miraculous cures attributed to the god were several instances of women who received help in conceiving or in giving birth under extraordinary circumstances. range in date from Neolithic to Roman times. p. Strabo. Possible childbirth sanctuaries Cave of Eileithyia at Amnisos. Petrocheilou 1984.5. See also Tyree 1974. 253 Od. Hesychius s.of 4th century cure records inscribed on stelai found at the site.476.254 The cave appears to have been mainly used in the Minoan period and later in Roman times. pp. 157. 740.251 It is quite likely that at least some of the female anatomical votives at the site were also dedicated as childbirth votives. mainly consisting of lamp and vessel fragments. 82-90. 96. Schäfer et al. Kavvadias 1900. 252 Chatzidakis 1886. Crete252 Literary sources establish the presence of a cult of Eileithyia at the site of ancient Amnisos (modern Palaoichora). The finds from this excavation. 110-111. p.253 Homer states specifically that the sanctuary was located in a cave.v. Daux 1959b.188.18. jAmnisiva.” This cave was first excavated by Chatzidakis and Halbherr in 1884. p. These records are discussed below. questions of whether the cave was sacred. A cave located approximately nine kilometers east of Heraklion (at the site of modern Koprana) has been dubbed by modern scholars “the cave of Eileithyia. Since its discovery. Faure 1956. Pausanias 1. 1992. 251 62 . 254 For a discussion of the general lack of Greek finds and possible explanations for it. and further excavations were conducted by Marinatos in 1929 and 1930. but Roman lamps. 83 and citations. 319-320. A few Roman finds are suitable for women’s worship: one small bronze plaque (Heraklion museum no. 257 Woman and child stalactite: Faure 1964. Given the uncertainties of these objects. another resembles the legs and abdomen of a woman. One calcarious concretion within the cave has been interpreted as resembling a woman and child. pp.C. that the cult of Eileithyia mentioned by the literary sources was located elsewhere.257 It is entirely possible. p. pp. it appears that the worship of Artemis Ortheia was transferred to a room within the nearby Asklepieion (sometimes referred to as Cult House K of Artemis Phosphoros. 1992. At least one 255 For a summary of these debates.258 Sanctuary of Artemis Ortheia. 101-107. 6.sacred to Eileithyia. 41. have been heavily debated. Numerous terracotta figurines. 1992. VII. they can tell us little about the nature of the cult. no votives directly link the cave to the cult of Eileithyia. see Schäfer et al. a pot sherd with an inscribed votive dedication has been restored as being dedicated to Artemis. The divinity to which the sanctuary belonged was identified by a dedicatory inscription as Artemis Ortheia. since this sanctuary produced fertility charms. mentioned in Pausanias 4. whose cult was often conflated with that of Eiliethyia.255 Unfortunately.. 2487) depicted a female figure carrying a sow (see Daux 1959b. and the one resembling a woman’s abdomen and legs shows evidence of being rubbed smooth by human contact. 84 258 Indeed. see Orlandos 1962.10). however. See Schäfer et al. but in the nearby sanctuary of Zeus at Amnisos. Marinatos (1996) has recently suggested that Eileithyia was worshipped not here. fig.31. p. 259 For the early sanctuary of Artemis Ortheia at Messene. Although this shrine went out of use c.256 The cave itself has certain natural features that would be fitting for such a cult. The fact that these natural formations were the focus of human attention suggests their importance for whatever activities occurred at the site. 28-30. For the later shrine of Artemis within the Asklepieion. pp. Both were surrounded by a low stone enclosure. however. some of which represent Artemis. p. Messene259 A small sanctuary with a prostyle temple was excavated to the northwest of the Asklepieion at Messene in 1991-1992. Themelis 256 63 . 740). pp. however. were discovered within the sanctuary. see Themelis 1991. Female torso stalactite: Faure 1964. 13 and pl. 150 B. 7-8. Themelis 1994. inscription found in this room mentions the epithet Oupis. Broneer 1933. were dedicated to Artemis Ortheia. Orlandos. Orlandos interpreted the cult as one of childbirth and childcare. 264 Broneer 1932. to the 2nd century B. 64 .28. was discovered in the 1930's and was subsequently excavated by A.K. pp. 260 See above. the fact that nymphs were frequently connected with marriage. The cave appears to have been a sanctuary sacred to the nymphs.260 Other inscribed bases within this later shrine. 232-233. as none of the votives from this sanctuary are clearly dedicated for this purpose. Votive finds from the cave included numerous terracotta figurines of women and satyrs.C. 263 Appendix I. Although the connection with childbirth is somewhat tenuous. and childbirth makes its use as a childbirth sanctuary quite likely. the fact that Artemis here was worshipped at least once under the epithet Oupis does suggest that this sanctuary did occasionally receive childbirth worship. The most striking find was a terracotta figurine of a nude pregnant woman.261 Cave of the Nymphs at Pitsa262 This cave. pp. 107-122. Broneer 1935. some of which originally held statues of young girls. 1. pp.C.263 Although the votive evidence for childbirth worship in this cave is scant. 200-206. 111-115) suggests that the cult names Oupis. as well as painted pinakes. Sanctuary of Eros and Aphrodite on the North Slope of the Athenian Acropolis264 1994. 42. a cult title under which Artemis was worshipped as a childbirth goddess. Ortheia. located near the Gulf of Corinth. 262 Orlandos 1965. 261 Themelis (1994. fertility. popular from the 7th century B. Larson 2001. pp. and Phosphorus were interchangeable and all referred to Artemis' role as goddess of childbirth. p. 1990b. 347. 267 Catling 1990b. pp.This rustic sanctuary was excavated by Broneer in the 1930s under the auspices of the American School of Classical Studies. 65 . 734-736. the votives unearthed during the excavations seem to indicate that worship at the site was connected to issues of fertility. weapons. Inscriptions in the rock indicated that the shrine was sacred to Aphrodite and Eros. Among the most popular were figurines representing ithyphallic males. 346. p.C. Catling. p. however.267 The nature of the handmade Archaic terracotta finds discovered at this sanctuary (approximately 2. 1996. In smaller numbers were found 265 Figurine: Broneer 1933. p. 1990a.. Situated on the north slope of the Acropolis. 276-95. stone phallus: Broneer 1933. The votives found in the sanctuary. stones: Broneer 1933 p. 14 and p. 34. pp. 3-6.265 Sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus at Tsákona.C. Pariente 1990. and athletic gear.600 total) seem to indicate a distinct interest in human fertility and reproduction. as well as a terracotta figurine of a sleeping infant. such as armor. pp. to 4th century A. 266 Catling. suggested to Catling that the sanctuary was primarily visited by male worshippers. 190-191 (figurines). and several stones set in mortar that Broneer interpreted as being phallic symbols. but the site may have experienced long periods in which it was not used. the sanctuary seems to have consisted primarily of a series of niches for votives carved into the natural rock. Not surprisingly. 15-35 and pls. Cavanagh and Crouwel 1988. 337 fig. it was subsequently excavated by Catling in 1989. pp. fig. Cavanagh et al. Dedications found in the area include at least three anatomical votives of reproductive organs (one male and two female). Lakonia266 This sanctuary was first discovered in 1984 during the Lakonian Survey by the British School. 390 (site) and pls. 342. 9. Finds from the sanctuary range in date from 6th century B. 11-13. 30) mentions that figurines representing pregnancy and possibly parturient women were also discovered during excavation. which Philadelphus interpreted as requests for fertility or safe childbirth. including four female anatomical votives. pp. Catling (1990b. 2. Marinatos’ campaigns are described in Praktika 1949. p.5. 3.nude female figurines squatting and displaying genitalia (possibly parturient women) and at least two pregnancy figurines. p. Three of the votives were inscribed to Artemis Kalliste.268 Sanctuary of Artemis Kalliste. two inscribed bases.271 Cave at Stavromyti. Athens269 This small sanctuary. Iouktas. Crete. with the primary period of activity falling in the Geometric period. 190 and plate 13a (Appendix I. located near the Dipylon gate in the Athenian Kerameikos. Roussel 1927. pp. primarily the anatomical votives.34).29. providing the identity of the deity of the sanctuary. 68-71. During the Minoan period the cave 268 Two pregnancy figurines found in the area during the Lakonia survey have been published in Cavanagh et al. 269 Philadelpheus 1927. 272 Minos II. 108-9. but gives no indication of how many of these were found. The finds discovered at the site indicate that the cave was used from Minoan to Roman times. 66 . Crete272 This cave. 270 This sanctuary was also mentioned by Pausanias (1. Evidence for the sanctuary consists of part of a temenos wall and several votive offerings.270 Identification of the sanctuary’s connection to childbirth is entirely dependent upon the types of dedications discovered there. and one relief. was interpreted as a votive offered for fertility. 271 Appendix I. 1950. 1996. located on the south-west side of Mt. depicting a sacrificial scene in which a couple stands at an altar before Artemis. was discovered in 1922 during test excavations by Philadelpheus. see Roussel 1927. was excavated by Evans from 1898 to 1924 and by Marinatos in 1949 and 1950. 248-257. The relief. pp.2). For the interpretation of the relief. 274 Palaiokrassa suggested in her 1983 study of the sanctuary that the cult was involved with fertility. or the Nymphs.275 Sanctuary of Aphrodite at Daphni276 The sanctuary of Aphrodite at Daphni.was used as a place of refuge and as storage for provisions. Sanctuary of Artemis Mounichia in Piraeus273 This sanctuary was first excavated by Threpsiades in the 1930s under the auspices of the Greek Archaeological Services. Threpsiades 1935. which originally held votive offerings. are 1951. 67 . and astragaloi. 274 See Palaiokrassa 1989. 273 SEG XXXIX 322. situated on the Sacred Way between Athens and Eleusis. possibly offered for childbirth. See also Faure 1964. a spindlewhorl. Palaiokrassa 1991. The votives found in this sanctuary included at least one example of a figurine of a swaddled infant. suggested that this was a sanctuary used mainly by women. A small cult may have existed here in later times. 173-5. Other suggestions for the deity of this cave have included Diktynna. pp. and childcare. evinced by remains of an altar (or offering table) and finds which have been identified as votives. Marinatos suggested a cult of Eileithyia analagous to the cave at Amnisos. such as a feeding bottle. Numerous niches in the rock face. The types of votives discovered. Excavations were renewed by Palaiokrassa in 1984. Artemis. 126-127. was excavated during the late 1800s by Kampoupoglos. pp. The scanty remains include an enclosure wall surrounding the poorly preserved foundation of a building. childbirth. as at Brauron. and a fragmentary list of votive dedications from the sanctuary may have included clothing. 275 SEG XXXIX 163. 20. rivers may also have been regarded as significant features of childbirth sanctuaries. It is likely that Aphrodite was worshipped here as a healing divinity whose cult was particularly helpful in problems with fertility and concerns about having a fruitful marriage. Pausanias 8. hills. see below. Springs and water sources are common in childbirth sanctuaries.1.2.279 276 Travlos 1937. 279 Hera: Pausanias 7. 73-74. Features Characteristic of Childbirth Sanctuaries Although nearly any sanctuary could receive childbirth votives. the sanctuary of Eileithyia on Paros was focused on a small natural spring. Among the objects discovered in the excavation were many examples of anatomical votives and marble dove figurines. pp.277 In particular. Accounts of divine births often place the event near a river where the new mother is said to bathe herself and her infant immediately after birth. Pirenne-Delforge 1994.2. p. 277 68 . 70-73. Travlos 1939. and the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron featured a "sacred spring” into which votives were thrown.278 In addition to springs. though no dedications of explicit childbirth votives depicting pregnancy or childbirth were uncovered. Rhea: Pausanias 8. The close association of the nymphs with both childbirth and springs is also worth noting. 227. Travlos and Kourouniotis 1938. probably reflecting a general association of water with fertility. caves.28. For fertility and childbirth rituals involving special water sources. and rock outcroppings.still visible today.4. These sanctuaries tend to be informal shrines that incorporate natural features such as sources of water.4. Leto: Strabo 14. certain features do seem to characterize those sanctuaries where childbirth and fertility were a main focus. pp.41. 278 Larson 2001. 72-78.Like springs. see Boardman 1961. 132. all of which are cave shrines. 22. since one would not expect to find sanctuaries frequented by pregnant women or women with young children in such inaccessible locations.284 Nevertheless. was said to have been born in a cave near Corinth. Caves and mountaintops feature prominently in mythological stories about birth. those sanctuaries that are clearly connected with childbirth are frequently found on hilltops and mountains. and the sanctuary of Eileithyia Inatia at Tsoutsouros. see Boardman 1961. p. 481-4. the sanctuary of Eileithyia at Amnisos. Th. 49. p.70. which had a small cave that has been traditionally identified as the “tomb of Iphigeneia. caves may well have had a special cultic meaning. 282 Petrocheilou 1984. 281 69 .” and the cave of the nymphs at Pitsa. too. the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron. The finds from the Dictean and the Idean caves excavated on Crete do not show any clear evidence of being the focus of childbirth or fertility cult. Petrocheilou 1984. p. but are less frequent. III. for instance.282 Caves associated with human birth also appear in mythology.280 Numerous childbirth sanctuaries and shrines are either located in caves or associated with them. mountaintops.1-4. In Euripides’ Ion. 237 no. 8 and 11. and pl. including stories of the infant Zeus being hidden in either the Dictean cave or the Idean cave. For a discussion of whether the “Dictean cave” excavated near Psychro was actually the Dictean cave recorded in ancient myth and legend. Petrocheilou 1984. including the sanctuary of Eileithyia on Paros. however. see pp. p. Creusa gives birth to her illegitimate son in a cave and abandons him there. Particularly common are stories about divine births in which various gods were born or hidden in a cave. For the Dictean cave on Crete: Hesiod. p. 283 Euripides. See: Boardman 1961.281 Hermes. and rocky formations. pp. For the Idean cave: Diodorus Siculus 5. as is its cultic significance. For a sampling of the finds from these caves. Neils and Oakley 2003. 1-5. Ion 500. p. 284 For the fact that women visited such shrines throughout pregnancy. 38. The date of this figurine is uncertain. 159. since caves have an obvious birthing symbolism.283 Another common feature of childbirth sanctuaries is their location on hills. The 280 Pingiatoglu 1981. 155. despite the fact that both caves appear to have been used as sanctuaries. This feature is perhaps most surprising. A single bronze figurine of an infant was reportedly found in the Dictean cave in 1896. is a good two hour’s walk from the outskirts of Paroikia. for instance. A pregnancy figurine was discovered in a Geometric peak shrine at Kavousi. The sanctuary of Aphrodite and Eros on the Athenian Acropolis. such as the Genetyllides. Kounados. there are examples of sanctuaries of Eileithyia within city walls. the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus in the Argolid. and the sanctuary of Artemis Lochia at Gonnoi are all reached by climbing high hills as well. and Eileithyia was worshipped as a minor deity in the sanctuary of Athena Pronaia near the top of Mt. 286 Indeed. from the examination of childbirth sanctuaries above. Parnassus. p. it is likely that childbirth worship took place in many large civic sanctuaries as well as in the more specialized shrines. 49. 70 . up the fairly steep rocky slope of Mt. For futher discussion of this aspect of childbirth and kourotrophic cult. Similarly. 285 Many childbirth divinities had a chthonic or mysterious element to their cult and some. As Pingiatoglu has noted. see Price 1978. the sanctuary of Artemis Lochia on Delos is located on top of Mt.sanctuary of Eileithyia on Paros. Nevertheless. it is clear that those sanctuaries that were solely dedicated to childbirth and fertility (or in which this aspect played a prominent role) tended to take the form of small rustic shrines located in remote areas and used primarily for popular religion and private worship rather than state cult.285 It is true that childbirth worship was not exclusively relegated to rural areas outside of the city confines. which undoubtedly highlighted the rustic appearance of the sanctuary and emphasized the fundamentally wild and uncivilized nature of the cult. 200. 286 Pingiatoglu 1981. Kynthos. Many of these sanctuaries are nestled among rock outcroppings. p. were regarded by men with an air of suspicion. Chapter II: Childbirth Rituals and Practices In societies where traditional birthing customs are in practice, the use of ritual is a common element that appears in nearly every stage of the reproductive process.1 In this chapter I examine the use of ritual in ancient Greece for each of the main stages of reproduction: the period prior to conception, the duration of pregnancy, the time of birth itself, and the period of postpartum recovery. I have limited my investigation to private rituals — those that were performed by individual women and their immediate family members in order to insure successful procreation — rather than including the numerous festivals and rites performed on behalf of the community as a whole. The private rituals that I document here include those that were performed in informal shrines and within the home, as well as those performed in public sanctuaries. Fertility Rituals Given the great importance that Greek society placed upon the production of heirs, it is not surprising that there were a number of different types of fertility rituals intended to ensure successful procreation. Indeed, it is likely that most marriage celebrations incorporated certain rituals to ensure the fertility of the newlyweds. One such ritual, practiced in Athens, involved the new bride spending the night with the pais amphithales, a male child with two living parents.2 It seems that the presence of this healthy male child in the marriage bed acted as a sort of living fertility charm to ensure 1 The distinction between traditional (or indigenous) birthing practices, in which the birth and subsequent care of mother and child are overseen by family members or traditional birthing assistants such as midwives, and modern medical practices, in which they are dictated largely by trained physicians and nurses, is common in anthropological literature. See, for instance, Lefèber and Voorhoeve 1998. 2 Pollux, On. 3.40. For further information on the pais amphithales, see Golden 1990, p. 30. 71 the fruitfulness of the union.3 The pais amphithales also performed another ritual during Athenian wedding ceremonies: he carried a liknon filled with cakes. It has been argued that this, too, served as a sort of fertility ritual, with the cakes acting as symbols of the as-yet unborn children of the couple, still waiting in the womb.4 Prenuptial dedications and sacrifices to the gods in the hopes of ensuring the fertility of the marriage were common.5 On Delos, Herodotus tells us that it was the custom for young women and men who were about to marry to dedicate locks of hair on the tomb of the Hyperborean maidens named Hyperoché and Laodicé, who may well have been worshipped at Delos as minor fertility or childbirth divinities.6 As Baur has pointed out, similar dedications of hair before the wedding day are known from other parts of Greece, and also appear to have been intended to prevent barrenness.7 After marriage, couples who did not conceive in a timely manner most likely first turned to the gods for help.8 Appeals to oracles for advice on matters of conception appear to have been relatively common. In Euripides' Ion, for instance, both Xuthus and Creusa go to the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi in order to seek help in conceiving a child.9 A number of inquiries made at the oracle of Zeus at Dodona indicate that procreation was as much a concern for men as for women.10 The cure records from the Asklepieion at Epidauros also suggest that it was not uncommon for women having difficulty conceiving to seek the assistance of a healing god, sometimes traveling 3 This ritual has been recently recognized in vase paintings of wedding scenes. For a discussion of these images, see Kauffmann-Samaras 1988, pp. 290-292; Reilly 1989, pp. 426-427. 4 Corinth XVIII, iv, p. 70; Redfield 1982, p. 193. 5 The Atthidographer Phanodemos states that the Athenians performed such a sacrifice before marriage to ensure children. See Jacoby 1954, pp. 181-182, no. 325, F6. For additional prenuptial fertility rites, see Oakley and Sinos 1993, pp. 11-14; Schmitt 1977. 6 For these divinities, see above, pp. 34-35. 7 Baur 1901, pp. 68-69. He cites specifically dedications made at Megara at the tomb of Iphinoë and at Athens to Hera Teleia, Artemis, and the Moirai. 8 For the expectation that children would follow shortly after marriage, see above pp. 12-13. 9 Euripides, Ion, 404-406 and 422-424. Aegeus likewise consults the Delphic oracle about his childlessness. 72 considerable distances in order to do so. Of the five surviving records that mention appeals of this sort, two of the women lived locally within the Peloponnese, while three others journeyed to the sanctuary from as far away as Epirus, Ceos, and Lebena.11 Many families would be unable to expend the time and money necessary to make a special trip to an oracular or healing sanctuary in order to address the issue of childlessness; it is very likely, therefore, that most appeals to the gods for fertility were done by offering prayers within a local sanctuary or shrine.12 Such personal appeals to the gods rarely find their way into literature, but scattered references do survive. In the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, for instance, Metaneira emphasizes the importance of her only son by telling Demeter: " Nurse this child for me, whom the immortals have given me, late-born and unexpected, but much prayed for."13 Other sources record mostly extraordinary or miraculous examples of divine aid. An epigram in the Palatine Anthology, for instance, gives the fictional story of a childless blind woman who prayed to Artemis either to restore her sight or to grant her offspring; both prayers were generously (and miraculously) granted by the goddess.14 It is quite likely that, in many cases, these prayers for fertility were accompanied by small gifts dedicated in the sanctuary at the time that the prayer was made.15 Indeed, it is possible that many of the terracotta figurines of children discussed in the votive section below were dedicated See Plutarch, Thes. 3.5; Apollodorus 3.15.5. 10 Syll.3 III 1160; Parke 1967, II.5, II.7, II.8, II.9, II.11. 11 Edelstein and Edelstein 1945, nos. T423, case no. 31, p. 235; T423, case no. 34, p. 236; T423, case no. 39, p. 237; T423, case no. 42, p. 237; T426, pp. 239-240. All of these inscriptions are given in translation below, pp. 110-111. 12 A similar practice may be seen in modern Hindu villages in India, where childless wives are encouraged by their families to worship Matabi, the village mother-goddess, to obtain fertility. If infertility persists, they may also offer special oblations to Lord Shiva, or even make special trips to shrines further away which specialize in fertility and birth. See Jacobsen 1980, p. 79. 13 Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 212. It is interesting to note that, since Metaneira is said to have already had four daughters, her prayer was certainly for a male child. Gender-specific prayers were probably quite common, given the marked preference in Greek society for sons. 14 Anth. Pal. 9.46. 15 On the practice of dedicating a small, inexpensive gift at the time of offering a prayer, see below. 73 either at the time of marriage as a way of ensuring the quick and successful growth of the family or when an appeal for fertility was made.16 In addition to the more formal fertility rituals mentioned above, women undoubtedly used a wide variety of informal or spontaneous practices to enable them to conceive. Such practices would leave little or no trace in the archaeological record and were generally not of interest to male authors, and so are extremely difficult to reconstruct. Based upon the few extant literary references to such rites, however, it seems quite likely that women in ancient Greece made use of a type of ritual, known widely in other cultures, which relies upon contact with certain natural features that are thought to possess the power of fertility. Sacred springs and special water sources are a common element in fertility rites around the world. The underlying principle behind these rituals appears to be based upon the assumption that, since water is a necessary element to the fertility and growth of crops, it may also aid in human fertility. Fertility rituals involving water inevitably focus upon direct contact with the sacred water source; most commonly these rites take the form of immersion to allow the transference of the fertile properties of the water to the participant. Alternative rituals often include drinking the sacred water or even dipping clothing or bits of cloth into the water.17 A description of this type of activity in Greece is preserved in a late source. Photios relates that barren women would drink from a spring sacred to Aphrodite Kalias on Mt. Hymettos in order to become fertile.18 As I have noted above, springs and other water features are a fairly common feature of childbirth sanctuaries; it would not be surprising if many of the springs and pools 16 Gloria Merker has interpreted children figurines at Corinth in exactly this way. See Corinth XVIII, iv, p. 329. 17 See, for example, Gelis 1991, p. 25. 18 Photios, Lex. 185, 21. Kullou' phvran; Pirenne-Delforge 1994, pp. 74-75. 74 within these shrines were regarded as possessing special fertility properties and were places where minor rituals of this sort occurred.19 Contact with certain rocks or stones may also have been used to obtain fertility. Fertility rites of this nature appear to have been quite common all over Europe, and were still performed as late as the last century in Greece.20 Baur records a contemporary custom in Athens in which barren women sought to ensure fertility by sliding down a smooth rock on the Hill of the Nymphs.21 It is often thought that this fertility rite reflects a continuation of ancient practices, since the presence of an ancient shrine of the nymphs indicates that the hill was always connected with fertility.22 Although there is no way to prove that this ritual was practiced in antiquity, the fact that such traditions tend to be long-lived suggests that it is not impossible.23 The use of fertility “charms” of naturally shaped smooth stones is also paralleled in ethnographic records.24 Stones and minerals have often been thought to possess special properties that could affect (either favorably or adversely) human health and 19 See pp. 63-66 for features associated with these sanctuaries. For a discussion of the importance of water in Greek religion in general, see Cole 1988. 20 Gélis (1991, p. 28), for example, describes fertility rituals performed in early modern France that involved sliding down a smooth stone face on bare buttocks, rubbing one's navel against or even simulating sex with large pillar-shaped standing stones, and sleeping on certain rocks in order to conceive. 21 Baur 1902, p. 35 n. 47. 22 The most complete discussion may be found in Ervin 1959. 23 Recently, Gerald Lalonde has argued against a continuity of cult. He has shown that, despite the similarity of cult functions between the shrine of the nymphs and the later church of Santa Marina that occupied the hill, an unbroken continuity of cult did not exist between the pagan and Christian fertility cults here. Lalonde, 2001. The fact that the cults themselves do not share an unbroken tradition does not necessarily mean that the practice of fertility rites was discontinued, however. The enduring association of a place with fertility properties is not necessarily dependent upon the preservation of the cult. Gelis (1991, p. 73) records, for instance, the continued veneration of a pagan statue by pregnant women in the seventeenth century A.D., despite attempts by the church to prevent such activities. 24 In the 19th century young girls living in Porret sought for a beach stone of a certain shape and color, which they believed would grant them fertility, deliver them from danger, and give them a husband at the right time. See Gelis 1991, pp. 19-20. 75 reproduction.25 Stones, especially those that exhibited an unusual feature, such as a distinctive shape or color, may well have played a role in private fertility rituals in ancient Greece, as elsewhere.26 The presence of certain naturally smooth stones in the sanctuary of Eros and Aphrodite on the North Slope of the Athenian Acropolis may possibly indicate their use in a fertility ritual performed in this sanctuary.27 River pebbles were also found in votive deposits in a small sanctuary of Demeter on the hill of Bitalemi near Gela.28 Given that the cult of Demeter is closely associated with fertility and nursing in Magna Graecia, it is not unlikely that these smooth stones served as a symbol of human fertility.29 Rituals Performed during Pregnancy Rituals performed during pregnancy were usually intended either to prevent miscarriage or to assure an easy delivery and prepare for birth. A number of ritual practices might be employed by an expectant mother to accomplish these goals, but most involved either going to a special (usually sacred) location or coming in contact with objects thought to have sacred or magical properties. Visiting Special Springs 25 Such beliefs were certainly common in antiquity—see below, p. 79. These powerful beliefs still persist in modern American thought, witnessed, for example, by such phenomena as the use of magnets to heal carpal-tunnel syndrome. 26 For a discussion of the use of certain unusual stones as amulets during pregnancy and childbirth, see below, p. 79. For special stones associated with conception and birth in Assyro-Babylonian beliefs, see Pinches 1908, p. 644. 27 The elongated shape of these stones suggested to Broneer that they served as phallic symbols. See Broneer 1933, p. 347. 28 Kron 1992, p. 631-633 and fig. 8; Orlandini 1966, pl. xxiii, 7. 29 For Demeter’s connections with fertility and child-rearing in Magna Graecia, see Price 1978, pp. 170186. 76 191-194) has recently observed. For more on the ritual bath after birth. but also played a key role in affirming community identity. the regular visitation of such springs by the women of the polis not only formed an important part of the ritual experience of individual women. and the sanctuary of Eileithyia on Delos. as well as the sanctuary of Artemis Lochia on Delos.30 The water from these springs was used in other rites connected with childbirth as well. 104 (= 179 Wyss).The very same springs that were used in the fertility rituals discussed above were also visited by pregnant women in order to ensure a successful pregnancy and an easy delivery. pp. This network included a few extremely popular shrines whose main function was that of fertility and childbirth. 31 Matthews 1996. 274-276. see Gelis 1991. 21) mentions that the same spring of Aphrodite Kalias on Mt.. the Cave of Eileithyia Inatia on Crete. Gelis mentions that women in early modern France would make pilgrimages to shrines or statues of saints known to help with pregnancy and childbirth even late into their pregnancy: “These big regional shrines presented certain problems 30 Photios (Lex. writing in the 4th century B. see below. Antimachos of Colophon. 185. but this practice is well known from other periods. pp.31 Visiting Distant Sanctuaries A network of shrines available for childbirth worship existed within the Greek landscape. 85-86. 77 . For water rituals intended to prevent miscarriage and facilitate birth performed in early modern France. 32 It may seem unlikely that pregnant women would be willing to travel considerable distances to visit one of these sanctuaries. describes rituals performed by pregnant women that involved collecting water from a special spring to use for the ritual bath after delivery. and which may well have drawn a very wide cult following to which pregnant women or women seeking fertility and offspring would make pilgrimages. no.C. As Susan Cole (2004. pp. p. These shrines probably included the major sanctuaries of Eileithyia. 76. such as the cave of Eiliethyia at Paros. Hymettos that was supposed to grant fertility was also visited by pregnant women. 36 We may assume. T423. and 51-53. no. 35 Matthews 1996. 2. to vow on their behalf to give a votive gift and to visit the shrine in person. 34-35 and p. although Herodotus does not couch it in these terms. Gélis 1991. pp. and Artemis.3. after the divinity had granted help in the birth process. the more important the pilgrimage. 101 (= 176 Wyss). 37 Herodotus 4. Dial.34 Antimachos of Colophon mentions offerings (pelaneia) made by pregnant women to Eileithyia Kourotrophos. with the promise of fulfilling the vow by traveling to a larger sanctuary of the divinity to offer a dedication of thanks there after birth. 70. a pregnant character mentions in passing that she sent out her servant to pray to Artemis on her behalf that she be delivered safely. with the child. case 31.38 Similar arrangements are 32 For these sanctuaries. extraordinarily advanced) made special pilgrimages to the sanctuary at Epidauros to receive the god's aid. A full translation of these inscriptions is provided below. 46-48. See Lucian. case 2 and T423. for the full story. p. that the story of the Hyperborean maidens who traveled to Delos to offer votive gifts to Eileithyia after they had given birth is a reflection of the fulfillment of such a vow. Diktaia. Our best evidence for this lies in the cure records at the Asklepieion at Epidauros. 38 Osborne's prosographical study of the dedicants named in the inventory lists for the temple of Artemis 33 78 . Meret. see above. At least two of these record that women in an advanced state of pregnancy (indeed. 269-270. 36 In one of Lucian's dialogs.to women with child. see pp. and also the woman’s condition: the more difficult the pregnancy. 68. p. 110-111. and it was then that women could be imprudent. The time of year had to be taken into account. it seems likely that the same custom existed in antiquity. pp. with pregnant women from a wide geographical area making trips to the most important sanctuaries that focused on human fertility and reproduction. especially that of distance.”33 Although evidence for this practice in Greece is slim.34-5.35 Women may well have gotten around the difficulties of travel during pregnancy by sending someone else in their stead. nos. 34 Edelstein and Edelstein 1945.37 An alternative solution may have been that the pregnant woman made her vow in a local shrine. we may assume that Pausanias mentions these sanctuaries precisely because these are the shrines that pregnant women would be most likely to visit to seek help during labor. 79 . women in early modern Europe would try to schedule their pilgrimage to a special shrine to coincide with important festivals or saints’ days. 42 See also Aristophanes. When Froso was born we didn’t have any money.1..27. See Osborne 1985.known even in modern contexts.39 In instances where the woman could not fulfill the vow herself. in which one of Lysistrata’s followers pretends to be in labor as an excuse to leave the sacred confines of the Acropolis. 39 In their survey of the beliefs of modern rural Greece. Lys.42 Gélis notes that whenever possible. I decided to baptize the child in Spathi. p. One may speculate that many of the women who lived in or near Athens would have made vows to dedicate these gifts during their pregnancy in the closer Brauronian on the Athenian acropolis. p. 742-755. 41 Pausanias 2. 154-160. 59) recorded this testimony concerning an unfulfilled vow that a villager made during pregnancy: ”When I was pregnant with Froso.40 Further evidence for the common practice of pregnant women visiting shrines may be deduced by the religious laws that forbade childbirth within the temenos of a sanctuary. pp. in order to increase the power of the blessing or protection that they received from the visit.” 40 For an example of a dedication made by a man on behalf of his wife in order to fulfill a vow that she had made. 43 Gélis 1991. 196) notes that the Brauronion on the Athenian acropolis served to bring into the city the cult of the goddess whose principle shrine was on the outskirts of Athenian territory. Pausanias mentions that no one was allowed to give birth within the temenos of Asklepios or on the island of Delos. We know of at least one main festival of Eileithyia. Cole (2004. most likely after birth. 34. Richard and Eva Blum (1970. 73.43 We might imagine that women in ancient Greece would have done the same. it could be fulfilled by her husband or another family member on her behalf. I offered to christen the newborn at Tenos if the Panaghia would let it be born safely and stay well. see Cole 1998. Close connection of the two shrines is clear. Linders 1994. and since I was afraid the child might die before I got to Tenos to get it baptized. p.41 Although the prohibition of giving birth applied to all sanctuaries. held in the winter month of Posedonia at Delos.44 Since Delos was itself a place particularly associated at Brauron indicates that women even from the most distant Attic demes offered dedications of clothing.. p. 215-219. pp. 44 Bruneau 1970. over the course of about four centuries. and the finds have not been well published. The cost of such a journey could prove prohibitive to those who lacked the financial resources to make a long trip or who could not afford to be absent from their duties as mother and general manager of daily household affairs. however. 80 . Shrines to Eileithyia were popular throughout Greece. and. as the remains were limited to a single building.with fertility and birth. It is likely. It would not be difficult to find an appropriate sanctuary nearby.45 Though the remains of this sanctuary are poor. An excellent example of a site that received local childbirth worship is the sanctuary of Artemis Lochia at Gonnoi. Nevertheless. it is reasonable to postulate that pregnant women or women seeking offspring would travel to the island to attend this festival in honor of the goddess of childbirth. Visiting Local Shrines Naturally. from the evidence that is available. On the votive stelai from this sanctuary. numerous deities could be petitioned for childbirth. The sanctuary itself was probably quite small. but the names of 45 46 This sanctuary is described above. the sanctuary received hundreds of votive stelai. renowned as the birth place of Apollo and Artemis. not every woman was able to travel to the main childbirth sanctuaries. Not only are the stelai a votive type that is unique to the region. 231-233. as is apparent from the list of deities above. that many women would simply visit a local sanctuary of one of these divinities to obtain the desired help. pp. see pp. many women would find it necessary to worship a divinity closer to home. Thus. in Thessaly. therefore. 54-55.46 These were almost certainly the dedications of women who lived in Gonnoi or the surrounding area. it appears that this sanctuary served primarily as a place where local women sought divine assistance in childbirth. this it is easy for the lawgiver to secure by ordering them to make a journey daily for the due worship of the deities whose office is the control of childbirth. rather than for any religious reason. discussions of Helen.the female dedicants in the inscriptions on many of these stelai are found on local tombstones and other inscriptions.” 48 81 . See. and during this period.48 Local shrines to these deities were probably quite common. and the Genytillides above. 175 bis. there were many minor deities and even local heroes who specialized in childbirth aid. and that such activities were considered both fitting and beneficial.32. and miscarriage is a constant danger. and 37. for example. p. Pol. 35. Parker (1983. the nymphs. Gonnoi II. not avoiding exercise nor adopting a low diet.7. nos. is suggested by a passage in Aristotle’s Politics. Iphigeneia. pregnant women would not visit shrines until after the fortieth day of pregnancy. 51 On this subject. 48) writes: “in Greek medical texts the forty-day period is of particular importance precisely in relation to pregnancy and birth. 161. 31.47 In addition to the Olympian gods. 49 Aristotle. despite the difficulty of identifying them in the archaeological record. 172. 180-183. 187. in which he urges legislators to ensure that pregnant women get sufficient exercise by passing laws that cause them to make frequent trips to the sanctuaries: And pregnant women also must take care of their bodies.51 47 For the names. 1335a. That women visited local sanctuaries and shrines throughout their pregnancy.50 The reason for this custom was most likely the fear of miscarriage caused by exertion during the early stages of pregnancy. The dangerous transitional period therefore lasts forty days. 50 Censorinus. see. for instance. 188. during the first forty days after conception. menstruation continues. while by the end of this period the embryo is formed and the male child begins to move. 171. pp. the mother is excluded from communal life. De die natali 11. 174. if Censorinus is right. 190. 168.49 The only evidence for restrictions on pregnant women visiting sanctuaries is provided in a passage of Censorinus that states that in Greece. for example. 52 Sacrifices During Pregnancy As part of their visits to sanctuaries during pregnancy. see pp. Translation by Kearns (1989. especially p. Eileithyia. Cole 1998. Numerous commentaries have been offered on this law. see childbirth sanctuaries p. For a relatively recent translation and discussion. see Price 1978. p. Indeed. see Parker 1983. for the shrine of Aphrodite and Eros on the Acropolis. Perlman 1989. p. pp. the nymphs. pp. 22). 625-626. 345. may well have visited the shrines of any number of different divinities within the city who might offer assistance during childbirth. lines 15-23. 48-49. but also mandatory.53 Fathers. 60. including the Genetyllides. too. 82 . In Euripides’ Electra. A pregnant woman in Athens. for Athena kourotrophos and Ge kourotrophos in Athens. 61-62. which had a sanctuary on the Hill of the Nymphs in Athens. It is likely that women in antiquity took every precaution available to help them through such a difficult time. See also. 127-130. 37-38. no doubt worshipping a number of different divinities for the same purpose. 34. the Cyrene Cathartic Law indicates that a sacrifice to Artemis before birth was not only customary. see pp. 50. Lines 628-629 make it clear that this is a private sacrifice made only in the company of the household.One must not assume that women felt confined to choose just one divinity or one method of obtaining protection. pp. Ge. 54 Euripides. 332-351. 101-117. Electra. in a fragmentary passage. for Artemis Kalliste. Artemis Kalliste. women made sacrifices to the divinities of childbirth. 53 SEG IX 72 (LSS 115). or Aphrodite. Orestes’ response is to ask whether the sacrifice is “As thanks for children’s nurture. for the shrine of Eileithyia near the Ilissos. for the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron. she may also have made a special trip outside of the city to the nearby sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron. he is told by a servant that he is preparing to sacrifice a bull for the nymphs. on the nymphs. Athena Kourotrophos. for instance. made animal sacrifices in preparation for the approaching birth. or before a birth?”54 52 The Genetyllides were popular childbirth deities in Athens. see pp. p. when Orestes inquires about Aegisthus’ whereabouts. in some instances. For uterine amulets. 200. 57 Gélis (1991. or papyrus inscribed with spells or magical words or symbols. rings with special markings.55 Such a sacrifice. silver. a dog was considered an appropriate sacrificial animal for childbirth purposes. is understandable given the fact that Eileithyia.” or aetites.57 In ancient Greece. 56 83 . sometimes also called the “pregnant stone” because it often contained within it a small concretion thought to 55 Plutarch.56 Amulets Used During Pregnancy Just as the act of visiting special springs or sanctuaries was thought to bring about divine or supernatural aid during pregnancy and birth. so too did the act of coming in contact with objects that were thought to have special properties or powers. Plutarch notes the practice at Argos of making dog sacrifices to the cult of Eilioneia/Eileithyia for easy childbirth. p.58 Amulets could be made from any number of different materials. Quaest. pendants intended to hold magical objects or concoctions. though unusual. While rare or exotic materials made appealing amulets. In a passage of the Moralia.It appears that. this belief was usually manifested in the act of wearing certain objects as amulets. On the chthonic aspects of the cult of Eileithyia and other divinities of childbirth. see Price 1978. and even organic substances such as herbal compounds or animal products. One such stone was the “eagle-stone. 52. thought to be powerful precisely because they were foreign and strange. Rom. 58 For the popularity of the use of amulets in general. pp. including strips of gold. it is likely that most amulets consisted of commonly found materials that possessed properties suggesting that they would work through sympathetic magic. had a strong chthonic element to her cult. like Hekate. 73-76) discusses how women in France believed that physical contact with special statues of saints would secure those saints' aid in childbirth. see Aubert 1989. see Kotansky 1991. resemble an embryo in a womb. no birth would take place. A good discussion of the eagle stone can be found in Waegeman 1987. pp. 64 Hittite texts indicate. and that the primary methods of assisting in labor consisted of magical and medico-magical practices such as the use of 60 84 . to relieve the fears or pains of the parturient woman. 63 As Lesley Dean-Jones (1994. 68. Traditional birthing practices often combine the use of practical methods. for instance. p. women in Classical Greece were likely to have relied upon the traditional birthing practices overseen by midwives and local "wise-women" rather than turn to male Hippocratic doctors. NH 36. along with religious or magicoreligious methods in order to accomplish these goals. 62 Theophrastus De Lap. that obstetrical knowledge was limited.64 Most of the ritual childbirth 59 The most common of these stones. pp. and/or to protect the mother and child from the physical and supernatural dangers of birth. especially powerful for preventing miscarriage. 91). rarely making a distinction between the effectiveness of these different techniques. but that if the women did not remove it during childbirth. are limonite nodules. especially those that rely upon traditional birth practices. until quite recently in Europe.62 Rituals During Birth Rituals performed during birth are common in all cultures. 162163.61 Its use for such purposes can be traced at least to Hellenistic times. 34-35) has noted. p. 61 Gélis 1991. in cases of unproblematic pregnancies.63 These rituals tend to focus on one of several goals: to hasten delivery.60 The eagle stone was used as a women’s amulet.149-151. according to Eichholz (1965.59 It was because of this property that it was belived to be of use to pregnant women. Pliny. such as the use of massage and medical ointments and pessaries. He further states that these amulets were not to be removed during the pregnancy except at the moment of delivery— otherwise there would be a prolapse of the uterus. 5. Pliny writes that eagle-stones were wrapped in the skins of sacrificed animals and worn throughout the pregnancy by women (or even sometimes attached to pregnant animals). See Pringle 1983. 137. According to different accounts. Concepts of Binding and Loosening the Womb One of the major goals of rituals performed during childbirth was to ensure that the womb would open at the proper time. lasting no longer than it took for the ‘rose’ to open. 122. both ancient and modern. This was obtained primarily through the use of symbols. In either case. see Price 1978. p. as elsewhere. 117. On this symbolism. 67 Gélis 1991. or female genitalia. Plato. the palm was considered a sign of the kteis. the goddess of childbirth can magically aid in the opening of the womb through the symbol of her opened hand. The concept of needing to open the womb during birth through magic is found in many societies. 623 and fig. the Jericho rose unfolds when exposed to moisture. see Gravel 1995.practices attested for ancient Greece are of the magico-religious type. and potions. 18-19. in at least one instance. but a dried bundle of twigs that resemble a bud. p. That is. A passage in Plato's Theatetus indicates that midwives in ancient Greece likewise used a combination of medical and magical practices to obtain the desired results. p. 65 Aubert 1989.66 A similar concept may be seen in the early modern European practice of placing a Jericho rose in a bowl of water during labor. the belief nevertheless appears to underlie the practice. 66 The image of the hand held open with palm visible may have been a particularly potent symbol of the opened womb if in ancient Greece. sympathetic magic.67 Notably. p. frequently relying upon popular beliefs in the sympathy and antipathy of objects to obtain the desired outcome. p. a statuette of Eileithyia depicts the goddess holding a flower in one hand as incantations.65 The gesture of an open hand made by Eileithyia in numerous artistic representations in Greek vase paintings may have served as one such symbol. the practice of placing the ‘rose’ in water during labor would either be used as a diagnostic tool to determine how easily the labor would go or to ensure that the labor pains would be brief. 426. When used as a diagnostic 85 . For this gesture in association with Eileithyia. 56 no. Not actually a rose. the opening of the rose is equated with a similar opening of the womb. Theat. 149c-d. Pingiatoglu 1981. It must be noted that. 46. pp. although the concept of “opening” the womb is not explicitly stated for the use of the Jericho rose. 99. 86 . 70 Soranus 2. quite possibly referring to the idea of "opening" the womb on the wedding night. p. in addition to the use of the Jericho rose discussed above. E31.37-41. removing tight garments or articles of clothing such as girdles. in which one wished to prevent a person from performing some action or attaining a particular goal. and in Malaysia the practice of opening all the doors and windows of the house to free the womb.1. unfasten their girdles. and even unlocking the locks on trunks. by either “locking” or “unlocking” it.68 We may speculate that this flower might have taken the place of the open hand as a symbol for the opening womb. By confessing this infidelity. p. 42. women just prior to labor would remove earrings and finger rings. p. 608. 46.60. 71 In her ethnographic study of modern Hindu birthing practices. It has long been recognized by scholars that childbirth customs in ancient Greece were largely concerned with the concept of loosening or opening the womb during the time of labor. braids. Pindar. when used as an aid in childbirth. Aeschylus. the parturient woman commonly undid all knots and ties on her body. the rose ensures a speedy delivery presumably by helping to open the womb. see Gourevitch 1988. Ol. 67. Jacobson (1980. 68 For this image of Eileithyia. For the idea that a pregnant woman is keeping her child under her zonê see Aeschylus. 157 no. See also Aristophanes. 973-976 for a reference to the "nuptial keys" that hang on the girdle of Hera.6. the woman would “open her heart” and enable her body to open as well. p.70 Similar customs are common in the traditional birthing practices of many cultures. p. Pingiatoglu 1981. 73 Deubner 1908. 436. Thesm. p. Lefèber and Voorhoeve (1998. 81) recorded attempts to “open the way” for the baby by undoing buttons.73 Keys could also magically open or close the womb. Theocritus 17.71 No doubt it was because of this belief that the cult epithet of lusivzwno" ("the freer of the zone") was applied to Artemis and Eileithyia. Keys were often used in other types of binding spells.72 There is some evidence to suggest that keys may also have been used as important symbols of “opening the womb” during childbirth in Greece. 95. just as the Jericho rose did in French customs. and untie all laces. n. 992. 33) noted similar practices of loosening clothing and hair in modern Indonesia. 69 Baur 1902.69 During labor. They also noted that some tribes assumed that a difficult labor signaled a wife’s infidelity to her husband. See Gélis 1991. 67-68 and p. In France. pp. the Jericho rose is seen to predict how readily the womb itself will open. see p. Cho. p.74 Given the natural tool. 72 On this epithet. see Baur 1902. knots. 6. 74 For the action of magically “locking” the womb after intercourse in order to aid conception.her attribute. Eu. 76. and even letting down her hair. under the orders of Hera.167. It is only after she has been tricked into believing that Alcmena had already given birth that Lucina relaxes from this posture and breaks the spell. Lucina. 78 A remarkably similar story may be found in Talbot 1915. 22.76 In this Romanized account.79 Amulets made of organic materials were thought to be effective due either to popular ideas of sympathy and antipathy among objects. In the case of sympathetic or antipathetic amulets. Certain natural objects were thought to be particularly effective in easing delivery in childbirth.observations that the womb acts as both a container for the fetus during pregnancy and as a portal through which the newborn passed during birth. jasper was worn on the thigh as an amulet during birth.3 and Pseudo-Apollodorus 1. pp. including Pausanias 9. p. In this account.78 Childbirth Amulets In addition to magically "opening" the womb during birth. it is not particularly surprising that keys could be employed as a magical or symbolic way to attempt to control the timing and ease of birth.11. see below. 9. the birth goddess. or to folk knowledge of the healing properties of the plant. 76 87 .292-324. but this is the only version to mention the goddess’s use of magic in order to prevent the birth.77 Similar stories concerning the use of magic to bind the body of an enemy or rival appear in other cultures as well. for instance. According to Dioskourides. Met. a jealous wife sat before the door of her husband’s lover and used keys and padlocks as well as knots. women also relied upon the use of amulets to facilitate the birthing process. crossed legs. 226-227. it could also prevent or delay it. 77 Several literary sources relate the story. and locked fingers in order to magically “bind” her. Ovid. materials 75 For keys as possible childbirth votives.75 Just as sympathetic magic could ensure an open womb and quick birth. magically binds the womb of Alcmena by sitting at the door of the birthing room with crossed legs and clasped hands. A well-known example is provided by Ovid’s version of the story of the birth of Heracles. particularly in problematic or difficult labors.42. 9. 13. Mul.81 Theophrastus notes. As Lloyd-Jones notes.142. including curing dropsy of the womb in pregnant women and for promoting lochial discharge and menstruation. 81 Mul. 47. Mul.16. 1.were chosen on the basis of their similarity to the afflicted part. 83 In ethnographic parallels. 60. the Hippocratic corpus mentions the medicinal uses of cyclamen as a pessary for several gynecological purposes.85 Rituals Following Birth 79 Dioskourides De Materia Medica 5. 129. in which the doctor urges his readers to permit the use of amulets for the psychological benefits that they provide for the patient. 50. we may infer that the use of amulets. 63. amulets are among the most common ways to combat the fears and dangers of childbirth. 50.8 viii 154. 115-117.84 From a passage in Soranus' Gynecology. 83 Lloyd-Jones 1983.3.8 120. 125. that the root of this plant could also be used as an amulet to aid in childbirth. 84 For the importance of amulets during childbirth in early modern Europe. For these. pp. 82 Theophrastus. Soranus mentions the popular folk belief in the efficacy of the use of the wombs of mules as contraceptive amulets. For instance. however.80 Various plants that were used for medicinal purposes were also used as amulets. 8.17. 1. Soranus 1. was probably quite widespread. the Hippocratic writings remain entirely mute on the use of medico-magical amulets in this fashion. Birth charms are listed among other important birthing paraphernalia in the estate inventories of some wealthy Renaissance families in Italy. Thus. HP ix 9. p. pp. L vii 324. 85 Soranus III. see Gélis 1991. it is only through passing references in authors such as Theophrastus that we learn of their use at all. Nat. 144. 74.15. see Musacchio 1999.82 The use of amulets during childbirth was undoubtedly more common than the ancient sources would have us believe. 80 88 .19. I did not offer you milk. 51. Blunt 1878.88 It is interesting to note that this ritual appears to have served not as a rite of purification. for instance. Pausanias 8. 88 Pausanias 8. Since many of the rituals performed after birth contain elements of both purification rituals and rites of incorporation. Creusa describes in detail the process of abandoning her illegitimate newborn son: I fitted around you these baby-clothes. 80. Ritual Bath After the birth. 89 . 14-16. 89 Parker 1983. my discussion of them follows the chronological order in which the rituals were celebrated. but rather as a rite of incorporation. nor a 86 In ancient Greece. in some cultures.In ancient Greece.28. since the bath had no effect on the state of pollution brought upon the household by the birth. see: Homeric Hymn to Apollo 120-121. in secret from my mother.2. done when I was a girl. Pausanias mentions that a river in Arcadia was named “the bathing river” after the ritual bath of Zeus after his birth.89 The bathing of the infant immediately after birth may have constituted an initial (and unofficial) acceptance of the child. 87 Aristophanes. Aristophanes humorously describes one character as not having had a bath since his birth. p.87 This ritual bath is also described in various birth stories of the gods. Plut. For other ritual baths of divine infants. it appears that this bath occurred not long after birth. the rituals performed after birth had two important functions: to purify the participants of the pollution associated with birth. the work of my flying shuttle. at least on the part of the mother. Callimachus Jov. the bath of mother and infant is delayed until several days after the birth. See.86 The ritual bathing of the infant after birth is well known from ancient literary sources. 7-9. and to mark the successful (re)entry of both mother and child into society.41.2-3. pp. In Euripides’ Ion. both mother and infant were given a bath. as in many cultures. an action that was both practical and religiously significant. For the Hindu rituals. 161-2. ancient medical and scientific writers refer to an extended period of purification lasting around thirty to forty days. see above. Gaster 1908. 21-22. For the initial period of ritual uncleanliness. 661.91 It is likely that. Indeed. she denies her son both food and the symbol of acceptance that the bath represents. Modi 1908. 93 Lefèber and Voorhoeve 1998. 7.3 583a 30-32. 90. See Dougherty 1978. Period of Confinement after Birth The period immediately after birth was considered a time of ritual impurity for the new mother. in which restrictions were not as severe. see Hippocrates. often seen as a means of confining and limiting the spread of pollution that the new mother herself causes to household items and other people. p. for ancient Jewish customs see: Leviticus 12. Hist. pp.92 This period of seclusion after birth has numerous parallels in other cultures. Nat. In the southeastern United States even in the 1970’s. 21-22. although Creusa wraps the infant in a cloth. Hartland 1908. and a feast for Hades.93 Ethnographic 90 Euripides. the absence of the bath is indicative of the mother’s rejection of the child. 72. 55 and n. For the belief in the ritual impurity of birth. see Jacobsen 1980.mother's nourishment from the breast. Aristotle. p. and during this time her activities and contact with others were limited. For the extended period of katharsis. Translation by Robert Potter. and then a time of lesser impurity and seclusion. An. 1489-1496. p. you were cast out on the deserted cave. 653. 87. this period included a time of greater impurity lasting a week to ten days. Parker suggests that these two phases of impurity reflect the different degrees to which lochial blood was discharged. Puer. it appears to be a nearly universal practice. Gross 1987. a victim of the beaks of birds. p. 84-85 and p. 91 90 . in which the new mother is regarded as being in a state of extreme pollution for the first few days after birth and in a state of lesser impurity for roughly the next month. 92 Although in ancient Greece the period of true impurity appears to have lasted approximately ten days after birth. see above. pp. A similar practice of isolation. is found in modern Hindu birth customs and in Biblical Jewish customs. nor did I wash you. women were confined to bed for seven or more days after birth. 48. in Greece. lasting approximately thirty to forty days. pp. Ion. 18 = Mul. pp. See Parker 1983. during which the mother and infant were confined indoors.90 In this passage. The belief in the spiritual vulnerability of mother and child may reflect the very real physical vulnerability that both experience after birth. however.97 This is the period. 96 For the ancient Greek belief in the vulnerability of pregnant women. and infants to such spiritually dangerous forces. 85. Regarding superstitious beliefs. p. Jacobson 1980. McDonald. The transition of the infant from one world to another would require exactly this process of initial exclusion.94 This practice may be (and often has been) explained as having either a religious or a superstitious basis. pp. 59-63.96 At the root of these beliefs. the period of isolation after birth is often seen as a means of protecting mother and child from dangerous outside influences such as evil spirits or the potentially dangerous envy of neighbors (i. Many modern cultures still explain this period of isolation after birth in terms of protecting mother and infant from demons or dangerous spirits. Chidambaram. and Bracher 1985. see above. See. there may lie a practical reason for this custom. 18-21. followed by rituals intended to integrate the child fully into the society of this world. Lefèber and Voorhoeve 1998. for example. the period of seclusion is a way to mark an important transitional phase within the lives of both mother and child. In terms of religious rationale. p. see Parker 1983.95 As with most rites of passage. 51-52. see Blum and Blum 1970. 218. For modern Greek beliefs regarding the vulnerability of the lechona or new mother. 97 For high mortality rate during the neonatal period (the first month after birth). when the mortality rate for both mother and child 94 Lefèber and Voorhoeve 1998. too. For an excellent discussion linking the ancient Greek perception of pollution at birth and death with transitional rites of passage.e. These dangers are considered more pronounced for new mothers and their infants precisely because they are in a period of transition. new mothers. 51-52. and is therefore excluded from the activities of normal life. new mothers are often forbidden to cook or prepare food since they are still considered spiritually polluting. the transition from one status to another is signaled by a period in which the participant belongs to neither. The days immediately following birth are a time in which the immune system of both mother and child is weakened. pp. pp. the evil eye). 95 91 . pp. see Hart 1998.parallels show that during the extended period of confinement. the practice of ritual isolation of the mother and child after birth served as a means of addressing concerns about their safety and provided them with the best conditions to help them overcome very real physical dangers. The first week is the period in which the umbilical cord is falling off. now belonged to this world and would live on. Thus. 588a 8-10. Parker eloquently expressed this idea. which is is by far the most critical period for the health of both mother and child. pp. having surmounted the physical dangers.99 It is probably no accident that the first week to ten days after birth. the ceremony ending it would be a ritual expression of the hope that the child. Just after one week there is any hope that the infant may survive.are highest. p. 65. Lefèber and Voorhoeve 1998. Hist. An. lasting forty days."100 Purification Rites 98 A fact that was recognized in antiquity. The extended period of restriction.) In these days. (The average time of this process is 6 days. 99 92 . the infant mortality is the highest of the first year. 100 Parker 1983. also coincides neatly with the medical need for the mother's body to rest and recuperate. whether explicitly acknowledged or not.98 Concerning the medical risks of new mothers and newborns. See: Arist. Lefèber and Voorhoeve state: The universal indigenous custom of keeping mother and child indoors is in accordance with the great vulnerability of both. A period of 40 days of seclusion is the period necessary for the uterus to recover. in which mother and child were confined to the house and in which the number of visitors was greatly restricted. stating that the pollution of birth which led to the establishment of this period of separation in Greece "would thus have helped to define and so limit a period of danger and anxiety. 51. coincides with the time of greatest spiritual impurity. 40-43. Rom. Rom. Susan Rotroff (1988) has suggested that the numerous dog bones discovered along with the skeletons of several neonates within a Classical well in the Athenian Agora were deposited there in connection with a purification rite. Quaest. Plutarch speculates that the reason for this sacrifice was that "Geneta is a spirit concerned with the generation and birth of beings that perish". even so do the Romans offer the same sacrifice to Geneta on behalf of the members of their household. 52.103 He backs up this speculation in two ways: he tries to show that the name of the goddess is connected with birth. 102 Dog sacrifice as a means of purification: Plutarch. Scholz 1937. In questioning why the Romans perform a dog sacrifice to the goddess Geneta Mana. Day 1984. and that the sacrifice may well have been connected with the purification of the house after it had been polluted by birth.9. Pausanias 3. Theophrastus. 68. p. seems to suggest that in Greece.16. it appears that this applied to the pollution of birth as well. Most recently.101 The offering of a dog sacrifice. purification rites were conducted to cleanse the new mother and the household of the spiritual impurity of birth.13.14. 93 .16-18.102 From a passage in Plutarch's Moralia. there existed a custom of sacrificing a dog to Hekate in connection with childbirth." This passage. Char. and then he notices a similar custom in Greece: "Accordingly. As a goddess connected both with childbirth and with rites that cleanse pollution of all sorts. Our knowledge of these rites in ancient Greece is poor. but there is limited evidence to suggest that dog sacrifices were occasionally made as a means of purification after the birth. is known to have been used as a means of purification from all sorts of pollution. Dog sacrifices were especially common to Hekate because of her role as a chthonic deity. Rom. just as the Greeks sacrifice a bitch to Hecate. pp. both to Hekate and to other divinities. pp. 27 and n. 68. though late. See also Scholz 1937. Quaest. 103 Plutarch. Hekate was an ideal recipient for rituals performed to cleanse the household of the ritual pollution of 101 Dog sacrifices to Hekate: Plutarch. Quaest.After the period of seclusion had ended. 25. p. p.birth. Purification by torches is not unknown in other spheres of Greek religion. the family announced the birth of the child publicly by decorating the door with wreaths and branches adorned with wool. which took place on either the fifth or seventh day after birth.109 There is scattered evidence to link the amphidromia with purification of the household in general. This argument made for a dog burial associated with a Geometric grave of a woman buried on the Athenian Areopagus. See Lefèber and Voorhoeve 1998. p. On the use of fire and torches in childbirth rituals and their possible association with purification. see Soranus 2. stevfanon ejkfevrein. 201 and n.10.108 Parker convincingly suggests that a secondary purpose of the amphidromia was to purify the child from the pollution of birth.107 Around the same time as the amphidromia. attendance at the amphidromia was limited to those immediate relatives who had 104 For Hekate's connection with birth in general. According to Golden.v. Fire and smoke have been used as a source of purification after childbirth in other cultures as well. for the Roman practice of the father lifting child from floor. A similar custom existed among Teutonic peoples. see Oakley and Sinos 1993. 34. De Pyrrhi Hered. the primary event seems to have consisted of the head of the household. see Burkert 1985. see: Pingiatoglu 1981.105 Amphidromia and Dekate The amphidromia.106 Although the details of this ritual remain unclear. 2. 27. The formal acceptance of the infant by the father is well known from other ancient cultures. koruqaliva and Lucian. Dial. 109 Parker 1983. 108 Hesychius notes that this is a particularly Attic custom. 107 Some scholars point to the ritual of the katachysmata. 32-33. see pp. usually the child's father. 81-86. and which involved the pouring of fruits and nuts over the heads of a newly married couple and of newly bought slaves. See Mogk 1908. Meret. 30. see: Isaeus. marked the infants’ formal acceptance into the household. Deubner 1952. For the Hittite custom of placing the newborn on the father’s lap. see Hoffner 1969. Kontoleon 1961-62. carrying the newborn infant around the hearth. for purification by torches in the Eleusinian mysteries.3. p. 106 For the amphidromia. 43. which occurred at the hearth. p. The main purpose of the ritual was to introduce the child to the hearth as the ritual center of the household. as a similar ritual of introduction into the household. 78. v. See also Hesychius s.104 It has even been suggested that dog burials were performed in connection with purification rites for women who died in childbirth. On the katachysmata. Hesychius s. 51. pp. See Smithson 1974. 105 94 . v. performed by the father in a public sanctuary. Ion. This sacrifice.115 This celebration most likely marked the end of the new mother’s period of intense ritual impurity. however. 1122-1176. the rite of the amphidromia served to purify the women who had assisted at the birth. It is immediately followed by an elaborate feast. Isaeus. 160e. Scholiast on Plato Tht. his first action is to perform the sacrifice that he should have performed in honor of Ion’s birth. 51 n. despite the unusual circumstances. Suda s.. 115 Aristophanes. See also Parker 1983. frequently chose to name their sons during a separate ceremony. a cake sacrifice. 650-653.112 An animal sacrifice was made to the gods as part of the dekate. 111 95 . p. When Xuthus learns from the Delphic oracle that Ion is his illegitimate son. The infant was sometimes named during the amphidromia. as many female children and the children of poorer families often were. 110 Golden 1990. Ion. Wealthier families. 113 Euripides.20.69-71. 72 for conflicting evidence on this point. 112 The dekate is mentioned in Demosthenes.111 The amphidromia coincided with the end of the initial period of ritual impurity for the mother. and served as a way to introduce the infant as a member of the wider community.113 The offering he presents to the gods involves both an animal sacrifice and a pelanon. 494-495. 39.114 The celebration offered by well-to-do families on the tenth day after birth was commonplace in Athens. according to some ancient sources. jAmfidrovmia. 23. since. Av. on the tenth day after birth. Euripides’ Ion gives a sense of how the dekate would have been performed. 3. and appears in literature as a fairly boisterous and festive event. who continued to remain at home at this time. see Euripides.attended the birth. would more than likely have excluded the mother and infant. the dekate.110 The reason for the limited attendance may well have had to do with the ritual impurity of the household. p. 114 For a description of the preparations of the feast. These votive offerings.116 If the child survived the first forty days after birth. called pausotokeia in at least one inscription. De die nat. See Leviticus 12. also involve the first public appearance of the mother after birth. See Walshe 1908. such as the visit to the communal well performed by Hindu women in India. 1-21). may well have served as the public act that signalled to the community the end of the extended period of ritual impurity after birth. too. the mother and infant were both considered spiritually impure and were confined to the home. 96 . These reliefs were originally thought to be tomb markers for the graves of children.119 The earliest years of a child’s life were punctuated with rituals and ceremonies in which the child was 116 The term pausotokeia is known from a single inscription from Gonnoi (Gonnoi II. were most likely dedicated after the extended period of isolation since. the new mother first visited the temple to present her offerings after the extended period of impurity. and may have marked the full assimilation of both the mother and child back into society. 175 bis). For a discussion of the word. See Jacobsen 1980. p. 117 It is at the end of the forty-day period of isolation that the new mother in some regions of China first visits the temple and offers incense to thank the gods for their assistance in the safe delivery. Rituals to commemorate the end of impurity in other cultures. 90. 11. 119 A small number of reliefs depict a child or group of children at the knee of a large seated figure. immediately after birth. The dedication of a votive offering. then.117 Indeed.7. the trip to the sanctuary to dedicate a childbirth votive is likely to have been the first public appearance made by the mother after birth. p. the mother would then dedicate her votive offering in the sanctuary. 646. no. 118 On the fortieth day festival. p. 112 n. see Pingiatoglu 1981.Dedication of Childbirth Votives as Thank Offerings The completion of the series of rituals surrounding childbirth was marked with the dedication of a votive in thanks to the deity who helped. Kontoleon (1970. pp. In ancient Jewish customs. despite the general lack of information that we have for this event. see Censorinus.118 Presentation of the Child to the Gods That children were presented to the gods in an official manner is quite likely. 300. probably during the first year of life. others give a later age. It would be ideal to perform such a ceremony early in life. what little evidence there is suggests that it was quite early. see Appendix I. It is possible. 97 . 24-25. 12. pp. n. The first of these most likely occurred during infancy. there were separate official ceremonies in which the child was welcomed as a new member into the genos and into the phratry. as Golden (1990. that this earliest introduction to the genos was an optional ceremony performed by wealthier families. There appear to have been three ceremonies at which a person was brought before the members of the phratry in conjunction with the annual celebration of the Apaturia. such a ceremony would serve to identify the child as a legitimate member of the family before the gods in much the same way that bringing them before the genos and the phratry allowed them to be recognized as legitimate members of the community.officially recognized within important social and political spheres. 120 Golden 1990. p. since young children from an early age attended sacrifices and participated in religious however.120 Other rituals introduced the child to important social and political groups. 3. more often than not. Although the exact age at which a person underwent these ceremonies is uncertain. First. 121 Golden suggests that introduction to the genos occurred soon after birth. 190. It appears that male children tended to be given names that linked them to their father’s family more often than female children. It would be important for families to do this quite early in the child’s life for two reasons. For these. it is clear that the newborn child was systematically introduced to all important members and spheres of the community. presumably at the first celebration of the Apaturia after the birth.121 From the evidence above. p. see Golden 1990. In Athens. For a votive relief that may well depict this ritual.13. has reinterpreted them as votives commemorating the child’s presentation to the gods. This formal recognition was made public at ten days after birth during the celebration of the dekate. Just a few days after birth. We may surmise that a similar ceremony (or series of ceremonies) served to introduce the newborn to the gods as well. The age at which children were introduced to the phratry is unclear. when male children of wealthy families were given their names—names that. Golden. Some sources indicate that this occurred in infancy. 25-27) suggests. the rite of the amphidromia marked the acceptance of the child by the father and the official welcoming of the child as a member of the family. reflected their familial ties. of course. As Price notes. and perhaps more importantly. 61 no. p. 30-32. 657. for example. 125 For this relief. For a recent discussion of this rite. describing the continued relationship that one had with the divinities that watched over birth: On the long-desired morn we offer this sacrifice to Zeus Teleius and Artemis who soothes the pangs of child-bed. and Artemis. Leto. 157. encouraged a long-standing and personal relationship between the divinity and the child. 126 Price 1978. children are presented to the gods at the time when the child receives the first haircut.122 Second. This is suggested by a Classical marble relief dedicated for a musical victory in Miletus. certain rituals focused on very young children as the primary participants. For this relief.125 The relief depicts the dedicant and four divinities. see Price 1978. 123 In some modern Hindu villages.123 More often than not. Most childbirth divinities also had a kourotrophic function that. these gods would be the very same divinities who had presided over the birth itself. p. 98 .ceremonies. The names of the divinities are inscribed: Kourotrophos. Apollo. and even into early adulthood. In addition. see Golden 1990. 124 This fact is made clear by the list of divinities enumerated on the Xenocratia relief in the National Museum (NM 2756). In Athens. where there are similar beliefs in the extreme vulnerability of infants and children to both physical and spiritual dangers. all four of these divinities have kourotrophic aspects. Walter 1937. pp. three-year old children observed a special ceremony in which they were crowned with wreaths of flowers. For a general discussion of children’s participation in religious events. during the month Anthesterion. This relief was dedicated by a grateful mother to numerous deities who were worshipped both as gods of childbirth and as kourotrophoi to thank them for the upbringing and education of her child. p. and one must assume that the dedicant attributed his musical victory to the continued help of these divinities. pp. see Hamilton 1991.126 The same point is brought home even more clearly by an epigram from the Palatine Anthology. 91. 7173. see IG II2 4548. who had assisted in his birth and upbringing. usually within the first year or two of life. For to them did my 122 Numerous reliefs depict children of all ages present at sacrifices performed by their parents. See Jacobsen 1980. 124 It is indeed quite possible that the personal relationship that one had with the gods and goddesses who helped in ones’ birth could extend throughout one’s youth. an introduction ceremony performed shortly after birth would allow parents to place the newborn child under the care of gods who could protect them during the dangerous period of infancy and early childhood. Pal. It was common for those seeking to have children to go to a sanctuary to request fertility from the gods.127 It is likely that the presentation of the newborn child to the gods was the first public ceremony of the infant outside of the home. according to Soranus. too. See Hartland 1908. The fortieth-day period seems to have been an important milestone in the life of the new child. coinciding with the mother's full reassimilation back into society and her offering of a childbirth votive or sacrifice in thanks. During pregnancy. when the child was already several weeks old and was presumably strong enough to handle such an outing. it is not uncommon for the presentation of the child to occur when the forty days of isolation for the mother have ended.129 Summary In addition to the many private rituals that occurred within the home or in informal sacred spaces (such as sacred springs). After the period of confinement.brother while yet beardless vow to offer the first spring-bloom that clothes the cheeks of young men. women made pilgrimages to certain public shrines with the intention of obtaining divine protection. Accept it. Although the time and manner in which the child is presented often varies depending on cultural and religious customs. and from this season of his tender beard lead Eucleides straight on to the season of grey hairs. that women removed the swaddling clothes used on newborn children. it is clear from the discussion above that women visited public sanctuaries throughout all of the major phases of the reproductive cycle. 128 99 . 640-641.128 This visit to the sanctuary would occur after the time of confinement. 6. pp.242. the new mother returned to the sanctuary in order to 127 Anth. approximately forty days after birth. ye gods. The presentation of a child to the gods is a common feature of childbirth rituals that appears throughout many parts of the world. for it was around this time. 42. the only tangible remains of this complex pattern of childbirth ritual. These offerings. This final visit most likely included a small ritual in which the newborn was formally introduced to the gods and placed under their continued protection. Gynec. Vukanovic 1980. For the possibility that swaddling clothes were used as a means of ritual protection against evil spirits. 129 Soranus. see Adamson 1985.111.thank the appropriate deities for their assistance. are examined in depth in the following chapter. 100 . as well as the mother's dedication of a gift to the gods as thank offerings for successful birth. 2. The practice of swaddling newborns appears to be connected to the increased risks of infant mortality during the neonatal period. I have also considered alternative interpretations 101 . I have established several criteria by which childbirth votives may be identified. Among the inscriptions included are those that indicate that the object was dedicated to a childbirth divinity and those that specifically state that the purpose of dedication is connected with fertility or children.Chapter III: Votives In the preceeding chapter I examined the practice of dedicating votive offerings to the gods as one of the key rituals performed in association with the birth of a child. 3) A context that suggests that an object may have been dedicated for childbirth. the application of these criteria has limitations. These are: 1) The iconography of the object explicitly suggests that it was connected with fertility or the desire for children. This includes objects that were excavated in a sanctuary of a childbirth divinity and objects that are recorded in the inventory inscriptions of a childbirth sanctuary. such as literary or epigraphical sources that mention childbirth dedications. An example of this would be a figurine that clearly represents pregnancy or the act of childbirth. I have tried to take into consideration the complexities of the evidence in order to be as accurate in my interpretation as possible. Evidence of this sort is particularly useful in reconstructing childbirth votives that leave little or no trace in the archaeological record. I use multiple criteria for determining childbirth votive status. gifts of food. Naturally. 4) Additional evidence that suggests that a certain type of object may have been dedicated as a childbirth votive. Whenever the evidence allows. and locks of hair. 2) The presence of a dedicatory inscription that suggests that the object was given to a divinity for reproductive purposes. This chapter seeks to define the types of objects that were dedicated for this purpose. such as clothing. The purpose of this chapter. in order to facilitate discussion of those classes of artifacts that have not been well studied in the past or whose assessment as childbirth votives required a detailed iconographical analysis of individual examples. 2 Pingiatoglu 1981. I have provided a full catalog (Appendix I) for only a few types of artifacts. I provide a physical description. I have chosen to organize this discussion by artifact type rather than by geographical location. an overview of where examples have been found. to explore issues of iconography and representation.2 Grouping the evidence by type has the added advantage of allowing one to ask different questions of the data — particularly. is to provide a detailed analysis of the types of objects used as childbirth votives.of the objects. Baur 1902. It also encourages the comparison of similar material from different areas. but would quickly become outdated as current excavations bring to light new finds. such a list would not only be extremely difficult to compile. Unlike previous studies. I have included in my discussion both those types that have been identified as childbirth votives in previous scholarship and those whose use as childbirth votives are newly identified here. rather. whenever feasible. 102 . My goal is not to provide a comprehensive list of all known examples of childbirth votives. and an examination of the evidence that suggests their use as childbirth votives. For each artifact type. since the data is widely scattered over broad geographical and temporal boundaries. What follows is a discussion of the various objects that were likely to have been dedicated as childbirth votives. and our knowledge of the childbirth practices of any one place is limited. Given the constantly growing corpus of excavated material througout the Greek world. a plea for motherhood. p. for example. 6 The breasts. present particularly challenging difficulties in interpretation. 4 Exceptions include several possible uteri included in Appendix I (1. are also represented. 41) suggests that they were more likely to represent a desire for fertility or milk rather than gratitude for a cure. Girardon (1993. 1 when present at all. 5 Exceptions to this rule do exist. p. in particular. 31) provides a concise summary of some of the scholarly views on anatomical votives and their “meaning” expressed in the scholarship of the last century. Occasionally superficial conditions. p. are nearly always of a cursory nature that provides little assistance in interpreting the reason behind the dedication. Unlike their Italic counterparts. one must assume that internal problems were represented in the votives by their corresponding external views. p. p.15-1.6 This section of my dissertation discusses the known 3 Girardon (1993. 34) acknowledges all three possibilities.3 Standardized representations of body parts make the nature of the physical ailment obscure. 34. Many votives portraying male genitalia show evidence of phimosis. Each of these interpretations is discussed more fully below. Most scholars who have examined this type of votive have acknowledged the plethora of interpretations that could be applied to them. Among those suggested are that they were a thank offering for a cure from a breast disease. such as warts or varicose veins. 224) assumes that the collection of breast votives at Egnazia were probably intended to ensure lactation. indeed it is often not even possible to determine whether the problem indicated was of an internal or an external nature. are open to numerous interpretations. or a request for increased milk-flow. Female genitalia might just as easily represent pleas for pregnancy or thanks for successful birth as for a cure.17). replicas of parts of the human anatomy that were usually dedicated for healing. Female anatomical votives — those representing either the breasts or female genitalia — present even further complications because of the possibility that they may refer to reproduction rather than to an ailment or problem.4 Only rarely do the votives make allusions to the physical problems themselves. Girardon 1993. Fig. Inscriptions.Anatomical Votives Scholars have long acknowledged that anatomical votives. Greek anatomical votives almost never portray internal organs. Aleshire (1989. 103 . See. Turfa (1994. either in 5 the image or in an accompanying inscription. C. Many more female anatomical votives must have been dedicated throughout the Greek world in antiquity. with the majority falling in the late Classical. when many votives were melted down for reuse or otherwise disposed to 7 Baur (1902. pp. and 1. p. among the gifts included in the list are two single female breasts (1.C.. His discussion of these votives is extremely valuable. 8 For a recent and very thorough discussion of anatomical votives in general.. During periodic cleanings of the sanctuaries.51) was dated by Diakonoff (1979. 104 . unfortunately.38.C.23. 1. 1. and to inconsistent recording methods.17. (1. to the 3rd century A. 11 IG VII 303 is a decree that regulated the reuse of gold and silver offerings. Of the eighty-five examples of female anatomical votives included in my study.).8 They are found over a wide geographical area. two are from the 3rd-2nd centuries B.C. In particular. but are 10 recorded in sanctuary inventory lists.22. Only one (1. 9 A possible vulva from the sanctuary of Artemis at Ephesus dates as early as the 8th or 7th century B. A pair of female breasts from Katakekaumene (1. the islands.C. and Asia Minor. it explores the question of whether they could have been dedicated for 7 reasons related to fertility and childbirth.examples of female anatomical votives dedicated in the Greek world. 152 no. Eighteen female anatomical votives can be dated to the 4th-3rd centuries B.C. 33) to c. Female anatomical votives were a popular form of dedication throughout the Greek world. 210-240A. 9 Hellenistic. Cyprus. such as gold and silver. The small number of preserved examples most certainly does not present an accurate picture of the practice of dedicating these objects. 10 Those recorded in inscriptions include 1. see Forsén 1996a. 55-66) interprets female anatomical votives in this way. it is extremely difficult to reconstruct this practice with any degree of accuracy due to the poor survival rate of the artifacts themselves. Many dedications of this type made out of finer materials.C. including the Greek mainland.. They range in date from the 8th or 7th century B. twenty-one are not preserved archaeologically. six date to the Classical period (5th-4th centuries B.38).6). and Roman periods.C. were undoubtedly melted down and reused. with the intention of clarifying. twenty-one fall in the period of the 1st -3rd centuries A. if not resolving. We get a glimpse of this 11 practice in certain temple inventory records. the difficulties in interpreting this class of artifact.6) may be attributed to the Archaic period. Furthermore. in his sanctuary at Athens he received votives depicting the lower part of a face. 1.37. Most of the female anatomical votives were found in the sanctuaries of healing divinities. only one gold example has survived (1. however.15. and three pairs of eyes.6). In the final excavation report at the Corinthian Asklepieion. as van Straten (1981. In Cyprus. Roebuck lists twelve female anatomical 13 votives.” 15 1. it is necessary to rely heavily upon context. 1. 12 Seventeen of the twenty-one epigraphical records for female anatomical votives are Athenian. Corinth XIV. p. the word qerapeuqei`sa appears in one votive inscription to this god. Further complications arise from modern recording methods. 15. 1.4. undoubtedly one of the reasons why so many of these votives are noted in Attic inscriptions is that the Athenians had a tendency to 12 record everything on stone. no evidence of these dedications survives. a pair of thighs. offered singly or in pairs. Amphiarios and Amynos.1. part of a shoulder (or thigh?). 879 no.3. pp. The cult of 13 105 . 117) points out. Out of the many metal examples that may have been dedicated.16. the priests sometimes noted the dedicant and dedication and displayed these lists in the sanctuary in place of the original offerings. This collection may represent only a fraction of the actual number of these votives dedicated at that sanctuary. p. too.40-1.make room for new votives. 121-122. 16 1. 1. Asklepios received a total of thirty-nine votives — over three times as many votives as any other divinity. a relief of footprints. for his catalog includes only the best14 preserved examples. including a pair of eyes and three plaques with phalloi. See Cook 1940. 14 According to de Waele (1933. a right foot. A preliminary report suggests a much higher number. Anatomical Votives Dedicated for Healing In interpreting the reason behind the dedication of these votives.18-1. at least at Athens.. were heroes known for their healing powers. 1. appears to have been that of a 16 healer..15 The next most frequent is Zeus Hypsistos. Zeus also received anatomical votives. p. In addition to female anatomical votives. 443): “we found the remains of some sixty-five female breasts. Recording practices varied from region to region.47. a god whose main function. 1.2. In other regions where the priests were less scrupulous in their record-keeping or where the records were kept on perishable material. The anatomical votives dedicated in the sanctuaries of healing divinities could represent a host of illnesses and ailments. 19 Aleshire (1989. Diseases of the external genitalia are described in the Hippocratic corpus and other literature. De mul. pp. 18 Grmek 1989. The most serious of these. The votives of female breasts (Fig. 148-151. Gland. Nor can we be certain that a votive depicting an external view of female genitalia (Fig. 20 For a dicussion of cancer in antiquity and statistics for frequency of cases. a carcinoma developed on the breast. 72. 106 . II. puerperal ulcers. possible cancer of the uterus. The Hippocratic corpus provides a succinct account of one woman’s death as a result of breast cancer: In a woman. over half of these votives were dedicated in sanctuaries of healing gods. 2) could likewise reflect physical problems or Fig. p. 2 conditions. once the Zeus Hypsistos in general seems to have been a fairly late phenomenon. at Abdera. 17. including likely cases of candidiasis. Although ancient societies are thought.Likewise. of course. Evidence of breast cancer in antiquity: Hippocrates. on the whole. urogenital tuberculosis. herpes. In all. pp. 17 Diakonoff 1979.C. is breast cancer. 47-56. condylomas. see Grmek 1989. 41) suggests that votives of male genitalia may have in fact been dedicated for bladder stones. see Forsén 1996. both Men and Artemis Anaetis (or sometimes simply Anaetis) seem to have 17 acted as healing divinities. 1) did not in fact refer to difficulties in the urinary tract or even the 19 bladder. For the late date of the introduction of the cult at Athens. and numerous types of sexually 18 transmitted diseases. the earliest dedications date to the 2nd century B. to have had fewer cases of cancer than modern societies. pp. 161-162. lymphogranuloma venereum. its appearance was so: a bloody ikhor flowed from the nipple. 133. there is evidence that the disease was 20 known in ancient Greece. p. dedicated for cures.r twvn ªmºastwvn ). p. it is possible to determine that a stele depicting female breasts was dedicated in thanks for a cure rather than in connection with fertility or childbirth. 22 Grmek 1989. Less certain is the interpretation of another stele dedicated to Anaeitis and Men (1. In one instance. 25. who suffered an ailment of the breasts. Given the wide range of possible problems for which the female anatomical votives could have been given. Alexandra set up her stele to Artemis Anaeitis and Men Tiamou specifying.21 flow stopped. V.51: uJpe. see Diakonoff 107 . that Meltine had problems with her 24 feet. for example. 28 and 7. Several votive stelae dedicated to Anaetis that have reliefs depicting various parts of the body are helpful. One stele indicates. Some modern scholars have diagnosed her condition as breast cancer. The ailment was thought to last until the victim confessed his guilt and dedicated a stele that acknowledged both his wrongdoing and 25 the punishment justly given to him by the god.116. in words and in illustration. For other examples. It is thought that certain works of art from antiquity actually depict the effects of breast cancer. in Epidemics 7. wife of Darius. it is worthwhile to examine the evidence for indications that these votives were. 21 This stele is an unusual example. 28. p.101 (Littré. Translation from Littré. This stele is of the type known as confession stelae. 24 Diakonoff 1979.133 records the case of Queen Atossa. another records that Stratonike appealed to the goddess because of her eyes. Discussion of the diagnosis of this case and of breast cancer in antiquity may be found in Grmek 1989. 258). she died. that it was for her breasts (1. women may well have suffered from cases of mastitis 23 and infection of the mammary glands. A parallel account may be found in Epidemics 5. nos. In such cases. 95. in fact. others argue for mastitis. these late stelae explicitly state in their dedicatory inscriptions the reason for the gift.50). 22 In addition to cancer. 350 and his citations in n. 23 Herodotus 3. 72 n. Unlike most anatomical votives. 25 Confession stelae were common votives for the goddess Anaeitis. the dedicant attributed his physical affliction to the god as an act of punishment for some impropriety he had committed. V. See Grmek 1989. 351 and n. 462. p. Another votive depicting female breasts (1. 440-441. the fact that these families felt compelled to erect this stele not only for themselves but on behalf of their children and livestock (uJpe. 108 . Such a symbol could conceivably refer to a physical problem such as infertility. and a pair of eyes. 300. It is tempting to speculate that occurances of abnormalities in the birth of children and/or livestock. See Turfa 1994. The preponderance of female anatomical votives dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos at Athens suggests that the god was worshipped primarily by female devotees who sought the god’s aid in gynaecological 1979. Most of the other votives found in sanctuaries of healing gods are remarkably unhelpful. led them to conclude that they were being punished by the gods for some transgression. In such a light. pp. 27 Unfortunately. p. Indeed. we cannot rule out the possibility that they symbolized some problem pertaining to fertility. an unsuccessful childbirth.63) may possibly refer to the healing of a tumor. 28 Italic anatomical votives frequently depict internal organs in such a manner. the last. grape-like protrusion that may possibly represent a tumorous growth. 27 Holländer 1912. pp. coupled with other more common physical complaints in various members. 26 This particular punishment was often included in self-imprecating oaths. On the plaque just below the breasts is a relief of a large. 162-163. While it is likely that the breasts depicted on this stele referred to a physical problem of the breasts themselves. or the birth of a malformed child. none provide concrete proof that they were offered for a cure. Of the many dedications found in sanctuaries of Asklepios. Aubert 1989. The reliefs on the stele bear witness to the various problems that they felt were called down upon them by the divinities: a leg. was 26 often regarded as a punishment from the gods. a pair of breasts.that it was erected collectively by several members of two different families rather than by an individual. the birth of “monstrous” children and animals. the 28 interpretation cannot be certain. See Strubbe 1991. qremmavtwn e[sthsan) takes on new meaning.r tevknwn kai. it could also possibly represent an internal organ. Artemis seems to have received only scattered offerings of female anatomical votives.5. a small gold votive possibly representing a vulva. It is important to note. It is important to note. that this sanctuary was never fully excavated. 107. are in fact. His reason for interpreting it as such was based upon the female anatomical votives themselves.55). and one dedicated to Artemis Dunatera on Crete (1. Thus. at least in one sanctuary in Attica. Other examples include a single female breast dedicated to Artemis Kolainis in Athens (1. ears. that these anatomical reliefs are much smaller than most later anatomical votives. but whether those issues involved healing or fertility is not discernable in the archaeological remains. One other dedication to Artemis (1. however. may have been given for a cure.6). and a leg and foot. the anatomical votives from this sanctuary may represent a somewhat different tradition from most of the other examples that are under consideration here. I know of no large deposits of such votives in any of her sanctuaries.issues. totaling three: two vulvae and a pair of breasts. and they were discovered along with numerous other gold and silver foil representations. not much more helpful. 1.53. pp. 31 Hogarth 1908. The sanctuary of Artemis Kalliste in Athens received the largest number of examples. The votives dedicated in sanctuaries of female divinities not typically associated with healing. It was found along with several other miniature replicas of human members such as eyes. seems to have more frequently received female anatomical votives. Philadelpheus 1927.51). 30 109 . 155-163. however. a hand and arm. Aphrodite. Some of the miniature anatomical representations found at this sanctuary even appear 31 to have been used as charms for jewelry. p. including various types of animal and plant motifs.29 This sanctuary was thought by the excavator to belong to Artemis as a protectress during 30 childbirth. Although she rarely received 29 1. on the other hand. 31.. The reading of the third line of the 2 inscription is debated. but at what point in the ritual they were given. Pal.56) may well have been connected with childbirth. 110 . 33 van Straten 1981. Votive offerings could be dedicated either in fulfillment of a vow made to the god as a thank offering for granting the worshipper’s 32 Pausanias 2. If this earlier restoration is correct. Earlier scholars. that provide the most secure evidence that female anatomical votives were at least sometimes dedicated for pregnancy or childbirth.votives depicting breasts (only one example..56)..58) and one single breast (1.57. 6. an unintelligible 33 reading that van Straten accepts. restored the line to read ª--ºni tovkoi". In attempting to understand the motivation behind the dedication of these votives. 1. one must take into account not only the reason for their dedication. however. Literary sources make it clear that women made 32 dedications in sanctuaries of Aphrodite at this stage in their lives. One votive to Aprodite. it was felt appropriate to dedicate a female anatomical votive for childbirth or pregnancy. Eileithyia. this would make the dedication of anatomical votives for childbirth certain. This raises the possibility that female anatomical votives could have yet another interpretation. p.11.. found on the South slope of the Acropolis at Athens..34 The dedication of two pairs of female breasts (1. unrelated to fertility or healing: that votives of female genitalia refer to the loss of virginity and change of a woman’s status upon marriage. 34 See above. For the importance of Aphrodite in Greek weddings in general. IG II 4729 records it as ª---ºN ! ª. 206-8.ºNPWKOIS. Anth. whose primary function was to aid women in labour and ease the pangs of childbirth.34.59) to Eileithyia in her sanctuary at Paros makes it clear that on several occasions. 115. she received nearly half of all votives representing female genitalia (8 out of 17 examples). p. however. see Oakley and Sinos 1993. was commonly sought out to resolve issues of fertility or to ensure a safe childbirth. It is the votives dedicated to Eileithyia. 1. (1. as a sort of additional incentive 35 for the god to grant the request. 41. see Edelstein and Edelstein 1945. 65-74.request. While it is clear that it was possible to offer the god gifts while praying for help. 10. 118-121. pp. Vita Apollonii. 111 . then they represent the hope expressed in the prayer rather than the fulfillment of it. I.41 It may not be possible.” The expectation. nos.. 40 Translation is that of Edelstein and Edelstein 1945. pp. For other examples of votives being given to the god in fulfillment of a vow once the prayer has been answered. the practice of vowing a gift to be given upon receipt of help seems to have been the 39 more common practice. Some scholars argue that all anatomical votives should be 36 viewed as thank-offerings for cures. such as Aleshire. 38 For the principle of reciprocity in the dedication of votives. 41 Parker 1998. see Bremmer 1998. dedicated after the god had satisfied the prayer. see van Straten 1981. See Corinth XIV. When he learned from the priest that all of this was being done before the man’s prayer had been granted. 36 Roebuck suggests that they were probably given as thank-offerings after a “cure. if one gave a gift beforehand at all. for an ethnographic parallel for the dedication of votive breasts. “. 68-70.37 If that is the case. Others. 517. believe that they were offered as prayers for fertility. No. p. it was understood that it should be just a small token gift to catch the god’s attention. p. or at the time that the request itself was made. 440) and likening them in general to the cure inscriptions discovered at Epidauros. clearly. Apollonius is said to have exclaimed. 523. but rather of a man who is 40 begging himself off from the penalty of some horrible and cruel deeds. see Cassar 1964.his very conduct in sacrificing on such a magnificent scale before he has gained anything from the god is not that of a votary. and for abundant milk supply rather than as thank offerings. to determine what 35 For a detailed discussion of the ususal process of dedicating a votive. and 537-41.” citing at least one clear example in which an anatomical votive was given as such (IG IV2.38 Philostratus gives us an idea of the thinking behind this. given the available evidence. 39 Philostratus. Burkert 1985. 522. It is difficult to know for certain when the anatomical votives were dedicated. 37 Aleshire 1989. 117. He describes an incident in which Apollonius noticed that lavish sacrifices and gifts were being given to Asklepios by a visitor to the shrine.. was that one would not normally give expensive gifts before the prayer was answered. pp. The great majority. but is rather one that offers thanks and praise to Aphrodite for help already received. in which visitors to a sanctuary of Asklepios give a modest offering. (ejpaivneiste oiJ pariovnte"). Since the value of the object itself gives no indication of whether it was offered as a prayer or as a thank-offering. There is some evidence to suggest that this was indeed the case with at least one female anatomical votive. provides the typical statement that the worshipper gave the object to Aphrodite. exceptionally. that passersby should praise the goddess. Among the existing examples of female anatomical votives. 112 . Interpreting Votive Breasts The identification of female anatomical votives as thank-offerings for healings rests upon their similarity to other types of anatomical votives (and an assumed similarity in purpose). breast votives 42 For the discrepancies in gift giving at sanctuaries. however. thus. The same discrepancy can be felt in many excavated sanctuaries. Herondas 4. what to some might be a trifle to catch the god’s attention might be more 42 expensive than others could afford to give at all. may with confidence be identified as having been dedicated for healing purposes. we must simply rely on the fact that votives were more commonly given to the gods after the prayer had been granted than beforehand. A 4th century marble relief depicting female genitalia. and gape at the much more elaborate dedications surrounding them. 20-21. provide no clues as to the purpose of their dedication. and the frequency with which they appear in sanctuaries of healing divinities. discussed above. and what was considered worthy of an offering that fulfilled a vow. but adds. A few examples.11). see Hesiod. it is not uncommon to find extremely modest gifts such as spindlewhorls and poorly made terracotta figurines alongside more elaborate offerings of statues.constituted a token gift. armor. Worshippers seem to have generally given on the basis of what they could afford to give. It seems clear that this is not an object intended to cajole the goddess into helping the dedicant. and jewelry. Works and Days 336. dedicated to Aphrodite in her sanctuary at Daphni (1. 40. We must search for another explanation for their popularity. 13. 45 For the social importance of these categories in Greek society. we would expect a much higher number of votives depicting vulvae than breasts. The dedication of these objects in a sanctuary of Aphrodite may have referred not to a physical ailment. Gratitude to the gods for such success is expressed in Anth. and may well mark the dedicant’s change in status from nymphe to gyne. p. 44 For the iconography of bared breasts in connection with Aphrodite on wedding vases.comprise the majority. Given the higher percentage of potential complications and problems associated with the female genitourinary system. that at least some anatomical votives of breasts were dedicated as thank offerings for a successful birth. 6. therefore.59). upon the change of status. It is unlikely that all votives dedicated in healing sanctuaries were dedicated for the 43 A successful marriage included not only a satisfactory marriage partner. 59. this time from the status of new bride to that of established wife and mother. 113 . The likelihood.44 In the three instances in which women dedicated anatomical votives to Eileithyia. the breasts depicted on the votives may have served not to thank the god for healing that part of the body. 45 The fact that many of the votive breasts were discovered in sanctuaries of healing divinities does not invalidate the possibility of this interpretation of them. the votives depicted breasts. but also the continuance of the oikos through children. but instead to the hope. p. see Oakley and Sinos 1993. either singly or in pairs (1. from daughter to wife. see above. then.57-1. over three times as many votive breasts as vulvae have been found. that female anatomical votives strictly refer to the healing of these parts of the body is quite low. for a happy married life and a successful 43 outcome of that union. A similar meaning may be attributed to at least some of the votive breasts. It is quite likely. I suggested above the possibility that votives of female genitalia dedicated to Aphrodite may have served as symbolic representations of the important transition in women’s lives from virgin to non-virgin. In certain instances. but rather as a symbol of a change in status. Pal. 159. T423. When she had fallen asleep she saw a vision. See Li Donnici 1995.” 2. 39. When she had become pregnant she carried in her womb for three years. 228-240. although he had asked if she needed anything else.C. 42 and T426. 2. she hastened to leave the Abaton. pp.16) is quite likely to indicate pregnancy rather than dropsy. The cures recorded on these stelai derive at least in part from individual votives that had been dedicated in the sanctuary. After she had been pregnant for five years she came as a suppliant to the god and slept in the Abaton.28) and agrees with Holländer’s diagnosis of pregnancy. In fact.. It seemed to her that she asked the god that she might get pregnant with a daughter and that Asclepius said that she would be pregnant and that if she asked for something else he would grant her that too. p. he said he would accord even it to her. but that she answered she did not need anything else. See Forsén 1996b. In return for this favor she inscribed on her offering: “Admirable is not the greatness of the tablet. who divides the divinities who received anatomical votives into two groups: healing divinities and childbirth divinities. The first six were recorded on a stele dating to the second half of the 4th century B. But since now she had come for this as a suppliant to him. It seemed to her that the god asked her if she had not obtained all she had asked for and was pregnant. p. until she approached the god as a suppliant concerning the birth. 48 IG IV2. 17) suggests. until she slept in the Temple and He made her sound. IC I. 121-122. in that Cleo carried the burden in her womb five years. See Holländer 1912. 114 . nos. 40-49. acknowledges the fluidity between these groups and the types of worship that they received. Seven instances of such invocations are recorded in the cure records from the Asklepieion at Epidauros. Ithmonice of Pellene came to the temple for offspring. immediately after birth.C. 267 fig. about the birth she had added nothing. 3. p.48 1. the last dates to the 2nd century B. Translations from Edelstein and Edelstein 1945. Cleo was with child for five years. there is strong evidence that Asklepios was addressed in 47 requests for fertility or for problems involving pregnancy. 157. Van Straten (1981. 47 The unusual votive dedicated in the Asklepieion at Kos depicting a female trunk with a swollen abdomen (1. for the sake of offspring. When she had fallen asleep she saw a vision. p. but the Divinity. washed himself at the fountain and walked about with his mother. she should say so and he would grant her this too. A three-years’ pregnancy. cases 1.46 purposes of healing. Andromache of Epeirus. As soon as she left it and got outside the temple precincts she bore a son who. xvii. pp. After that. and that. 131) compares this votive to another terracotta figurine from the cave of Pitsa (2. 1. 34. and when she was outside the sacred precincts she gave birth to a girl. 9. She slept in 46 Forsén. 31. as Meyer-Steineg (1912. and with that snake she had intercourse. to send his wife to sleep in the Temple. who had no children and was already in his fiftieth year. She slept in the Temple and saw a dream. It is important to note. 115 . Whereupon within a year a son was born to her. Within a year she had two sons. Discounting the fantastic elements of the accounts. and that she answered she wanted a male. She slept in the temple and presented her request to the divininity in a dream just as any other patient would do. she dedicated an offering to the god in gratitude. that a woman who went to Asklepios to request offspring used the same procedure as one who sought a cure. too. And thereupon five children were born to her. 50-57) suggests that these fanciful elements are indicative of narrative amplification.49 While the first of these cases. 6. the son of Euthychion. 7. that of Cleo. The god seemed to say to her that she would have offspring and to ask whether she wanted a male or a female. could rightly be seen as a medical cure not unlike other healings attributed to Asklepios (in that the woman was having a problem and supplicated the god to fix it). of Lebena. .. She slept in the Temple for offspring and saw a dream. pp.of Troezen for offspring. just as she 49 Li Donnici (1995. these records provide excellent evidence that Asklepios oversaw issues of pregnancy and fertility. It seemed to her that a handsome boy uncovered her. whereupon a son was born to Andromache from Arybbas. It seemed to her that the god approached her with a snake which was creeping behind him. the others make it clear that women could turn to Asklepios purely in the hope of obtaining offspring.. It seemed to her in her sleep that a serpent lay on her belly. Agameda of Ceos. Upon the fufillment of her request. The god ordered Pharlaris. It seems logical to assume that. 5. 4.the Temple and saw a dream. after that the god touched her with his hand. Nicasibula of Messene for offspring slept in the Temple and saw a dream. and when she entered the Adyton he put the cupping instrument on her belly and ordered her to leave in a hurry and she became pregnant. By examining the known examples of female anatomical votives for clues to the reason for dedication.used the same procedure as those seeking a cure. Indeed. Summary Female anatomical votives may be interpreted in numerous ways. While some were undoubtedly offered to healing divinities in thanks for a cure. therefore. her thank-offering to the divinity would likewise mimic those that were dedicated for cures. Anatomical votive plaques of female breasts could easily serve to indicate the new maternity that the god had granted to the suppliant. it is clear that others were dedicated in order to mark an important change in a woman's status as she became a wife or mother. including those found in healing sanctuaries. it is immediately clear that no single interpretation accounts for the dedication of all of the votives. a request for offspring is in essence a request for a cure for infertility. that at least some of the anatomical votives found in Greek sanctuaries. and would be a fitting type of childbirth votive to give to a healing divinity. It is quite likely. 116 . were dedicated as childbirth votives. it is quite possible that the Greeks made no real distinction between a request for healing and a request for pregnancy or offspring. were ideal. Unfortunately. p. their use as votives is so universal that it is not uncommon to identify a site as a sanctuary based upon the presence of terracotta figurines. 74. reliefs.45 Votives. or even anatomical votives. It is in large part because figurines were such popular and common votives that they are among the most difficult objects to securely identify as dedications for childbirth.44 Their popularity as votives is understandable– they were small and could be easily transported. 42-44. see Ammerman 1990. I have relied heavily upon the iconography of the figurines to assess their use as childbirth votives. figurines were such commonplace dedications in sanctuaries that they do not usually appear in temple inventory records that might have explained the reason for the dedication. Similarly. which might be accompanied by an inscription. terracotta figurines were among the most popular votives dedicated in Greek sanctuaries. Thompson 1963. they were not only affordable but also very expressive gifts to give to the gods. whether given as a thank offering for help already received or as a gift given in the hope of obtaining help. They have been found in numerous shrines and sanctuaries throughout the Greek world in all time periods. made out of clay and often mass-produced.Figurines In antiquity. p. indeed. Unlike more expensive dedications. therefore. 71. 46 van Straten 1981. ideally served to attract and keep the deity’s attention focused on the dedicant. it is often the case that the iconographical clues that might have carried a clear and specific meaning for an 44 For the use and popularity of figurines in sanctuaries.46 Representational votives that depicted the dedicant or that illustrated in some way the request of the dedicant. In the absence of such information. such as statues. pp. 45 117 . figurines never record the intention of the dedicant in making the offering. Indeed. p. the breasts and abdomen of elderly figures. Corinth XVIII. are often so 47 48 Plato. to use the context of the figurines to shed light on whether they might have been dedicated as childbirth votives. Representations of old men and old women frequently display these traits. because the figurines. 325. For those examples in which the iconography is uncertain. 118 . In fact. round abdomen and swollen breasts.47 As Gloria Merker has noted. wherever possible. and identifies the gods worshipped there by the kinds of figurines and statues that were dedicated in the shrine. derived their value mainly through the subjects that they represented.ancient Greek observer are no longer readily intelligible to modern viewers. 230b.48 Pregnancy Figurines In order to assess whether figurines of pregnant women were dedicated as childbirth votives in Greece. I have tried to derive meaning through comparison with similar representations in other examples of Greek art. iv. In Plato’s Phaedrus. A quick survey of Greek terracotta figurines reveals that there are a number of contexts for which large breasts and an exaggerated abdomen were considered appropriate. the iconography of the terracotta figurines probably reflects the nature of the divinity more accurately than more expensive dedications. both female and male. Socrates stops at a small rural shrine outside of Athens. which lacked intrinsic value. I have also tried. Nearly all examples share the same iconographical features consisting of a large. Phaed. it is first necessary to determine whether the identification of the figurines as pregnant is accurate. for instance. there does seem to have existed a certain correlation between the iconography used in votives and the nature of the deity to whom they were offered. 5 and 8. nonhuman creatures are often given these traits. II. Many of these figurines are Hellenistic in date. pls. II. See Winter 1903. old age. p. p. See below. 119 . and the rounded bellies are probably illustrative of the figures’ own maternal status rather than indicating old age. and p. 465 nos. 9. these traits were probably intended to present a contrast to ideals of physical fitness and beauty. such as at Smyrna. are represented with large abdomens and sagging breasts. p. it is difficult to distinguish these figurines from those that may illustrate pregnancy. Some figurines depict wet nurses rather than elderly nurses. Winter 1903. where coroplasts experimented with representing the entire range of the human form as it appeared in illness.51 In such cases. 6. This problem is especially difficult in the case of nurse figurines.exaggerated that when additional clues. 1 and 2. A number of servile or comedic figures. or even with abnormalities. both male and female. In addition. such as wrinkled facial features or male genitalia are absent. 156. and many examples come from workshops. 50 For figurines of wet nurses. vol. when realism in coroplastic art had become popular. and certain representations of dwarves.50 For these figurines the enlarged breasts would undoubtedly indicate lactation. 469 nos. these qualities may also be emphasized as a way of highlighting the maternal nature of their work.49 The most likely reason for emphasizing these characteristics is that they were intended to represent a more or less accurate portrayal of the human form in old age. A final possible reason for emphasizing these physical traits in nurse figures would be to indicate the nurses’ lower class or servile status. see Winter 1903. For instance. 464 no. II. and p. Satyrs. In the case of the nurse figurines. in which female figures with ample breasts and large abdomens are shown either alone or with infants or small children. for instance. 19-21. p. 49 For examples of these figurines. 465 no. 4. on flute-players. see Schulze 1998. especially the squatting satyr types. 464 no. 51 Such traits appear. 8 and 12. 464 nos. p. some of those figurines that I have labeled as “obese” types could easily have been included in the “unique” types section since I have found no parallels for them. I have included only those that have very round.Since the same physical traits could be used as iconographical clues to indicate old age. maternal status. Similarly. The grouping of these figurines into different types admittedly has a certain degree of arbitrariness to it. with very few examples from the intervening centuries. Whenever this ambiguity presented itself. those whose iconography was more suited to representing pregnancy than obesity or old age). The pregnancy figurines considered here also span a wide geographical range that includes the Greek mainland. For instance. it is clear that one must use great caution when identifying pregnancy figurines. finally. I counted the figurine as representing pregnancy rather than childbirth. I have chosen to illustrate the most common types. that pregnancy figurines have been found primarily in sanctuary and funerary contexts. I have also included figurines that others have interpreted as representing pregnancy. the Black Sea region and Crete. taut abdomens without many creases or folds (in other words. and pregnancy. I discuss the sanctuary contexts of some of these figurines in greater depth at 120 . Rather than cataloging every individual example. in order to assess whether the interpretation was accurate. It is important to note. The resulting catalog (Appendix I) includes artifacts that range in date from the Geometric to the Hellenistic periods. as it is often unclear whether these figurines are illustrating the status of pregnancy or the act of labor itself. In selecting the figurines to be considered in my research. some of the figurines included in this chapter as pregnancy figurines might just as easily have been included in the following section on childbirth figurines. Asia Minor. the figurines that are most securely identified as illustrating pregnancy seem to cluster in the Geometric and Hellenistic periods. lower class status. therefore. Interestingly. See Praeparatio evangelica 2.31-35.15) date to the 4th century B.53 The identification of some of these figures as representing the Fig. pl.3. I have included information on the context and date whenever this information was available.15)52 There are numerous examples of so-called “Baubo” figurines. which juxtaposes a face on the abdomen and groin of a woman. The more detailed account of Arnobius (Adversus nationes.C. all share the common characteristic of being “indecent” or clearly displaying the female genitalia. nos. that upon lifting her garment in order to surprise Demeter into laughing.25-27) seems most closely connected to the Priene type of Baubo figurine. s.20. due to the considerable number of pregnancy figurines that lack good contexts. One figurine shows a nurse wrapped in a himation. since these figurines appear to make allusion to her role in the Eleusinian mysteries. see Peredolskaja 1964. 1986. The earliest examples of which I am aware (2.12 and 2. According to Arnobius. 5. Eusebius and Clement of Alexandria both allude to the myth. For examples of these.the end of the chapter.2. 2 . Protrepticus 2. 337-347. I have been forced to include unprovenanced examples in order to present a full range of variations for each type. which derive their name from the nurse of Demeter who. A unique set of terracotta figurines found at Kertsch seem to illustrate this myth remarkably well. 3 mythological character of Baubo seems quite secure.54 The large majority of 52 Baubo figurines are an eclectic group of female Greco-Egyptian figurines. The type first found at Priene. Karaghiorga-Stathacopoulou). Baubo somehow revealed beneath her peplos the infant Iacchos. My catalog of these is by no means comprehensive. Several different types have been labeled “Baubo” figurines. according to several ancient accounts.1-2.21. when Baubo lifted her garment. For these figurines. pp. Numerous examples have been found in Egypt. In the catalog entry for each artifact. I have also tried whenever possible to include examples with a secure provenance. connected to the Eleusinian Mysteries. Baubo (T. when evaluating them as possible childbirth votives.1-1.v. Baubo Figurines (2. most clearly reflects the Eleusinian tradition preserved in the texts. it attempts rather to illustrate some of the most common variations that were found in Greece. Baubo’s exposed genitalia seemed to 121 . see especially Perdrizet 1924. Most examples range in date from Late Hellenistic to Roman periods. 8790. caused the grieving goddess to laugh by revealing her genitalia to the goddess. 53 A concise description of the different types of Baubo figurines may be found in LIMC III.1 and 7. unfortunately. 7. 54 The details of the story rely upon three late accounts. the other depicts the same nurse with her himation opened to reveal both a small infant in her arms and her own expansive abdomen. 5-8). pl. Foley 1994. As mentioned above. TC 4875. The connection of these figurines with Baubo appears to be based on the assumption that all “indecent” female figurines must be associated with the one known myth in which a crude female gesture is celebrated. no.v. The physical appearance of these figurines. illustrated in Millingen 1843. however. 4 Demeter. Staatl. for example. p.Baubo figurines are not of this type. Karaghiorga-Stathacopoulou (LIMC III. especially notes 30 and 31. 73. Second. Mus. with large breasts and round bellies. 72-97) first identified this type of figurine as “Baubo” based on an unusual example in which a nude woman sits with spread legs upon a large pig and holds a musical instrument (Berlin-DDR. Millingen (1843. but merely represent a nude woman. First. that is. especially in the guise of nurses. their pose does not in any way reflect the crude gesture that Baubo herself was said to make in the myth. however. pp.56 look like an infant’s face. See. 3. s. p. in the stories that tell of Baubo’s actions at Eleusis. is the fact that none of the Baubo figurines appears old. although these figurines are shown in a revealing posture. The iconography of the Priene figurines would seem to allude to this mystical belief. 264) argues against the identification of these figurines as Baubo for the same reason. It is this last type of Baubo figurine that I consider here. E). could potentially be explained as representing Baubo in her old age. 56 Dunand (1984. for a number of reasons. sometimes squatting or kneeling. For a fairly recent discussion of these texts and the nature of Baubo herself. 55 The crude gestures that Athenian women made during the Thesmophoria and other festivals of Demeter are often thought to be connected in some way to the actions of Baubo at Eleusis. A strong argument against this interpretation. in 122 . p. and sometimes lifting her legs wide apart. see Olender 1985. •. Baubo) places this figurine in its own category and regards it as exceptional. Ancient accounts of the story say that Baubo raised her garment to reveal what was underneath — there is no mention of full nudity or a squatting position. •. often gesturing to. their faces are invariably round and unlined (see Figs. she is an old woman. He points out that there are some figurines that do display the exact gesture mentioned in the texts. 3-8). often do have large bellies and pendulous breasts. her genitalia (Figs. however. or touching. figures representing elderly women.55 The likelihood that these figurines were intended to illustrate this myth is not very great. she is generally represented as the nurse of Fig. 1986. 58 This phenomenon has been examined in depth by Pierre Gravel. It has been shown that obscene gestures in general. 59 Perdrizet 1911. p. A logical alternative is that they were which they lift their garments just high enough to reveal their genitalia.Given the obvious problems with interpreting these figurines as Baubo. see Dunand 1984. these examples seem to graphically illustrate Gravel’s argument that the evil eye is a symbol of the vulva at the moment of crowning. Another squats in the typical Baubo pose. nr. 43. 6 large breasts and round bellies could be interpreted as signifying old age. I have already commented upon the unusual physical characteristics of these figurines and rejected the idea that the Fig. In addition. 123 . but these most likely reflect the cult of Isis rather than that of Demeter. One example portrays a nude woman in a posture very similar to those of the “Baubo” type: her leg is raised in the air and with her hand she touches her genitals. 93-100. some scholars have offered alternative suggestions. 57 Although not the first to suggest this interpretation. have been used as protective symbols to ward off evil in many different 58 Fig. 124. For an example of this type of figurine. pp. pl. Perdrizet 1924. 345. 41-43. p. Interestingly. fig. 109) for the Hippocratic belief that the eye was connected to the uterus through an inner channel in the woman's body. See Perdrizet 1924. p. One of the most likely is that they served as apotropaic charms against the evil eye. 3. Perdrizet was one of its principal proponents.59 A third interpretation. See Gravel 1995. 125.57 This interpretation does indeed have some good evidence to support it. a small number of these figurines have elements that strongly suggest such an interpretation.2. but has an eye painted clearly in the center of the wreath that she wears on her head. and the one most relevant to this dissertation. fig. and representations of both male and female reproductive organs specifically. The only difference is that she is shown squatting on a large eye. pp. is that these figurines were childbirth votives. and Perdrizet 1911. See Cole (2004. He suggests that the reason why sexually explicit gestures and symbols were universally considered effective against the evil eye was that the evil eye itself originated with the fear of loss of fertility. See Gravel 1995. 5 cultures. 18. 70. This pose is a realistic portrayal of a traditional birthing position used in many cultures. figs. such as 2. with the woman often supported by two individuals flanking her and holding her arms. 18. the symbolism of birth is not as readily apparent to modern viewers. some Baubo figurines do not show the figure touching her genitals at all. the connection of this symbol with childbirth is clearly shown. a woman’s legs and thighs have to be spread apart. with legs spread apart.6 and 20.63 Not all examples of Baubo-type figurines can as easily be associated with childbirth. 105) and Weber (1914.4 (Fig. but hold both legs high in the air. France.6 (Fig. D534) interprets 2. 17. no.1. the latter is by far the most frequent in the history of parturition in the world. 60 Indeed. 2. 64 Gravel includes several examples of female figures with both legs raised high as a variant of the parturient woman symbol. with knees bent. with legs wide apart.14 (Fig. For additional citations. For these figurines. 6) as a pregnant figure.intended to represent pregnancy. p. III. 91. Illustrations of these are found in Gravel 1995. Fig. p. This symbol is found in widely diverse areas such as Nepal. 6) childbirth is almost certainly being represented.5. 76) describes this posture in detail: “First. 7). p. Interestingly. Some of the Baubo figurines.4. are not shown in the typical squatting pose. then it is possible to reinterpret the gesture of the hand touching the genitalia.7 and 2. D440.3. the most logical interpretation of such figurines is that they illustrate pregnancy or childbirth. no. 62 A Roman relief that very explicitly depicts childbirth shows the parturient woman seated on a birthing stool making a similar gesture to facilitate birth. 76-78 and pl. she has to be either prone or in a squatting position. and Czechoslovakia. and 2. not only do the physical traits suggest pregnancy. 18.7). while others do not even explicitly show the genitalia (2. 165). however.2. this gesture may indicate the figure’s attempt to facilitate birth. For this relief. to allow for the delivery. Rather than simply drawing the viewers’ eyes to “indecent” parts of female body.14. are highly suggestive of the act of childbirth itself. such a posture has traditionally been interpreted as a birthing symbol in other cultures. 124 .” See also Kirchoff 1977. See Schefold 1955. 20.61 If we understand these figurines as graphic representations of childbirth.62 In least one example (2.8. see Dunand 1984. For such examples. the figure is shown in a full squatting position. p. this posture is universal. In this example. it seems that the object was not to show obscenity. Secondly. Given the anatomy of human beings. Perdrizet (1911. Turkey. 5). 2. p. but the position of the figurines in a squatting pose. 63 Gravel (1995. 61 Besques (1971. 43) likewise admitted the possibility of this interpretation for some of the figurines. p.12 as representing women in the act of childbirth.2. and her left hand on her knee to steady herself. Nevertheless. to give birth. see French 1986. Schefold views 2. In his fig.64 60 This was the interpretation given to these figurines by both Graindor (1939. p. 1. Maurice Olender’s 1985 article on Baubo in Revue de L’Histoire des Religions shows that the character of Baubo. 458 no. figs. took on a number of new associations. Several examples wear contorted facial expressions. In the Orphic Hymn to Hecate. 125 . 2. fig. 22-24. as amulets against the evil eye. 67 Dunand 1984.Additional details suggest that the Baubo figurines were intended to illustrate childbirth. including figurines of the Aztec childbirth goddess Tlacolteotl. Despite Dunand’s complaint that the various interpretations offered for the Baubo figurines (as representing the myth of Baubo. 3. Perhaps another depiction of the birthing grimace may be seen in Hegmon and Trevathan 1996. 65 2. which occurs naturally during labor. 86-88. through the syncretism of Hellenistic religion. pp. I see no reason why these interpretations must be Fig. is illustrated in Winter 1903. possibly representing the blood of childbirth. Although these figurines most likely do not represent Baubo in her guise as the old nurse who makes Demeter laugh. they form a convincing argument that the underlying principle of the figurines is that of fertility. 749. 5. For illustrations of the birthing grimace portrayed in art. 17.67 Indeed. has red paint preserved on the genital region.65 These figurines always sit in a natural squatting position. 8 viewed together.15 (Fig. with both hands raised to their cheeks and their lips pulled back. See also Gravel 1995.3 and 2. see Gravel 1995. they nevertheless may well represent Baubo. not included in the catalog. 8) both have this expression. which provides an excellent photograph of a woman in the midst of labor. fig. 7 mutually exclusive. 265. who displays the exact expression that these Baubo figurines have. p. 66 For the birthing grimace as a common iconographical feature of childbirth figures from many different cultures and periods. p. one of which was an association with fertility and human reproduction. A third figurine of the same type.66 Another example. when Fig. Baubo becomes assimilated with Hecate. see Kirchoff 1977.8. This facial expression may well represent a birthing grimace. p. or as childbirth votives) each only explain particular aspects of the figurines. 84. 2.. these figurines were thought to have apotropaic capabilities.7. Indeed. p. 72 Examples that had either loops or holes for suspension include: 2. For the syncretism of Baubo and Hecate.6.70 If. whose sacred animal was the frog.who was herself a childbirth goddess. 2715. In northeastern France and in other areas of Europe. itself symbolized reproduction and fertility. particularly bronze and glass. 158. the womb was often represented as a toad. 341-342. This interesting passage has lead scholars to speculate that.46.8.71 The fact that at least two figurines of this type show an explicit connection with an eye symbol suggests that in at least some instances.68 In addition. As symbols of fertility. spread-legged position of frogs and toads that made them ideal symbols of childbirth and fertility. Indeed. 71 Gravel (1995. p. pl.73 The fact that some. p. 1986. 2.72 An additional argument for their use as amulets is revealed by the fact that similar Baubo-type figures were used as amulets in other media. and both barren women and pregnant women dedicated votives in the shape of a toad. but they had also assimilated Hekate with the Egyptian goddess Heke-t.v. for instance. pp. but rather as an embodiment of the more general concept of female fertility. No doubt it was the squatting. 73 Discussed below. 2. all gestures. 70 LIMC III. not only had the Orphics assimilated Baubo with Hekate. since they had loops on the back that enabled them to be suspended and possibly worn.2.” PGM I2. see Olender 1985. all imprecations that protect against the Evil Eye are sexual in character” (emphasis his). 60. not just in Egypt. these figurines did represent Baubo.the most remarkable mode of the Evil Eye complex system of belief is one that probably has far greater significance than is given to it: virtually all amulets. 126 . The frog.69 This combination suggests the pairing of male and female reproductive elements: the phallic demon with its female counterpart. p. of these Baubo figurines were probably used as amulets to ward off the evil eye in no way negates the possibility that they might have also been used as childbirth votives or charms. Karaghiorga-Stathacopoulou). in Egyptian art. indeed. toad. but in many cultures. it was not in her role in the the familiar Baubo myth. nos. if not necessarily all. 69 See Perdrizet 1924. Deonna interpreted these as talismanic amulets intended to assure “fécondité et protection. Baubo (T. See Gélis 1991. 2. it is clear that even some of those that lacked explicit connections with the evil eye were intended to be used as amulets. the Baubo figurines could have served as protective amulets against the evil eye. 225-226.. 2. 6) writes: “. p.” See Delos XVIII. 361. An example of a votive toad is illustrated in his plates. some of the Baubo figurines display Baubo in her traditional “obscene” pose on the shoulders of a phallic figure (either a Satyr or a Silenus).4. IV. p. I would argue that 68 An Orphic hymn to Hekate addresses Hekate as “Baubo. 89 s.12. but was (and in many areas still is) used to avert potential harm from ever-present supernatural forces. p. this figurine is readily identifiable as a 127 .the very same apotropaic powers that made them ideal as charms against the evil eye would likewise render them extremely useful for childbirth. For childbirth amulets in ancient Greece. see Karageorghis 1991. 79 Strengthening the idea that Baubo figurines were used as popular amulets and talismans is the discovery of an unpublished handmade Baubo figurine in the sanctuary of Demeter at Corinth (Corinth Museum no. such amulets could also receive any harm that was intended for the parturient woman. Gravel (1995) provides many modern examples in which people make use of images of the genitalia or other sexual symbols to ward off evil. and the use of amulets during childbirth is well attested. and pl. pp. nos. The apotropaic use of sexual symbols was not limited to the ancient world. pp. that the fear of the evil eye is lively and the precautions against it more elaborate. in addition to warding off evil spirits. p. have had a “prostropaic” function that actually stimulated fertility. since both would employ the apotropaic power of sexual symbols. 76 Regarding a belief in the evil eye and its connection with childbirth in early 20th century Greece. 145) has suggested.138). MF72. Though rather crude in its execution. see Gravel 1995. sexual symbols may also. Johns 1982. 544-545. 18-19. 24. p.74 One is simply a more specific example of the general principle. In addition to an apotropaic function. at marriage and at the birth of children. including the evil eye. or even the open boasting of one’s own resources are all ways in which to invite the disaster of the evil eye. For illustrations and a useful discussion of these figurines. as Zeitlin (1982.78 Thus.76 That the same amulet could be used both generically to ward off the “evil eye” and specifically to protect against dangers connected with childbirth is understandable. they could also serve as proxies for the women who wore them. not only did they possess apotropaic powers by displaying symbols of female reproduction.” Such precautions included the use of protective amulets.79 74 A similar interpretation has been offered for Egyptian faience figures with loops for suspension. 7-9. 79-80. 61-75. 4 and 5. The envy or praise of something possessed by another. pp. pp. There are Chalcolithic figurines from Cyprus that show a woman in labor who wears around her neck an amulet of a figure with its legs spread wide in imitation of her own pose. pp. for a fuller discussion of the vulnerability of motherhood and infancy to supernatural forces. women and their infants were considered extremely vulnerable to hostile supernatural forces and entities. 75 For a discussion of how the evil eye might befall anyone who is perceived as having good fortune.77 These Baubo figurines undoubtedly were ideal childbirth amulets. 77 Simons 1973. 2. see above. Bonfante 1989.75 During pregnancy and childbirth. 78 The use of amulets representing a woman in labor during childbirth has extremely old origins. 11) writes: “it is chiefly in the critical hours of life. See Pinch 1994. but by depicting a woman in labor. pp. Lawson (1910. 106 and 128. see pp. The use of charms against the evil eye was intended not merely to avert curses placed upon one person by another. 8-10. and grimacing facial features. In general. The interpretation of some of these figurines varies considerably.81 The difficulty in the interpretation of these figurines is compounded by the fact that all but one are missing their heads. in different stages of development (from youth to old age) and as it appeared in certain conditions (pregnancy. appears with some frequency at Smyrna.Obese Types (2. 128 . D1142-1144. D1142-1148 and pls. 80 Several examples of these are published in Besques 1971. For those that may portray old age/obesity. Baubo type by the combination of nudity. gauntness. It is conceivable that the coroplasts at Smyrna intended merely to represent the female form in all of its variations. It is difficult to know whether any of these figurines was intended to depict pregnancy. though the size of the abdomen varies considerably. but other examples. This type. more pendulous breasts and sagging or wrinkled abdomens. This is the only hand-made Baubo figurine of which I am aware. 9). nos. See Gourevitch 1988. illness). They may represent pregnancy. but round and firm. and all are devoid of context. D1145-1148. either unpublished or misidentified. or may be attempts to illustrate obesity. 230-231. while others have larger. may well exist. These figurines are interpreted without hesitation as pregnancy figurines by Danielle Gourevitch. One standard obese type included here is represented by 2. Some have taut. most likely indicating old age or obesity. round abdomens and small Fig. 81 For those that may represent youth/pregnancy. see Besques 1971. 166-167. obesity. 9 breasts that may indicate youth and pregnancy.80 Each of these figurines has a protruding stomach.21) The figurines that I have classified as “obese types” are undoubtedly the most difficult group to interpret for the simple reason that the iconography is so ambiguous. p. as these were the most likely to represent pregnancy. thereby removing the aid of facial features to help determine age. squatting position. I have included those figurines whose abdomen was not only large. the artist’s intentions are not always clear.16-2. in which a nude female figure stands with hands on hips. nos. nos. see Besques 1971. 42. pp.21 (Fig. Certainly other examples of figurines from Smyrna explored these themes.82 If, indeed, these figurines illustrated the range of the female form, then 2.21 is the most likely of these to represent pregnancy, since the abdomen of this figurine is very large, round, and firm. A second type, in which a nude female figure takes a modest stance, covering her breasts with her arms while leaving her round abdomen exposed, is illustrated by 2.17 (Fig. 10). It is uncertain how many figurines belong to this type; the number was most likely quite small. There appears to have been at least one other figurine nearly identical to 2.17.83 Both of these figurines have been interpreted as representing pregnancy.84 2.19 has a similar stance, but is somewhat different in its focus. The abdomen here is smaller and Fig. 10 less stretched than in 2.17, and it is therefore less securely identified as illustrating pregnancy. Indeed, the excavator of this figurine interpreted it as an obese old woman.85 The same interpretation was given to 2.20, an unusual figurine that was, like 2.19, found at the sanctuary of Athena Cranaia at Elatea. The disproportionately large head and exceptional facial features led Paris to interpret this as a caricature of an obese woman.86 I would argue, however, that the roundness and smoothness of the abdomen is more suitable for representing Fig. 11 pregnancy. A third figure from this sanctuary, 2.18, though 82 For examples of figurines representing the female form in old age or illness, see Besques 1971, pl. 231233. 83 For citations, see the list of comparanda for Appendix I, 2.17. 84 Although Schöne offered no interpretation, Dumont and Chaplain (1890, p. 239) and Besques (1971, p. 36) believed that they illustrated pregnancy, as did Waldstein (Argive Heraeum II, p. 30), who used 2.17 as comparanda for interpreting 2.22 as a pregnancy figurine. 85 Paris 1892, p. 280. 86 Paris 1892, p. 280. 129 similar, was probably intended to represent obesity. The slightly folded shape of the abdomen and the stance with out-stretched arms resemble those of the obese figurines identified by Dorothy Thompson as representing hetairai.87 By far the most unusual figurine included in the obese types is 2.16 (Fig. 11). This figurine depicts a nude woman with a large round abdomen. She stands with drapery over the left shoulder, her left hand on her hip to hold back the drapery. In her right hand she tips a phiale in the act of pouring a libation. Laumonier believed that the figurine represented an obese woman and that the function of the figurine was somehow “prophylactic” in nature.88 As in the case of 2.20, I would suggest that the shape of the abdomen is more reflective of pregnancy than of obesity, but this is the only example that I have seen of a figurine that represents a nude pregnant woman in the act of pouring a libation. Unique Types (2.22-2.35) The figurines included in this section do not derive from a common type, but are unique examples whose iconography suggests that they were intended to illustrate pregnancy. Some, such as catalog numbers 2.22, 2.25, 2.31, 2.32, and 2.34, are clothed figures whose large abdomens are quite apparent despite their garments. All of these have been interpreted as illustrating pregnancy. Regardless of this identification, it is possible that 2.25 (Fig. 12) Fig. 13 87 88 represents not pregnancy but a comic actor in Fig. 12 a padded garment. The stance is similar to that of other actor Thompson 1954, pp. 90-91 and pl. 21. Delos XXIII, p. 259. 130 figurines, and identical pieces have been interpreted as representing comic actors.89 The identification of the other clothed figurines as showing pregnancy is probably correct. In the case of 2.31 (Fig. 14), the enormous protruding abdomen scarcely leaves room for any other interpretation. The two figurines from Tsakona in Lakonia, one of which is illustrated in Fig. 13 (2.34), clearly indicate pregnancy, despite their poor state of preservation. Both of these figurines stand with their hands placed upon their large abdomens in a gesture that is nearly synonymous with pregnancy.90 Among the nude examples, 2.26 (Fig. 15) is the most uncertain. This is the only articulated “doll” figurine included among the pregnancy figurines, and the iconography is unclear. The illustration shows that it does indeed have a more rounded abdomen than usual for this type.91 Nevertheless, both the abdomen and the breasts are quite small, and Fig. 14 the abdomen does not present the smooth, unfolded profile typical in pregnancy. Although Blinkenberg offers no solid interpretation of this figurine, he does note that it is quite similar to a doll found in the Calydonian sanctuary to Artemis Laphria, which was interpreted as pregnant.92 Unfortunately, I have been unable to find the Calydonian example or assess its iconography. If the Calydonian Fig. 15 example does indeed clearly reflect pregnancy, then the possibility of 89 See Appendix I, 2.38 and comparanda listed there. For an identical example found in the Kabeirion at Thebes, see Kabirenheiligtum V, p. 179 no. 338. Additional comparanda are cited in Kabirenheiligtum V, p. 120, n. 607. 90 Admittedly, this gesture is sometimes also used in figurines of satyrs or large-bellied dwarves. In the case of the two figurines from Tsakona, however, I would argue that pregnancy is most definitely intended. The female sex of these figures is indicated not only by the presence of breasts, but also in the fact that they seem to be clothed; most large-bellied male figurines tend to be depicted in the nude. 91 Lindos I, pl. 112 no. 2387; the rounded and slightly enlarged abdomen of this figurine is clear in both the frontal and side views. It may be compared to a “typical” doll type illustrated in Lindos I, pl. 112 no. 2388. 92 Lindos I, p. 578. 131 interpreting the Lindos example as a childbirth votive is improved somewhat. Another figurine of this type, found in the sanctuary of Demeter at Corinth, shows a similarly enlarged abdomen, but Merker interprets this figurine not as representing pregnancy, but obesity, perhaps as a parody of the more standard type.93 Also to be considered here is 2.27 (Fig. 16), a nude seated figurine of the type frequently referred to as “hierodouloi.” These figurines, which appear to be closely related to the articulated dolls mentioned above, have often been interpreted as being associated with fertility or sexuality.94 The link between this type of figurine and fertility is made explicit in 2.27, in which a square hole is carved into the abdomen of the figure. The meaning of this hole can be derived from two better preserved examples recently sold on the art market.95 These figurines, like 2.27, had a square hole cut into the torso, so that the abdomen could be removed like a lid to reveal a hollow space within the figure. Inside this cavity was found the tiny figurine of a fetus. I am not aware of any other Greek figurines that illustrate pregnancy in such a way. Since all of these have Fig. 16 been divorced from their original contexts, the interpretation of such figurines is quite difficult. The fact that hierodouloi figurines in general seem to have been used primarily as votives suggests that these figurines were also votives. It may well be that they served a function similar to that which Gloria Merker suggested for the numerous articulated “dolls” found in the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Corinth: “...it is 93 Corinth XVIII, p. 53, no. C115. Merker (Corinth XVIII, p. 53 and n. 215) also interpreted the “doll” from Lindos as an obese type representing a hetaira. 94 Thompson (1963, pp. 87-95) interpreted them as representing temple servants or possibly temple prostitutes. 95 Hesperia Arts Sale Catalog, November 27, 1990, New York, no. 50. See also Dasen 2004, pp. 135-138. 132 perhaps not too farfetched to suggest that in the Demeter sanctuary at least some of the ‘dolls’ were dedicated by girls of marriageable age to Aphrodite, and rather than symbolizing the toys of childhood dedicated before marriage to the quintessential bride Kore, they symbolized the about-to-be-achieved sexual maturity of the girls.”96 Such figurines, then, may have been used both to inform the girls about the reproductive roles of their bodies, and as dedications in sanctuaries as a request for fertility at the time of marriage.97 Much more difficult to interpret is 2.29 (Fig. 17), which consists of the upper torso of a nude female figurine.98 Broken just below the navel, the abdomen is not exceptionally large, but does protrude noticeably. This is an unusual example primarily because of the incised lines that form a sort of grid over the entire abdomen. If the Fig. 17 abdomen were flat, one might interpret these lines as a crude rendering of the abdominal muscles. As it is, however, the meaning of these lines is unclear. Based on the roughness of the workmanship and the odd incisions, Davidson suggested that this figurine was perhaps intended as a joke or was used for some magical purpose.99 I have included the figurine here as a possible childbirth votive because of the rendering of the abdomen and the fact that both the breasts and the abdomen were emphasized with pellets to indicate 96 Corinth XVIII, iv, p. 172. A similar argument has been made recently by Joan Reilly regarding terracotta figurines representing nude female torsos. She argued that these figurines, far from representing dolls or toys, were used as anatomical votives and were dedicated in sanctuaries of healing gods by prepubescent girls as requests for help in successfully attaining sexual maturity. See Reilly 1997. 98 I would like to thank Dr. Nancy Bookidis for allowing me to examine this figurine. 99 Corinth XII, no. 13. 97 133 nipples and navel.100 Such a figurine could have been used, like the Baubo figurines, as a sort of talisman or amulet during pregnancy, or may even have been manipulated magically for either the protection or the harm of the pregnant woman. The use of magical dolls is attested in the Classical and later periods in ancient Greece, and pregnancy, as well as infancy and the time of labor, was a period when one was considered especially vulnerable to magical attacks.101 The last six figurines, 2.23, 2.24, 2.28, 2.30, 2.33, and 2.35 are the strongest candidates for pregnancy figurines. Unfortunately, the poor preservation of 2.23 makes the interpretation difficult. According to Picard and Ducrey, this is a terracotta plaque in very high relief rather than a figurine in the round.102 From their description and illustrations, it also seems possible that this is a figurine whose back was left unworked. Only the torso is preserved. Picard and Ducrey viewed the figure as standing rather than seated, and thought that the lower half of the figure was probably clothed. After a careful evaluation of the iconographical evidence, they interpreted Fig. 18 it as a pregnant woman rather than representing obesity or a dwarf or other comic figure. I agree with this interpretation. The abdomen of the figure is round and full, and she originally stood with her hands on her expansive belly, a posture commonly adopted during pregnancy. The protective gesture of the hands over the abdomen is not only a realistic representation of pregnancy, but also 100 A similar treatment of the nipples and navel may be seen on a much later and more exaggerated figurine from Smyrna, which itself may well indicate pregnancy, despite its publication as a “jeune fille lymphatique.” See Besques 1971, p. 132 no. D883 and pl. 163b. 101 For the use of magical “voodoo” dolls in Greece, see Jordan 1988; Dugas 1915; Preisendanz 1933, pp. 163-164. The fact that this figurine was discovered in a well could possibly be significant; while many ordinary figurines are found in wells, it was also common to throw voodoo dolls or metal strips inscribed with incantations into wells, graves, cisterns and other deep pits where they would be closer to chthonic deities. 102 Ducrey and Picard 1969, p. 819. 134 The figure was most likely in a standing position. a plinth-like Geometric figurine found at Kavousi. Price (1978. in the guise of a mother who offers such protection. The odd.30 (Fig. from the head to the lower abdomen. One may interpret the small protrusion within the genitalia as a detailed rendering of the female anatomy. 19 pregnancy. probably indicating pregnancy. or the goddess. or as the crowning head of an infant. grinning expression is probably a variation of the birthing grimace. the abdomen swollen with Fig. 2.symbolically significant for a pregnancy votive. 24 for discussion of the birthing grimace. although not interpreted as a pregnancy figurine by the excavator. and whose abdomen extends outward from the body. The most likely interpretation for this figurine is that it represents a parturient woman in the midst of labor. A similar interpretation may be applied to 2. The arms are held out from the sides of the body. See above. Although no breasts are visible. p.103 In either case. The figurine could easily represent either the votary herself in her vulnerable state of pregnancy as she seeks protection and aid.24 (Fig. n. The entire upper body is preserved. 135 . The genitalia are exaggerated and emphasized. This figurine depicts a nude female whose hands are raised to touch or cup the breasts. should be considered as such. A Corinthian figurine. 11. 19). 85-86) interprets this figurine as illustrating childbirth. Again. the abdomen is expansive. the figurine is most certainly connected with female fertility and reproduction: the hands raised to the breasts. and the emphasis on the reproductive organs (possibly at the moment of crowning) all point to the concept of fertility and motherhood. and the face has a grinning expression. only the torso is preserved. as Alexiou did. 18).104 The unusual stance of the figure is most readily explained as a traditional 103 104 Alexiou 1956. pp. 52. The second Corinthian figure is equally difficult to interpret. 107 Corinth Museum KT 16-11. Nancy Bookidis for allowing me to study these objects. 109 Corinth Museum MF 76-27. in which the parturient woman is supported on either side by attendants.106 The first. 108 See.107 No breasts are indicated. 21 Fig. It is extremely tempting to consider this a pregnancy figurine. A number of these figurines. no. Fig. 106 I would like to thank Dr. and the navel is indicated by a large attached pellet. Nevertheless.105 This figurine. 2 (KT16-5). 136 . suggesting pregnancy. was probably the central figure of terracotta childbirth group. 16 and 30. also had large protruding abdomens. we cannot identify this as a pregnancy figurine Fig. consists of the torso of a crudely handmade figurine of a nude figure. ii. clearly male. The large abdomen juts out in an odd sort of point.109 This figurine is clearly female. 20 Therefore we cannot be certain of the identification of this figure as a pregnancy figurine. the identification must remain uncertain due to the crude workmanship and fragmentary nature of the figurine. cat. p. I suspect that the reason that this example was not included in the publication was due to its fragmentary condition and the assumption by Stillwell that all of these figurines were male. Unfortunately. and the greatly exaggerated abdomen is stretched taut. therefore. may also have illustrated pregnancy. found in the Potter’s Quarter.birth posture. for example. both unfortunately unpublished. See Kirchhoff 1977. since the buttocks are also 105 Kirchhoff provides illustrations of women from several different cultures using this posture. especially figs. 22 with certainty. which Stillwell 108 interprets as a comic feature. Two other figurines from Corinth. Many other handmade figurines of similarly rough workmanship were found in the potter's quarter. Corinth XV. but the preserved genitalia appear to be female. 23). 20) and the figurines now housed in the Kanellopoulos museum (2. The three figurines included in the catalog were chosen because they were considered at the time of excavation to represent caricatures of pregnant women. which may have been intended to indicate the hem of a skirt. however. I have chosen to present here a sampling of the different forms. Figs.38 by saying “La vielle est figurée enceinte.110 It seems more probable. from the cave of the Nymphs at Pitsa. This uncertainty is also found in the description of a fourth example. that was found at Olynthos. 70. p. Rather than cataloging these extensively. possibly suggesting that this figurine was intended to be humorous in nature.35. The abdomen of the figurine is large and round. many examples of round-bellied comedic female figurines that could have been included in this discussion. also seems to indicate pregnancy. with flat heads and applied pellets for eyes. no doubt. The last figurine. They depict standing women with large abdomens making various gestures with their hands. 23 Comedic Types (2. Fig.” suggests that they were not entirely certain how to interpret these figurines.38) There are.” a description similarly vague in its combination of old age and possible pregnancy. and since the arms are held to the sides. that they merely represented comic actors in their female roles on stage. Robinson (Olynthus IV.exaggerated.33. not included in the catalog above. however. no. Fig.37-2. it is clear that this was intended to be the focal point of the figurine. 137 . 161) called 2. 110 Sometimes this identification was given with some misgivings. 21 and 22). 364) described this figurine as “a grotesque draped old woman (enceinte). Crete (2.37 “schwangere Alte” and that Reinach (1892. 2. or at least obscuring the intention of the coroplast in making the figurine. 116) described 2. The sex of these figurines is indicated not only by the presence of breasts. p. p. All of these figurines are identical in style. Among the most secure pregnancy figurines are the handmade figurines from the sanctuary of Eileithyia Inatia. The fact that Stephani (1865. but by the flared base.28 (Fig. the woman is quickly revealed as an impostor who has a helmet under her garments. p. Adelphoe 486-7. discussing several examples of this type found in the sanctuary of Demeter at Corinth. 24) in his catalog of Old and Middle Comedy monuments. we must question whether their large abdomens were intended to signify pregnancy. A number of ancient plays do have scenes in which childbirth takes place. though it is not the only possible interpretation. it is a fake pregnancy. In Aristophanes’ Lysistrata (lines 742-755) a female character feigns pregnancy and labor as an excuse to leave the Acropolis. mask type XC. and he identifies the masks worn by these figurines as a standard hetaira type. suggesting that this devise appeared in 4th century Greek dramas. nos. For further references. as a discreet collection. In each of these instances. 112 138 .38 respectively. 45 n.225. p.112 The series of figurines from this grave were the first known instance in which a large number of comic actor figurines were found together. Terrence.115 111 OMC3. Compare Bieber’s figure 186 and 192 to 2. But even in this instance. 45-47 for a description of the entire corpus of figurines from this grave. and neither pregnant nor parturient women are common characters in surviving comedies. figurines type AT 74. 114 Corinth XVIII. 88.13-28.113 Fig. pp. they provide a good illustration of the types of characters that appeared in Athenian Middle Comedy. 115 Plays in which childbirth occurs: Plautus. Inv. 113 See Bieber 1961. Aulularia 692-3. interprets them as comic actors portraying pregnant brides. 24 Since these figurines were most likely intended to represent comic actors in female roles. see Bieber 1961 p.111 The identification of this type of female figurine as representing comic actors is strengthened by the discovery of similar figurines among two groups of comic statuettes in an Athenian grave. in which an off-stage female character cries out in the throes of labor. iv. These three plays use the same theatrical ploy. 45. 195. Terrence.36 (Fig. the play was borrowed from a Menandrian original. I know of only one extant comedy in which a pregnant woman appears on stage. Merker.37 and 2.114 This interpretation is certainly possible. nevertheless. 13. the action nearly always occurs offstage. Andria 473.Webster includes at least six other Greek figurines that correspond to 2. These figurines are now in the possession of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. not only was the padding an integral part of the comic actor’s costume. it would have been too difficult to remove or add the padding every time the sex of the character changed. and 193. p. Summary: Pregnancy Figurines as Childbirth Votives 116 For the origins of this padding. Fig. 185. both male and female. and 194-198. 28-35. 25). during the same play. but often the same actor would play several different roles.37).The great. This gesture draws attention to his large. namely to make them 119 unattractive and ridiculous. which he also pulls over his face in a gesture strikingly similar to that of 2. it is quite possible that the large paunches found on these comedic figures is merely indicative of the costume. could wear such padding. Especially interesting is plate 13b.118 Additionally. round bellies of these figurines. See Bieber 1961. 135-158. left. 187-191.116 Figurines and vase paintings depicting comic actors show that old and young female characters. Though the masks and outer garments could be changed quickly between roles. 119 That most female characters in comedies would be portrayed in such a light is not surprising. was a standard feature of comic actors regardless of role. such as prostitutes and vendors. 117 139 . On the generally unflattering representation of female characters in the works of Aristophanes. especially since comic female characters tended to be of lower class. see figs. pp. see Finnegan 1995. 25 Since padding. 118 Bieber 1961. see Webster 1970.37 (Fig. 169-179. or naturally ridiculous. round belly (as it also does for 2. For male roles.117 As Bieber astutely notes. 162-165. particularly pp. For vase paintings see Trendall 1967. A more recent discussion of comic figures in vase paintings may be found in Taplin 1993. especially on the stomach and buttocks. 12-14. which illustrate that actors in female roles (both young and old) could have large round abdomens. which led early excavators to interpret them as representing pregnancy. the padding on female characters would have had the same humorous effect as it would for their male counterparts. figs. such as lecherous old women. as well as male characters. A male figure on the far left wears a short chiton and a garment covering his head. 41. might also be explained as the traditional padding worn by comic actors. n. 279. and 2. Additional evidence for the use of Baubo figurines as votives may come from the handmade Baubo figurine discovered in the sanctuary of Demeter at Corinth (Corinth museum no. however. This is further supported by later literary evidence that indicates that there was a sanctuary of Eileithyia at Inatos. those of the Baubo type. Three Baubo figurines.121 The best evidence for the use of pregnancy figurines as childbirth votives comes from the cave of Eileithyia at Inatos on Crete. 122 See pp. suggesting their use as votives. This figurine will be published by Susan Langdon in an upcoming volume (Corinth XVIII) on the Archaic figurines from the Demeter sanctuary. 2. robbing many of the finds of their proper context.35) almost certainly originated from this shrine. 121 140 . Without a proper context.5 were found in the sanctuary of Athena Cranaia at Elatea. they are identical in style to those from the cave. including those that depicted the acts of childbirth and intercourse. and their presence in this sanctuary may ultimately be coincidental.3. were frequently discovered in graves. Two figurines from the Kanellopoulos museum in Athens (2. 2. It is tempting to view this collection of artifacts as evidence for the use of pregnancy figurines as childbirth votives. several other possible pregnancy figurines of the obese type also came from this sanctuary. their identification as childbirth votives must remain speculative. there were at least a few examples that came from a religious context.138) discussed above.4. The identification of many of these figurines as illustrating pregnancy is rather dubious. 47.122 The votive deposit from this cave argues strongly that the cult was focused on human fertility and reproduction.33). however.18. 120 Paris 1892. 155 and 171-172. p.19 and 2. 37. MF72.123 It is unfortunate that this cave was looted in the 1960s. I would like to thank Dr.120 Interestingly. p.20. 123 See above. including 2. 2.Although the most common figurines. Nancy Bookidis for allowing me to study this object. Inside were found numerous examples of Geometric pregnancy figurines (collectively described in the catalog as 2. The salvage excavations conducted at this site in 1962 revealed that the cave enjoyed great popularity as a fertility shrine during the Geometric period. as well as other fertility figurines. in which Hecuba bares her breast to Hector as part of her entreaties to try to change his mind about joining battle with Achilles. 174-175. 1206. however. 125 That a mother’s breasts could serve as a symbol for motherly love in Greek culture is suggested by a various literary passages such as Il. 141 . 61. and Euripides.34) may confidently be classified as childbirth votives. is quite certain. Although Catling interpreted this sanctuary as one that received worship primarily by men. It is likely that the figurines of ithyphallic males and of females displaying genitals that were excavated in this sanctuary were dedicated as requests for fertility.124 The two pregnancy figurines examined here may have been used either for the same purpose or as dedications in thanks for pregnancy.90.22 was discovered in the Argive Heraeum. The figurine was found in a Geometric peak sanctuary on Crete. 30. and the pregnancy that is implied by the rounded stomach is strengthened by the exaggerated genitalia and the figurine’s posture of touching the breasts.126 Given Hera’s importance in marriage and her frequent connection with childbirth. Several other pregnancy figurines were dedicated in scattered sanctuaries throughout the Greek world. which led Waldstein to postulate that it had been dedicated to Hera as a childbirth offering. 22. pp. for further discussion of the figurines and worship at the sanctuary. That this figurine represents or alludes to female reproductive fertility. 126 Argive Heraeum II. the Geometric figurine from Kavousi (2. see below. in which Clytemnestra exposes her breast to Orestes in a plea for him to spare her life by reminding him of the close bond between them. the presence of numerous handmade terracotta figurines representing various elements of human fertility seems to indicate that the cult was also strongly associated with human reproduction. Similarly. and the fact that it was discovered within a sanctuary makes its use as a childbirth votive likely. For a useful survey of the motif of the bared breast in Classical art. Among them. see Cohen 1997. p. perhaps here used as a symbol of motherhood or fertility.125 We cannot say for certain whether the figurine represents a goddess. the interpretation of this figurine as a 124 For the sanctuary.24) is a good candidate for a childbirth votive.The two pregnancy figurines from the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus at Tsakona (2. El. or the dedicant herself. 2. or the abstract concept of female fertility. see above p. 127 As Ducrey and Picard point out. may with some hesitation be considered as a childbirth votive.” it seems unlikely that a woman seeking fertility or protection during birth would choose to dedicate such an unflattering votive that carried with it the suggestion of illegitimate birth. p. A final figurine. though it is worth noting that earlier evidence for the worship of Eileithyia at Lato is slim. Ducrey and Picard 1969. 2. 196. 293.128 Despite the fact that comedic types similar to 2. 2. with the exception of the cave of Eileithyia Inatia on Crete. 129 Corinth XVIII. Although this is the only figurine of its type in the cave. p. these figurines did illustrate pregnancy by representing comic actors portraying “pregnant brides. its use as a childbirth votive is quite likely. and 2.23. since the Nymphs were frequently associated with marriage and childbirth. the excavators interpreted it as an object intended to be a votive to Eileithyia.37. 36. This representation of a pregnant woman was discovered at the site of Lato. but since the iconography of this figurine is unclear. The fact that so few were found in sanctuaries strongly suggests that. 2. Baur 1902. 128 142 . For epigraphical evidence for the cult of Eileithyia at Lato. as Merker has suggested.36. Even if.childbirth votive is quite reasonable. 2. iv.26 was found in the sanctuary of Athena at Lindos. 129 In conclusion. I find it extremely unlikely that they were used as childbirth votives. 822. and the number of those that were found in sanctuaries is smaller still. epigraphical evidence shows that Eileithyia enjoyed great popularity at Lato in the Hellenistic period. see Homolle 1879.38 have been discovered in sanctuary contexts. This 127 Ducrey and Picard 1969. p. p. it seems that very few figurines depicting pregnancy were dedicated as childbirth votives. Despite the fact that it was discovered at a kiln rather than in a sanctuary setting. The number of figurines that unambiguously depict pregnancy is indeed very small. p.28 was found in the cave of the Nymphs at Pitsa. pregnancy figurines were not commonly among the votives that women dedicated for childbirth purposes. it cannot be identified as a childbirth votive with any certainty. Crete. 822 and n. 1. 29) sparked the discussion. 131 143 . 214. as discussed above.131 The discovery near Sparta in the late 1800s of a marble group consisting of a kneeling female figure flanked by two small figures on Fig.does not mean. Fig.130 A survey of Greek figurines reveals two main types that appear to portray birth scenes: those that illustrate a female figure. Wolters 1892. often nude. 179. 22 and 23. 24-41. figs. that women did not use them during pregnancy or childbirth. p.132 At the heart of the argument is the question of whether Greek women in antiquity 130 For illustrations of Aztec Tlacolteotl figurines. 26 either shoulder (2. childbirth figurines are rare in Greece. may be found in Stoop 1960. An excellent survey of this debate. 132 Marx 1885. It is possible that some of the unique figurines that seem to represent pregnancy could have likewise been used at home for a similar purpose — as protective charm to ward off evil. or even as a talisman intended to absorb any harm or danger that might threaten the parturient woman. see Kirchhoff 1977. Childbirth Figurines and Childbirth Groups Although figurines depicting the act of childbirth are common in other cultures. p. and childbirth groups showing a parturient woman with one or more assistants.40. pp. however. Figurines used for such purposes may not generally have been considered appropriate gifts to the gods. may well have been employed in the woman’s home as amulets or protective devices against evil spirits during labor itself. with an overview of the relevant evidence. and has persisted in scholarship to the present day. Baubo figurines. The Interpretation of Kneeling Figurines as Representing Childbirth The debate over how to interpret kneeling figures in Greek art was begun very early. in the kneeling position. 138 Homeric Hymn to Delian Apollo 113-117.adopted a kneeling position during childbirth. Lefèber and Voorhoeve 1998. is nearly a universal birthing position. "to lie down. women often naturally assume this position during birth. figs. In early modern Europe.135 Given the overwhelming proof for the use of this posture in other cultures. sometimes alternating it with a four-legged position in which they rest their weight evenly on their hands and knees. 123. 5 and 6.136 Even the term for a parturient woman in Greece. Translation by H. 134 144 . as well. Evelyn-White. 137 Loraux (1995. therefore. 28. have been forced to rely upon scanty literary evidence. pp. usually with the help of assistants to lend them support.133 In many African tribes."137 Those who argue for the use of the kneeling birthing position in Greece. appears to have its roots in the concept of "lying down. Numerous Egyptian reliefs and figurines depict women giving birth in a kneeling position. figs.v. 235-256.138 And as soon as Eilithyia the goddess of sore travail set foot on Delos.G. p. 136 See below. p. and she longed to bring forth. The most convincing of this evidence is a passage in the Homeric Hymn to Delian Apollo describing Leto’s birth of Apollo. s. evidence for a kneeling birthing position in ancient Greece is remarkably slim. lekhetai. in which the parturient woman rests the majority of her weight on her knees and relies upon some other form of support for her upper body. The kneeling position. the kneeling position is used in combination with a rope or pole that the women grasp in order to support their upper bodies. p. Given a choice.134 This position is well known from antiquity. women adopted a kneeling birthing position while using the seat of a chair to support their upper bodies. so she cast her arms 133 Gelis 1991. 135 Two excellent examples are illustrated in Kirchhoff 1977." See also Chantraine 1999. Kirchhoff 1977. 25) derives the root of lekho from *legh. lekho. the pains of birth seized Leto. 18 and 19. Most representations of birth scenes on funerary monuments and in vase paintings depict the parturient woman either seated on a birthing chair or lying in a bed. Pausanias describes a statue of Eileithyia. S. Based on the similarity of their cult practices to that of Demeter and Kore.48.82. 144 Herodotus 5. at Tegea. Stoop (1960. there may have been some conflation between Auge.142 From this legend. de. p. to. this passage is interesting for two reasons: not only is childbirth in the kneeling position described. 26.”140 According to Pausanias.. and Eileithyia.143 On the strength of these two passages. p. it appears that. gou`na d j e[r eise leimw`ni malakw`/. it is often assumed that the minor divinities Damia and Auxesia were childbirth goddesses. the mother of Telephos. 9) automatically assumed that Damia and Auxesia were childbirth goddesses based upon Herodotus’ description of their statues.n pai`da e[nqa th`" Eijl eiquiva" ejsti." Pausanias 8.about a palm tree and kneeled on the soft meadow while the earth laughed for joy beneath. It is quite likely that. located in the agora of Tegea. 143 For Auge as a minor childbirth divinity. 32. 2) likewise favored this interpretation. even describing Leto’s use of palm tree to support her upper body during labor.”141 As Stoop notes. the statue commemorates the labor of Auge.7. 26 and n. such as at Tegea and at Pergamon.139 In a second passage. Then the child leaped forth to the light. p. trans. who gave birth to Telephos. that the locals called “Auge on her knees. in places where the Telephos myth enjoyed popularity. foivniki bavle phvcee. ou{tw tekei`n to. Jones. but a statue of a female figure in the kneeling position is connected with Eileithyia. since a passage from Herodotus describes their cult statues at Aegina as kneeling. This reference provides a surprisingly realistic portrayal of childbirth in the kneeling position.H. the goddess of childbirth. iJerovn…" (W. the goddess of childbirth. see p. 140 145 . who “fell on her knees and so gave birth to her son at the place where is the sanctuary of Eileithyia. 141 "…pesei`n te ej" govnata kai.144 It is entirely possible that this identification is correct. Baur (1902. and all the goddesses raised a cry.) 142 Stoop 1960. and on a story in which statues of the goddesses helped to restore 139 The text reads: "ajmfi.. Auge herself was worshipped as a minor childbirth divinity. 146 The fact that Herodotus goes to some pains to explain the posture of these statues suggests that the kneeling position was indeed quite unusual. 147 For references to the rather large body of literature on this topic.145 It is a short leap to make the connection between fertility of the fields and fertility of humans. 229-243. or one of mourning. worshippers occasionally did kneel as a form of prayer or supplication to the gods. the story may merely reflect Herodotus’ own ignorance of the nature of the cult or of contemporary childbirth practice. a kneeling figure may reflect an attitude either of prayer. p. Mitropoulou and van Straten each independently examined a wide range of evidence for a kneeling posture used in prayer.148 More recently. 146 . 3. van Straten 1974.fertility to the fields. Alternatively.146 There are at least two other likely interpretations for figures adopting a kneeling posture in Greek art. pp. however. Herodotus’ story may indicate that the kneeling position was not generally recognized as a childbirth posture. 201. therefore. 149 Mitropoulou 1975. It is known from literary evidence that kneeling and beating the ground were common elements in the 145 A useful discussion of the cult of Damia and Auxesia and the relevant sources may be found in Frazer 1913. unless it were possible to prove that the kneeling posture was only used in Greek culture to illustrate childbirth. and thus suggest that the cult was not. see van Straten 1974. although not the typical gesture of worship.149 The literary and archaeological evidence that they examined suggests that. given that the relevant evidence is so scanty. Herodotus’ explanation does not connect the divinities to childbirth. was used occasionally in Greece. does little to clarify the present argument. however. In addition to childbirth. normally worshipped for childbirth. and it is entirely conceivable that these goddesses were worshipped for fertility of all sorts. Nevertheless. but provides an etiological story of how the statues fell on their knees when the Athenians attempted to carry them away. 266-267. pp. although rare. 3. in fact. p. See also a brief discussion by Simon 1986. 148 Walter 1910. 159 n.147 As early as 1910. vol. The description of their statues as kneeling. there seems to be good evidence that this practice. Walter collected a group of Greek votive reliefs depicting votaries who are shown kneeling before a deity. it seems that Damia and Auxesia were linked to vegetation and crop fertility. the identification of these goddesses as childbirth divinities is not secure. Although the question of whether the Greeks prayed to their gods in a kneeling position has vexed scholars for generations. too. in the votive reliefs that depict kneeling worshippers. 2. 453. p. 6. El.156 Marble statuettes depicting kneeling women have been found on Paros. This scant evidence. Geometric vases often include kneeling figures in scenes of prothesis and ekphora. Cole 2004. 20. p. Mykonos. 22. 142-144. p. 78-180. mourning women are shown clothed. pp. include: Sophocles. the votary. 241. 32-37. 23. and that the act of kneeling before these gods was generally reserved for prayers of great urgency or need. 97 and especially pl.155 In most instances. for example. 91-92. 154 See. LXII. 17. either as a sign of respect for the deceased or in supplication. 9. a practice that is attested in literary references as well. Aeschylus.166.9. Mitropoulou 1975. Laert. Terracotta figurines of kneeling worshippers tend to use the same gestures.568-571. 33. Euripides. a kneeling posture was sometimes adopted. For the practice of kneeling in the worship of chthonic divinities. and 30B. 8. see Thompson 1963.151 Interestingly. see Homeric Hymn to Pythian Apollo 332-340. For the bared breast as a sign of mourning. 63-70. 152 Mitropoulou published only three examples of a male votary in the kneeling posture. however.153 In mourning. for example: Plutarch. knelt with arms extended toward the divinity or raised in a clear gesture of supplication. that the practice was more focused on those gods who would answer personal prayer. Hel. and 150 Walter 1910. Tro. figs. 43. Polybius 15. 510. Euripides.154 Later lekythoi also depict figures kneeling before tombs. 147 . Ahlberg 1971. 3. Literary references for the act of kneeling before a tomb. 39. van Straten 1974. leading Walter to suggest that the votives depicting kneeling votaries were dedicated exclusively to chthonic divinities. See Mitropoulou 1975. 151 van Straten 1974. 1305-1307. Superstit. where kneeling before the gods was a common form of worship. 176-184.worship of chthonic deities. Euripides. pp. 174-175). 153 For terracotta figurines of clothed kneeling figurines interpreted as worshippers. El. the kneeling figures were almost without exception female. p. pp. 18. often tearing at their unbound hair with one hand and clutching a partially covered breast with the other. 156 Stoop 1960. Mitropoulou preferred to see the practice as being adopted from the East. 114-117. 13. see Mitropoulou 1975. suggests that the practice of beseeching the gods on bended knee was looked upon with some disdain and was considered more appropriate for women than for men (see. Diog. when combined with literary references.150 Van Straten has argued convincingly.29.152 It is important to note that in nearly all of the votive reliefs.37-8. suggesting that this rather unusual gesture of worship was more commonly used by women than by men. Sept. 155 For a list of lekythoi with this scene. see Havelock 1982. figs. Homer Il. 47. Examples of this gesture from various periods of Greek art may be seen in Collignon 1911. nos. pp. 3. p. 48. whether male or female. 20. 205-206. 2-3. especially. Baur 1902. 158 148 . that she is mourning. it is clear that one must consider at least three possible interpretations for the posture: that the figure is praying or supplicating a god.elsewhere. and the presence of floral motifs. Stoop carefully examined a number of examples of kneeling female figures. The statuette from Mykonos. 33 and 44. 35. 150). See Lenormant 1832. the presence on some of the figurines of small winged figures (or genii). fig. 157 Paros: Athens NM 1872 (Walter 1910. primarily of South Italian origin. Michon 1911. pp.159 In examining Greek female kneeling figurines. possessed several traits that led Stoop to argue in favor of identifying them as Hera Eileithyia in the act of childbirth. is that they are depictions of mourners that originally formed part of a funerary monument. 160 Each of these traits deserves to be Fig. including nudity. pp. has received much debate. then. pp. p. 159 Collignon 1911. 244. p. In a publication of floral figurines. see Michon 1911. These figurines. 27 examined in greater depth in order to assess its importance for interpreting the figurines. p. pp. for further citations. 302-306. 305 n.158 A more convincing argument. Mykonos: Paris Louvre 2711. or that she is giving birth.157 These sculptures usually show a clothed woman either with her hands clasped before her or with one hand on her breast and the other raised to her head. I now turn to those kneeling figurines and statuettes that have been interpreted as depicting childbirth and consider whether the interpretation is correct. Walter 1910. Early scholars tended to view these figures as representations of Eileithyia in the act of labor. given the fact that the figures are clothed and that the hands are positioned near the head or breast. 240-241. With this in mind. 160 Stoop 1960. The nudity of these figures is an important iconographical clue. 162 Representations of childbirth in a kneeling position from all different cultures and periods illustrate this clearly. the position of the figurines. In a kneeling posture. see Kirchoff 1977.162 Though clearly these figurines do not present a realistic representation of childbirth. For a sampling. making it more likely that her clothing. 3 (prehistoric Nesazio). Interestingly. While one would. the knees need to be spread apart to provide greater stability and to allow for the passage of the child. Nevertheless. it would be minimal. an identification that seems likely. 26-28) all portray a nude female in a kneeling position. is unsuitable as a birthing position. It is true that a parturient woman who adopts a kneeling position is more hindered by clothing than one who adopts a seated or reclining position. In each case. the bodies of these female figurines show no indication of pregnancy. despite the lack of realism. the nudity of the figure is highlighted by drapery that billows or hangs behind the figure and acts as a sort of frame in which her body is displayed. See also Appendix I.The six figurines of this type (2. Kirchoff (1977.41-2. 149 . expect to see mourners and worshippers clothed.9. 6 (Egyptian) 18. A 6th century red figure cup (Athens Agora Museum P24102) portrays a nude woman kneeling on one knee to place a wreath onto the flames of an altar. and their abdomens are flat.44). I know of at least one instance in which a nude woman is depicted in an attitude of worship. Kirchoff unquestioningly accepts the interpretation of this figurine as Eileithyia giving birth. with their knees close together. but what that intention was is difficult to discern. 9b) also includes an illustration of one of the South Italian figurines in question (2. The iconography of the drapery 161 We must note that nudity cannot absolutely rule out these possible interpretations. Figs. It enables us to rule out the other possible interpretations mentioned above. In addition. figs. often atop a large flower. These figurines have most frequently been identified as illustrating goddesses rather than mortals. fig. 3. 2. nearly all examples of votive and funerary kneeling figures are clothed. as a general rule. As one would expect. fig. we must still consider whether an idealized representation was intended. their breasts are small. namely that these figures were mourners or worshippers. if any. An excellent illustration of this cup may be found in Lewis 2002.16. in which a nude woman pours a libation.161 The nudity of these figurines most likely reflects a different intention on the part of the artist. We may rule out any possibility that the coroplast intended a realistic portrayal of childbirth.46. 19 (modern Zulu) and 24 (Mayan). If we accept that these figurines depict divinities rather than humans. To show that it was not unusual that Eileithyia might be depicted in the nude. it is on these grounds that many scholars have interpreted the terracotta figurines as imitations of cult statues of Eileithyia in the act of childbirth. in which Pausanias says that the cult statue of Eileithyia at Tegea is called by locals "Auge on her knees. 164 150 .billowing behind them seems to suggest divine rather than mortal status. 235-242. as I discuss below. kneeling goddess may have depicted an idealized divine birth. Pausanias 8."165 The fact that Pausanias goes out of Fig.25."164 This provides the argument that Eileithyia was sometimes depicted on her knees in a birthing position. This argument depends upon several literary passages that describe the cult statues of Eileithyia. in at least four examples.163 Since no realistic portrayals of divine birth appear in Greek art. and Demeter has clothes. located in the northern Peloponnese. in which Pausanias lists several cult statues at Bura. Indeed.5. as does the presence. The ancient author writes: "They have a shrine of Demeter. scholars point to a second passage. invariably idealized. then the identification of them as childbirth goddesses in the act of childbirth is not impossible. it is entirely possible that the figurines of a nude. one of Aphrodite and Dionysus. 28 his way to mention that the statue of Demeter is clothed has 163 See pp.7.48. The statues are in Pentellic stone by Eukleides of Athens. 165 Pausanias 7. of winged figures. Representations of goddesses in the act of childbirth are. and one of Eileithyia. We have already seen one key passage. Figurines showing the birth of Aphrodite depict the nude goddess kneeling in exactly the same posture on an open shell. p. one cannot conclusively argue that they replicate cult statues of Eileithyia." Mansfield considers this last passage dubious evidence. as it first seems.168 As Stoop Fig.167 Therefore. pp. 29 notes. however. 61 no. The second passage does not. In fact. 202-203. the adornment of cult statues of Eileithyia with cloth garments did occur.166 The two passages together seem to suggest that the cult statues of Eileithyia in some instances depicted the goddess nude and in the act of childbirth. 471. Rather. especially p.5-6) says that the cult statue of Eileithyia in Aigion is covered with a woven cloth. however.18. Interestingly. For a discussion of votive garments given to childbirth divinities. it relies on faulty information. while it is possible that these nude kneeling figurines represent a goddess in childbirth. see Mansfield 1985. pp. 2. Pausanias (7. pp. The interpretation of these figurines as childbirth figures is not the only possible interpretation. depicting the birth of Aphrodite. we see that nude kneeling goddesses do appear in one other figurine type.23. 442-505. there are striking similarities between the two types.often been interpreted as proving that the other statues that he mentions in this list were depicted nude. prove that the cult statue of Eileithyia at Bura was nude. however.5) states that "the Athenians are the only people whose wooden images of Eileithyia are draped to the ends of their feet. at least one passage in Pausanias indicates that in other cities. If we look through the repertoire of Hellenistic terracottas. For the practice of weaving and dedicating cloth garments to be worn by cult statues. see Winter 1903. D293. Pausanias' comment merely indicates that the cult statue of Demeter at Bura was draped in real clothing. 167 151 . 31 and n. there seems to be considerable 166 Stoop 1960. vol. 168 For this type. pl. A second passage (1. 221-224. Her hands are often raised to her face and she sometimes holds a mirror or other toilet implement. see below. which most likely featured carved garments that were part of the original statue. an excellent example is illustrated in Besques 1971. since the description could just as easily apply to wooden korai whose garments were part of the statue. 1. unlike the other cult statues he mentions. As tempting as this argument is. Sometimes there is just one of them (as in 2. 152 . winged and hovering over the central figure as he holds up the billowing cloak behind her). In this group. yet she is surrounded by a veil. the veil or mantle behind the figure becomes.41 and 2.42.46). perhaps the Genetyllides.170 It is interesting that a very similar composition is found in the 6th century marble statuette group discovered near Sparta (2. the female figure holds a mirror and touches her face like Aphrodite. there are stylized flower petals. Such figures could perhaps be interpreted as Erotes. this is clearly Eros.. In both types the central figure tends to be accompanied by attendants or assistants rendered on a smaller scale.. Baur interpreted these two figures as "male 169 170 Stoop 1960. not a shell. For the Genetyllides as minor childbirth divinities.42 (Fig. there are two (without wings). in other examples (such as 2. nevertheless one can discern their general stance. since Eros was often conceived of in the plural. It is just as likely that they were viewed as minor local daemons. by sheer billowing. The merging of the two schemes becomes even more confused when we consider the secondary figures often included in these two figurine types. 29). The figure on the right stands close beside her and holds his hand near his mouth. however. In the case of the Aphrodite figurines. seated or leaning on her shoulders. the identification of these figures is less clear. 36. shaped like a shell. where he appears very much like Eros. They need not necessarily be associated with Eros at all. unfortunately in poor condition. however. almost entirely missing. The figure on the left. The small figures are each only partially preserved. leans against her. 28). For the other type. and instead of a wave motif."169 The conflation of these types can be clearly seen in 2. p. Fig. with his left hand held low on her abdomen. who assist in birth.44 and 2. Here. a nude female figure kneels with two smaller male figures on either side.confusion between the two types: "highly stylized waves are scarcely distinguishable from equally stylized petals. 37.40. see p. 172 The gesture made by the right figure of this group is less certain. As Baur points out. no. At any rate. it is unlikely that the divinity depicted in them will ever be identified with certainty. Artistic representations of the goddess Eileithyia often show her making a similar gesture. In both 2. 37. p. belong to the cult of Hera or Hera Eileithyia. it does appear that the right figure holds an object to his mouth rather than just his hand. the small figures lean against the shoulder of the kneeling woman in a somewhat protective stance. see Pingiatoglu 1981. the left figure. it is entirely possible that the same figurine type could be used in the cult of several different goddesses. and the right figure leans forward over her shoulder to lightly touch her breast.44 (Fig.171 There is some merit to the interpretation. and literary sources indicate that massage was a common means of easing the birth and the pains of labor. to assign them to a similar tradition or cult. 172 153 . may well be massaging the parturient woman. and suggested that he plays the flute as a calming influence for the woman in labor. as Stoop points out. 174 Pingiatoglu 1981. 13-29. given 171 Baur 1902. It is tempting. 141. 27) and 2. p. given the similarities between them. who interpreted the figure as a flute player. 1. I have been unable to see this statue group in person.173 A more convincing argument was provided by Pingiatoglu. who reaches down to hold his hand over the abdomen. nevertheless. Indeed. however. 43-44. Given the complicated and even conflicting iconography of these kneeling figurines.175 The marble figurine from Sparta may well represent Eileithyia herself. as Stoop suggests. from the published illustrations and photographs. pp. pp. 175 Stoop 1960.174 It is impossible to know whether the identity of the marble group from Sparta is the same as that of the figurines from South Italy. the two smaller figures appear to have a similar function in both groups. For representations of Eileithyia. Price suggested that he holds his hand over his mouth as an occult sign. The Eileithyiai are sometimes shown massaging or laying their hands on the head of Zeus in scenes depicting the birth of Athena. The figurines from South Italy may. or possibly Artemis. 173 Price 1978.46. 135. p.assisting demons" of childbirth. 46) or by a small metal pin (as in 2. the iconography itself does seem to suggest that they were connected with childbirth or fertility. usually in the shape of a large flower with a depression in the center. p.179 The floral element of such thymiateria often breaks off at the stem where the fabric is thin.46) were not figurines in their own right.46) would argue in favor of this interpretation. see Himmelmann Wildschülz 1957. 24-25. and despite the confusion of imagery. Fig.44 and 2. was molded separately from the base and later joined either by a thick stem of clay (as in 2.176 At least some of them may.180 Stoop suggested that we should read in these two figurines the meaning behind an entire series of thymiateria in the shape of a female bust topped by a flower. For Aphrodite as a childbirth divinity. share a number of iconographical elements with the kneeling figurines discussed above. the combination of the posture of the figures on their knees.44. but rather served as the base of a thymiaterion or incense burner. 27). 178 Even the conflation with images of Aphrodite does not negate this interpretation. 179 Stoop 1960. on the other hand. 177 154 . At least two of the examples from South Italy (2. The cup of the incense burner. 35. leaving little trace of its existence. see pp. their frequent association with floral motifs (as symbols of fertility). acted as a childbirth goddess. and it is easy to see how representations of her in this guise could meld with representations of her kneeling on a shell. While no one feature conclusively points to this interpretation. and the presence of assisting daemones suggest that they represent a female divinity giving birth.the importance of her cult in the region. Aphrodite.177 Regardless of the exact cult with which these figurines are associated. The fact that the female figure holds a dove in at least two instances (2.44 and 2. too. These thymiateria.178 One further element of these figurines needs to be considered. Among the most important similarities are the 176 Stoop 1960. common in South Italy. For interpretations of these figurines as Aphrodite. pp. represent Aphrodite. their nudity. since there is such a strong tendency to conflate these images with other representations of her. 4-5. 35. is appealing. is an altar of Eileithyia and an entrance for the public. and a veil that sometimes billows outward behind the bust. although the incense is burned in the sanctuary shared by Eileithyia and Sosipolis.2-3. but it is not the custom to pour libations of wine.146). 184 Pausanias 6. See Stoop 1960. but in the case of Corinth. they burn all manner of incense to the god."182 The argument that these thymiateria were connected with childbirth. 182 Stoop 1960.46. Stoop argued that the identification of these abbreviated thymiateria should be the same as those that show the entire kneeling figure. 183 Corinth: Pausanias 2. Pausanias writes: In the front part of the temple. It is not unreasonable to assume a connection between the burning of incense and the desire for fertility of the female members of the community as a whole. 6. Elis: Pausanias 6. it appears that the incense was burned for Eileithyia as a part of her daily worship by her priestesses rather than as part of a childbirth ritual performed by a grateful worshipper.. 181 155 .1. pp. "It is but one step from this whole figure to the abbreviated forms. pl. 3 and 4. in the inner part Sosipolis is worshipped.20..3.presence on some thymiateria of a winged figure who sits on the shoulder. the incense is stated as being burned for Sosipolis. The practice of burning incense in the sanctuary of Eileithyia is recorded by Pausanias for at least two cities in Greece. 7-9 and pls. Stoop 1960.183 The exact occasion for the burning of incense is not made clear in these texts. Pal. 2. 36. in which Eileithyia's temple is referred to as "fragrant" (eujwvdh"). that in Elis. This connection seems likely in the case of Elis.181 Based on these similarities. however. and she must wrap her head and face in a white veil. and no one may enter it except the woman who tends the god. The burning of incense may also be alluded to in a fragment by Callimachus (Anth. for it is built in two parts.11.20.184 180 The stump of clay that served as a stem is still visible on the head of 2. though unprovable. Note. p. and it seems reasonable to assume that the same person and the same idea were expressed in all of them. nudity. Maidens and matrons wait in the sanctuary of Eileithyia chanting a hymn. 70a).An elegy by Ovid suggests that incense was offered to Eileithyia by individuals who sought her help. The best preserved of these show the parturient woman either kneeling or seated on the ground. p. offering her both votive gifts and incense. 31 Cyprus. 186 156 . 30 and 31). who suggests that. 13. 30 acting in the role of midwife. Given the importance of the cult of Aphrodite in Fig. Concerned about his mistress' health after an abortion. it has been suggested that these votives were 185 Ovid. is recommended by Soranus (Gynec. because she was considered unclean. the parturient woman may sit upon the assistant's lap. These are handmade groups that appear to have been peculiar to Cyprus during the Archaic period." 187 This arrangement. She is nearly always supported from behind by an assistant who grasps her beneath her arms. Fig. with an assistant standing behind and supporting the parturient woman. 2.187 Several examples also depict a third woman. when a birthing stool is not available.186 Childbirth Groups A second type of figurine that may have been used as childbirth votives consists of a group of figures depicting a parturient woman along with one or more assistants. 28) writes: "It was indeed customary to burn incense in the house where a woman had given birth to a child. who assists in the delivery of the baby (Figs. Ovid prays to Eileithyia for help. then it is tempting to view these thymiateria as childbirth votives depicting the goddess of fertility and reproduction.185 If worshippers did indeed burn incense within the home or within the temple of Eileithyia after the birth of a child. 2.5. Baur (1902. Am. The kourotrophos type encompasses a wide range of variations. Karageorghis (1977.190 Explicit childbirth groups of this sort do not appear to have enjoyed widespread popularity outside of Cyprus. too. e. Among the most popular are the kourotrophos figurines. which I have included among the pregnancy figurines in the preceding chapter. 243. 37. 190 Bennett 1980. 219-222) identifies the sanctuary as that of the "Great Mother.192 The most common variety depicts a single female adult with a small child or Fig. 86-87 and n. a fragmentary figurine from Corinth (1.191 In addition.136 and 309. Karageorghis 1998. for the figurines. but in essence is a terracotta group comprised of one or more adults and children. It is quite possible that terracotta childbirth groups of this type were dedicated in the cave of Eileithyia Inatia on Crete. p. 91 n.188 Though the context of most of these figurines is not known beyond the identification of the site from which they came.dedicated to her as childbirth votives. 192 A detailed list of types and where they are found is provided by Price 1978. p. pp.30). 32 188 Pingiatoglu 1981. that three other examples came from Golgoi. see Price 1978. n. 78 and nos. several other figurine types should be considered as possible childbirth votives. 243. Kourotrophos Figurines In addition to figurines explicitly representing pregnancy and birth. at least three examples were discovered in a sanctuary context. p. see Pingiatoglu 1981. though they may have been emulated in a few isolated Greek sanctuaries. whose votive deposits were quite similar to Cypriote figurines. one of the major centers of Aphrodite's cult on the island. 189 157 . 1-3." possibly a precursor to Aphrodite.189 It is worth noting. pp. 91. She provides a detailed list of these terracotta groups on p. was probably originally part of a similar childbirth group. 191 For the similarity of the votives to those from Cyprus. 91-92. pp. 35). Price has shown that the type originated in Cyprus. 158 . figs. 36). see above. pp.194 Particularly common are representations of male dwarves.” who are often depicted with small children Fig. which tend to be generic representations. 34 195 (Fig. enduring well into the Roman period.C. Bell 1981. see Dasen 2000. 194 See Price 1978. Unlike the female kourotrophos figurines. holding the child on her lap or standing with the child beside her. p.infant. images of male kourotrophoi are usually of specific divine or mythological characters that are known for watching over the upbringing and education of children.197 Kourotrophos figurines achieved their greatest popularity in the Archaic and 193 Fig. 33). though they are somewhat less common. or on her shoulder (Fig. 33 In her extensive study of the kourotrophoi as they appear in all art forms (including sculpture. 197 For Roman and Late Antique examples. and that it probably entered the Greek repertoire of artistic motifs in the prehistoric period (Figs. Price discusses general chronological trends of the type on pp. p. Examples dating to the 7th century B. For this interpretation. 70-72. For this sanctuary. for a discussion of dwarves and sexual potency in general. 199 and 221. 76. in her arms. p. Frequent types include Silenos or Hermes with the young Dionysus. 35 Kourotrophos figurines shown nursing an infant in fact appear quite early. see Price 1978. She may be seated. When depicted with an infant. Fig. 34).193 Examples of male kourotrophoi also exist.196 The type is longlasting. 221-223. have been found in the votive deposit in the cave of Eileithyia Inatia (illustrated here in Fig. 48. though variations in which she nurses the baby are also known (Fig. with or without children. 129 no. 47. painting. and relief. Price includes Minoan and Mycenaean examples in her study. see Shapiro 1984. in addition to the more common figurines). pp. She is occasionally shown with more than one child (Fig. 26 and 31. 36 and 37). were intended to ensure and protect fecundity. 32). she usually cradles it in her arms. sometimes called “comasts. It has recently been suggested that these representations of dwarves. 195 Price 1978. 196 Price 1978. 199 Approximately one hundred kourotrophos figurines were excavated in this sanctuary.200 a sanctuary at Olous.206 Though the type is known at Corinth. 164. 7. p. Burr 1934. 29 nos.Classical periods.203 the Thesmophorion at Bitalemi. and figs. predictably.198 Kourotrophos figurines are primarily found in two contexts: sanctuaries and graves. 108. 31 no. 144-145. 39 and fig. columns 703-6 and 709-10. Price argues that these votives were dedicated in a minor Kourotrophion near the Propylaia. 165-172. 200 Argive Heraeum II.1-2. Orlandini 1966. 102-104. 36 kourotrophos figurines were found. The sanctuaries in which these figurines are found are. p. p. 136. pls. Orlandini 1968. 3. and have been found in contexts of those dates throughout the Greek world. though the figurines continued to be popular. Price 1978. 198 Price 1978. 205 Price 1978. pp. 34. These include the sanctuary of Athena Lindia on Rhodes. 202 Price 1978. Price 1978. those of gods who specialize in childbirth and childcare. 96. Kron 1992. p. 138-140.202 the Artemision at Ephesus. pp. p. p. 154. for example. Types depicting elderly women as the nurses and care-takers of children were a popular genre of kourotrophos figurine. terracotta kourotrophos figurines were not always found in large numbers in sanctuaries of the most common kourotrophos deities. p. pp. 5. 529-531 and 538-9. See Lindos I. 32 and pl.204 and the Artemision at Thasos. 159 . they seem to have lost all religious meaning and tended instead to take the form of popular genre pieces. 223. Crete. Demeter seems to have received them only in certain sanctuaries. p.199 the Argive Heraion. Price 1978. There are several sanctuaries in which considerable numbers of Fig. 206 For Demeter as kourotrophos goddess. 9. 628-629 and fig. 201 Dedicated perhaps to Athena Lindia or Artemis Britomartis. see p. 204 Orsi 1906. 203 Price 1978. despite the fact that her cult had a very strong kourotrophic element. 88. 106-107. 22. p.201 the Athenian Acropolis. In Hellenistic and later periods.205 Surprisingly. lack any attributes or identifying characteristics. at least originally. for instance. p. the kourotrophos type seems to have been a popular votive to Demeter primarily in Italy and Sicily. a feature that is often interpreted as indicating divine status. 220) acknowledges that the polos is usually seen as a symbol of divinity. example of a woman holding a child on her shoulder. 207 See Price 1978.) This identification is given because the kourotrophos figure 160 . or Isis and Horus. 210 For the polos as a symbol of divinity. it may well have been worn by mortal worshippers as a “matronly ornament. 209 For the popularity of the kourotrophos figurines in Magna Graecia. such as Aphrodite and Eros. 35 no. 208 This is a 4th century B.” 211 Price (1978. 212 Some kourotrophos figurines of a woman suckling a child have been interpreted as representing a goddess with a divine or heroic child. seem to depict a tenderness or affection between the woman and child that would seem more appropriate for a mother than for a goddess. See Coldstream 1973. p. though she also argues that. the sanctuary of Demeter at Knossos only had one kourotrophos figurine. 170-186. Price 1978. Price (1978. which has been interpreted as a nymph suckling Dionysus.210 In addition. 162.208 In general.211 Among these we might include examples in which the woman is shown nursing an infant. no. (See.C. however. 70-71) notes that the Demeter and Kore sanctuary at Corinth had very few kourotrophos figurines or other votives typically connected with childbirth or fertility. 29) illustrates a fine example from Olynthos. see Bell 1981. 81-82. 293. pp. it seems quite likely that among the kourotrophos figurines. 143.212 Thus. many kourotrophoi are seated on a throne in a manner similar to figurines that are usually interpreted as goddesses. iv pp. and it is difficult to know whether it is Fig. 66. such as infant figurines. fig. p. Merker (Corinth XVIII.the Demeter and Kore sanctuary received only two kourotrophos figurines. p. 37 the goddess or the votary who is represented. Bonfante 1984 and n. One possible clue to the identification of the female figure is the fact that many of the Archaic kourotrophos figurines wear a polos. Some kourotrophos figurines clearly represent a divine or mythological mother and child group. pp.209 The meaning of these figurines depends in part upon the identification of the figures. see Price 1978. in which a young child tenderly kisses the kourotrophos. however.207 Similarly. Other examples. Most. 60. several combinations of divine and mortal might be shown: a goddess and her divine offspring, a goddess holding the mortal child of a votary, or the votary herself with her child. As with most of the figurine types examined here, the kourotrophos figurines may have been dedicated for any number of different reasons. They may have been appropriate dedications to mark a special occasion in the life of a child, or offerings placed in a sanctuary in order to request the divinity's continued protection and guidance, or even to request the healing of a child. They may also have served as childbirth votives.213 Since the sanctuaries in which these objects are found are usually those of childbirth and childcare divinities, any one of these reasons for dedication could apply. It is impossible to say for certain that any of these were childbirth dedications. Certainly, scholars have interpreted them as such. Charles Waldstein, who published the finds from the Argive Heraion, believed that the Archaic kourotrophos figurines found in the sanctuary were dedications representing human mothers and their infants to Hera as goddess of childbirth.214 In addition, a certain type of kourotrophos figurine, in which Aphrodite reclines nude on a couch and suckles Eros, was interpreted by Baur as a childbirth dedication to Aphrodite.215 wears an ivy wreath on her head and sits on a rock. Most figurines of this type lack specific attributes, however, and more than likely represent mortal women nursing their own infants. Contrary to the argument made by Bonfante (1997) that the image of nursing was considered uncivilized and repulsive by the Greeks, it appears that, in the religious context of childbirth votives, nursing — whether representing the goddess or, as I have argued here, the votary herself — could be portrayed in a very positive light. 213 Eileithyia received kourotrophos figurines in her cave sanctuary at Tsoutsouros, Crete, along with other votives pertaining to childbirth and human fertility. In addition, a Classical Attic terracotta and a Hadrianic marble statuette, both of which depict a female figure holding a child in one arm and holding her other hand palm-up, have been convincingly interpreted as representing Eileithyia in her dual guise as kourotrophos and childbirth goddess. See Price 1978, p. 56, no. 623, p. 61, no. 654, and figs. 46 and 47. 214 Argive Heraeum II, p. 13. For a discussion of the Argive Heraeum as a center of childbirth worship, see Argive Heraeum I, p. 8. 215 Baur 1902, p. 42, n. 55; for the type, see Price 1978, p. 47, section c, and pp. 161-162 and n. 91 for examples from Naucratis. 161 Baur’s interpretation is interesting in that it assumes that even kourotrophos figurines that depict divine relationships such as Aphrodite and Eros may have served as childbirth dedications rather than merely being genre pieces. Perhaps strengthening this interpretation is the fact that when the goddess can be identified, she is usually one of those who were worshipped for childbirth and childcare. A votive that shows the goddess in her role as divine mother may well have been considered an appropriate gift for childbirth, as it would remind the goddess to take on a motherly role towards the mortal child that she helped bring into the world. Indeed, it is this underlying concept––the concern for the child––that likely motivated the dedication of most of these figurines.216 Whether it depicted the goddess with her own offspring in the role of a divine mother, the goddess holding the mortal child (and thus extending her protection to it), or the mortal mother herself who wished to present her child to the goddess, a kourotrophos figurine clearly communicated the idea that the goddess should watch over the child. Kourotrophos figurines dedicated as childbirth votives, then, could readily convey three messages to the divinity at once: an expression of thanks for a successful pregnancy and birth; acknowledgment of having presented the child to the goddess, and a reminder to the goddess to continue to look after the child throughout childhood.217 Seated Children Figurines A popular figurine type widely known throughout the Mediterranean is that of the so-called “crouching child” or “temple boy,” in which a young child is portrayed seated on the ground or on a low base. The standard posture for the child consists of 216 Price (1978, p. 220) believed the desire for the protection and guidance of children was the primary focus of the kourotrophos figurines, both those that were dedicated in sanctuaries and those that were placed in graves. Concerning the chthonic nature of the kourotrophos cult, she writes: “The Kourotrophos is concerned with life both in its beginning — pregnancy, child-birth and child-care—and in its end—the dead, the soul and its further fortune in the other world” (Price 1978, p. 200). 217 For the idea that a new wish may be requested of a god at the time of dedicating a votive in thanks for a prayer already answered, see van Straten 1981, pp. 72-73. 162 one leg raised in a vertical position, while the other leg is typically placed horizontally on the ground with the foot tucked close to the body (Fig. 38).218 Male examples, which comprise the large majority of this type, are usually shown nude or wearing a pilos or a cap. Occasionally an amulet is worn around the neck or slung over one shoulder. Female examples generally tend to be clothed in a long chiton. The type appears to have developed first in Cyprus in the 6th century B.C., possibly based on Egyptian prototypes, and later spread throughout Greece and Etruria.219 Cypriote examples are frequently rendered as limestone statuettes, whereas in the Fig. 38 Greek world representations of this type are made more commonly of terracotta. Previous discussions of these representations have tended to include both terracotta figurines and stone statuettes; here, I focus solely on the terracotta figurines. Stone statuettes of the seated child type are included in the general discussion of statues and statuettes below. Terracotta figurines of the seated child type appear to have been particularly popular in Classical and Hellenistic times, though they continued to be used to a lesser extent into the Roman period.220 They are found in a number of contexts in Greece, including domestic and funerary contexts, though most have been excavated in sanctuaries.221 218 For a classification of the different variations on this type, see Price 1969b, pp. 98-104. Price 1969b, p. 96; Beer 1987; Beeri 1994. 220 Price 1969, pp. 98-104. 221 Price 1969, pp. 104-106. For an example recently published from a funerary context, see Graepler 1997, p. 228 no. 258. 219 163 The interpretation of these figurines is somewhat difficult, given their rather generic nature. The posture of the seated child figurines, in which a child sits on the ground with one knee raised, appears to have been a nearly universal pose for children in Greek art. As Price and others have noted, this posture is used for representations of children in all media, from small-scale figurines to vase paintings to architectural sculpture.222 The use of this posture in these figurines was more than likely intended to convey to the viewer the youth of the figure rather than more specific information about the subject being represented.223 It is tempting in the case of figurines of this sort, in which only minor variations in appearance occur, to interpret all representations as conveying the same meaning. To assume this would be a mistake, however. I would argue, in the case of these seated children figurines, that it was exactly because they were so generic in representation that they were appropriate for a wide range of circumstances and were able to convey an equally wide range of meanings.224 Numerous interpretations have been offered for these figurines: that they represent divine children such as Dionysus, Attis, or Eros; that they represent divine attendants such as Horus or Harpocrates; that they are apotropaic figures; that they are children attendants of a sanctuary; that they are votaries presenting gifts; that they are childbirth dedications offered in gratitude for the birth of a child; that they represent deceased children.225 All of these interpretations have merit, and I believe that it is quite possible that each of them correctly explains at least some of the existing 222 For the use of this posture in vase paintings, see Price 1969, pp. 97-98 and n. 34 and 35; in architectural sculpture, see Lullies 1960, pl. 113 (crouching youth from the east pediment of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia). 223 Indeed, that this posture was used as an indicator of youth may well have been a direct result of its origins. As Price (1969, p. 95) has noted, the posture seems to have originated in Egyptian culture and is remarkably similar to the hieroglyph for youth, which depicts a nude figure in the same pose. 224 Celina Beer, in examining stone sculptures of the same type, argues strongly that these representations of children were polysemic, and that their intended purpose may well have varied from culture to culture. I think it is equally likely that the purpose of these representations, both in stone and in terracotta, varied according to circumstance even within the context of a single culture. See Beer 1987. 225 These and other interpretations are collected in Price 1969, p. 107. For the interpretation that they were childbirth dedications see, particularly, Westholm 1955. 164 representations of this type. Some of the crouching children figurines probably do represent divine children such as Dionysus, Eros, or Harpocrates.226 Certain types, particularly representations of older children who hold attributes such as boxes or wreaths, may well have been intended to show votaries offering their gifts to the gods.227 The interpretation of these figurines as mortal children who have died is a reasonable explanation for examples found in funerary contexts, particularly in the graves of children.228 Some were certainly offered as votives. In her study of these figurines, Price has demonstrated that they are most often found in sanctuaries of divinities, both female and male, that are connected with childbirth and childcare, including Demeter, Eileithyia, Artemis, Aphrodite, Asklepios, Athena, and Apollo.229 They are frequently found in conjunction with other types of dedications that have been closely associated with fertility and children.230 In addition, marble statuettes of children in similar postures provide some epigraphical evidence to suggest that they were dedicated by parents for their children.231 From this combined evidence, Price has provided a convincing argument for the interpretation of these figurines as votives representing mortal children that were dedicated by parents.232 The reason why parents might dedicate figures of their children are numerous. They may mark a special occasion in the child’s life or a land-mark in the child’s 226 See, for example, Broneer 1947, p. 246, pl. lxv, 29 (Dionysus); FdD V, p. 205, fig. 898 (Eros). On the type of Harpocrates, see Tam Tinh, Jaeger, and Poulin 1988, nos. 108, 112b, 136b, 131a-132, and 134-146. 227 Price 1969, p. 107. Standing figurines of boys holding various objects have often been interpreted as votaries or participants in cult activity. See, for example, Corinth XVIII, iv, pp. 61 and 188; Daumas 1998, pp. 40-42. These generally appear to represent slightly older boys than the seated figurines, however. 228 Price 1969, pp. 109-110. 229 Price 1969, pp. 104-106. 230 At Lindos, for example, large numbers of seated child figurines were found in the Athena sanctuary along with approximately 100 kourotrophos figurines and at least three infant-in-cradle figurines. For the seated child figurines at Lindos, see Lindos I, pls. 111, 112, and 136; some of the figurines from Lindos may be found in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum. For these figurines, see Mendel 1908, pp. 99-102. 231 See pp. 217-218. 232 Price 1969, pp. 104-109. 165 growth.233 They might be offered to a divinity for healing purposes.234 They may be intended to procure the help or protection of the divinity for their child, thus invoking the kourotrophic aspect of the divinity. The fact that some figurines depict the children wearing amulets strengthens this interpretation.235 While the amulet could simply be a realistic detail added by the coroplast, it seems to me that it also served to emphasize the child's vulnerability and need for protection. These figurines might also represent requests for offspring. The fact that most are male may reflect the general preference and desire for male children. Such requests for fertility and offspring might have been made in conjunction with the wedding ceremony, as suggested by Gloria Merker.236 Figurines of this sort may also have been used as thank offerings for fertility or a successful childbirth. The likelihood that at least some of these figurines were connected with fertility and birth is strengthened by the fact that many of them seem to represent infants and toddlers rather than older children, rendering other interpretations that they are votaries or temple servants improbable.237 In addition, the fact that these figurine types appear in sanctuaries primarily associated with fertility and childbirth, such as sanctuaries of Eileithyia, is significant.238 For, although Eileithyia was certainly considered a kourotrophic divinity, her principle function revolved around human fertility and birth. Thus, the small clay images of infants and children found in her sanctuaries were most likely dedicated by parents who eagerly sought the goddesses’ 233 For example, Anth. Pal. 6.55 describes a dedication of a rooster and a cake to Apollo to mark the occasion of a young boys’ first haircut. 234 Beer 1987, pp. 25-29. 235 See, for example, Corinth XVIII, iv, p. 68, nos. C236 and C237. This detail was quite popular on Cypriote examples. See Price 1969, p. 102; di Cesnola 1885, pl. CXXXI. 236 Corinth XVIII, iv, p. 70. For terracotta or stucco dolls as part of a bride's trousseau in Renaissance Italy, see Musacchio 1999, p. 137. 237 For a discussion of the age of children represented in these figurines at Corinth, see Corinth XVIII, iv, p. 69. 238 See, for instance, Baur 1902, p. 51 and Pingiatoglu 1981, p. 127 for votives of this type dedicated in the sanctuary of Eileithyia on Paros; Price (1969, pp. 104-105) mentions several Eileithyia sanctuaries in which crouching children votives were found. It is worth noting, however, that all of the examples that she mentions are marble statuettes rather than terracottas. Examples of crouching children figurines have also been found in caves sacred to Pan and the Nymphs at Aspri Petra and at Delphi (a bronze example from the Corycian cave). See Clara Rhodos I, p. 100, fig. 82; Rolley 1984, pp. 264-265, no. 5. 166 Troy: one unpublished example. p. 24 for the contexts of these figurines. p. along the sides. 244 At least two of the figurines published by Higgins were from funerary contexts of Classical date at Kameiros. p. These figurines are usually moldmade. nos. 3 and 5.3. 243 Lesbos: Lamb 1934. 39 Lindos. 155 and 157.242 Examples of this type are known from Lesbos. The figurine from Assos also came from a Classical grave. Assos. Mendel 1908. they are mainly found in Asia Minor and Eastern Greece during the Classical and Hellenistic periods. much like the numerous foil plaques depicting infants found in modern Greek churches. 59) noted that although these tamata could be dedicated either before or after the prayer was granted. 271) also cites scattered examples from mainland Greece and Magna Graecia. 44 no.241 The popularity of these figures seems to have been more restricted than the seated child figurines. 102. Smyrna. and p.240 The infant is usually positioned on its back. Myrina: two examples in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum. p. I. 166. p. 72-73. II. nos. 21. with the legs bent at the knees and spread apart. Assos: one example. and Troy. D1138 and D1139. 44 no. 1307 and 1308. Further research would help to clarify their origins and distribution.239 Infant in Cradle Figurines A similar interpretation may apply to a second figurine type that depicts an infant lying in a cradle (Fig.243 These figurines. 25. nos. or on the abdomen. 394. For the appearance of the cradle. see Winter 1903. nos. and consist of a rectangular cradle in which a naked infant lies.help in obtaining offspring. 2935-2937. nos. pp. 167 . too. revealing the genitals. 1. 40) and at Kameiros. have been found in both sanctuary and funerary contexts. 155-157. Mrogenda 1990. nos. 240 For the type. where examples have been found at Lindos (Fig. 39). inventory number TC259. The hands are variously placed at the hips.244 At Fig. Smyrna: two examples published in Besques 1971. To my knowledge. see Lindos I. pl. p. vol. p. 241 Lindos: Lindos I. See Higgins 1954. The type probably originated in Rhodes. Mendel 1908. 21. three examples were excavated within the sanctuary of 239 Lawson (1910. p. Myrina. some of which are pierced for suspension. 271. the former was more common. II. plate 229 g and i. 2711 and 2712. nos. 691. 242 Winter (1903. 691. no comprehensive study has been done on these figurines as a type. Mrogenda 1990. p. Kameiros: Higgins 1954. making their interpretation more challenging. p. p. Price 1978. and that the nudity and the position of the infants with their legs spread apart appears to have intentionally emphasized their gender. 40 significant that they only depict male infants. 59) notes that Athena Ilias was sometimes represented holding a torch. If Athena Ilias was worshipped in this sense. it seems likely that they were intended to represent mortal infants rather than divine or heroic ones. which may well have been dedicated by a parent at any stage of childhood. At Ilion she was primarily a civic goddess. located to the southwest of the sanctuary of Athena Ilias. 2935-2937. 154 and n. 39. 246 168 . the interpretation of these figurines as childbirth votives seems quite likely. inv. see Wallrodt 2002. at least when they appear within a sanctuary context. Given the fact that the infant figurines are never shown with an attribute that would help to identify them as a specific deity or hero. a common attribute of childbirth and kourotrophos deities. or to place them within the context of a familiar myth. certain characteristics may help us to derive a general sense of their use. The unpublished figurine. p. The extreme youth of the children represented in the figurines would presumably have restricted their use. Price (1978.Athena.245 A single example from Troy came from a dump deposit that most likely comprised votive debris from the sanctuary of Athena Ilias. like the seated children figurines discussed above. was excavated in 1990 in the area of D9. along with numerous other figurines that suggest that the goddess of this sanctuary was worshipped as a childbirth or kourotrophic divinity. it seems Fig. most likely varied by region and context. TC259. Nevertheless. Unlike the seated children figurines. no. For the identification of material from this area as votive dump from the Athena sanctuary.246 The purpose of this type. p. 691. it was most likely a secondary aspect of her cult. Given these traits. Furthermore. nos. the infant-in-cradle figurines were probably dedicated either to ensure fertility or during the first year of the child’s life as a thank 245 Lindos I. Comella 1978. pl. 249 Marx 1885. kourotrophoi. 442-443. swaddled 247 See. This age specificity may. 156 (sanctuary of Hera. no. pp. For additional figurines from South Italy. no. fig. 18-22. pls. wrapped tightly in swaddling bands. 1980. especially in Magna Graecia (Fig. p. in fact. All of these sites also produced large numbers of other votives associated with fertility and birth. p. E86 and pl. specifically a male heir. p. pls. 179-181. 16 (in the sanctuary of Artemis Mounichia in Attica). 41). p. 248 Winter 1903. p. 83.offering for successful birth. and anatomical votives. al. 41 sources mention the practice in Greece. Palaiokrassa 1983. 4-6 and p. Coarelli 1986. 92 (sixteen examples). 215. usually depicting a small infant with its arms at its sides. are found occasionally in Greek cities.248 Baur interpreted terracotta figurines of swaddled twins found at Olympia.249 The swaddled infant type of figurine never seems to have become popular in Greece. pl. Pensabene et. Comella 1982. 21. 141. where they have been found in large numbers. 48. see Price 1978. p. 697 and bibliography listed there. Although ancient Fig. however. Comella and Stefani 1990. D’Ercole 1990. 41-42 and pls. Lucania). p. 6 (17 examples). including terracotta uteri. The fact that the infant-in-cradle figurines are gender specific also suggests that they may have been dedicated as a request for offspring. pp. see Bell 1981. Baur 1902. IId-e (three examples). p. while the infant-in-cradle type was perhaps too specific to make it worthwhile to produce in large numbers. Neutsch 1956. despite the fact that they had previously been interpreted as representing the Dioscuroi. For the cult and worship at this shrine. 125.247 Figurines of this type. 42-44 (twenty-one examples). 14 (from south Italy). 13 (from Myrina). for instance. no. pp. explain why these figurines appear to have been less popular than the seated children type. The reason for this may perhaps lie in the limited use of swaddling clothing itself. and Kyzikos as childbirth offerings. 208 no. 271. The last example is clearly an instance of a Greek cult receiving Italic votives. 171-172 (eighteen examples). pp. 169 . Thebes. Swaddled Infant Figurines Figurines of swaddled infants were less common in Greek sanctuaries than in Italic shrines. A votive peddler could sell the seated child figurines to parents for any number dedicatory purposes. This interpretation is provided in his descriptions for the individual reliefs. or terracotta figurines. votive reliefs. since a terracotta figurine of an infant in swaddling clothes would presumably provide an instantly recognizable symbol — not only of the newborn baby itself. Photios s. or it indicates that the Greeks preferred to dedicate childbirth votives that represented other subjects than swaddled infants. or may have been used only for a brief period of time after birth.789 E. Although images of swaddled infants are rarely depicted in vase paintings. 253 Clairmont 1993. in fact. 750-760. Either it confirms the suggestion made by Golden that the practice of swaddling infants was not. there is one medium in which they are found with considerable frequency. There is strong evidence to suggest that swaddling clothes were. 244 . where they are often depicted in the arms of a nurse.3. however. Aeschylus. in fact used on newborn infants. 2. perhaps simply the first forty or sixty days of the child’s life.infants are rarely depicted in art. Swaddled infants are not uncommon on Classical Attic funerary reliefs. but only for a short time immediately following birth.253 This interpretation makes sense both in terms of the emotional impact of the reliefs 250 Literary sources on swaddling include Hesychius. 17-18. •. widespread in Greece. pp. Cho. spavrgana. as the passage from Soranus suggests. servant. Soranus. Gyn.v.v. Mark Golden has suggested that the practice of swaddling infants was not widespread in Greece.14-15. s. Lyc. then one might expect greater numbers of swaddled infant figurines to be dedicated as childbirth votives. Plutarch. but also of the successful birth that allowed him to enter the world. 16. Plato. n. 42. sparganovmata. or female family member who stands near the deceased mother.250 Based on this evidence. as Soranus indicates. 251 Golden 1990. 170 .111.252 Clairmont interprets the presence of these very small infants on funerary reliefs as evidence that the deceased woman died in childbirth or not long after giving birth.83-4. Laws 7. The fact that these figurines were not popular childbirth votives may be accounted for in two possible ways. 252 A list of Attic funerary reliefs depicting small babies and swaddled infants may be found p.251 If the latter suggestion were the case. at least in Attica. it was easier to make a more generic type that depicted a young child. if we look at the use of infant and child figurines as a whole. therefore. 86- 92. but after the lengthy period of ritual impurity that followed birth. that the relative lack of swaddled infant figurines appears to reflect a larger trend in which parents who sought to dedicate votive representations of their children preferred to use images of older babies or young children rather than those of newborn infants. In my discussion of childbirth rituals I suggested that most childbirth dedications were made not immediately after birth. it occurred before her baby was old enough to be out of swaddling clothes.254 This period of ritual impurity lasted approximately forty days. If the use of swaddling clothes was restricted to the first month of a newborn's life. the depiction of a swaddled infant on the funerary reliefs would have instantly given the viewer a precise time frame for the death of the mother.(where the presence of the now motherless infant adds to the pathos of the mother’s early death) and as regards the literary evidence that tells us that swaddling clothes were limited to the first forty days or so of a child's life. 171 . Numerous factors may have contributed to this preference. even on the occasion of childbirth. It may have been simply a matter of convenience for those who made and sold votive figurines. Finally. which could be used by 254 For a discussion of ritual impurity and the dedication of childbirth votives after this time. we see that the number of infant figurines (whether swaddled or in a cradle) was. Figurines of seated children far out number them. corresponding neatly with the period when Soranus says the infant would be wrapped in swaddling clothes. very small. this may explain why swaddled infants appear so infrequently as the subject of childbirth votives. the infant had already ceased to be dressed in swaddling clothes. In other words. in fact. therefore. that by the time a childbirth votive was dedicated in the sanctuary. see pp. It would seem. It is entirely possible. 257 Prices’ description of the deposit. 90. is the most complete published account of the votives so far.255 Or it may well be that the dedicants themselves preferred the votives that depicted older children. iv. pp. and varied on an individual basis. the parents may well have wished to make a dedication that would serve a dual purpose––not only to thank the god for granting a safe childbirth. again. Her records indicate that groups of erotic couples comprised a large percentage of the figurine types found in this sanctuary. and the end of the most dangerous period for both the mother and the newborn child. 172 . to remind the god to continue to watch over him or her throughout childhood. At that time. Embracing couples Figurine groupings representing embracing couples (sumplevgmata) were found in the cave of Eileithyia Inatia. For an excellent discussion of the issue. but also to keep an image of the child before the divinity. the lifting of ritual impurity on the household. 257 I was unable to study the finds from this sanctuary in person. 86-87.256 It is unfortunate that the objects from this sanctuary have never been published. though sketchy.votaries for any number of different reasons. pp. The reasons for this. 325-326. 258 Price 1978. see Corinth XVIII.258 There are at least two examples for which photographs exist. despite the permission of Stylianos Alexiou to see them. including the birth itself. were undoubtedly complex. 42 The process by which figurines came to be dedicated in a Greek sanctuary is still poorly understood. than to make more occasion-specific votives that pertained only to childbirth and infancy. p. 256 Faure 1964. The first visit to the sanctuary after birth would have marked a number of important events. A figurine 255 Fig. I offer here one possible explanation: that the figurines representing children more adequately expressed the parents’ wishes at the time of dedication. 47. so the original position in which they were meant to be seen is uncertain. and probably were dedicated as requests 259 Fig. 260 Price (1978. If dedicated to Demeter. 43). depicts a seated couple. This same figurine group is illustrated in Daux 1965. 173 . with arms around one another (Fig. It is likely that the vertical position in which they are shown in the photo is correct.261 These two terracotta figurine groups are very crudely made. such votives could even have been used for initiation ceremonies.259 In this photograph. they lack details that might have aided in their interpretation. 261 This group is illustrated in Davaras 1976. 310-311 and plate 361a. 43 Alexiou 1963.group of an embracing couple was published in the initial report of the excavation (Fig. They could be interpreted variously as either embracing or having sexual intercourse. we see two figures standing face to face with arms wrapped around each other. p. apparently affixed to the inside of a shallow vessel. Figurines of this type dedicated in a sanctuary to Hera or Aphrodite may have been connected with marriage. to mark a young girl’s transition to a marriageable age. 85 fig. The fact that large numbers of these figurines were dedicated to Eileithyia in her cave at Inatos suggests that they were also sometimes used in connection with fertility and birth. 10. and could have been seen as representing either the dedicant in the act of consummating marriage or as a representation of divine marriage. Such votives may well have taken on a different significance depending on where they were dedicated. and in both cases. it is easy to see how the generic representation of an embrace could stand for the more specific act of procreation. 86) describes the erotic couple figurines from this cave as being situated in a standing position. pp. 886. 42). p. Perhaps the distinction is not necessary to make. p.260 A second group. fig. The legs and lower torsos of the figures are broken off. Numerous handmade examples were found in the potter’s workshop at Corinth. 2). Higgins 1954. pp. 50. Although only figurine no.265 A similar interpretation may be applied to the figurines discovered in the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus in Laconia. 32. 8 is specifically mentioned as ithyphallic. humor. see Winter 1903.263 In most instances. iv. 103-105. Cavanaugh et al. 11-13. nos. see above. for instance. pls. For examples of the type. pl. ii. and that displays of obscenity and the grotesque were often understood to have an apotropaic function. p. strongly suggesting that the cult was connected with fertility and birth. and more refined moldmade examples of satyrs and other ithyphallic figurines are found at many sites. see Corinth XV. 108. 266 Catling 1990a and b. obscenity. nos. See Corinth XVIII. Ithyphallic Figurines Ithyphallic figurines are not uncommon in the Greek world. p. 3 (pl. there is no concrete way to link such figurine types with ideas of fertility. many of them stand in a similar spread-legged position and at least one other of them (no. p. has interpreted the votive satyr figurines in the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Corinth as pertaining to fertility. 263 It has been argued that many of these concepts were interconnected. 174 . and pl. 561. See Burkert 1985. pp. pp. For this sanctuary. I. One of the most popular figurine types consisted of ithyphallic males 262 For the type. 51-54 (class VI figurines: handmade grotesque figures). Bell 1981. 7) clearly shows it to be likewise. 1996. 129 no. 4-8. where figurines of satyrs were accompanied by numerous representations of dwarves and children (including nine examples of the seated child type). p. 61. For those from the potter's workshop in Corinth. 23192329. 3. 215. or apotropaic functions. nos. p. see n.for offspring. Most of the other class VI figurines are too fragmentary to have that part of the body preserved.266 Excavations revealed a considerable number of handmade Archaic terracotta figurines. For the connection between dwarves and fertility. 79. This is the case at the Kabeirion at Thebes. the photograph of no. though they are frequently interpreted in this way. 31. 264 Merker. vol. 159-165. 265 Kabirenheiligtum V. 195. see Lindos I.264 Sometimes the combination of figurine types at a certain sanctuary can strengthen the interpretation. 190-191. lifts his protruding abdomen specifically to draw attention to the pubic area. many of which illustrated aspects of human fertility. nevertheless.262 The possible meanings attached to such figurines are numerous and might include fertility. p. like no. See above. 190 no. 270 Euripides. a likely choice of a divinity to assist men in matters of offspring. 68. 34. II. in this instance. appealed to the gods to resolve questions of fertility and progeny.268 The large numbers of ithyphallic figurines. 44 267 There were thirty-two examples of this type from this site. Based on the other types of votives discovered in this sanctuary. they were linked to the desire for fertility.8.9. These figurines. 63. and no. 38. was an exceptional example of male fertility and.270 Zeus. 268 Cavanaugh et al. 61 (female figures displaying genitalia — fifteen examples). no. II. and wrapping their arms around an erect phallus (Fig. p. for inquiries concerning fertility made at the oracle at Dodona by men. 1996. Their posture. 45). and II. 62 (pregnant figurines). See Cavanaugh et al. Ion. 404-424. p. II. p. 190. with arms and Fig. 175 . 44). see Parke 1967. like the ithyphallic figurines discussed above. were all handmade and are very crude in form (Fig.34).269 If this interpretation is correct. as the father of countless gods and heroes. nos.7. combined with the presence of other fertility figurines at this sanctuary.11. p. as well as two examples of pregnancy figurines (2. then this sanctuary may well present a unique opportunity to see an expression of male fertility ritual. The fifteen examples from the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus form an unusually large collection of this type. 271 Zeus was occasionally even included among the divinities of childbirth. strongly suggests that.267 It is significant that also found in this sanctuary were numerous female figurines in which the genitalia were prominently displayed (discussed below). See Cavanaugh et al. 191 no. 269 Catling 1990b. Fragmentary examples of phalloi were also found.271 Female Figurines Displaying Genitalia Female figurines displaying genitalia are much rarer than ithyphallic male figurines. 1996. Catling interpreted the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus as one that was visited predominantly by male worshippers. just as women. p.shown sitting or squatting. 1996. We know from literary and inscriptional evidence that men. therefore. Since figurines displaying both male and female reproductive elements were found at this sanctuary. 45 176 . allows the genitals to be exposed prominently. as well as two figurines illustrating pregnancy. I would argue that these figurines were intended to graphically symbolize human fertility. Though figurines in which the female genitalia are displayed have often been interpreted as being apotropaic in function. Fig.legs spread. the interpretation of these figurines as fertility votives seems to provide the best explanation. Erotic figurine types. In addition to the erotic figurines. may well represent male requests for fertility. in which large numbers of erotic figurine types were found. such as the ithyphallic male figurines in the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus. In the case of the comedic figurines. may also have been dedicated as fertility requests. The Baubo figurines may have occasionally been used as childbirth votives. Given the fact that many of them were designed to be suspended. Figurines representing pregnancy and childbirth are relatively rare in ancient Greece. If they were used 177 . only a small number of pregnancy and childbirth figurines have been identified. I have suggested that these figurines were dedicated by young women at the time of marriage in order to assure that the union would be fruitful. however. a small number of hierodouloi figurines that had a special cavity in the abdomen to hold a miniature fetus (2. including erotic groups and figurines in which the male or female genitalia were displayed. The most common types of figurines representing pregnant or parturient women are those that either parody pregnancy (such as comedic figurines) or those that exaggerate childbirth (such as the Baubo figurines). In the centuries spanning the Geometric through the Hellenistic periods. Some figurines. The sanctuary of Eileithyia Inatia on Crete and the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus in Laconia. it seems that they were primarily used as apotropaic devices or charms rather than as votives.Conclusions: The Use of Figurines as Childbirth Votives From the survey above. since a small number of them were found in sanctuary contexts. may in some instances have been dedicated in the desire to increase human fertility. we may draw some general conclusions about the use of figurines as childbirth votives.27). seem to have included human fertility as a major focus of worship. I have argued that this is quite unlikely. It is not clear that either of these types of figurines were used as childbirth votives. 2. the Archaic handmade childbirth groups from Cyprus (see above.28) may be included here as the only votive from this period found in good context that accurately depicts pregnancy.21. A small late 6th century or early 5th century B. Fig. p.22). Without the context in which they were found.23).during pregnancy and childbirth.34).272 Those that can be identified most securely as votives seem to cluster particularly in the Geometric and early Archaic period. they probably served as talismans to ward off danger. appears to be the latest example of the handmade types.32). Although the Hellenistic period produced more numerous examples of realistic pregnancy figurines. These figurines may have been dedicated in south Italian 272 Cf.30). a large plinth-like Geometric pregnancy figurine from a rural shrine at Kavousi (2.24). many are known only from museum collections (2. 154). example from Corinth (2. which was probably part of a childbirth group. similar handmade Archaic figurines found at the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus at Tsakona in the Argolid (2.33). very few portray these conditions in a realistic manner. a 7th century terracotta pregnancy plaque from Lato. Also produced in the 3rd and 4th centuries B. 50. as I have suggested above. These include the numerous. 2.31. were the figurines of nude women kneeling on the calyx of a large flower. it is impossible to determine whether these figurines were intended to serve as childbirth votives or whether they were merely genre pieces portraying the human form in its most extreme conditions. and tend to consist of crude handmade figurines. and a standing pregnancy figurine from the Argive Heraeum (2. unpublished pregnancy figurines found in the Geometric material from the cave of Eileithyia Inatia at Tsoutsouros on Crete (2. Of the small number of figurines that do depict pregnant or parturient women. A standing figurine from the cave of the Nymphs at Pitsa (2. Crete (2.C. 178 .C. Few explicit examples are dated to the Classical period. Given the conclusions drawn above. The reason for this may be attributed to any number of different factors. see above. From the limited evidence available. but the result itself. 273 Pregnancy would have been deemed successful only if it resulted in a healthy child. it is quite surprising that infant figurines never attained great popularity in Greece.sanctuaries as childbirth votives. as they did in other parts of the 273 For the fears associated with giving birth and the gratitude shown to the gods who relieved those fears. or sickly. however. for the belief that miscarriages and "monstrous" births was a sign of divine displeasure. malformed. 2) the viewpoint that pregnancy and childbirth are not aesthetically pleasing (a factor particularly appealing for explaining the lack of explicit votives in the Classical period. an easy pregnancy and quick labor are incidental if the child itself is stillborn. but the end result: a child. therefore. It is logical. the last deserves further consideration. both of which are not only dangerous times but also spiritually polluting. Though each of these factors undoubtedly contributed to the trends discussed above. 3) a hesitancy to depict such liminal states as pregnancy and childbirth. as discussed above (pp. it appears that after the Archaic period. a child. While we know from literary sources that young mothers wished to thank the gods for a safe pregnancy and an easy labor. that the representation of childbirth presented in these figures is very much idealized. then. see above. Thus the votive would not depict the means by which this was obtained. 14-21. figurines explicitly depicting pregnancy or childbirth were rarely dedicated as childbirth votives. and 4) a purely practical reason––that it was not so much the state of pregnancy nor the act of childbirth that was desired. It is important to note. that parents would dedicate votives depicting not pregnancy or the act of birth. pp. but the most desired result. These include: 1) a general lack of respect for the female role in human reproduction in Greek culture. 179 . given the emphasis in Classical art on representing the ideal human form). 146-153). and have been found throughout the Greek world in large numbers. Far more common are figurines that represent seated children and kourotrophos figures. and were probably dedicated for related reasons. Swaddled infant figurines and infant-in-cradle figurines are occasionally found in Greek sanctuaries. parents may well have considered the kourotrophos and seated child figurines more useful in expressing their wishes than those figurines whose iconography was specifically related to pregnancy. to mark the occasion of the presentation of the infant to the god. since the great majority of them are male. Given the complex layers of meaning that a votive of this sort could have. Figurines of seated children may well have been dedicated as votives to request offspring (rather than as thank offerings after birth). or infancy. they were usually dedicated to gods of childbirth and childcare. it is likely that these figurine types served a variety of functions. 180 . reflecting the cultural preference for male children. and to convey the desire for continued protection of the child. but they are few in number. A childbirth votive could easily be expected to convey multiple meanings to the gods. and those that were more generic in their representation could more readily serve a variety of purposes. but also in graves. When they were used as votives. birth. Figurines portraying children and kourotrophoi may have been preferred over infant figurines as a matter of practicality. Since they are found not only in sanctuaries. Votives were often multi-functional.Mediterranean. serving to express the parent’s gratitude for the success of the birth. Both of these types were long lasting. to the 4th century A.6). In general. few reliefs are uncovered through proper excavation. I have cataloged fifteen possible examples. Before examining the reliefs themselves. since the context in which they were used is entirely lost.12. Sigeion).10. one from Asia Minor (3. These reliefs are also scattered over a wide geographical area. One relief lacks provenance (3. however.5. and six from the Cyclades (3.C. In these instances. (3. 3. with only one example dating earlier than the 5th century B. both from Athens).9. and 3.4).11.3) and one example later than the 2nd century B. Most are Classical or Hellenistic in date.15. 3. 3. two from Thessaly (3. 3. from Steleia near Tricca). one from the Propontis (3. from Hippola. therefore. Of the fifteen reliefs. Most frustrating of all are those that are known only from private collections.13. rarely seem to have been dedicated as childbirth votives.C. they are discovered as isolated finds or reused in later structures. near Calchedon).6. two are from Attica (3.14. The dates of these reliefs.1.C. though an extremely popular type of votive in many parts of Greece.7 from Lakonia). from Paros). two from the Peloponnese (3. 3.2 and 3. 3.8. depending on where they have been found and whether they have been inscribed.Votive Reliefs Carved figural reliefs. Using the criteria established above (p. the original context can sometimes be reconstructed. (3. often established on stylistic grounds. One of the greatest problems with using reliefs to reconstruct religious activity is the poor contexts in which they are often found. 97).3. 180 . from Echinos.D. a brief discussion of context is in order. range from the end of the 6th century B. Frequently. which are rarely straightforward. all from Delos. The interpretation of these reliefs is dependent solely upon iconographical clues. it consisted only of a terrace surrounded by a temenos wall.. on the island of Delos. p. The reliefs from this sanctuary are securely connected with childbirth ritual. Although it is likely that many of the others were also used as childbirth votives.8. a small temple. 54. they were not sufficiently preserved to enable conclusions to be drawn about them. but did not reach its height until the 2nd century. see p. The most important of these come from a small rural sanctuary on the southern peak of Mt. 3. and an altar. whose context is known only as "sanctuary of Eileithyia (?). 49. 276 For the sanctuary of Artemis Kalliste in Athens. see above. This was never a large sanctuary. This shrine was identified as a childbirth sanctuary due to a number of female antatomical votives discovered in the area. The sanctuary itself has been identified as that of Artemis Lochia on the basis of both literary evidence and the iconography of the reliefs themselves.1.275 It is worth noting that this sanctuary is the only site to produce several reliefs that have been identified as childbirth votives. 3. It was excavated from a minor shrine of Artemis Kalliste in the Kerameikos of Athens. 3. Four of the better preserved examples have been included in this chapter (3." 274 For this sanctuary. most in fragmentary condition.C.12). Excavations near the temple in the 1920s produced a cache of votive reliefs. 66. 3.276 We may with some misgivings include in this list a small fragment of a relief found on Paros (3.11).5. Kynthos.9. The evidence for identifying this site as a sanctuary of Artemis Lochia. was found in a clear sanctuary context. 275 181 . see p. All the other reliefs discussed in this chapter are isolated examples.274 This sanctuary was established in the 5th century B. One example.Context Only a small number of the votive reliefs considered here have been excavated from secure sanctuary contexts. 3. The statues found in the area. Thessaly. 3. In the case of 3. The earliest of the reliefs. 3. in the same church. too.14.6.277 Among the most interesting of the reliefs is 3. were originally part of private collections and are now housed in various museums.7. not cataloged here. To my knowledge. 40-41. A poorly preserved relief now in the Volos Museum. near the site of Calchedon. and it is a reasonable assumption that the relief was originally dedicated in a nearby sanctuary of this goddess. and 3. pp. 238-240.6. a dedicatory inscription enables us to identify it as a votive to Eileithyia.Far more problematic are those reliefs that have been discovered by accident or found in a reused context.. the precise details of the discovery were not recorded. apparently in a domestic area of the city. Despite the fact that they have been divorced from their original contexts. the sanctuary itself has not been located. we can often reconstruct their use. 278 182 .13. The proximity of both of these reliefs to a nearby sanctuary located on the acropolis of Paliokastro may indicate that they had originally been dedicated there.278 A number of reliefs that are important to this study lack provenance.C.10. 3. Some. was a chance find. Dakoronia 1980. as they may well have been childbirth votives. currently stored in the Delos Archaeological Museum. a very rough relief dated stylistically to the 4th century A. discovered on the east coast of the Bosphoros.15) were found reused in later churches. This relief was recently excavated near the south slope of the ancient city of Echinos. especially since statues of women and children were also found near the relief. Three other reliefs (3. such as 3. and Leto.4 and 3. The shape and iconography of the relief indicates that it was a votive dedicated to Artemis. Unfortunately. are of considerable interest. which represents in unusual detail a mother presenting her child to Artemis. only briefly mentioned in the report by Dakoronia. Panagiotes Kastriotis found another votive relief. depicting Artemis.14. pp. 3. is unusual in that 277 Kastriotis 1903. was found by Kastriotis in a church in Steleia. Apollo. 7. 280 Demangel 1922. since the exceptionally Fig. 281 Euripides. though in the case of 3.it appears to have been a stray find whose circumstances of discovery either were never properly recorded or were subsequently lost. 183 . I.279 This relief played an important role in the identification of the shrine as a childbirth sanctuary. 304-305.T. 300-302. Demangel 1922. which mentions a sanctuary of Artemis Lochia on Mt. Delos XI. the identification of her as Artemis is likely. this 279 Athough only the lower body of the goddess is preserved in this relief. given the fact that she is shown in a short hunting chiton and that other reliefs from this sanctuary clearly depict Artemis or have dedicatory inscriptions in which her name is partially preserved. p. 78.280 Based primarily upon the iconography of 3. Bruneau 1970. Bruneau was less certain of this interpretation.1 and a passage in Euripides' Iphigeneia at Taurus. 1097-1099.281 Interestingly. pp. 46). 46 wide torso of the female worshipper was interpreted by Demangel and Plassart to indicate pregnancy. Kynthos. in most cases. Given their lack of context. a dedicatory inscription identifies it as a votive to Eileithyia. p. Delos XI. pp. 191. Reliefs Depicting Pregnancy Among the various votive reliefs found in the sanctuary of Artemis Lochia on Delos was 3. a poorly preserved and fragmentary relief that depicts a female worshipper offering an animal sacrifice to Artemis. the information that such reliefs may add to the discussion of childbirth votives is minimal. both scholars assumed that this sanctuary was the focus of childbirth and fertility worship.1 (Fig. though. and instead of a single Fig. there is an entire family. despite their poor preservation.2. but her suggestion that it represents a family at the Apaturia is equally 283 184 .1 as pregnant. like the one from Delos (3. depicts a scene of animal sacrifice performed in the presence of a goddess. Fig. an identification which others adopted as well.2 as a childbirth votive. 48. Palagia (1995) rejects this interpretation.283 I have had the opportunity to examine both 3.2 in person.1).relief was the only one found in the sanctuary whose iconography explicitly made reference to fertility or pregnancy. 47). though the poor state of preservation of these reliefs in many cases would make such an identification impossible. Baur pointed out that the woman in the Athenian relief was shown wearing a chiton which noticeably protrudes at the waist. Here. To support the interpretation of the female figure in 3. 47 female worshipper. As a result of this observation. as pigs are often associated with chthonic cult. p. and indeed. the goddess is Athena. Baur 1902. Plassart cited as comparanda a similar relief found on the Athenian Acropolis (3. Baur interpreted 3.282 This relief. 302. As early as 1902. dedicated to Athena as a kourotrophos and childbirth divinity. the abdomen of the female figure in each case does appear 282 Delos XI. p. Lehmann-Hartleben (1926) suggested that the choice of animal to be sacrificed was also significant for interpreting this relief.1 and 3. 284 In fact. there is good evidence to suggest that it was considered both normal and proper for women to visit shrines throughout their pregnancy and to offer animal sacrifices similar to those depicted on the reliefs. the possibility does exist that these figures were intended to represent pregnant women. pp. from the time of conception to the fortieth day of pregnancy. however. 72-75. it is indeed possible that these reliefs depict pregnant figures. as many women would not be aware of their pregnancy during the first 40 days. 48-49) notes. but some examples do exist. Greek women were not allowed in sacred areas. 3. See Parker. 284 The only possible instance of this is found in Censorinus (11. this practice would be difficult to enforce.285 Given the limited evidence at hand. which are discussed below). To my knowledge. The sacrificial scene that comprises the subject of these reliefs is also consistent with what we know of the religious practices of pregnant women in Greece. votive figurines representing pregnancy are also rare. 285 See pp. Although pregnancy was recognized as a time of considerable spiritual and physical vulnerability. 185 .1 and 3. then. As I have indicated in the preceding section. the fact that only two such votives have ever been found. even within those sanctuaries that would have been frequented by pregnant women. If this interpretation is correct. deserves further attention. As Parker (1983. there are some interesting points to consider. 286 See pp. 132-136. This does not mean that we should automatically dismiss the possibility that they are explicit childbirth votives.2 are the only two votive reliefs to depict pregnant women (excluding those that represent women in the act of childbirth. The first is that there are extraordinarily few of these reliefs. One possible reason that votives of this type are even more rare than pregnancy figurines may have to do with the usual pattern of dedicating votives within Greek tenuous. there was no taboo against pregnant women appearing in public.7) which suggests that. From a purely iconographical point of view.larger and more rounded than usual.286 Nevertheless. but the choice of iconography is rather unusual. If this were the case. For. 186 . This is surely significant. it seems that even those who could afford to make such lavish preliminary offerings were rarely inclined to do so. if these are childbirth votives offered by pregnant women to request a safe childbirth. inexpensive gifts could be offered to the gods when a worshipper sought divine aid. Thus. we would not expect them to represent the female worshipper still pregnant. properly clothed and performing an ordinary activity.sanctuaries. but a large marble votive relief might be considered inappropriately expensive for an initial gift. it is not surprising that there are very few large-scale votives that illustrate the state of pregnancy. Here. one might reasonably assume that the pregnancy of the female worshipper would be emphasized as the focal point of the relief. then the size and expense of the reliefs would be perfectly suitable. It is more likely that these reliefs were dedicated as true ex-votos. protruding abdomens to draw attention to their condition. Also extraordinary is the fact that the artists who carved them chose to represent pregnancy in a very subtle manner. While small. This is considerably different from the terracotta figurines examined above. The women in these reliefs are shown in a normal setting. Indeed. costlier gifts in thanks after the prayer had been granted. In this context. in which pregnant female figures are often depicted nude and with very large. the status of pregnancy is so subtly indicated that it has led us to question whether this was the artists' intention at all. it is far more unusual that any might exist at all. If these reliefs were dedicated as thank-offerings for a successful birth. a woman praying for fertility could dedicate a small figurine showing the desired state of pregnancy. Indeed. as offerings of thanks after the fulfillment of one's prayer. it was customary to present larger. especially in regard to the Athenian example (3. Reliefs Depicting Childbirth In comparison to the pregnancy reliefs. Perhaps these two extraordinary reliefs were likewise intended to serve multiple purposes. and. this assumption needs to be reconsidered. 48 187 .2). and to request the god's further assistance. the childbirth reliefs are far more problematic. to remind the divinity to continue to look favorably upon the fortunes of the family. Only three reliefs are Fig.2 could easily serve several functions at once: to thank the divinity for the general prosperity and good fortune enjoyed by the family. If. at the same time. I have already discussed how a single figurine dedicated to a divinity could serve several functions at once: to give thanks for a prayer granted. A dedication like 3. the most likely interpretation of them is that they were dedicated as thank offerings for prosperity and fertility rather than exclusively as childbirth votives. in terms of both their context and their iconography. then. to commemorate an important event. to offer thanks more specifically for the fertility of the marriage. though. A husband and wife may well have regarded the fertility of their marriage in much the same manner that they would regard the fertility of the fields or the success of the family business: all are signs of general prosperity and good fortune granted by the gods. these two reliefs do depict the female worshippers in a state of pregnancy.Perhaps. In the center is a seated figure. 225-245. viewed the scene as illustrating the birth of Athena and argued that it was originally a votive dedicated to Eileithyia in her role as childbirth goddess. who initially published the relief. while the one on the right raises her right hand to her head. The iconographical clues in most cases could be applied to either of the two prevailing interpretations. dated to the end of the 6th century B. It is extremely unfortunate that its context is unknown. and the presence of women who assist this figure are features that are nearly universal in childbirth scenes in all periods of Greek art. The decoration. The first. On either side stands a woman who places her hands on the seated figure in a gesture of support and comfort. as the iconography of the relief has been the subject of considerable debate. Reinach. The fact that the central figure is seated and serves as the focus of attention. Reinach 1901. 48).3 (Fig. most 287 288 See below. The figure on the left holds out both hands towards the seated figure. whose gender is uncertain.287 It is very difficult to go beyond this identification of a generic birth scene in order to determine the specific event that is represented.C. The iconography of this relief is well suited for a birth scene. and the inscription that ran above the figural decoration is so badly preserved that it can be restored to support either view. pp. At the edges of the relief on each side stands a smaller female figure. was a chance find near the city of Calchedon. consists of five figures. in very low relief and not well preserved.included in this group. 188 . however. The relief has been variously interpreted as either a votive depicting the birth of Athena from the head of Zeus or as a funerary stele set up for a woman who died in childbirth.288 Several scholars have followed in this interpretation. facing right. who faces the central scene. 3. 334-342. Mendel 1914. 986 nos. The fact that the seated figure clings to the arms of one of the assistants. p. suggesting that it belonged to the type of funerary monument that depicts women who died in childbirth. Reinach explained the goddess' absence in this relief by suggesting that the artist chose to depict the moment before the birth occurred. 292 The fact that one of the assistants is depicted massaging the head of the seated figure also fits well with the identification of the subject as the birth of Athena. is particularly common. p. the most notable is that the scene is nearly identical to contemporary representations of the birth of Athena on black figure pottery. 11) º EME KATEQHKªENº.294 This interpretation is also supported by iconographical details. 81. 227 no. 232-240. 293 Jeffrey 1955. 292 For this variation of the birth of Athena.recently Pingiatoglu. For examples of these scenes. pp. for example. Cook 1940.293 Jeffrey restored the inscription to read: : [?ELºIKOS ªEMI SHMA O DEINA (c. 417. 291 See. 63. 81-83. whereas this gesture is common in later funerary stelai 289 Lechat 1901.289 A number of details support this identification. 294 Jeffrey 1955.290 In particular. 524. Jeffrey reinterpreted the relief. see pp. who offers the following restoration suggested by Peek: N≥IKOG≥EªNEIA TAIS ELEUQIAºIS EME KATEQH≥K≥EN. In the 1950s. often holding a staff or a thunderbolt in his hands. pp. Fig. p. the arrangement of Zeus seated in the center and flanked by two standing female figures (usually interpreted as the Eileithyiai) who lay their hands upon him to assist in the childbirth. Most vase paintings of the birth of Athena show Zeus in a stoic position. 290 189 . p. see below. for example.291 Though most representations of this myth focus upon Athena springing from her father's head. p. 137. p. The absence of Athena is also attested in several black figure vases. see Penkova 1984. is suggestive of a scene of death in childbirth rather than the birth of Athena. 226-227. 667. On burial monuments depicting death in childbirth. Pingiatoglu 1981. 1905. for servants and slaves were frequently shown in smaller scale than their masters. and suggests that their larger stature is indicative of their status as divinities. p.295 The different sizes of the figures in the relief are also of interest. this gesture could occasionally be used to indicate either surprise or an 295 See Figs. For this difference on death-in-childbirth reliefs.297 Similar elements indicate an interior setting on other funerary stelai of the same genre. On the architectural details in this stele. This posture appears with frequency on funerary monuments. The presence of servants is. in keeping with the setting in which the scene appears to take place. 70-72. This need not be the case. is usually interpreted as a sign of mourning. however.296 The size difference of the figures on this relief therefore is probably indicative of a difference in social status among mortals rather than the difference between divinities and humans. a stele in the Arthur M. but I know of no representations of mortals (either as servants or as worshippers) in artistic representations of the birth of Athena. the gesture of the hand raised to the head. 63-76. and a number of stelai and lekythoi that commemorate death in childbirth have a figure to one side who touches his hand to his forehead. Figs.298 Finally. 296 190 . 298 Cf. 297 Jeffrey 1955. see. The presence of servants in a scene of childbirth is common. see Stewart and Gray 2000.8). 82. Although. Pingiatoglu notes that the two figures that stand beside the throne are larger than the others. Jeffrey noted several elements in the relief that seemed to indicate a domestic setting. including the presence of a wall on the right side of the relief and a hand mirror hanging in the background. as Pingiatoglu and others have observed. as Jeffrey herself noted. made by the small figure on the right side of the relief. Sackler Museum (no. for instance. in fact.depicting scenes of death in childbirth. The only difficulty in conclusively labeling this relief as a funeral stele is presented by the fact that the subject matter is unique for Archaic funerary monuments. The interpretation of this gesture as one of worship is also unlikely. since in vase paintings the only witnesses to the birth of Athena are other divinities. seems somewhat more appropriate for a funerary stele than for a votive relief. in fact. as Jeffrey states.C. but it does seem somewhat unusual that the theme of death in childbirth appeared nowhere else in Greek funerary art for roughly 299 Fig. It is quite possible.attitude of worship. The iconographical evidence. 49 Pingiatoglu 1981. but never in this form. The local artists who carved the relief as part of a funerary monument may well have been inspired by contemporary representations of the birth of Athena in other media. that its similarity with representations of the birth of Athena is due to the popularity of this myth in art at the time that the relief was created. Other examples depicting death in childbirth do not appear until the 4th century B. 191 . Most often.299 In scenes of the birth of Athena. 137. 1-21. p. then. See also Kontoleon 1970. as if startled. It is not impossible. the divinities that witness the event are often shown in an attitude of surprise. the figures hold their hands up and open. that the Archaic artists of Calchedon were more experimental in their approach to subject matter than their mainland counterparts. neither of those meanings seems likely here. pp. Another relief depicting childbirth. 301 See pp. but a birth in which the mother died. There is no inscription to identify the deities. Eileithyia. To the right is a servant or family member who supports the head of the seated woman and cradles the newborn baby in her arm. however. 49). with clothing disheveled. in which the same posture and unkempt appearance are used to indicate that Semele died in the midst of childbirth. 67. The preserved female divinity holds a small torch in her left hand. This relief is exceptional in that it combines standard elements of funerary monuments within a clearly votive context. the iconography is unique. p. is also problematic. This relief is therefore unique in using these iconographical 300 Asklepios and Hygeia: Richter 1954. The slumped posture and disheveled appearance of the new mother and the presence of a female assistant who holds the newborn child are common elements of the death-in-childbirth stelai and lekythoi. stands a female divinity and traces of a second divinity. 44 no. 3.4 (Fig. presumably immediately after having given birth. In the center is a woman.301 These details are not exclusive to funerary monuments. the latter identification is more likely. 192 . At the left of the relief. p. both in larger scale than the other figures.302 Even in this instance. 66. There is at least one vase painting. the image does not portray a successful birth. is unknown. clearly indicating divine status. slumped in her chair. however. The provenance of this relief. 239-240. they have been 300 variously interpreted as Asklepios and Hygeia or Artemis andFig. and like the relief from Calchedon discussed above (3. depicting the death of Semele.3). 302 See pp. Fig. 45 no. 232-240. Given the 49 attribute of the torch and the focus of the scene. Eileithyia and Artemis Lochia: Mitropoulou 1977.two hundred years. currently housed in the New York Metropolitan Museum of Art. only partially preserved. 76. 193 . such as the bared breast of the new mother and the hand-held torch. p. p. prepares to catch the baby as it emerges. and the fact that this relief has no recorded provenance. when the infant's head first becomes visible. Pal. 140 no. 305 For the bared breast as a symbol of distress or defeat. Another assistant at the lower right prepares the birthing implements: a basin and oil for the baby's bath. The image is of a parturient woman. 6. Pingiatoglu’s suspicions about this relief seem well-founded. Phillips' caption for this 303 Cf. She is supported on either side by an assistant. The physical presence of the divinities is also an unusual feature.271. I would also agree that. the uniqueness of the theme. Stewart and Gray 2000. p. 262 n. though only in passing. A midwife. although the bared breast is common in contemporary scenes of childbirth. 178 n. most representations of childbirth goddesses depict a torch with a handle that reaches to the ground. Illustrated in Greek Medicine by Eustace Phillips is a surprisingly graphic relief of childbirth (Fig. depicted at the lower left. Euripides. see Cohen 1997.146. Anth. See also Vedder 1988. were cause for suspicion. Pingiatoglu argued that certain details. 81. one of whom places her hand on the woman's abdomen. Hymn to Artemis 20-25. 165. unusual for a divine attribute. I know of no other artistic representations of divine participants at a human birth. 27.304 The torch type with a short handle is. Anth. it is more appropriate for a woman who died in childbirth than for a grateful votary whose childbirth was successful. One final relief may be mentioned here.305 Given these iconographical peculiarities. Pal. Anth. perhaps massaging it.273. Callimachus. fully nude. Pal. 6. 6. She is depicted at the moment of crowning. 50). in a squatting position on a birthing stool. Though this depiction is certainly in keeping with literary references that imply that the attendance of the gods at the time of birth was desired. as Pingiatoglu commented.details within the context of a successful birth.303 The authenticity of the relief has recently been questioned. 7. 304 Pingiatoglu 1981. Hipp. p. for example French 1986. 307 194 . 232-240. behind which appears the divinity. none appears in the Classical period. this is by far the most explicit childbirth representation in all of Greek art. see pp. classical Greek funerary reliefs do not. 8. Indeed. Ostia). it is hard to imagine in what context such a relief would have been used. 3. 3 (a marble relief from the Silvestro Baglioni collection). 3. 306 Phillips 1973.7. The details of the relief. and the various implements used in birth are unique in classical Greek art. The same image is illustrated in Siegerist 1961. and 3. 3. For Roman birth scenes. 1 (terracotta relief from the Isola Sacra. 308 Accurate depictions of childbirth in Greek votives include Baubo figurines (mostly Hellenistic in date). For Greek funerary monuments. pl. although some Greek votive figurines depict birth groupings and Fig.308 Scenes of Sacrifice A number of reliefs depict generic sacrifice scenes similar to those found in many Greek sanctuaries (3. 50 parturient women with a considerable degree of accuracy. and terracotta Cypriot childbirth groups (Archaic period).8. when depictions of female nudity were rare." 306 I have been unable to discover any additional information about this artifact. 316 fig. the squatting position of the parturient mother on the birthing chair.5.307 And. Standard elements of these reliefs include one or more worshippers standing before an altar. see.relief describes it only as "a fifth-century BC relief showing a birth. 2 (an ivory plaque from Pompeii) and pl. the position of the midwife. If it is genuine. Though Roman tombs frequently depict accurate birth scenes in such detail.9). such as the crowning baby.6. pl. 3. fig. One relief.309 The identification of this name as an epithet of Artemis is assured by a passage in Pausanias that mentions a sanctuary of Artemis Kalliste in the area. dedicated to Artemis Kalliste. In the case of 3. 3.5 and 1.6. 3. the goddess is shown wearing a long chiton and holding a torch. an attribute well attested for Artemis. but in both cases.29. other reliefs found in the same sanctuary on Delos identify the goddess as Artemis Lochia.5. Three other reliefs.5 (Fig.8. 195 . 51 309 310 These votives (1. are unfortunately too fragmentary to preserve the figure of the divinity.53) are discussed above. was excavated in the Athenian Kerameikos near several female anatomical votives with dedicatory inscriptions to Kalliste.5. and 3.Two of these reliefs. has been interpreted as a childbirth votive by Philadelpheus.2. inscriptions record that the relief was dedicated to Eileithyia. This relief.9.9. may be assigned to Artemis on the basis of iconographical evidence and the location in which they were found.7 and 3. 3. who regarded the presence of several female anatomical Fig. Pausanias 1.8 and 3. The identification of 3. the identification of the goddess in each of these cases is strengthened by other votives found in the same area that preserve the name of the goddess in dedicatory inscriptions. 3. In each of these reliefs. The fact that they were dedicated to Eileithyia and to Artemis Lochia makes their connection to childbirth quite likely.310 The interpretation of these reliefs as childbirth votives in most cases is determined by the nature of the goddesses to whom they were dedicated. 53) as a childbirth votive is the least secure. Fig.8.6) and one of the reliefs from Delos (3. Despite the presence of children on most of the reliefs. The 4th century A. Fig. Roussel 1927. relief from Hippola (3. 51) each have three children accompanying the adult worshippers. and in a Lakonian relief (3. The fact that no children are portrayed on this relief led Rousselle to interpret it as a dedication offered as an appeal to Artemis for fertility. 53). 52 standing in the same pose as the larger figures. and in the relief from Hippola (3. 52) has two adult female figures and one female child.5. Fig.7. who watch their parents pray to Artemis but who do not participate in the activity themselves. In the case of the Kalliste relief (3. 51) depicts an entire family. a small figure at the far right of the relief.8. a single adult female leads three children to the altar. only two of them seem to depict family groupings. the worshippers consist of an adult male and an adult female without children. though depicted as a miniature adult wearing the same clothing and Fig. rather than families. Unlike the reliefs to Artemis that I have just discussed. inscribed to Eileithyia (3. in which a couple is shown with their three small children. Fig.7. The Lakonian relief. 52).312 The relief from Delos (3. see also Roussel 1927.D. Fig.311 A number of different configurations of worshippers are shown on these reliefs. including fertility and childbirth.6). those that were dedicated to Eileithyia represent only female figures and children. 196 . 311 312 Philadelpheus 1927.votives in the area as evidence that this cult of Artemis was focused on female concerns. Children are present on several examples. is probably intended to represent a child rather than a servant. These figures most likely represent a married couple. other reliefs do not support such conclusions. Fig. especially pl. 46). however. We might assume that Artemis. Such reliefs would have been useful for any number of occasions. would be the focus of family worship.8 came. seems to have received worship from female worshippers acting alone as well as families (3. to try to draw a distinction in the types of worshippers who frequented the sanctuaries of these two goddesses. and would be an appropriate thank offering to the divinity while serving as a constant reminder to the god to Fig. 53 including the increase of the family through the birth of a child. and may have originally contained other figures. from which 3. Such a distinction is undoubtedly false.313 The reliefs depicting scenes of sacrifice should be interpreted in much the same way as the pregnancy reliefs discussed above. These four reliefs in themselves do not constitute a sample large enough to draw inferences of this sort. 197 . while a lesser goddess such as Eileithyia would receive the exclusive worship of women. which were probably a more specific variation of this rather generic votive type.314 313 It must be noted. as a more mainstream Olympian divinity.1. Fig. on the basis of these reliefs.It is tempting. however. 54 continue to keep the family in his or her care. On these. 104 and 105. 314 We might compare similar reliefs found at Brauron that depict families with small children making sacrifices to Artemis and to the Apolline triad. For instance. in addition. the sanctuary of Artemis Lochia on Delos. that many of the reliefs from this sanctuary are in very fragmentary condition. see Kondis 1967. The scene represented in the relief.10 (Fig. in her left hand she holds a torch. on the right. though the probability of this identification is quite strong. These reliefs are extraordinarily difficult to interpret.C. which was first established around this time. 167. shows a similar scene in which a female worshipper stands before the goddess. 198 . see above. though Eileithyia could also be represented holding a torch.C. For both of these sanctuaries. rather than from the sanctuary of Eileithyia. at least four other reliefs depict scenes of worship. The best preserved of the group is 3. given the fact that both Artemis and Eileithyia were worshipped in this capacity on the island. inscription. no. the relief decoration on a votive stele from the city of Gonnoi.Other Scenes of Worship In addition to scenes of sacrifice. and a larger female divinity standing on the left. though quite generic. which is first mentioned in a late 4th century B. The decoration consists of only two figures: a female worshipper. however. inscribed to Artemis Euonymos. in small scale. The goddess leans her right arm on a pillar. 55 The relief itself has been dated to the 5th century B. since most are fragmentary and poorly preserved. and whose exact findspot is no longer known. 55). a relief found on Delos during early exploration of the island. Gonnoi II. for example. That stele. Since sanctuaries of both goddesses existed on Delos. 316 We may compare. then the relief may well have come from the sanctuary of Artemis. The iconography of the goddess is consistent with that of Artemis. is also suitable for a childbirth votive. on stylistic grounds. 49-52. If this date is correct. pp.315 Nor is it possible to securely identify this as a childbirth votive.316 It is possible that such scenes of worshippers and divinities were 315 Fig. we cannot conclusively assign the relief to either. where there was an important sanctuary of Eileithyia. Although the identification of the figure is not certain." It is worth noting that the sanctuary of Eileithyia on this island had numerous rock-cut niches that could easily have accommodated a relief of this size. its context was recorded simply as "Eileithyia sanctuary (?). 3. See Pingiatoglu 1981. We might interpret another relief.11 may have served a function similar to that of the terracotta kourotrophos figurines that were 317 Pingiatoglu suggests. since it was found on the island of Paros. Her right hand is raised. She is portrayed in an unusual frontal position. 56) in a similar light. If this were the case. 199 . that this figure may represent the goddess rather than her worshipper. p. The relief. 57 circumstances of its discovery are unknown. In this case.regarded as simplified versions of sacrifice scenes.317 This relief may only tentatively be considered a childbirth votive. 3. Although the exact place and Fig. palm forward. the gesture of the raised hand is better suited for a worshipper than for a Fig. this relief may have come from the Eileithyia sanctuary. in very fragmentary condition.11 (Fig. in fact. shown looking directly at the viewer. the imagery has been pared down even further. in which the relationship between the worshipper and divinity is made the focus. 56 goddess.318 Although speculative due to the poor preservation of the relief. it is possible that the figure in this relief originally held a small child or infant in her other arm. appears to depict a single female figure. 123. all of which depict the parturient woman on a chair or bed. Compare with scenes of death in childbirth on 4th century B. 113.6. On the kneeling birthing posture. most birth scenes include at least one other female figure assisting in the birth.320 It is possible. Other depictions of this myth tend to illustrate the goddess seated in a chair. several examples of terracotta figurines of the seated child type were dedicated there. as Pingiatoglu suggests. 57) illustrates an unusual scene. 45-46. Leto grasps a palm tree during her delivery. Although no kourotrophos figurines were found in the sanctuary of Eileithyia at Paros. For the type. however. or possibly because this was more in keeping with contemporary practices.319 One of the numerous relief fragments from the sanctuary of Artemis Lochia on Delos (3.321 This theme would certainly be congruent with the cult of Artemis as a childbirth divinity. funerary stelai and lekythoi.12. p. 321 Pingiatoglu 1981. for example. the figure holding a torch could easily be interpreted as Artemis. bending over. as well as a marble relief of the same type. 66) in which Leto is shown surrounded by numerous 319 200 . an Eretrian pyxis (Fig. The most likely explanation is that this relief is in some way related to the myth of the birth of Apollo.so popular in childbirth sanctuaries. 232-239. A female figure is shown holding a large torch in her right hand and. The unusual posture calls for further examination.322 The fact that the goddess is depicted alone during her travail is also unusual. 322 Artistic depictions of Leto seated on a birthing chair contradict the Homeric Hymn to Apollo . Theognis.323 Given the importance of Artemis 318 For the sanctuary of Eileithyia at Paros. pp. and served as a visual reminder of Artemis' role as midwife. If she were standing upright. 150-155. 127. Yet. 3. El. See Pingiatoglu 1981. 136-149. In early versions of this story. 323 Compare. 1. p. It may be that the Classical artists who illustrated this myth chose to depict Leto's birth in a seated position rather than kneeling because it was considered somewhat more dignified. see pp.C. see pp. this interpretation is not entirely convincing. Though corresponding with literary sources that describe Leto's use of a palm tree during birth. as is standard in most representations of mythical birth scenes. that this relief represents the birth of Apollo by Leto. Fig. she leans against an object that is often identified as the trunk of a palm tree. which mentions that Leto gave birth in a kneeling position. 117. see pp. These are discussed above.12 lacks a number of iconographical clues that usually accompany birth scenes in Greek art. 320 Homeric Hymn to Apollo. in this myth. often touching or supporting her from behind. Presentation of the Child to the Gods Among the most interesting and important reliefs to be examined here is a marble votive relief that was excavated in 1979 on a plot of land near the south slope of the Acropolis of Echinos in Northern Greece (3.324 Most scenes of childbirth tend to depict assistants and midwives standing very close to the parturient woman. it is unique in its depiction of a specific ritual associated with Fig. since this is the only space possible for an additional figure. 58). Dated stylistically to end of the 5th century B. If she did originally appear in this relief. one might expect this goddess to be represented on the relief in her role as divine midwife. she would have been shown standing in front of Leto on a part of the relief no longer preserved.13. Fig. as Pingiatoglu suggests. this shrine on Mt.. 324 Even if. however. Pingitatoglu 1981. the depiction of Artemis standing to one side rather than actively helping in the birth would have presented quite an awkward scene. 201 . 58 other goddesses. it is unlikely that a relief depicting Leto in labor would have failed to represent Artemis in the role of midwife. 117-118.C. pp. Kynthos was sacred to both Leto and Artemis. pp. see pp. The child leans forward and reaches out to Artemis. who raises her hand toward the goddess in a gesture of worship. 220-224. The animal represented here appears to be a bull. led by a young temple assistant who prepares to slaughter a very small bull.326 Behind the assistant is an adult female worshipper. 328 Dakoronia and Gounaropoulou 1992.childbirth: the presentation of the newborn child to the gods. p. 212215. p. 326 202 . 34-35. that what is represented here is not the presentation of a newborn after birth. At the far right is Artemis. On the dedication of clothing for childbirth. Such items. 221. as symbols of fertility. a myrtle branch. but perhaps a similar ritual performed for an 325 On this practice. A quiver is just visible behind her right shoulder. and a cluster of grapes. 222. standing before her altar and holding a torch in her right hand. those articles that new mothers dedicated as childbirth offerings to Artemis. a pomegranate. 329 Dakoronia and Gounaropoulou 1992. 91-94.330 The fact that it is a child represented in this relief rather than a newborn infant is somewhat perplexing. as Dakronia and Gounaropoulou suggest. Cole 1998.329 These include an apple. were likely offerings to celebrate a successful birth. see pp.327 The clothes hanging in the background may well be. as it has horns. At the far left is a veiled adult female. 327 Dakoronia and Gounaropoulou 1992. This relief has been interpreted as a childbirth votive illustrating the first presentation of the infant to the goddess after birth. It is possible. of course. 330 The practice of offering food and drink in thanks for childbirth is discussed below.328 The authors also noted that the food offerings carried by the servant in the relief have connotations of fertility. Approaching the altar is a string of worshippers.325 The relief depicts six figures in all. small cakes. who carries a small child in her extended arms. pp. Further to the left is a female servant who carries a tray of food offerings on her head and a vessel in her right hand. but its disproportionately small size makes one wonder whether the artist simply ran out of room or whether he had intended to convey a calf. 38. Hamilton despairingly remarks: "…close study of the choes on display in Eleusis and at the National Museum at Athens convinced me that there is no objective way to differentiate ages among small children: 'fat baby' is more a matter of style than of social realism. and that. pp. and began to adopt standard conventions for depicting children as distinct from adults. Golden 1990. 32. there is a danger in placing too much emphasis on the age of the child as well. 203 . 72.. The identification of the age of figures in Greek art based upon iconography is notoriously difficult. Clairmont 1993. 333 Beaumont 1994.331 According to Sourvinou-Inwood. Sourvinou-Inwood 1988. p. 332 Sourvinou-Inwood 1988. although people undoubtedly made finer distinctions among the different ages of children in everyday life. p. the details that suggest that this is a childbirth relief. Yet.335 Although Beaumont is quick to point out that trends in the artistic representation of children undoubtedly had both regional and chronological variations. before approximately 430 B. p. 92-4." Hamilton 1991.334 Her findings indicate that these three broad periods reflect general Greek thinking on the phases of childhood. children were frequently represented in Attic art as miniature adults. and older childhood (from the time of schooling for boys at around seven years of age to the time of puberty at around thirteen or fourteen). artists became increasingly interested in more naturalistic representations of children. After this time. 334 Beaumont 1994. There is no way to tell for certain. n. young childhood (roughly from the ages of three to seven). cannot conclusively prove this identification. 18.older child or toddler. 335 Beaumont 1994.333 Beaumont distinguished three broad periods of childhood represented in Classical Attic art: infancy (from birth to three years of age). these major phases were the way that Classical Athenian artists chose to represent children in art.332 Recent studies have attempted to address this issue with considerable success. her conclusions 331 Concerning age differentiation among repesentations of children in Greek art.C. namely the clothing hanging in the sanctuary and the foods on the offering tray. particularly when it comes to children. A mediocre relief discovered reused in a church in Thessaly (3. 59 336 p. 162. 338 An exception to this may be found in Classical Attic tombstones. as the presentation of the infant to the gods would likely have occurred after the time when swaddling clothes were no longer used. which quite frequently depict newborn infants in swaddling clothes. the representation of a baby or toddler at any stage of development may have been enough to indicate to the Greek viewer the idea of "baby. however." but that signifies to modern viewers an older child. despite the subject that they depict.13 may therefore depict the initial presentation of the infant in the first few months of life using iconography that a Greek audience may have read simply as "baby. though. that this pattern of representation in childbirth votives is a result of the fact that Greek artists rarely made a distinction between newborn infants and an older babies/toddlers. Fig. 337 204 ." 3. 59) Fig.336 This indeed may be the case with 3.337 It is also possible. Several other reliefs show similar scenes of the presentation of a child to the gods. and their use as childbirth votives is unlikely. It is often thought that the presence of these infants in swaddling clothes on tombstones was intended to indicate that the deceased died very soon after childbirth.338 In artistic terms. One would not expect a swaddled infant to be portrayed here.13 as well.concerning the broad chronological stages of childhood development may be safely applied to most Greek art from at least the Archaic and Classical times. The exact nature of these reliefs is uncertain. I have suggested above that figurines used for childbirth purposes more frequently depicted older babies or toddlers rather than newborn infants because parents preferred the more generic representations.14. there may well have been a need to make a clear distinction between newborn infant and older child. In these instances. however. 60 One other example (3. one male and one female. An unusual funerary relief from Icaria with a similar scene. Two other figures stand to the left. One woman carries a swaddled infant in each arm. This relief was originally 339 Kastriotis 1903. carries a large basket and gabled box. and suggested that this relief was originally dedicated to Eileithyia as a childbirth votive.340 Fig.339 It seems to me that this scene would be better interpreted as an adult couple presenting their child to a seated goddess. 60) should be mentioned here. He explained the unusual iconography of these reliefs as illustrating the most important moment in the life of a small child. was interpreted by Kontoleon as the gravestone of a young child. Kastriotis interpreted the large seated figure as a mother and the other figures as her children. probably a servant. 205 .depicts a female figure in large scale. The third woman. seated and draped. as it sheds light upon the interpretation of such scenes. 40-41. another woman carries a third infant in swaddling clothes. Despite the iconography. in which several family members seem to "present" a small child to a seated female figure. namely the presentation of the child to a kourotrophic divinity. She is approached by several female figures.15. two on the left and one on the right. facing right. It was found reused in a church in Sigeion. the use of such a relief as a votive is not certain. pp. Fig. In the center is a seated female figure. A small child leans upon her knees and gazes up at her. 341 Although the representation is somewhat different than the other scenes that depict the presentation of a child to the gods. It is quite possible that these votives were intended as thank offerings for the good fortunes of the family in general. I.4. no. 3. The three reliefs that show scenes of childbirth (3. It is possible that other reliefs that were dedicated as childbirth votives have failed to be identified as such because the iconography of many of these reliefs is rarely explicitly associated with childbirth. Summary It appears that some families did dedicate reliefs as childbirth votives. except in the sanctuary of Artemis Lochia on Delos. 50) are all highly problematic. only two depict what are thought to be pregnant worshippers (3. of which fertility was an important part. More recently.thought to be votive in nature. fig. 12.1. depicting the presentation of infant triplets and offerings to a seated goddess. it does suggest that such scenes can appear on funerary monuments. 340 341 Kontoleon 1970. 19-21. 3. 206 . Of the fifteen reliefs examined here. Clairmont 1993.2).13). it has been shown that this relief formed part of a trapeza that held a funerary stele. and none may be confidently interpreted as a childbirth votive. 194. and the extraordinary uncataloged relief discussed on p. the presentation of the child to the gods (3. pp. The great majority of reliefs offered as childbirth votives show generic scenes of sacrifice or worship. Only one relief definitely depicts a specific ritual performed after childbirth. however. where they were found in abundance. and serves as a reminder that great care must be taken in using iconography alone to interpret reliefs. though this type of offering does not seem to have been particularly common.3. see Beaumont 1994. 61 identical to that of the seated child figurines discussed 342 Many statue bases with dedicatory inscriptions to Eileithyia are included in Pingiatoglu’s catalog of inscriptional evidence. from approximately ten years of age to infants. and since few of the statues themselves survive. because so many of the statue bases lack both context and iconographical information. 207 . Nevertheless. Numerous bases dedicated to Eileithyia and Artemis indicate that statues were a common votive gift to the goddesses of childbirth. Nevertheless. or exist only in fragmentary form. pp.343 Boys are usually shown nude. chubby limbs. since they were often recycled so their materials could be reused. in a variety of postures. For a discussion of the representation of childhood in Greek art.Statues and Statue Bases Statues are among the most common votives found in Greek sanctuaries.342 These statues are generally slightly less than life-size. these votives varied in size from larger-than-life colossai to small statuettes. either standing or seated on the ground with one leg raised in a posture Fig. It is likely that these statues depicted a wide range of themes. I have restricted my discussion to a single type of sculpture. the fact that many of these figures tend to have full. and depict young children. Many of these popular votives no longer survive in the archaeological record. 120-123 and 153-169. 343 Although the determination of age through iconography is always problematical. carved from marble or cast in bronze. round cheeks. for which good evidence exists. and large heads suggests that the artist intended to portray a very young child. A very thorough discussion of these statues is provided by Vorster 1983. based on surviving examples and from epigraphical records (often in the form of surviving statue bases) it is often possible to deduce their presence in sanctuaries. See Pingiatoglu 1981. 161-162. 595. smaller numbers were dedicated in various sanctuaries of Apollo. 75). 48-84. 16-17 and figs. Orlandos 1960. Daux 1960. Though all are clothed. their faces are. see Vorster 1983. with full cheeks and slight smiles. Orlandos 1959. and 173. pp. pp. 61). they are shown in an assortment of poses. Numerous. pp. 23-24 and figs. 92. Artemis. In addition to the main concentrations of statues discussed in detail here.344 The representations of girls are more variable. 137. 347 Orlandos 1958. pp. very youthful in appearance. and even larger numbers were dedicated to childbirth or kourotrophos divinities. Others are seated on the ground in a posture similar to that adopted by the boys (Fig. pp. examples of marble statues of young girls were discovered in the course of excavations of the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron from 1948-1962. Despite the fact that these statues do not depict the girls actively participating in ritual. nos. in general.347 In addition to the many statues of 344 See pp. and range in date from the 5th century B. particularly to divinities of healing and childbirth. Many of the statues portray young girls standing and holding an animal. 62). to Roman times. often a bird or rabbit (Fig. p.346 They generally depict the girls standing and holding a small animal. Vorster 1983.above. 665-666. 38 and 39.C. 639-640. 36-37 and figs. These sculptures were particularly popular in Attica. Daux 1959. Daux 1961. 345 208 . the participants in the arkteia who dressed as bears and danced in honor of Artemis. though most date to the late Classical and early Hellenistic periods. they are usually referred to as dedications representing the arktoi. though some statues do appear to depict older children (Fig. 36. 172. and Demeter. 32 and 33. 15-17. mostly fragmentary. 346 These finds are only partially published. usually wearing a thin chiton. For a useful summary of the major find-spots. Numerous examples of these statues were dedicated to Asklepios and Amphiaraos. pp. 91a. These statues are mainly found in sanctuary contexts or with inscriptions that would suggest their use as votive dedications.345 I discuss below some of the larger concentrations of these statues from sanctuaries of childbirth divinities. cat. See Orlandos 1958. p. 93. Pingiatoglu (1981. following Svoronas. 187 ) and 335 (IG XII 5. 29 fig.351 Large numbers of statue bases dedicated to that goddess under the epithets Eileithyia and Lochia were also reused in the Byzantine fortress. 52-55. 134. pp. p. 281. several statues and statuettes of young boys were also found at Brauron. incompletely preserved. 22. it is quite likely that they represent votives for Artemis. at least thirteen fragmentary examples of young boys were discovered. 196) 209 . Vorster 1983. Baur (1902. p. See de Ridder 1922. p. three examples bore dedicatory inscriptions that indicated that the statue was dedicated for the sake of a child. 30-35.348 These are often explained as dedications to Artemis in her role as a kourotrophos. n. p. 224). 38. the large number of dedicatory inscriptions to Artemis and the types of statues found (including numerous statues of adult women) suggest that they were dedications to Artemis rather than to Asklepios. but their provenance is uncertain due to poor recording techniques of the original excavators. 103-104.353 Of the many statue bases that were recovered from the Eileithyia sanctuary. p. 37 and IG VII. 351 De Ridder. including ten bases whose inscriptions suggest that they held statues of children. 350 Boys: de Ridder 1922. 297 (IG XII 5. numerous Hellenistic statues were found reused as building material in the walls of the Byzantine fortress. 224. pp. 27. 189). 51) notes the existence of two unpublished marble statues of squatting boys from the sanctuary of Eileithyia. 279. 32. Two other examples. 352 Pingiatoglu 1981. p. p. 274) and Plassart (1926. interpreted them as children of Asklepios. with no recorded provenance. 124 no. though several fragments now in the Paros museum likely came from this sanctuary. See Pingiatoglu 1981. 104 n. p. 354 Paros museum nos. See Pingiatoglu 1981. however. nos.girls. The formula of these inscriptions is usually: "(names of parents) dedicated (name of child) to Artemis Eileithyia. are restored with similar dedications. According to de Ridder's publication of these finds.354 As 348 One statue mentioned in Orlandos 1960. 1871-1872. girls: nos. and four examples of girls. This may well have been the “minature marble copy” that Baur mentions. p. 336 (IG XII 5. 262 (IG XII 5.352 The sanctuary of Eileithyia at Paros also seems to have received a number of children statues. Svoronas 1909. Most of these statues no longer survive. In the storeroom of the Paros museum I saw a very worn relief. See Paros museum no. 411-412) convincingly argue that when one regards the assemblage as a whole.349 At Thespiae. 195). Plassart 1926. nos. several marble statuettes illustrated in Orlandos 1960. 12-21 and no. 23-24. that depicted a nude male child in the typical seated child posture.350 Although the statues had been removed from their original context. 349 Kahil 1965." 353 At least one marble head of a young girl came from this sanctuary (Paros museum no. Several other statuary fragments from Paros might have come from the Eileithyia sanctuary. Pingiatoglu 1981. 1.357 Two of the statues are standing. however. 4-6) and Price (1978. Three of the girls hold animals. NM nos. 356 The statues are currently on display in the National Museum. p. this identification is by no means secure. 1. For the identification of these statues as childbirth votives to Eileithyia. No dedicatory inscriptions survive to aid in their interpretation. 62).356 These are dated stylistically to the 3rd century B. since the place where these statues were found does not correspond with literary descriptions of the sanctuary of Eileithyia. pp.1. 62 Less securely identified are four marble statues of young girls discovered near the Ilisos in Attica in 1878. It is worth noting. pp. it is impossible to determine how many of them originally held children statues.). p. pl. that the small size of the bases and the shape of the cuttings would lend themselves well to statues of children. 87-89) accepted them as votives to Eileithyia but believed they represented daughters of Asklepios.355 Fig. 123-126) both interpreted them as representing arrephoroi who served in the cult of Eileithyia. 73. 61-65. see above p.C. 357 Karousou 1957.359 and IG XII 5. 358 For the sanctuary. Burkert (1966. p. 80 and n. though. see Karousou 1992. 72-73.most of the bases found in this sanctuary were too fragmentary to fully restore the inscriptions. 104. 124 and n. 210 . 355 These niches are illustrated in Pingiatoglu 1981. These small statues would also have fit nicely into the many deep niches that were cut into the rock face around the sanctuary. Svoronas (1917. the other two are seated on the ground (Fig. while the fourth. but epigraphical evidence attests that a sanctuary of Eileithyia existed in the area. 50. leading most scholars to interpret them as dedications to Eileithyia. an infant. pp. raises her arms in a gesture that is often employed in Greek depictions of babies. 359 Vorster 1983. pp. 693-696. 209 (no museum no.358 As Vorster has noted. p. pp. 249.360 More recent scholarship on the subject has rejected this interpretation in favor of viewing them as representations of mortal children.361 Given the lack of divine attributes. Svoronas 1917.362 The reason for the dedication of the children statues is equally difficult to ascertain. 639-640. 665-666. Orlandos 1960.363 Indeed. pp. 23-24. Daux 1961. pp. it is difficult to interpret them with any degree of certainty. pp. since they also frequently appear on children's tombstones. 362 Vorster (1983. 4) they were childbirth votives given in thanks for successful birth. 216-221. are in fact merely intended to represent children's playthings.Interpretation Given the rather generic iconography of the children sculptures. 16-17. Rühfel 1984. since they are rarely found with their inscribed bases or in their original context. 36-37. 361 Vorster 1983. Sculptures of young girls have been frequently interpreted as dedications made to mark the child's participation in a particular ritual or rite of passage. 595. p. Orlandos 1959. Daux 1960. and this interpretation has been widely accepted. Kahil 1965. At least four good possibilities exist: 1) they commemorate the child's participation in an important ritual. this interpretation seems far more likely. p. 49) argues convincingly that the objects and animals that the children hold. in large part due to the rich collection of children sculptures from Brauron. pp. pp. Svoronas argued that they should be seen as the children of Asklepios. 2) they were dedicated to commemorate the child's service to the divinity in some cult duty. 22. As 360 Most notably. which have often been interpreted as attributes of a particular divinity. The many statues of girls found in the sanctuary of Artemis were interpreted by the excavator as dedications to commemorate their participation in the arkteia. 211 . the identification of sculptures of young girls as arktoi became so standard that it influenced the interpretation of similar sculptures at other sites. p. Karousou 1957. Early scholars often classified them as representations of mythological or divine characters. 363 Orlandos 1958. See Svoronas 1909. Daux 1959. 3) they were dedicated to the god for the health or protection of the child. Each of these possible explanations deserves further consideration. mostly seem to depict very young children. Although the age at which girls participated in the arkteia is somewhat uncertain. More importantly. daughter of Damarchidas. 367 Vorster 1983. a[r kto" h{ Braurwnivo". Suda s. nos.369 The third base bore an inscription stating that Demonikos and his wife Timarchis. 4. dedicated a statue of their daughter Mego. three statue bases record the dedication of such statues to Artemis.365 The sculptures at Brauron. p. p. 369 SEG XXIII. however. Sourvinou-Inwood 1988. Deubner 1932. Schol. Lys.364 Not only does it leave unexplained the reason why statues of young boys were also found at Brauron. At the sanctuary of Artemis Ortheia at Messene. they depict girls dressed in everyday attire. 365 212 . however. wearing a chiton and sometimes a mantle. 207 and n. both of whom had served the goddess. 221. as described in literature and represented in vase paintings.367 Given all of these factors. pp. 645.368 Two of the bases have inscriptions similar to those found at other sites.Christiane Vorster has noted. the sculptures do not portray the girls wearing the krokotos. Sculptures of children from some sites do commemorate cult participation. including some examples of infants. it is difficult to interpret the statues at Brauron as exclusively representing arktoi. Lys. see Aristophanes.366 Instead. The epigram on the base then explained that Mego had 364 Vorster 1983. this interpretation greatly oversimplifies the evidence. but it also does not adequately fit the iconographical evidence of the girl sculptures. Themelis 1994. 368 SEG XXIII. 115. Arist. it is generally assumed that the function of the ritual was to prepare prepubescent girls for the roles that they would adopt as wives and mothers.v. 442. 221 and 222. stating simply that the parents have dedicated an image of their daughter to the goddess. 57. the distinctive saffron-colored robe that was the costume of the arktoi. p. 62-63. 220. For the age of the arktoi. and 222. nos. 366 Kahil 1965. 371 Similarly. 4247. standing and holding the xoanon in her left hand. as Vorster argues. p. 296-301. 3486. therefore. 3528. Themelis 1994. The life-size statue depicts a young girl dressed in a chiton. 3488.v. p. 3482. 3496. Harpocration s. see Pausanias 1. 373 For the arrephoroi. like those at Eleusis. 19 and 20.374 None of the statues belonging to these bases has been found. 3465. the lack of specific iconography and inscriptional evidence for most examples gives no indication that they were dedicated for this purpose. from seventeen statue bases found on the Athenian acropolis. young girls who served in the cult of Athena prior to the celebration of the Panathenaic festival at Athens.370 Themelis paired sculptural remains found in the sanctuary with this base. the best-known example is the arrephoroi.27. ajrrhforei'n. 3497. we know that proud Athenian parents did celebrate their daughter's participation as arrephoroi by setting up statues of them. 374 IG II/III2. 3470-3473. See Themelis 1994. The consecration of children for temporary service at a temple was not uncommon. we may conclude that while it is possible that some of the statues of children were dedicated to commemorate cult participation in important rituals. 116-117 and figs. 3554. that the statues. but it is quite likely. the iconography of these statues is very specific to the ritual that was observed. 3556. 220. 3555. would have depicted the girls with specific attributes to indicate their status as 370 SEG XXIII.373 Indeed. pp. and indeed. 115 and n. 23 for additional bibliography. 260-274 and additional citations there. Mansfield 1985. A similar argument may be made for the explanation that the sculptures represent children acting as cult servants. a small number of sculptures of young boys was found at Eleusis. 3461. 372 Vorster 1983. p. 3515. 77. Mansfield 1985. 371 213 . pp. 3466. no. these depict boys wearing himations and holding piglets and torches or bundles of twigs.carried the xoanon of Artemis and had touched her torch to the altar of Ortheia. 3516. unlike most of the examples under discussion. Given the evidence at hand.372 Unlike the Brauron sculptures.3. called hersephoroi. 104. however. the fact that one of the statues depicts an infant who was far too young to have served as a cult assistant makes this explanation unlikely. p. since their presence in the sanctuary served as a constant reminder to the divinity.147. pp.378 Votives actually depicting the person to be protected were most effective. pp. 4-6. 377 IG II2. pp. the arrephoroi wore a distinctive white garment. 268-270. It is uncertain whether the statues originated from this sanctuary of Eileithyia in the first place. Pal. In the epigram. 124 and n. A far more probable explanation is that the statues were dedicated to the gods in order to seek divine protection for the child. 5099. 72-74.arrephoroi. 6. which are thought to be from a nearby sanctuary of Eileithyia. Pingiatoglu 1981. E36. 252.380 This interpretation fits very well with the evidence of the sculptures. 78-79. For evidence for the white dress of the arrephoroi.355. see van Straten 1981. Vorster 1983. have sometimes been interpreted as cult servants of Eileithyia. Pal. but assuming that they did. p. van Straten 1981. pp.377 The interpretation of the statues as hersephoroi is quite dubious. p. 271-272. errhephoroi. pp. For a discussion of the generic meaning of the words arrephoroi. 380 Anth. and hersephoroi as female cult servants in Athenian cults. 6. Versnel 1981. see Mansfield 1985. 158 no. for example. pp. a mother dedicates an image of her child to Dionysus as a request for his help in its growth and upbringing. 8. 103-104. see Mansfield 1985. p. Anth.376 Epigraphical evidence attests to young cult servants. 375 The four statues of girls found in Agrai. 378 See. According to literary accounts. There is good evidence for this interpretation. 123-126. The practice of dedicating votives in order to place people and even animals under the care of a divinity is well known from literary and epigraphical sources. Not only does it explain the lack of 375 Vorster 1983. Price 1978. 214 . 376 Burkert 1966. for this sanctuary.379 One epigram in the Palatine Anthology actually mentions this practice in regards to the protection of a child. 379 For votives as tangible reminders of the human/divine relationship. it is likely that the sculptures of the arrephoroi would have worn this ritual attire as well. nos. 18-21. While we may discount statues depicting older children. 86. see Pingiatoglu 1981. and E75. We may compare these numbers with the scattered examples from shrines of kourotrophos divinities: eight examples dedicated in various sanctuaries to Apollo. and young children were perceived as being extremely vulnerable to a host of physical and supernatural dangers." is unfortunately quite vague. those depicting infants and even very small children may well have been dedicated to mark the child's birth. 116.r Puqwvnaktoß (IG XII 5. 384 See pp. four sculptures (possibly) dedicated to Eileithyia at Agrai. Indeed. E33. which is perhaps best translated as "for the sake of the child.r Feidivou (IG XII 5. 60. Nevertheless. 169. 382 Vorster 1983.r tw'n paidivwn or a similar phrase. 152. Infant and child mortality rates were high in antiquity. See above. for example. 45. 155. one to Kephissos. is the best overall explanation of the statues.384 Also of interest is the wording of some of the inscriptions on the statue bases. Three inscriptions 381 It also might explain why many of the statues seem to depict very young children. 75. she is perhaps too hasty in her assumption that none of the statues were dedicated as childbirth votives.381 This conclusion. For these. See Vorster 1983. whose cult (as Vorster herself admits) was more clearly connected with childbirth than child care. far more of these sculptures appear in sanctuaries of childbirth divinities than in sanctuaries of purely kourotrophic divinities. 383 For childbirth divinities: seventeen examples dedicated to Artemis Lochia at Thespiae. five bases dedicated for children to Eileithyia at Paros. nos.187). p. See Vorster 1983. it is significant that similar phrases have been found on definite childbirth votives. A number of statue bases that likely held children statues are inscribed with the phrase uJpe.r tºw`n paidivwn (IG XII 5. several statue bases from Paros: ªuJpe. proposed by Vorster. since healing divinities also received childbirth worship. 385 See. • (childbirth divinities). 44. passim. pp.383 Nor can we rule out the possibility that those that were dedicated in healing sanctuaries were dedicated for childbirth. To this list we may add several other statue bases from various locations dedicated to Eileithyia and Artemis Eileithyia whose inscriptions indicate that they had originally held children statues. 382 Nevertheless. 195). and numerous sculptural fragments to Artemis at Brauron. uJpe. but it also explains the wide range of ages of the children represented. E39. and three to Demeter at Eleusis. uJpe. 97a. It is not insignificant that the sanctuaries where the greatest numbers of these sculptures were dedicated were those of childbirth divinities. E34. p. 84. 117. 67.385 This phrase. 154. 189). 215 .specific attributes and their everyday dress. pp. 110-111. 173. 216 .r genea'ß. T. the depiction of the child as an older baby or young child rather than as a newborn infant need not necessarily rule out a statue's dedication as a childbirth votive. Gonnoi II. As with the terracotta figurines of children described above. Ossa. and a painted votive stele dedicated to Artemis Eulochia gives thanks ajnti. no.dedicated to Asklepios by women in thanks for the birth of their children. 39.423 case no.423 case nos. p. including birth.387 The same phrase is used for a painted votive stele dedicated to the nymphs on Mt. p. Discussed below. 4. paivdwn. the fact that they were dedicated in large numbers to childbirth divinities and that the inscriptions associated with them use wording similar to known childbirth votives would suggest that at least some of these sculptures were dedicated in thanks for a successful birth. Parents who dedicated images of their children after birth would undoubtedly wish to express both thanks for the successful birth and a desire that the divinity continue to watch over the growth of that child. T. 388 Wace and Thompson 1908/1909. 389 Edelstein & Edelstein 1998. preserved on the cure stele at Epidauros use the phrase peri. 233. tevknwn. 2.423 case no.388 Yet another Epidaurian childbirth inscription praises Asklepios uJper tevknwn. 42. 31. 387 Edelstein and Edelstein 1945. T.386 Another Epidaurian cure record for childbirth thanks the god uJpe. 245 no. The representation of a small child or toddler could readily convey both meanings. The generic iconography of these sculptures would enable them to be dedicated for any number of different purposes. 34. although there is no direct evidence to prove that statues of children were dedicated as childbirth votives.389 Summary In conclusion. 386 Edelstein & Edelstein 1945. Translations of these inscriptions are given in full above. numerous other objects could serve as offerings to the gods. Morgan 1993. 392 Homer. including marriage and childbirth. Eileithyia is bribed by Iris with the gift of a necklace to help Leto deliver her twins. necklaces. p. Jewelry.390 Dedications of jewelry to Eileithyia.391 Necklaces may well have been favorite items for women to dedicate to Eileithyia. and other personal belongings were frequently dedicated as votives. Hamilton 2000. Hymn to Delian Apollo 104. though rarely preserved in the archaeological record. The Delian temple inventories. In the Homeric Hymn to Delian Apollo. Though such gifts could be given on a number of different occasions. for instance. earrings. 200. but also because of the possibility that Eileithyia might find them a gift worthy of her help. clothing. 213-214. it is quite likely that they were frequently dedicated during periods of transition in women’s lives. In this section I explore the evidence for many of the humblest and most personal gifts given to the gods. pp.392 390 Simon 1986. not only because they were personal objects readily at hand that held a personal significance for the worshipper herself. Jewelry Jewelry and other personal items were common votive gifts dedicated by women. 391 217 . are recorded in inscriptions.Other Objects In addition to the common votive types discussed above. and rings stored in the Eileithyiaion. 24-25. they undoubtedly were among the most popular given to childbirth divinities. record numerous offerings of bracelets. pp. Though these objects are often poorly represented in the material record. 88. see Kilian 1978. p. but there is considerable evidence that they were also dedicated as votive offerings in their own right. p. For citations for these and other sanctuaries in which pins have been found. and the sanctuary of Hera at Perachora.393 These may well have accompanied the dedication of articles of clothing. 219 and n. 57. after this incident. 96-105. p. often identified as dress pins or hairpins. See also FdD V. see: Kilian 1978. suggesting that she was worshipped along with Artemis for childbirth at this sanctuary. 97-100. Pal. pp. 6. but the Aeginetans and the Argives passed a law that dress pins would be 393 Some sanctuaries have produced extraordinarily large numbers of pins. but at least some were dedicated for childbirth. p. pp. Undoubtedly these pins could have been dedicated for any number of different reasons.Decorative pins. the sanctuary of Artemis Ortheia at Sparta. According to Herodotus. 218 .398 He associates these votives with an incident in which the sole survivor of an Athenian battle against the Aeginetans and Argives returned to Athens to report the devastating loss. 220 pl. as evinced by epigraphic evidence. and fig.v. See also Pausanias 3.396 Dress pins were common dedications to the minor divinities Damia and Auxesia in Aegina. 229.C. An epigram in the Palatine Anthology states that a bridal pin was offered along with a diadem to Eileithyia in gratitude for the safe delivery of a child. 1. On these. Two bronze gaming die were also dedicated to Eileithyia in this sanctuary. 56.274. 398 Herodotus 5. p. 397 See IG IV 1588 and Jacobsthal 1956. 394 Anth.1 and Pingiatoglu 1981. Jacobsthal 1956.i.395 Pins have likewise been found at the sanctuary of Athena Pronaia at Delphi. p.17. 395 For this pin. 46 and fig. 6. p. have been found as votive offerings in the sanctuaries of numerous divinities. where Eileithyia was also worshipped. 115 and figs. and was stabbed to death by the distraught widows with their dress pins. Athenian women no longer wore dress pins. 86.397 Herodotus relates an etiological story to explain why these gifts were so popular among women at Argos and Aegina. 396 FdD II. 53. including the Argive Heraeum. dress pin inscribed with a dedication to Eileithyia.1. see p.394 Among the numerous pins found in the sanctuary of Artemis Ortheia at Sparta was a 7th century B. 411-415. see below. 80. For the worship of Eileithyia in this sanctuary. seems to have received frequent offerings of clothes. as Christopher Simon remarks. at least one of these epigrams (6.C. Athenaeus 14.200-202.399 It is far more likely that dress pins were dedicated to Damia and Auxesia as childbirth offerings. in particular. Günther (1988. the dedicant is the new mother herself. 1214. Hymn to Artemis 225-227. 403 For Artemis Kithone/Chithone. s. In most instances. but interestingly. For a possible conflation of Artemis Kithone and Artemis Lochia in a Roman Imperial dedicatory inscription from Miletos. Byz. Pal. see SEG XXXVIII.629e. 424-478 (SEG XXXVIII no. Cole 2004.271) mentions a dedication of sandals and a robe given by both parents to thank Artemis for the birth of a son.402 Artemis.400 Clothing Although the practice of dedicating clothing in sanctuaries was not limited to the occasion of childbirth. 1210). For a useful list of sanctuaries and divinities for which there is evidence for this practice. and Hera as thank offerings for successful birth.the major type of dedication made by women at their sanctuaries. For the worship of Artemis Chitone in connection with childbirth. 401 Numerous divinities received clothing as votive offerings. Artemis. p. nos.401 Several epigrams in the Palatine Anthology record the practice of dedicating garments. Citwvnh. inventory lists from a sanctuary at Miletus record numerous articles of clothing and personal belongings that may well have been dedicated to this goddess in connection with childbirth. Call. see Günther 1988. For the worship of Damia and Auxesia as childbirth divinities. 203-205. inscription found at Miletus. 402 Anth. Aphrodite. see Callimachus. pp. 234-237) has suggested that these clothes were dedicated to Artemis Kithone. pp. 232-233. given the nature of these goddesses as fertility and childbirth divinities. For the 2nd century B. 6. see p.403 399 Simon 1986. see Simon 1986. Steph. In her sanctuaries at Miletus and at Syracuse she was worshipped as Artemis Kithone (or Chitone). sandals. that Aeginetan and Argive customs would have been so strongly influenced by a local Athenian event. it is unlikely. see: Didyma II. 6. pp. headdresses. literary evidence suggests that articles of clothing or personal attire were frequently dedicated for this purpose. For various occasions on which clothing might be dedicated. veils and other items to Eileithyia. Hymn to Zeus 77. 400 219 .v. Although an interesting tale. 33. see Schol. 218-225. pp.270-272. 201. 13). since the relief itself was dedicated to Artemis in her combined role as childbirth goddess and kourotrophos. however. 405 220 . which depicts a new mother presenting her child to Artemis (3. 1464. 173-175 and pl. the background decoration shows that the sanctuary of the goddess was filled with garments. pp. 48-49. In this relief. Personal dedications of clothing might also have been used to adorn the cult statue of the childbirth goddess to whom they were dedicated.5-6.406 These inscriptions record numerous dedications of clothing made by female worshippers within the sanctuary. see above. comes from her sanctuary at Brauron. Hymn to Zeus 77.407 Although no remains of the garments themselves survive.T. prominently displayed.404 Literary sources indicate that it was customary at Brauron to dedicate clothing to Artemis for successful childbirth and to Iphigeneia on behalf of those who had died in childbirth. 106. see Romano 1988. pp. 409 For a useful discussion of the practice of clothing cult statues in general. Euripides. Call. 406 IG II2 1514-1531.409 That cult statues of Eileithyia were draped with dedicatory offerings of clothing or veils is suggested by Pausanias’ description of the cult statue of Eileithyia at Aigion. These garments were probably intended to represent childbirth dedications displayed in the sanctuary of Artemis. the excavations at Brauron have revealed the foundations for the racks where these garments most likely were displayed. I. 129-133. pp.The best evidence for the practice of dedicating clothing to Artemis. 408 Kondis 1967. Copies of temple inventory lists from the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron were found on the Athenian acropolis.405 There is both inscriptional and archaeological evidence for this practice as well. 410 Pausanias 7. Schol.408 The popularity of dedicating clothing to Artemis is also apparent on the marble votive relief from Echinos discussed above.23.410 This practice is also 404 For the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron. 407 Linders 1972. 413 One particular item of clothing deserves special attention as a possible childbirth votive: the zone. 53-77. Giuman 1999. For this practice.415 For both marriage and childbirth. for Aphrodite: Anth. Those given to Artemis are specified as being childbirth dedications in gratitude for a safe delivery. as an illustration of the dedication of a zone. 202. some contemporary Greek villagers set out offerings to the Nereids to protect themselves from these harmful entities during the vulnerable time of childbirth and confinement. see Mansfield 1985.210. pp.414 In several epigrams of the Palatine Anthology. Pal. Pal. 412 Linders 1972. especially for marriage and childbirth. According to Lawson. 414 For the dedication of belts before marriage. most likely the finest garments that the dedicants possessed.59. Like most personal items. 272.” 411 Several of the garments listed in the temple inventory lists for the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron are also described as adorning or draping statues. pp. 415 For Artemis: Anth. zonai are dedicated to Artemis and Aphrodite. Ilithyia. 11-12. 90-91 and fig. 6. Schmitt 1977. lusivzwnoß gunhv. the idea of loosening the belt served as a form of sympathetic magic 411 Anth. 413 Lawson 1910. zonai were popular dedications during transitional periods in a woman’s life. Suda s. 6. the dedication of these belts most likely had a symbolic significance. 140. In each of these cases. Van Straten identifies the scene on an Attic red-figure lekythos. pp. a belt or girdle worn by Greek women.1. 201. 6. Van Straten 1981. p. 30.270. Given Artemis' close connection with childbirth. 221 .33. see: Pausanias 2. Such offerings could include items of clothing from the bridal trousseau.412 The practice of dedicating clothing for childbirth has continued in some areas even into modern times. p. Pal. 442-505. Dedicated garments were often used to dress the cult statue.evident in one of the epigrams of the Palatine Anthology: “The head-kerchief and waterblue veil of Amphareta rest on thy head.v. it is quite possible that this vase illustrates the dedication of a zone in thanks for successful childbirth. for them she vowed to thee when she prayed thee to keep dreadful death far away from her in her labour. in which a woman is shown untying her belt before the figure of Artemis. most likely played a large role in these practices. 205. pp. Artemis Lysizonos oversees all of these events. King (1983. Similar supportive belts also exist today. 222 . It is conceivable that some of these objects may have been dedicated in sanctuaries as childbirth votives to commemorate a successful birth. would have made excellent childbirth votives. see Pindar. For the epithet Lysizonos. included a very large number of zonai. which most likely records dedications to Artemis Kithone. foreign or unusual objects believed to have useful properties. we are forced to rely on archaeological and inscriptional evidence to 416 Simon 1986. even in the medical texts where one might expect them to be mentioned. since childbirth amulets themselves are rarely mentioned in the ancient texts. see above. 121) points out that the importance of the zone as a symbol of the opened womb lies not just in childbirth but also in the transitions of menarche and defloration.through which the womb itself was opened. This is not surprising.419 Amulets. however. and Aeschylus. Charms. Cole 2004.37-44. p. p.418 These belts. The magical ideas of loosening and binding associated with childbirth are discussed above. see: Aeschylus. Cho. 79-80) records the use of special maternity belts in early modern France. 420 See pp. 39. including certain stones and gems. despite the fact that literary sources remain mute on the subject.1000. 421 For the general absence of references to such magical and medico-magical objects in literature. for the removal of the zone immediately before birth. 83-85. 6. particularly amulets and charms. since special belts may have been worn during pregnancy in order to support the weight of the expanding uterus. 608. used particularly in conjunction with Artemis. p. 218-225. 417 Gélis (1991. 419 Cole notes that the temple inventory list from Miletos. and magical objects.416 Dedications of this sort may well have had a practical aspect as well. Ol. Cole 1998. pp. combinations of special plant and animal products. or even everyday objects that might work through sympathetic magic to ease and facilitate birth. pp. the use of magic was common during childbirth. 84.420 Numerous objects may have served as childbirth amulets or magical aids in birth. see above. and Other Magical Objects As discussed above. 418 For the idea that a pregnant woman is keeping her child under her zonê . as symbols of physical maturity and maternity.421 Given this absence of literary evidence. 81-83.417 The wearing of zonai during pregnancy is well attested in ancient literature. p. Eu. were dedicated for childbirth. many of which were either pierced or had suspension holes. aetites. De Materia Medica 5. I am not aware of any that have come from a sanctuary context.4. p. consisting of small pendants of glass or bronze that depict a nude squatting female figure. 162-3. p.424 These types of amulets are occasionally found in 422 See pp.423 Despite their birth iconography. The last example was excavated from a grave at Assos. are among the most likely candidates for explicit birth charms. 18 and pl. These amulets are very similar in style to larger-scale terracotta Baubo figurines whose iconography connects them with birth. and Asia Minor. Waegeman 1987. 436-437.149-151. I have also seen an unpublished example of a glass Baubo amulet from the Dardanos tumulus on display in the Çanakkale Museum in Turkey. 180 and figs. 118-124. Aelian. Baubo amulets. NH 36.160. From Asia Minor: Stupperich 1993. indeed. 361 no.35.142. De Lapidibus 5. as I have argued above. these amulets do not appear to have been common childbirth votives. if any. From Greece: Delos XVIII. See Theophrastus. they have very frequently been used as magical aids during pregnancy and birth. Literary sources mention the use of jaspar. 24. Bromehead 1947. NA 1. see Dioskourides. and may well have been worn by parturient women as protective charms during birth. pp. From Egypt: Perdrizet 1911. Pliny. there is no clear evidence that such objects were ever dedicated as childbirth votives. While examples have been found in Egypt. De Materia Medica 5. and a whitish stone called the "Samian Stone" to prevent miscarriage and to provide aid in childbirth. Dioskourides. and 423 223 . 424 On the use of jaspar to ease delivery. consisting of certain types of gemstones or other stones that were valued for special properties that seemed to link them to childbirth.422 Like the terracotta figurines. Most amulets used for childbirth were probably more generic in nature. p. 41 nos. though their relatively small numbers may be due at least in part to the chances of preservation and discovery. Unfortunately. 65-67 and pl. these small amulets were intended to be attached or suspended. Because aetites often contain a small concretion that may resemble a fetus in the womb. 11. Greece.determine what sorts of amulets and magical objects. they seem to have been far less popular in general than their terracotta counterparts. 427 As with most of the objects under discussion here. though it is impossible to securely identify them as such. or whose unremarkable appearance tends to escape the notice of excavators. 99-100 and n. 353). 155. Simon re-interprets as a key. no. there are numerous possible reasons for their presence in a sanctuary. 46. vol. pp. The most common of these are keys. For the connection of Artemis Brauronia to childbirth worship. 426 See IG II2. nos.429 There is evidence to suggest that at least some of the keys that were dedicated as votives had a symbolic significance linked with childbirth. fig. 1532B. p. pp. 48-49. 428 For the role of priestesses as holders of the temple keys. the other a seal of Artemis Brauronia. 757-758 and p.28 (identified as a sword-hilt. Harris 1995. FdD V. including those made of organic materials. On the "Samian Stone. see Mantes 1990. they may have been dedicated as a symbol Gélis 1991.i. no. p. however. p. 37 and p. Perachora I. pp. IG II2.426 Such items may well have been dedicated as childbirth votives. appears twice in the Parthenon inventory lists. 215. 266-267. 429 The most useful recent discussions of keys as votive gifts are van Straten 1981.425 Sealstones made of jasper or chalcedony were also dedicated at the Athenian Asklepieion. p. and are mentioned in sanctuary inventory lists. See Simon 1986. lines 122 and 124. 28-65. 425 Harris 1995. line 16. for example. that most childbirth amulets would be entirely unrecognizable in the archaeological record. 1534A. Eichholz (1971. 214. see pp. whose cult was strongly connected to childbirth worship. 53. It is quite likely. most childbirth amulets probably contained more ordinary materials that either were not preserved in the archaeological record. 353-360. In addition to amulets.428 Others may well have been dedicated as votive gifts. 51. 941. 427 See. pp. 120 and 243. used to open the doors on sanctuary buildings.sanctuary contexts." see Pliny. Aleshire 1989. 175 and Simon 1986. That is. note b) suggests that this was probably kaolinite (china clay) in a compacted form. other objects may have been used as magical aids during birth. For modern dedications of votive keys and their symbolic connection with 224 . Some undoubtedly were functional. 190 and pl. Jaspar. 10. 68. NH 36. One example was specified as a ring seal dedicated by a woman named Kleito.40. p. 86. Keys are frequently discovered in sanctuaries. for instance. 190-191 no. Few families could afford a fine piece of jaspar or a rare stone such as an aetite. p. 121.152. Aleshire 1989. Olympia IV. 1204. pp. pp. p. 68 h-i. Keys have been found in Greek sanctuaries that are typically associated with childbirth divinities. see Simon 1986.432 Furthermore. 56. nos. 430 For belief in the need magically or symbolically to "open" the womb. 432 Keys have been found in the sanctuaries of Artemis at Kalapodi (Felsch et al. pp. p. fertility. examples were also found in her sanctuaries at Argos (Argive Heraeum II. but some sexuality. 83. pp. 2715.433 Personal Belongings Personal belongings and ordinary household items occur with great frequency in sanctuaries of all sorts. as Simon has noted. was said to have held the office of kleidouchos in the sanctuary of Artemis.for "opening" the womb during the birth..28. and 2722) and possibly also at Perachora (Perachora I. As objects that were both readily available and individually meaningful to the dedicant. 353). 35. as with so many late authors. Keys excavated in the Corycian cave were probably dedicated to the nymphs in connection with childbirth. Hera. see above. provides the most direct evidence for the use of keys as childbirth votives in antiquity. 431 Festus. 97-98. They appear to have been popular votives to Hera. He records that it was customary for women to dedicate keys in sanctuaries as a thank offering after a successful childbirth. it is likely that his information was derived from earlier sources. For these. who served as a local childbirth divinity at Brauron. 1980.431 Although Festus wrote in the 4th century A. For Iphigeneia as a local childbirth divinity. 190 and pl. pp.11-13).D. it may be of some significance that the figure of Iphigeneia. p. p. and birth. 430 Keys that were dedicated as childbirth offerings may well have served as amulets or charms during the actual birth before their dedication. 86. who received large numbers of keys in her sanctuary at Foce del Sele (ZancaniMontuoro 1965-66. and the likely use of keys to do this during birth. 433 Simon 1986. Naturally. see Kriss-Rettenbeck 1972. 120 and 292. personal belongings made ideal votive gifts. De verborum significatu 39. 279 no. see Rolley 1984. and may well reflect a custom that was common in Greece as well as in Rome. 152-158). p. including sanctuaries of Artemis. 10. Festus. in most instances it is impossible to determine why such objects were dedicated. 225 . 93. p. pl. 324. for this object as a key. A late Roman author. p. 85) and at Pherai (possible examples published in Kilian 1975. and the nymphs. 358 and n. 2716. p. fig. see above. spun wool. distaffs. 7. A bronze mirror inscribed as a votive offering to Eileithyia was found at Delphi. 218-222. 36-37. p. 472 no. 66 and citations there.” See Brouskari 1985. as well as examples of textiles. p. afford us with an indication of the types of private belongings that were occasionally offered for childbirth. Bronze mirrors are frequently found as votive offerings in Greek sanctuaries. particularly those that are inscribed. See Cole 1998. pp. See Daux 1959a. see Pingiatoglu 1981. Female infants received a spindle. these gifts undoubtedly had a very personal meaning for the women who offered them. 1489-1496. 78. loomweights. necklace. may be seen at the Kanellopoulos museum in Athens and at the museum at Karlsruhe. and male infants received weapons. pp. pp. see Pringle 1983.434 There is limited evidence to suggest that they were at least occasionally dedicated as childbirth votives. 438 Textiles could also be given in thanks after an adolescent girl had successfully survived the potentially dangerous time of her first menstruation. both finished 434 Simon 1986. Weaving and spinning equipment served as symbols of female activity in other cultures as well. For this practice. appear to have been common votive gifts dedicated by women for all sorts of purposes. In the museum of Karlsruhe: Inscribed ELEUTHIAS EMI. 27-28. 435 226 .436 At least some of the many mirrors listed among the temple inventory lists of the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron may also have been childbirth dedications. Inscribed jArcivppa jEluqivai.437 Weaving and spinning implements. See Euripides. 437 Linders 1972.examples.438 As objects intimately associated with the daily lives and handiwork of the female dedicants. unfortunately without context. 132. 436 In the Kanellopoulos Museum: Inscribed “Phila dedicated (this) to Eileithyia. Ion 1411-1431. and textiles. A Sumerian text records a ritual performed at birth that included giving gender-appropriate symbols to the new infants.439 The temple inventory records for the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron record numerous examples of spindles. including the major life changes of marriage and childbirth. p. Creusa is able to identify Ion as her son because she recognizes the clothes. For this example. epinetra. spindlewhorls. p. and wreath that he had worn as an infant in his cradle.435 Similar examples. 439 The significance of a mother's woven garments is highlighted in Euripides' account of the story of Ion. particularly in sanctuaries of female divinities and in sanctuaries where private dedications were common. 5 and fig. p. pls. Such offerings alone may have sufficed as an expression of thanks. 34.444 Similar examples have been found at the Menelaion at Sparta. that the goddess received gifts of spinning equipment. For the possibility that Helen was worshipped as a minor childbirth divinity in the Argolid. see Hamilton 2000. or they may have been made in 440 Linders 1972. see above. 146-147.11-12. 443 Simon 1986. pp. was sometimes referred to as "the good spinner.” connecting her to the fates. For these. Pausanias 8. see above.21. p. 143. 191. 1908-1909. Two examples. p.440 Items associated with spinning in particular may have been regarded as appropriate gifts to Eileithyia. according to Pausanias.and unfinished. pp. 442 Herodotus 4. as the goddesss who watched over the fates of the parturient women and their newborn infants. who. 6 and 8. possibly dedicated to Helen in her role as a minor childbirth divinity.445 Animal Sacrifices and Food Offerings Animal sacrifices and offerings of food were among the most common ways that Greek women and families sought to thank the gods for successful birth. 268. inscribed as dedications to Eileithyia.34.441 Perhaps it was in this role. who may well have been worshipped as minor childbirth divinities. were found in sanctuary of Artemis Ortheia at Sparta.3. For the Hyperborean maidens as possible childbirth divinities.13 and p. 8.442 As Simon has mentioned. spindles are also mentioned in some of the fragmentary treasury records of the Eileithyiaion at Delos. Herodotus likewise mentions a custom at Delos in which girls who were ready to marry wound a lock of their hair around a spindle as a dedication at the tomb of the Hyperborean maidens. 445 Wace et al. 9.443 Other personal items that were probably dedicated for childbirth include gaming die. pl. 444 Kilian 1978. the important role of cloth production in the lives of Greek women would have made such equipment an appropriate symbol for the transition from girl to adult woman either at marriage or after the birth of her first child. p. 441 227 . Interestingly. 32-33. 221-222 and pls. probably in reference to the offerings left out during the Adonia in celebration of Adonis as a god of fertility. 202. 450 For this relief. 410-412. along with other gifts symbolic of fertility. 55 and note 10. In the Delian inventory records. childbirth. 447 228 .addition to the dedication of a more permanent childbirth votive.13. see Dakoronia and Gounaropoulou 1992. 449 Apples and cucumbers are also mentioned in a fragmentary poem by Praxilla of Sicyon. see above.2. silver and gilded replicas of apples and cucumbers appear in the inventory list for the Eileithyiaion.451 According to Hesychius.446 Sacrifice scenes depicted in votive reliefs indicate that bulls. pp. 58. 214. certain breads dedicated to Artemis were called lochia. and fertility. 448 For the most recent treatment of the Delian inventory lists. these were offered upon the occasion of childbirth.449 Apples also appear as food offerings to Artemis on a relief from Echinos. For the identification of the food offerings depicted in this relief and their associations with fertility. 3. as their name implies. For the apple's connection to Aphrodite and sexuality. they were also intended to ensure the continued growth of the newborn 446 Baur 1901. See pp. p. possibly serving as permanent reminders of the most common types of food offerings. and a myrtle branch.8 and 3. Fruits and vegetables that were particularly symbolic of fertility may have been selected as appropriate offerings. p. 3. Baur suggests that pigs and hens may have been especially popular victims for childbirth divinities. given their association with fertility. 71-73.448 These fruits and vegetables may have been considered especially appropriate. see Balmer 1996. goats. honey-cakes. and pigs could all be sacrificed in association with childbirth.13 and fig. but it is quite likely that all sorts of animals were sacrificed. pomegranates.447 Specialized food offerings may also have been dedicated on this occasion. see Hamilton 2000. p. particularly 3.450 Various types of cakes or bread also featured prominently in the worship of divinities of procreation. 452 In addition to thanking the goddess for a successful childbirth. 451 For the importance of cakes in Greek religion in general. including grapes. see PirenneDelforge 1994. see Kearns 1994. 195-198. For a translation and discussion of the poem and the significance of the cucumber as a symbol of fertility. pp. Hesychius s. the fragmentary foundation of a small building. particularly in the region of Thessaly. see von Graeve 1979.458 The excavations revealed only minor traces of the architectural features of the sanctuary itself. 54-55.v. see especially p. 277-281. Ion 706-8. The stelai range in date from the end of the 453 229 . The stelai from this sanctuary may be securely identified as childbirth votives due to the dedicatory inscriptions preserved on many of them. For the general practice of offering breads and cakes to the gods. For their connection with the growth of children. lovcia.child. and after learning from the oracle that he already has an illegitimate son. see above. nearly all of which 452 Hesychius s. Pingiatoglu provides a very useful discussion the sanctuary and the stelai from this site. For painted funerary stelai of the region. 456 Painted decoration on stelai was quite common in Thessaly. and stamped rooftiles. 454 Euripides. See Matthews 1996.457 The limited excavations conducted by Arvanitopoulos in early 1900s on the northwest hill below the acropolis of Gonnoi uncovered over 300 examples. immediately sets off to perform the sacrifice that he neglected to make in honor of his birth. 653: qu`saiv q j a{ sou pri. pp. occurs in Euripides’ Ion. in honor of childbirth. pp. Ion. pp.456 At the Thessalian city of Gonnoi. See Pingiatoglu 1981.454 We learn from the chorus several lines later that this includes not only an animal sacrifice. That a pelanon or cake-offering could serve as a votive gift. see Jameson 1956. or cake-offering. Ion. a[grwsti". 281.455 Painted Votive Stelai Painted stelai are a class of votive peculiar to Northern Greece.v. He interprets a reference to lochia in the writings of Antimachus of Colophon as bread dedicated to Artemis in connection with childbirth.453 An offering of this sort. painted stelai were dedicated in great numbers as childbirth votives during the Hellenistic period. 107-112. Among the remains were parts of a wall. see Brumfield 1997. The inscriptions indicate that the stelai were given to Artemis under several different epithets. 455 Euripides. but also a pelanon. Xuthus. after appealing to the oracle of Apollo at Delphi for children. 457 For this sanctuary.n genevqli j oujk ejq uvsamen. rock cuttings for stelai. 462 Despite the loss of the painted decoration. none of which survive. all dedicated to Artemis Eileithyia. 167. see Pingiatoglu 1981. 462 Comparanda for the oinochoe and offering basket appear on the relief from Echinos (3. to the 1st century B. there is no doubt that it would have greatly aided our understanding of the iconography associated with childbirth votives. it is quite likely that many of the painted stelai would have shared a similar iconography. Euonymos (once). Among the epithets used in the inscriptions were: Lochia (23 times). A female worshiper approaches from the left. 458 Arvanitoupoulos 1911. 461 Gonnoi II.460 The absence of the painted decoration on these stelai is a great loss. depicts Artemis standing to the right. and often the addition of either ajnevqhken (dedicated) or eujxamevnh (praying). 108 n. in her left hand she holds a torch and by her side stands a deer. pp. and Eleia (once). Eileithyia (27 times).C. All of the 4th century B. Her left hand is raised above her head. 161-196. 459 Most are published in Gonnoi II. the inscribed dedications on the stelai allow us to make a few observations about childbirth worship at Gonnoi. followed often by the patronymic. discussed above.461 The relief. In her right hand she holds an oinochoe. 460 For a useful summary of the evidence suggesting that these stelai were painted. pp. nos. p. sacrificial scenes like this one have been found on several reliefs dedicated as childbirth votives. Genetaira (3 times) or Geneteira (2 times). As discussed above. See Pingiatoglu 1981. were almost certainly originally painted with decorative scenes. Eulochia (once). but given her stance. no. 230 . the name of the goddess in the dative.pertain to her role as childbirth goddess.13). 284. they take the form of standard dedicatory inscriptions: that is. broken at the top. made of marble or limestone. it was probably an offering basket. the object that it held is now missing. Only one stele dedicated to Artemis had carved relief decoration. 109-110. Pingiatoglu adds three additional fragmentary examples from the Volos Museum. The stelai themselves.C. 317-320. they list the name of dedicant in the nominative.459 For the most part. in which inscribed dedications indicate that it was common for childbirth votives to be offered by couples or even families.n paidivwn. nos. coupled with the fact that the stelai themselves were a local type of votive.r genea'ß.r genea'ß to indicate that the votive was dedicated for offspring is unique. The use of the phrase pe. In addition. p. From the available evidence.465 A votive stele. 161-196.467 463 Gonnoi I. 465 For these stelai. A votive stele dedicated to Artemis Lochia was discovered in Phthiotic Thebes. which is found on numerous votives dedicated to childbirth divinities. would suggest that the sanctuary drew its worshippers from nearby cities and towns. E107 and E108. isolated examples of similar childbirth votives have been discovered elsewhere in northern Greece. 466 Wace and Thompson 1908-1909. Although Gonnoi is the only site from which such a large collection of votive stelai have been found. such as the sanctuary of Eileithyia at Paros. Ossa. 464 231 .stelai in which the name of the dedicant has been preserved were dedicated by women.463 This is of interest. but is probably best understood as the equivalent of the more common phrase uJpe. 245 no. nos. 467 See pp. see Gonnoi II. a similar stele dedicated to Artemis Eileithyia was found near Arethusa. p. 4. 169. 148. Discussed individually in the final publication of the site.466 This stele bears the inscription: JOreiªavsinº Enpedovkleia Filodameiva pe. it would seem that the sanctuary of Artemis at Gonnoi was a local center of childbirth worship visited primarily (perhaps even exclusively?) by women of the surrounding region. therefore. was found in a small cave shrine of the Nymphs on Mt. since it seems to indicate a different pattern of worship from other well-known childbirth sanctuaries. now missing its painted decoration.r tw. the names of the dedicants and their patronymics are frequently known from local tombstones and other local inscriptions.464 This. p. see Pingiatoglu 1981. 217-218. Divine Birth Scenes Not surprisingly. scenes of the birth of the gods are by far the most common representations of birth in Greek art.The Iconography of Birth In the first chapter of her book The Experiences of Tiresias. and. Many examples depict the "birth" of a divinity from a natural or primordial element. At one point in her discussion she makes the causual observation that there existed in Greece a "censorship that everywhere in the Greek world forbids representations of the moment of birth. The focus of this section is to review when and where illustrations of childbirth and pregnancy occur in Greek art outside of a votive context. these scenes frequently found their way into art. noting in particular the similarities in the ways that the Greeks expressed death in childbirth and death in warfare both in literature and in art. To understand why Greek women dedicated the types of objects that they did. p.”468 The concept that Greek society rejected the representation of childbirth. such as Aphrodite arising from the sea or Erichthonius being handed up by Ge. pregnancy. as they are so far removed from the natural act of childbirth that they can lend little assistance to our understanding of the representation 468 Loraux 1995. 24. we must have an understanding not only of societal attitudes towards fertility. in order to create a frame of reference in which to place the childbirth votives. Nicole Loraux explores the connection in Greek thought between childbirth and warfare. I have excluded images of this nature from the following discussion. Tales of divine and heroic births were always popular in Greece. particularly the moment of crowning. and childbirth. but also of the acceptability of portraying such subjects in art. is of considerable significance when considering the types of objects used as childbirth votives. in a culture whose art was dominated by mythological references. 232 . C.v. See Cassimatis 1984. based on the presence of either Eileithyia or Hephaistos. 334-342. 233 . Cassimatis). a fragmentary 7th century B. 63 moment just after birth. who stand on either side of Zeus and lay their hands upon him to assist in the birth. More recently. L and fig. 1984. Birth of Athena The birth of Athena from the head of Zeus is among the most popular mythological themes found in Archaic and Classical art.of birth. Shield bands from Olympia also date to the end of the 7th and beginning of the 6th centuries B. is the earliest example. Cook 1940. pp. s. The earliest representations date to the 7th century B. p. 471 For examples of this group. 988 no.C. I have chosen instead to focus on those myths in which a divine child was born directly from the body of a parent divinity. Illustrations of the myth may be grouped into four general categories. 470 Schneider 1880. Athéna (H.469 The subject achieved its greatest popularity during the Archaic period.C. See LIMC II. Athéna. p. 360. Cook (1940." are less common than those of the birth itself. p. p. 680 B. Athéna (H. 474. See LIMC II. These myths include the birth of Athena.470 Only the first two of these are of interest to the present discussion. 663 pl. 2) the moment of birth. and the birth of Apollo. when Zeus is "laboring. 3) the Fig.C. 662-663) identifies five categories. see LIMC II. See Caskey 1998. where it appeared on numerous black figure vases.. and 4) a slightly later time after birth. Cassimatis). Cassimatis similarly identifies four categories. pp. 986 nos. representing: 1) the moment before birth. 8-9. 361-362. s.v. p.C. but differentiates the last two according to whether Athena is depicted as miniature or full-grown. the birth of Dionysus. s. c. 985.v.471 There is no indication of the impending birth other than the 469 A relief pithos from Tenos. 1984. Illustrations of the moment before birth. 988 nos. relief pithos from Ceos has tentatively been identified as representing a similar scene of the birth of Athena. and continued to a lesser degree in the 5th century B. They often depict Zeus seated on a throne and assisted by the Eileithyiaie. 1984. 1984. Zeus is depicted enduring his labor in an attitude of stoic calm. with Zeus seated amidst a gathering of divinities who witness the divine birth. Athéna (H. in which Zeus is also depicted raising his arms. his hair and clothing neatly in place.472 In most cases. the relief pithos from Tenos. however. s. assisted by the Eileithyiae (Fig. Far more common are illustrations of the moment of birth. however. 64 is quite unusual in indicating Zeus' reaction to the birth by depicting the god with his arms raised in alarm Fig.473 472 Cook 1940. his back straight. 663-681. As Cook notes. and his usual attributes of a staff or thunderbolt in his hands. p. 473 234 .v. which usually focuses on the seated figure of Zeus. pp. 63). Zeus is shown serenely sitting upon his throne while the miniature form of Athena emerges from the top of his head. 988 no. Cf. See LIMC II. 64 by depicting him wielding the axe that he uses to split Zeus' head to enable the birth of the goddess (Fig. many examples make reference to Hephaistos' role in the myth Fig. The Attic cup illustrated in Fig. the figure of Hephaistos is secondary to the central scene. 360. 64). As with the preceding group. These are often more complicated scenes. 65). 65 or pain. Cassimatis).presence of the Eileithyiai (Fig. when Athena springs forth from the head of Zeus. The second places her hands on the arm and shoulder of the first standing figure. Indeed. only one may be identified with any degree of certainty. 235 .C. redfigure crater from Olynthus (Thessaloniki Museum no. Pingiatoglu 1981. 66). The poor preservation of the vessel renders this interpretation extremely uncertain. The first supports the seated figure by placing her hands on the seated woman's wrists. particularly since the key figure reclining on the kline is not preserved.474 The most likely representation of the myth is found on a 4th century B.6.475 The assistants who serve to support and steady her also fit well with this interpretation. Fig. however. the loosened strands of hair and the slightly bowed head of the seated figure are suitable for a woman in labor. V 75. Pingiatoglu regards this as a possible representation of the birth of Apollo. 22-23 and pl.Birth of Apollo The birth of Apollo appears only rarely in Greek art. The presence of female divinities would suggest that this scene illustrates the birth of a divinity. who leans against a spear and rests her shield on the ground before the seated woman. pp. women already did for superstitious reasons. To the left of this figure stand two female assistants. 66 The scene does indeed appear to represent childbirth. On the body of the pyxis.C. To the right of the palm tree stands Athena. I have chosen not to include this example. 129). which depicts a figure on a kline near a palm tree. 66 and 67) one may add a 4th century B. polychrome pyxis from Eretria (Fig. Although most of the 474 In addition to the examples illustrated above (Figs. a practice that. he notes.1) provides a rational explanation for the benefits of loosening the clothing and hair of parturient women. groups of female figures (presumably divinities) flank a central scene in which a woman sits upon a chair and leans one arm against a palm tree. Due to its fragmentary nature. it is significant that of the few examples that have been thought to illustrate this myth. 9. 475 Soranus (2. C. pp. At the right edge is the trunk of a large palm tree. was originally thought to be the earliest representation of this myth. which figures prominently in the birth story of Apollo. pp.. 477 236 . LIMC III. 80-83. El. the theme of the rebirth of Dionysus gained in popularity in the Roman period.477 Only the lower right corner of the relief is preserved. 4) notes. the artists' treatment of 476 Homeric Hymn to Apollo 117. though the motif did not reach the peak of its popularity until the middle of the 5th century.female figures on the vessel lack identifying attributes. As Cook (1940. Mitropoulou (1977. xiii. 83-86 n. Athena's identity is clear. Veneri and C. 80 n. the parturient woman has been credibly identified as Leto. 23. Birth of Dionysus Fig. 56 no. Finally. Red figure examples: Cook 1940. and leans in a relaxed pose with her arm upon the back of the chair. p. 666-667 s. Dionysos (A. The presence of Eros sitting upon the knee of one of the other figures would suggest that she represents Aphrodite. 1986. interprets this relief as the birth of Apollo. 478-479 nos.476 A fragmentary Classical relief now in the Louvre (Fig. At the base of the tree trunk lies a small male figure wearing a short chiton. 478 A Corinthian pyxis from the 7th century B. 2 and fig. Gaspari). She is dressed in a chiton and himation. see Cook 1940. 1.478 Though these scenes are less standardized than those of the birth of Athena. based upon the presence of the palm tree. p. Theognis. 2 and figs.v. 24-25 and pl. n.C. when it was depicted in a number of red figure vase paintings. For full bibliography and discussion of this vase. 3. since the symbolism was considered particularly appropriate. particularly for children's sarcophagi. 67) has also been interpreted as representing Leto and the infant Apollo after the birth.6. pp. 67 The rebirth of Dionysus from Zeus' thigh appears in Greek art by the 6th century B. in an unpublished dissertation. 98) notes that Waywell. beneath which an adult female figure sits in a chair. 68 A South Italian volute crater (Fig. and the infant Dionysus. whose head is just visible as it crowns from the center of his thigh. as in images of the birth of Athena. Zeus himself is shown in a very passive role. On the left. To the right. he reclines in a relaxed posture better suited to one who is drinking at a symposium than one suffering the cruel pangs of labor. One of the simplest representations of the myth is found on a red-figure lekythos now in the Boston museum (Fig. in which Zeus gives birth to his son in a natural setting surrounded by a group of other divinities. His hair and beard are neatly arranged. often seated on a rock or throne. 69) provides a more complex scene. It is interesting to note that. Zeus. but rather reaches out to assist Dionysus as he emerges from Zeus' thigh. the artist nevertheless chose to represent him in a manner consistent with other divine birth scenes. and he wears a festive wreath on his head. The central figures consist of Zeus. in which the laboring deity maintains a calm demeanor and unruffled appearance. although Zeus' active participation in the birth is unusual in this painting. 68). unclothed. He lowers his head in concentration as he uses his hands to aid in the birth of the infant. sits upon a rock.birth are quite similar. Fig. however. Here. Eileithyia plays an active role in the birth. waiting to take the newborn infant to the nymphs who will rear him. She does not tend to Zeus. Hermes observes the birth. who is shown in the process of emerging from Zeus' thigh. 237 . in considering mythological birth scenes. 3. the parturient deity is usually portrayed sitting upright or in a relaxed pose. rather than slumped over in pain. Homeric Hymn to Delian Apollo.479 Neither the posture nor the demeanor of the gods gives indication of pain or distress. 480 238 .Conclusions about Mythological Birth Scenes It is clear from the brief survey above that scenes of divine birth are highly idealized. contrary to Loraux's statement. their appearance during birth does not differ in any significant way from representations of them in other myths. Ordinary scenes of female divinities giving birth. such as Hera's birth of Hephaistos or Aphrodite's birth of Eros. is that in many scenes of mythological birth. n. 69 precisely the moment of birth—when the new 479 See. What we find. Their hair and clothing are neatly arranged. and their bodies never vary from the classical ideal. 46) has suggested that it was because Apollo's parturition and birth were so ordinary that they were rarely depicted in Greek art. it is Fig. 481 For a recent discussion of these unusual births. they are appropriately attired. are practically nonexistent. indeed. see Boardman 2004. 213. artistic representations usually ignore this aspect. Gods who give birth do not grimace or sway. The only exception is Leto's birth of Apollo. Even when literary sources mention the pain encountered by gods during birth.480 Artists chose to focus instead on the births that were truly extraordinary—those that clearly and unequivocally differentiated the gods from humans by the unusual circumstances and manner in which they occurred.481 Finally. such as Athena's miraculous birth from the head of Zeus and the birth of Dionysus from the thigh of Zeus. we must consider the moment of birth that the artist chose to represent.90. p. for instance. Zeitlin (2002. Rhodes. 123. relief fragment from Chalchedon which was once thought to represent the birth of Athena. pp. which were recognized as depicting labor scenes as early as the end of the 19th century. see Wolters and Frederichs 1885 and Wolters 1892. 3. n.3). 123126. Most of the monuments of this type have been found in Attica. but from the male body. Demand 1995. 71 few decades. A sampling of recent scholarship includes Vedder 1988. but which is now often taken to be part of a funerary stele depicting a woman dying in childbirth (Appendix I.483 In the standard relief scenes. and leaning back in an attitude of distress or 482 A full list of the well-preserved examples of such monuments may be found in Demand 1994. and from Egypt. pp. Demand 1994. 121-140. have been the subject of considerable discussion over the past Fig. 239 . although examples are also known from northern Greece. Stears 1995.482 These monuments. Stewart and Gray 2000. when the child emerges not from the womb of a female divinity. the central figure is a woman seated on a couch (or occasionally on a chair or throne). They range in date from the 4th to the 3rd centuries B.C.child emerges into the light of day—that the artist has chosen as his focus. It is highly significant. Perhaps to be added to this list is a perplexing 6th century B. however. an unique set of funerary stelai and lekythoi do Fig. 70 depict this theme. I know of no representations of divine births that explicitly show the child emerging from the female womb. She provides a list of partial or fragmentary examples on p. that this moment is depicted only in the most extraordinary of birth scenes.C. 14. 483 For the initial interpretation. Scenes of Mortal Birth Although illustrations of mortal women during pregnancy and childbirth are extremely rare in Greek art. 486 Stewart and Gray 2000. pp. see pp. The central figure often wears only a thin chiton that is unbelted. in which a swaddled infant appears. none of these funerary reliefs includes a swaddled infant in the image. see Appendix I. 46. see p. 487 We may compare these reliefs to the famous Hediste painted stele. For the Hediste stele.485 The fact that no infant appears on these funerary monuments suggested to Stewart and Gray that neither the mother nor the infant survived. and therefore reveals the contours of her breasts and abdomen. Several iconographical clues indicate that this is a childbirth scene. 240 . the appearance of the infant on a funerary monument may indicate that the tomb was shared by both. both of which correspond to ancient descriptions of childbirth. p. making the connection with childbirth more clear. 3. p. Her hair is usually shown loose. The inscription on the Hediste stele relates that both the mother and her newborn child died immediately after birth. see below. She is usually supported by a female figure that stands behind her.exhaustion. 17. In some cases she is nude except for a thin fabric draped over her lap. 71-74). For the epithet Lysizonos used for childbirth divinities.4.487 There is a class of funerary stelai. 260. no. 72 For ancient sources pertaining to the practice of loosening clothing and hair during childbirth. found in Attica in large numbers. however. and sometimes is assisted by other female figures as well. 485 For the votive relief. though a 5th century votive relief in the Metropolitan Museum that employs precisely the same childbirth imagery does depict a standing servant holding the infant. The authenticity of this relief has recently been questioned. 81-83. 262. n. falling limply about her face (Figs. 27. See Stewart and Gray 2000. n. most particularly the unbound hair and the loosened clothing.484 Interestingly.486 The opposite may in fact be true. 246-247. that 484 Fig. 2.822.489 I would suggest that the presence of the infant indicates that the tomb belongs to both mother and child.488 Clairmont interprets them as the tombs of women who died in childbirth.755.761.932.491 This reinterpretation has not received widespread following.930. p. 2. 3. 1. 2.640.894.882. 121-140.919.714. 3.749.680. 3. 3. 2. 4. Grmek and Gourevitch 1998. which focus primarily upon the seated woman rather than the midwife. 3.660. 4. the accompanying inscription informs us that the infant died as well. 2.806.933.depicts a seated woman and a servant holding a swaddled infant. but oddly interprets Malthake’s grave stele as commemorating a midwife.880.842. 2. 492 Arguments against the interpretation of these monuments as belonging to midwives may be found in Stewart and Gray 2000. 33. Similar iconography is used for a set of 17th century English tombs that commemorate death in childbirth.751. 261 n.868a. 489 See individual entries in Clairmont 1993.869.910. 2. 2. 2.815. 2.893a.457. Demand 1995. 3. 2. 2.771. 3.770. 491 Most noticeably: Demand 1994.909.819.770.789.670. 4. 3. 2. 2. 2. 4. 316-17 and n.885. there is considerable Fig. 4. 2. 26.492 Indeed.703.875. Each of these tombs depicts both mother and infant.795.850. 2. Clairmont interprets most of the monuments of this type as belonging to women who died in childbirth. 3. pp.671. 4.719. 1. 73 external evidence to suggest that these 488 Clairmont 1993. 2. 3.125.786. 4. 490 Hurtig 1983.490 Although these reliefs have been universally accepted as representing childbirth scenes. 3. 2. some scholars have recently suggested that the monuments belonged to midwives rather than women who died in childbirth. 2.725. 2. 3. 4.810.746.745. 3. 3.780.691.796. however. 2. 241 .727. 1. 2.881.866. 1. 1.919.759. 3.783.730. no.780a.920. 2. 4.849. 2. 2. pp. 4.778. 2.710. in addition to the iconographical clues within the reliefs themselves. 2. 2.889. Clairmont 1993. 2. 2.870. this picture of thy daughter Neotima whom thou lamentest. mentions a funerary monument of a woman who died in childbirth: After the tomb of Lycus. Pausanias (2. there is on the right the Olympium. O most miserable pair. you see the tomb of Xenodice. 7. her whose life was taken from her by the pangs of labour? She lies in her dear mother’s arms. Admittedly. and a little farther on. why does it stand on thy tomb. Although it is possible that Pausanias’ identification of this tomb as belonging to a woman who died in childbirth was based upon an inscribed epigram that explained the manner of her death. the deceased in this Fig. Farther on. the grave of Eupolis.monuments commemorated women who died in childbirth. alas. the fact that he specifically mentions the painting on the tomb suggests that the image on the monument was critical to its identification. but on the other side of the Asopus. 242 . which describes the appearance of a woman’s tombstone: Unhappy Mnasylla. epigram.730. but so as to harmonize best with the painting. More explicit evidence is supplied by a 4th century B. which is very well worth seeing. the Athenian comic poet. to the left of the road.7.C. It has not been made after the native fashion.493 This description goes far in explaining the imagery used in these monuments. not far away her father Aristoteles rests his head in his right hand. who died in childbirth. but her Anth Pal. not even in death have ye forgotten your grief.3). if you turn in the direction of the city. in describing some tombs near Corinth. as if a heavy cloud had gathered on her eyelids and. 74 493 instance is not the woman who died in childbirth. but lying on the childbed which is 494 Demand (1994.742. Far from indicating to me that most of these stelai did not convey the concept of death in childbirth. lying in bed after having given birth to a child (shown on the stele as a swaddled infant held in a nurses’ arms). 6. Pal. no. 73 and 74). Peek 1955. the image on this stele differs from those discussed above in that Hediste’s monument does not depict her in the midst of labor. who assisted her in childbirth and witnessed the death of her daughter. the concept conveyed in the image is nevertheless “death in childbirth. 235-7.583. 243 . despite the fact that in this particular instance the tomb belonged to the mother rather than the woman who died in childbirth. pp. either assisting her in her labor or mourning her death. tombstone from the Athenian Kerameikos. 32. or wet the lips of her baby with her breast.497 Admittedly. I would argue that this is the exception that proves the rule. 7. the parents of the deceased woman actually do appear in the relief scenes. or highlight the pathos of the fact that she did not live to see her new child grow. the description is clearly of the type of monument that depicts a woman who died in birth. Hediste.” The inscription on the tomb in this instance would serve to clarify a scene that most passers-by would have interpreted as the tomb of a woman who died in childbirth. no. for one light [day] looked down on both.348. For a 4th century B. 7. p. and then Fortune coming to both alike carried the two away to one tomb. we see that in many cases. 7. 497 Peek 1955. with an explicit epigram commemorating her death: The Fates spun on their spindles then for Hediste their painful thread.168.C. for a 1st century A. 495 Fig. when the bride went to meet the pains of labor. combines a painted scene of the deceased woman.729. 7. 1606. the inscription states that she is the daughter of Tolmides. see: IG II. this is one of the instances in which a stock scene on a stele could be employed in an unusual way to suit the family who purchased it.mother. epigram from Kos.496 A surviving painted funeral stele from the 2nd century B. 7. 14. Sherwin-White 1978. to argue against the interpretation of these stelai as commemorating death in childbirth. The woman standing is most likely then Plangon’s mother. 548.463. 7. Though the owner of the tomb is a different character in the scene. 7. no.163-6. I would argue that. which indicates that the primary deceased was not the one who died in childbirth. see Peek 1932. 311. 1907. 130) uses this epigram.C. Miserable one! She will not embrace her infant. who is presumbably the man shown mourning his daughter’s death.C.494 In comparing the description provided by this epigram to existing monuments (Figs. no. Nevertheless. 73 depicts the funerary monument of Plangon.528.495 Other epigrams celebrate the courage with which the deceased faced the pain of death in childbirth. p. 496 Anth. in an attempt to save the unborn infant. in A. Around the bed stand an array of distraught female figures that dramatically pull their hair and weep. the loosened clothing and unbound hair.700 years and far more explicit in its representation of emotional distress. From a private letter written by her husband in the same year. nevertheless employs the same iconographical details to indicate death in childbirth: the collapsed posture. In the center of Fig. A very close parallel to the Greek burial monuments depicting a woman in childbed is found in the form of a unique 15th century Italian funerary relief (Fig. it provides irrefutable proof that funerary monuments depicting death in childbirth were available in Greece at the time when the majority of these funeral reliefs were made. and her hair hangs loose. 75 the scene is a woman seated on a bed. and the support of assistants and midwife.498 This relief. supported by assistants and gently aided by an elderly woman who stands before her and holds her arm. though separated from the classical Greek examples by over 1. 29-30. 244 . 498 Musacchio 1999. She is shown in a state of collapse. In the far right corner. Giovanni Tornabuoni. Her thin garment is loose and disheveled. set up in the church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva in Rome by her husband. and. a wet nurse is seated on the floor holding a swaddled infant. the doctors performed a Caesarian section only to find that the infant had died as well. The relief was part of the tomb of Francesca Pitti and her child. Nevertheless.1477. 75).also her deathbed.D. pp. we learn the story of her death: that she died in childbirth after a difficult labor. She is usually shown in an attitude of distress. such as implements. her slumped and defeated posture. 259. and her thin garment often draws attention to her breasts and slightly rounded abdomen. By emphasizing the disheveled appearance of the parturient woman. the Greek reliefs avoid all reference to the infant emerging from the mother's 499 See. Despite the realism of these reliefs. basins and cloths never appear on the reliefs. The specialized equipment for birth. it is clear that the artists sought to avoid certain graphic elements of birth. tools. The setting of these scenes is realistically represented as taking place within the home. and the distress exhibited by those who attend the birth. the artists chose to highlight exactly those elements that are absent from the divine birth scenes: they focus on the pain and distress of childbirth. young female household members or slaves. Only a seated birthing position seems to have been acceptable in these reliefs. and tend to depict the event in a realistic manner. In the funerary reliefs. none portrays women giving birth in a kneeling or squatting position. and the laboring woman is usually shown surrounded by an entourage of assistants comprised of close relatives. unlike Roman reliefs that depict midwives reaching between the legs of the parturient woman to draw out the infant. They contrast markedly with the highly idealized representations of divine birth. exactly those areas of her body that pertain to impending motherhood. p. Nor were the artists interested in representing the minutae of the birthing process.499 The parturient woman herself is also realistically portrayed.These funerary reliefs. 245 . however. are extraordinarily important for understanding the accepted iconography of birth in Greek art. and a midwife. the artists who created the funerary reliefs clearly portray childbirth as a time of crisis. Most importantly. which are the only non-votive Greek monuments that clearly depict mortal women in childbirth. Stewart and Gray 2000. for example. p. pp. 76). while pregnant with Zeus’ illegitimate son. 3. Gaspari). Death of Semele There is one representation that bridges the depictions of human and divine births. Dionysos (A.v. this76 myth. Semele (Fig. see LIMC III.501 Semele. 501 246 . the area of the groin tends to be discreetly draped. Lib. 1 and 3. 76-78 and pls. Although the birth of Dionysus from Zeus’ thigh is known as early as the 6th century B.36. the earliest written 500 French 1986. where it appears in vase paintings.500 Although the laboring women on these reliefs are often shown in a state of partial undress. 502 Apollodorus. For additional sources forFig. A 4th century Apulian volute krater in the Tampa Museum of Art depicts the death of Dionysus’ mortal mother. When Zeus appears to her in the form of a lighting bolt. and as a consequence provides interesting insights into the iconography used for birth scenes in Greek art. 417 s. Veneri and C.4.. Tampa Museum of Art no. Dionysus. Semele perishs. 1986.502 There is considerable evidence to suggest that the death of Semele was regarded as a death in childbirth.C.3.body. 87. is tricked by Hera into asking Zeus to reveal his true form to her. to my knowledge. too. Above the entire scene is a decorative semi-circle that apparently indicates the sky or clouds. 319.accounts of the myth indicate that Semele gave birth to Dionysus. Il. Oxy. Although there are numerous 503 504 Homer. p. 940-942. the only vessel on which a mortal woman is shown giving birth. 14. Semele.504 The vase from the Tampa Museum of Art reflects this tradition of Semele's death occurring in connection with her birth of Dionysus (Fig. Semele occupies the central position of the panel on the shoulder of the krater. the iconography that the artist used more closely resembles that found on the funeral stelai than on other vase paintings. both male and female. She is seated with a female figure on either side to support her. are arranged around this central scene.387. from this semi-circle descends a lightning bolt. In addition. 926. What is remarkable about this vase painting is what it reveals about artistic choices pertaining to birth scenes. frag. These figures all look upon Semele and raise their hands in an expression of surprise or fear. In this scene. no. and she is nude except for an amulet tied to her chest with crossed bands. In particular. the artist has placed Semele in the same posture as the women depicted on the funeral stelai. Dionysus was occasionally referred to as “born from the fire.C. This image is suitable for a vase-painting because it depicts a mythological event. Hesiod Theog. Greek Lyric V. 76). This volute-krater is. is dying even as she gives birth. the artist has combined the usual representations of mortal and divine births. Additional figures. 2687 = Loeb series. nevertheless. Her hair falls loosely to her shoulders.503 A lost 4th century B.” meaning the lightening flash of Zeus when he revealed himself to Semele. play by Timotheus of Miletus about this myth was entitled The Birth-Pangs. P. and her head lolls to the side in an attitude of pain and defeat. The reason for this choice of iconography is obvious— like the other mortal women depicted on the stelai. 247 . d. She leans back into the arms of her attendants. Birth scenes appear frequently in ancient Greek art. This exception is significant. All of the extant representations of mortal births. With this pattern in mind. depicts an unsuccessful birth.myths of mortal women giving birth to divine or heroic offspring within the Greek mythological corpus. These are almost exclusively focused upon the most extraordinary births of the gods. in which the mother. especially those myths in which the child is born from a male parent. it seems that it was the emergence of the child from the female body that was considered particularly unsuitable for representation in art. seeming to become popular only for short period during the 4th century B. from it we may conclude that it was not the concept of birth itself that was taboo. These appear predominantly on funerary reliefs. 248 . Scenes of mortal birth. nor even the emergence of the newborn child. but the vast majority of these are depictions of divine births. in contrast. and they invariably focus upon birth as a time of crisis and pain. it is necessary.C. finally. except in mythological scenes of birth in which the child is born from the body of a male divinity. and sometimes both mother and infant. Rather. to return to Loraux’s statement that Greek art avoids the representation of the moment of birth. the only one of these to appear in Greek art is the story of a woman whose death is linked with the birth of her child. like the funerary stelai that provide the only other explicit depictions of mortal births. significant that this image. The representation of birth in these scenes is highly idealized. depict unsuccessful birth scenes. It is. are rare in Greek art. including the vase painting of Semele. This survey confirms the general validity of that statement. I believe. with one important modification. died as a result of the birth. The emergence of the child is not represented in Greek art. Summary The pattern of birth iconography that emerges from this brief survey is quite striking. and 3) that Greek art generally does not tend to depict the female form (either divine or mortal) in an obvious state of pregnancy. that led to the creation of these otherwise anomalous scenes of mortal birth. 2) that the moment of birth is an unacceptable theme in art. and deserves further consideration. or if it represents an unsuccessful mortal birth (i. death in childbirth). Votives and the Iconography of Birth The lack of interest in (if not an actual taboo against) portraying scenes of natural childbirth in Greek art provides a cultural context for the childbirth votives. Although most of the votives examined in this study conform to the conclusions arrived at above. The existence of these votives is surprising. Thus. Given the taboos associated with childbirth. The only exception is the depiction of divine births in which the child emerges from something other than a female body.Indeed. The act of natural childbirth in itself held no appeal for Greek artists..e. The reason behind these depictions becomes clear when we accept that the artistic focus of each of these scenes is not on the birth itself. there are a small number of votives that explicitly depict the female form in a state of pregnancy or childbirth.” in which the woman died while fulfilling her highest civic and social duty. The birth iconography is employed only to provide the viewer with the context for the death. the general unacceptability of depicting the female form in childbirth serves to explain the odd fact that the only mortal births that are illustrated in Greek art are unsuccessful ones that result in death. but rather on the suffering of the woman as she dies in labor. My conclusions about the depiction of childbirth in Greek art may be summarized as follows: 1) that childbirth is an acceptable theme in art only if it represents a mythological or divine birth. it was not the birth that the artists wished to celebrate. it was the concept of a “noble death. 249 . but the manner of death. Pregnant women went to sanctuaries on a regular basis. in sanctuaries that particularly focused on human fertility. much like illness or old age. and no restrictions seem to have been placed on their presence in other public settings. The fact that Greek art in general does not depict the state of pregnancy is. why would this theme be depicted in a sanctuary setting? This question may be answered at least in part. the depiction of the pregnant human form seems to have been acceptable. and the general tendency not to show successful mortal childbirth in Greek art. These figurines. are dramatically different from the idealized scenes of divine birth examined above. though never particularly popular. I believe. where the act of childbirth itself was one of the strictest taboos of Greek culture. how do we explain these explicit childbirth votives? The depiction of pregnancy in childbirth votives. may be explained by the fact that pregnancy itself was not taboo. likely to be more a reflection of societal ideals about the female form in art than of any religious taboo. This is confirmed by the later Hellenistic figurines that portray pregnant women as curiosity of the female form. But even during the height of the Classical ideal. is much harder to explain. therefore. This observation naturally leads one to ponder the question: when all of Greek art avoids the representation of normal birth in realistic way. The votives that clearly depict scenes 250 . The depiction of childbirth in a sanctuary setting. by examining when and where these explicit childbirth votives are found. which illustrate normal birth from the female womb.particularly the fact that childbirth itself was prohibited in Greek sanctuaries. though somewhat surprising. however. p.24) and a marble figurine group from Sparta (2. 506 The name Eileithyia may not be of Indo-European origin. I believe. Willetts 1962.. as we have seen. I have argued instead that they most likely functioned as apotropaic charms. None may be identified with certainty as childbirth votives. and almost certainly depict a goddess. These figurines are highly idealized. If this interpretation is correct. and the presence of these figurines in sanctuaries should come as no surprise. they do not appear to have been used with any regularity as votives.30) may have been part of a childbirth group. but this identification must remain uncertain due to the very fragmentary condition of the figurine. A second relatively large group of figurines that depict birth are the south Italian figurines of a nude female figure kneeling on a flower. that these unusual figurines are found in regions of the Greek world where there was a strong non-Greek element to the cult of a female goddess. It is no accident. but serves as the actual source of the apotropaic power of the object. Pingiatoglu 1981.40). and consist exclusively of figurines.506 Indeed. For the worship of Eileithyia 251 .505 Of these. As their findspots indicate. p. I include among these the Geometric figurine from Kavousi (2. and the iconography of each is so controversial that I have chosen to exclude them from the present discussion. I have suggested that a fragmentary figurine from Corinth (2.e. however. the birthing imagery on these figurines is not only appropriate. not only are there 505 The three reliefs discussed above (pp. Divine birth scenes were common in Greek art. 11. The only places where explicit childbirth groups seem to have been dedicated with any frequency were the sanctuary of Eileithyia Inatia on Crete and in various locations on Cyprus connected with the cult of Aphrodite. the single largest group that depicts birth consists of the Baubo figurines. 188-195) that appear to depict birth scenes are all problematic. Minoan) goddess of childbirth. These figurines were widespread throughout the Greek world in Hellenistic and Roman times. it may come directly from a pre-Greek (i. 169. Other isolated examples may well have also depicted goddesses rather than mortals.of birth are few in number. pp. The iconography of the South Italian incense burners discussed above likewise seem to indicate a general synthesis of these cults. p. 86. See pp. 252 . 146-150 and cat nos. 37. Homer Od. 266). Callimachus. rather than Aphrodite. p.41-2. therefore.507 It is quite possible. Hymn to Delos. 156-7. on Crete. p. For similarities between the Cretan cult of Eileithyia and the cult of Aphrodite in general.18. For more specific similarities with Cyprus. 493. see Price 1978 p. Faure 1964. 2. Pausanias 1. in which there was no taboo against birth or its portrayal in a religious setting. 99 (Matthews 1996.8. 93. see Antimachus of Colophon Frag.5 and Karo 1930. 507 Callimachus states that Eileithyia.stylistic similarities between the Cretan and Cypriote figurines themselves.4. Strabo 10. see also: Baur 1901. that the dedication of childbirth figurines in these areas reflects a similar non-Greek or proto-Greek tradition.188. 257. n. but similarities between the Cretan goddess Eileithyia and Cypriote Aphrodite. was sometimes considered the mother of Eros. 19.46. Most were undoubtedly very simple. These sites may have included large public sanctuaries such as the Argive Heraeum. the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron. They might also have included small. clothing. expensive votives. such as a spring or cave. These small rustic shrines were unlikely to receive large. many of which leave no trace in the archaeological record. The resulting evidence in the archaeological record would possibly be enough to suggest a sanctuary. As we have seen. cuttings of hair and other ephemeral gifts were common dedications for childbirth. both past and present. are difficult to identify in the archaeological record. food. informal shrines that. it is one that must have comprised an important element of the private lives of the Greeks. seen in many other cultures.508 A married woman who wished to appeal for help in matters of fertility would likely first visit local shrines or cult sites of childbirth gods.Conclusions The pattern of childbirth rituals The evidence examined in this study suggests that a regular and predictable pattern of ritual was associated with female fertility in ancient Greece—a pattern that is difficult to trace in the androcentric literature of that culture. particularly for the women who oversaw these rituals. It is a familiar pattern. where childbirth worship was simply one aspect of the worship conducted there. Most of the votives probably consisted of items that had belonged to the women themselves. or the sanctuary of Athena Pronaia at Delphi. but 253 . veils. Nevertheless. and maybe a sanctuary primarily visited by women. consisting merely of a sacred enclosure associated with some natural feature. and they were often located outside of the city. particularly on hills or mountains. though common in antiquity. for the altar at Marathon. No doubt most of the minor shrines of this nature have not been discovered. see: Pingiatoglu 1981. 14 and his citations. as the cure records from the sanctuary of Asklepios at Epidauros suggest. or an altar found at Marathon inscribed with the words Artemidos and Eileithyion. such pilgrimages might have been encouraged by family members. 58. no. if the worshipper did not become pregnant. Jacobson 1980. E60. The majority of pilgrimages probably consisted of travel to the nearest sanctuary that specialized in childbirth and fertility. 113-114. 509 254 .510 Occasionally. For the boundary stone at Thorikos. and may have formed an underlying social expectation. traces of their presence may be inferred mainly through scattered finds.the true focus of the sanctuary in most cases would not be evident. touching special stones or statues or cult objects. for example. such as a lone boundary stone attesting the presence of a shrine to Hera-Eileithyia at Thorikos. she might travel to a more specialized sanctuary of a divinity known for granting aid for fertility and childbirth. The inscriptions from the sanctuary of Artemis at Gonnoi suggest exactly this pattern of regional worship. and the dedication of preliminary offerings in the hope of an answer to her prayers. see Baur 1902.511 A woman who undertook such a pilgrimage may well have performed a ritual that was intended to impart the fertility of the place (or of the divinity) to her own body. as part of a woman’s duty to produce legitimate heirs for her husband. 511 See pp.509 After praying at a local site. p. 510 See p. Indeed. a barren woman of sufficient means may well have been expected to make such pilgrimages to demonstrate that she was doing her best to fulfill her role as a wife. 508 See. pilgrimages of greater distances were undertaken for matters of fertility and birth. Such rituals might entail drinking or immersion in sacred waters. or activities that might damage or harm her offspring. this time to request help during the childbirth itself. Late in the pregnancy. If the pregnancy was a particularly difficult one. loosening her hair and undoing or removing all knots from her garments. Given ancient Greek beliefs regarding the mother’s ability to affect the appearance and nature of the growing fetus by her thoughts or actions. Ethnographic examples of such rituals include practices such as dedicating half of a ribbon and keeping half for herself as a birth charm. the 512 For this belief. Women who were unable to make such a pilgrimage themselves may have sent a servant or family member to the shrine with a small dedication to make a prayer or vow on her behalf.513 At the time of labor. Aristotle. At this time. VII. 18 1335b. the pregnant woman may well have made a second pilgrimage to the shrine or sanctuary of a childbirth divinity—probably to the specific divinity to whom she attributed her fertility. see Soranus I.39. spiritual. Pol. the parturient woman took precautions both practical and ritualistic in nature to ease the delivery. thoughts. a careful woman may have taken pains to avoid certain situations. though she need not necessarily have limited her religious devotions to just one divinity or sanctuary—in order to seek help with the pregnancy. foods.512 Periodic visits to local shrines and sanctuaries were made throughout the pregnancy. or exposing the garment she intended to wear during labor to 513 255 . sights. and supernatural) that might cause the pregnancy to end prematurely or with unhappy results. Such precautions included the use of special amulets. smells.Once pregnant. the expectant mother very likely made use of amulets intended to protect herself and her unborn child from any number of dangers (physical. she may have performed a ritual intended to attract divine powers of birth by making a physical connection with sacred objects. the expectant mother may have sought to relieve her anxieties about the approaching labor with yet another visit to the sanctuary (or sanctuaries). and the sacrifice of certain animals. and possibly including other measures such as removal of “polluted” objects from the house. the mother and infant alike would undergo special purification rites and practices. it may also have served to mark the official end of the ritual impurity caused by birth and to introduce the infant to the community and to the gods. observing a period of physical and ritual seclusion. The final visit to the sanctuary in order to make a dedication in thanks marks the end of the reproductive ritual cycle as I have defined it. Forty days after the birth. and possibly the recitation of prayers or incantations. This visit. including bathing. These same deities would watch the sacred powers of the site by dipping it in a spring or touching it to a stone or statue. If this ritual was the first public appearance of the woman after birth. marking the end of a successful reproductive cycle. The deities who had granted fertility and a successful birth were also the ones to whom the new mother would turn for protection of her child from spiritual and physical dangers. the infant was accepted as a member of the household during the ritual of the amphidromia. Approximately a week after the birth. and may have been a time of celebration within the extended family. it also signified the beginning of a new ritual cycle invoking the continued care and protection of the divinity for the child. the ban of ritual impurity was lifted from the household. 256 . was the occasion for making larger. pp. But for the female dedicant and her newborn child. 73-76. Gelis 1991. Immediately after birth. and the woman resumed her daily routine.use of magical charms to ward off or absorb dangers or pollution. the burning of incense or torches. At this time she made her final visit to the sanctuary of the divinity to whom she attributed her fertility and safe labor. more expensive votive gifts as a means of showing gratitude to the divinity. and for continued guidance during the child’s upbringing and education. 6. Similarly. and sometimes beyond.35. Peek 1932. no. 517 Gonnoi II. 14. Pausanias 7.514 If the child happened to be female. For this relief. 137 no.C.over the child until he or she was old enough to undergo the rites of transition to adulthood. Hamilton 2000. E32. Fertility rites such as bathing in special springs. unsurprisingly. nos. 516 Pausanias 2. she would undoubtedly turn to the same deities who had helped her mother and who had overseen her own childhood. which are discussed below. Price 1978. The relief was dedicated to numerous kourotrophic and birth divinities by Xenocratia in thanks for the upbringing and education of her son. It does not take into consideration the many regional and temporal variations that inevitably existed.515 The pattern outlined above is a simplified account of the private rituals that were performed for fertility and childbirth. a first century B.516 The votive stelai from Gonnoi list only female names as dedicants. What it does present is an overview. Pal. no. and the rituals and incantations performed during labor were. 161-196. 141. p. Baur 1902. 235-7. the well-known Xenocratia relief in the National Museum provides similar evidence for continued reliance on these divinities throughout childhood.242 for worship of childbirth divinities at the transition to adulthood and a request for continued protection throughout life.7. p. the exclusive domain of women.23. epitaph of a Coan woman who died in childbirth laments the mother’s death before celebrating her children’s important rites of passage and appeals to Kore to look after the children who survive her. certain sanctuaries and statues of Eileithyia were prohibited to men. 5 and additional citations there. 213-214. once she herself reached childbearing age. 515 The close relationship between families and the childbirth and kourotrophic divinities who watched over them is suggested by one family’s dedication of a sanctuary to Eileithyia and Artemis at Lindos. 257 . Nor does it give an account of the other family members who participated in some of these rituals. pp. Indeed. see Pingiatoglu 1981. Likewise.8. Pingiatoglu1981. p.517 Many of the 514 See Anth. pp. as do the Delian inscriptions recording votives given to Eileithyia. 23. Participants in childbirth rituals Available evidence suggests that women often conducted worship on their own for fertility and childbirth purposes. a broad picture of the rhythm of reproductive rituals that punctuated the daily lives of women in ancient Greece. as the names recorded on them are exclusively female. For other bases and stelai dedicated by a female worshipper.519 Among the childbirth votives that were dedicated by a woman acting independently. IG XII 5. IG XII 5. 6. however. as it fits the general pattern that archaeologists have identified for female dedications throughout Greece. there is strong evidence to suggest that independent worship by women at childbirth sanctuaries was common. E71. 520 See pp. E16. E108. no. E107. This comes as no surprise.197.518 Epigrams also mention childbirth dedications to Artemis and Eileithyia made by women.187. E53. at least two list a woman’s name alone as dedicant. pp. Pal.520 It is reasonable to assume. 519 258 . E90-E93. Female anatomical votives and other small inscribed plaques likewise indicate that they were dedicated by women. What is surprising.521 Statue bases dedicated to Eiliethyia also sometimes record only a female dedicant. 190-194.522 And.•).• (other objects as votives). • (catalog of anatomical votives) and IG XII 5. 522 Among the statue bases dedicated to Eileithyia at Paros (discussed above. To imply that this was the only pattern of worship would be misleading.dedications made at the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron were women’s gifts. The numerous painted votive stelai from Thessaly provide the clearest evidence for this. pp. though there is no literary or epigraphical evidence to confirm it. if we assume a correlation between iconography and ritual practice. Available evidence suggests 518 Linders 1972. then reliefs depicting a solitary female worshipper likewise confirm that these votives were sometimes dedicated by the expectant mother alone. is the fact that some of the larger and presumably more expensive childbirth votives were also dedicated privately by women. E42. personal items such as jewelry and clothing were by far the most common. E101. Thus. 521 See above. that the many terracotta figurines found in childbirth sanctuaries were also dedicated primarily by women. E38. see Pingiatoglu 1981.59. though. Anth. 6. Nu. 52. and. Interestingly.525 Like the women. A number of votives indicate that they were given by both parents.526 Men also made sacrifices immediately after the birth during the time of ritual impurity when their wives could not leave the house. it is quite likely that these were dedicated as offerings intended to celebrate and to encourage the continued support of a divinity in granting fertility and prosperity to the family. there is ample evidence to suggest that Greek men. they may have often accompanied their wives and children to the sanctuary to dedicate the final 523 See. Eileithyia. although women usually turned to goddesses such as Artemis. Ion •. accepted the children into the family during the amphidromia. IG XII 5.524 Votive reliefs most frequently depict couples and families. as I have suggested above. and perhaps occasionally even involved members of the extended family. pp. and riotously celebrated the arrival of their children by hosting a grand feast on the dekate. As we have seen. 526 Apollo: Eur. 189 and 199. Pal. 524 259 . 525 Aristophanes. the tenth day after birth. See •.523 At least one epigram also mentions explicitly the separate gifts that a husband and wife dedicated to Artemis in thanks for her help in the birth of their child. Despite the suspicion and distain that literary sources suggest was the usual male reaction to female childbirth rituals and cults. were concerned about fertility and reproduction. appealed to the gods for fertility and children. 6. like their wives. 103-4 and nos. Plassart 1926. and the nymphs. E74 and E85. too. Men also put questions concerning fertility and paternity to the oracle of Zeus at Dodona. and sought the aid of the gods in ensuring the successful continuation of their families. for example.that childbirth worship could often include the husband as well as the wife. Anatomical votives suggest that healing gods such as Asklepios were worshipped by both men and women for fertility issues. Many statue bases record the names of both mother and father.271. men. Zeus: I suggested above that the pattern of votives in the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus in the Argolid reflects male concerns with fertility. Anth. men appear to have addressed their concerns to male gods such as Apollo and Zeus. Pingiatoglu 1981. Susan Cole explains the presence and relatively large size of the figure of an older woman on one relief (3. These statues 260 .527 Patterns of votives As the most tangible evidence for the pattern of rituals discussed above. Other votive types seem to have been more restricted to certain regions or time periods. then. such as Attica and Paros. Some types of dedications seem nearly universal. Personal objects were widespread throughout all periods and regions. Unsurprisingly. held important complementary roles in the rituals that were associated with birth. the votives dedicated for childbirth comprise a large portion of this study. and were probably always the most common votives given to birth divinities. figurines and anatomical votives likewise enjoyed widespread and extensive use. statues of children are most commonly found in those regions. The final dedication of a thank offering for birth was an occasion for celebration that may well have involved members of the extended family. though certainly the popularity of specific types had regional variation. It would seem.thank offering after birth. It is possible that some childbirth votives were donated by members of the extended family on behalf of the couple. where sources of fine marble were readily available. particularly in their role as head of the house. that men.13) as reflecting the patronage of a family member (perhaps the mother-in-law?) in dedicating the relief. As a whole. Painted votive stelai appear to have been peculiar to the region of Thessaly. I wish now to examine some of the broad regional and temporal patterns of dedication apparent from these objects. The social value placed upon birth in Greek society is visible in the numerous rituals that accompanied every state of the reproductive process. p. in which artists demonstrated a new interest in depicting children in art. Though Greek artists in general avoided naturalistic depictions of pregnancy or birth. 35. The distribution of explicit childbirth votives—those votives that explicitly depict pregnancy or birth—also reflects strong regional patterns that can inform us about variations in practices and beliefs throughout the Greek world. 261 . The ability to produce a child was the single achievement that marked a woman's transition into the status of full womanhood. the local characteristics of childbirth votive tradition overrode the Greek aversion to depicting such scenes in art.seem to become popular only in Classical and Hellenistic times. Summary The process of childbirth had tremendous significance within the lives of Greek women. through childbirth a woman made her greatest contribution to the welfare and continuation of the polis. to form a network of regular female interaction within a society that greatly restricted women's social 527 Cole 1998. but rather a cultural bias against the aesthetics of depicting the female body in anything other than the ideal form. no doubt reflecting the general trend. I have argued above that we should interpret this reluctance not as reflecting a religious taboo against depicting the liminal state of birth. These rituals served to create and maintain a solid sense of identity for the community as a whole. The fact that explicit childbirth votives are found almost exclusively on Crete and on Cyprus—areas where there existed a strong non-Greek element of worship—suggests that in cities where there was significant cultural fusion. discernable in all media of the time. ranging from fear to hope. Knowledge of the personal experience of childbirth is largely lost to us as a result of the general disinterest that Greek authors had in such matters. childbirth became the focus of women's most intense emotions. and to provide a model of the ideal female role within both the family and the wider community. The votive gifts presented to the gods in acts of private worship provide our best surviving evidence for this most important aspect of women's lives in ancient Greece.528 In large part because of the importance placed upon successful reproduction. 528 Cole 2004. 262 . passim.freedom. Sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos. Boston. vol. JUfivstw/ Davfni"|ªeuºch. by iconographical subject. and bibliographic sources. van Straten 1981. indicate figures within the chapters. Akr. van Straten 1981.A. no. 243. Illustration numbers.25-1. IG II 4800. M. For a small number of entries whose identification is disputed. Athens (?) Roman imperial period. within each type." JUfivstw/|eujchvn.15.4 Vulva.14. Dedicated in Athenian Asklepieion from mid 4th century BC to end of 3rd century BC. 1. 2 London. date.Appendix I: Catalog This catalog consists of the objects that required detailed individual anaylsis for the purposes of my study. no. Anatomical Votives Vulvae 1. 1. Entries are organized by type of votive and. 1.1 Vulva.3 Vulva. For each entry I include as much of the following information as is available: provinence. 08. 8.F. 1. no.31. 146 no. Athens. 1. 1. Sanctuary of Artemis Kalliste 263 Fig.5 Two marble reliefs depicting vulvae. 235.2 2 Vulvae (2) mentioned in inventory lists IG II 1532-1537 and 1539. M. I no. BM 804: Smith 1892. Sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos.34 b: Comstock and Vermule 1976.14. Athens (?) Inscription: jOlumpia. 804. 1 . nos.n ajnevqhke. Athenian Asklepieion Athens. van Straten 1981. I also provide information regarding comparanda. p. no. van Straten 1981. 3690: Walter 1923. when given. Inscription: ªDiºi. description. 8. museum number. sanctuary of Aphrodite Inscription: jAfrodivtei. 51. Athens. van Straten 1981. no. 11.11 Vulva Daphni. 924. 1. 38.2730: IG II2 4635 and Peek 1942. Travlos. no. no. no. p. 4.2. Sanctuary of Artemis Marshall 1911. Daphni. Sanctuary of Aphrodite and Eros on the Acropolis Broneer 1935. 140 no. 1. 11. 160 nos.C. 11.5. Athens. sanctuary of Aphrodite 4th century B. 264 . van Straten no. 5-6. Inscription: Falakrivwn jAfrodivtei|ajnevqhken. van Straten 1981.2. sanctuary of Aphrodite 4th century B. sanctuary of Aphrodite 4th century B. 1594: IG II2 4576.M. 1821: IG II2 4575."| jAfrodivtei ajnevªqhkenº. Daphni. Inscription: Dwria.M. 11. 11. van Straten 1981. 4.2. N. p. IG II2 4577. N. 14. IX.12 Vulva.4. p. Inscription: Filoumevnh jAfroªdºivteªi cºarizomev|nh: ejpainei`te oiJ pariovnte". Athens.8 Vulva (?) attached to a marble pigeon. van Straten 1981. no.C. van Straten 1981.M. 1. p. Athens. 322 fig. 1988.10 Vulva. 1. Daphni. 5. van Straten 1981. Daphni. Fragmentary marble relief. no. N. 1.1. Ephesos. 1. 51.M. fig.6 Vulva (?).Philadelpheus 1927.7 Vulva. N. van Straten 1981. gold. 1595: Peek 1942. Inscription: Pamfivlh jAfrodivªteiº. 31.C. 424.3.9 Vulva. N.27. Athens. sanctuary of Aphrodite 4th century B. 1. pl. p. fig. no. 1592.C.M. no. 16 Oval terracotta plaque with a relief of a uterus with a lateral appendage.10.1. 31 fig 8. For the appearance and interpretation of this votive. van Straten 1981. no. no. sanctuary of Aphrodite Travlos 1937. according to Holländer (1912. 17. Athenian Asklepieion 4th century B.18 Small terracotta female torso. sanctuary of Isis 145/4 B. p. 22. Meyer-Steineg 1912.6. The inscription reads: uJstevra" ajrgura`~ duvo. 124. 1596: van Straten 1981. van Straten 1981. 3 Breasts 1. 1 The identification of this votive as a uterus is disputed. 2 Kos Asklepieion van Straten 1981. For a discussion. N. nos. 2 265 .3). see van Straten 1981 p.C. p. see van Straten 1981. Daphni. 132. IV 1. 15. 25e.8. Daphni. pl. p. 11. 1. p. ajnavqhma jArtemou`~.14 Vulvae (fragments).13 Vulva. no. Identification as uterus is based on its similarity with Italic examples. Inscription: Fivlh jAsklhpiw`ªiº 2 IG II 4407. 30. sanctuary of Aphrodite Athens. p. p. 1. Torso 1. pl.19 Pair of female breasts. 1. 55. I.8. 267 fig.7 and 11.C.M. 131) preferred to intepret this votive as illustrating pregnancy. no.1 Corinth Asklepieion van Straten 1981. no. 1.17 Uteri mentioned as votives in the Isideion in inscription IG 1442 A.15 Possible uterus. according to Meyer-Steineg (1912. Kos Asklepieion The swollen state of the abdomen indicates either pregnancy. 11. van Straten 1981.118. Delos. 3 Van Straten ( 1981. Uteri 1. 159) or dropsy. 3 pairs) mentioned in inventory lists IG II 1532-1537. p. 2.C. Dedicated in Athenian Asklepieion from mid 4th century B. no.1. 4 For retrograde lettering.26 Single female breast. 2 Athens. 5 n. terracotta. M.C. 1.22 2 Female breasts (10 single. no. 20.24 Female breasts. van Straten 1981. to end of 3rd century B. and 1539. Athenian Asklepieion c.C. see Koumanoudis 1877.27 Pair of female breasts.9. 1. no. Epigr. p. no.32. 3513: IG II 4522. 21. terracotta. no. 266 . Athenian Asklepieion 1st-2nd century A. 10. 1.23 2 Female breasts (2 single) mentioned in IG II 4511. 2 Athens.C. Inscription: JHrw. nos.3. 1. Epig. 1. 1. Corinth Asklepieion Corinth XIV. no. 34.C. Inscription written from right to left on the breast itself: JEkavlh"|ajnavqema. van Straten 1981.25 Single female breast. van Straten 1981.20 Female breast. 1. 8418. 1. Corinth Asklepieion Corinth XIV. van Straten 1981.116 A. 1. 4 1. Piraeus Asklepieion ‘Im Museum des Piraeus zwei Blöcke mit weiblichen Brüsten’ Bieber 1910.25-31.21 Female breast. pl. jAªsº|klhpªiw`/º eujchvªnº. M.10. 1. van Straten 1981. 114 . 281 no. 34. IG II 4504. 13. Athenian Asklepieion Probably 2nd century A. terracotta. pl. no.34 Female breast.32 Female breast. pl. Corinth Asklepieion Corinth XIV. no. marble. 24.31 Female breast.36 Female breast. 26. 1. Eleusis. terracotta.29 Single female breast. terracotta. 25. 27. 35. 29. 1. 35. 1. pl. Corinth Asklepieion Corinth XIV. pl. Corinth Asklepieion Corinth XIV. 28. no. terracotta.C. 1. pl. pl. 34. Inscription: jIsia. 34. terracotta.33 Female breast. no. no. Corinth Asklepieion Corinth XIV. Corinth Asklepieion Corinth XIV. 34. terracotta.28 Single female breast. 30. Corinth Asklepieion Corinth XIV. terracotta. pl. no. pl. 35."| JAsklh|piw`/ eujchvn. Corinth Asklepieion Corinth XIV. Asklepieion 1st-2nd century A. pl.Corinth Asklepieion Corinth XIV.30 Single female breast. no. 23. terracotta. Corinth Asklepieion Corinth XIV. 35. 1. no. 22. pl.35 Female breast. no. 1. 267 . 1. 1. terracotta. 35. 1. 35. 8. Athens 2nd . 1. Kos. 1.1. 101.6.C. Sanctuary of Amynos at Athens 4th century B. 807.3rd century A. Sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos. 3. I. 716b. IG II 4803. fig. Inscription: Eujtuci.2. p. 2. LSCG 70. p.C. 8." JUfªivstw/º|eujcªhvnº. 1. Oropos Amphiareion Mentioned in inscription IG VII 303.M. Travlos 1988. no. no. 241 no. p. p. Athens 2nd . 30.3. Inscription: jOnhsivmh euvch. Petrakou 1968. Travlos 1988. marble. no.2 Lost?: IG II 4505. no. 716h.D.42 Female breast. Sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos. van Straten 1981. Inscription: Eijsia. Sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos. 188.40 Female breast.39 Female breast. I.37 Female breast. 2 London. 78 fig. Asklepieion van Straten 1981. 800. Inscription: JHdeiva jAs|klhpi|w`i. no. N. 571 fig. JUfivstw/. p. 799.: Körte 1893. 6. and includes a list of the destroyed votives.M. p. van Straten 1981. Travlos 1988. 800: Smith 1892. IG II 4422. 1. Athens 2nd . B. B.41 Female breast. dated 202/199 B. IG II 4802. 716e.3. van Straten 1981. I.C.5.38 Female breasts (2 single). regulating the melting down of gold and silver votive offerings. van Straten 1981. no.n|Dii. 807: Smith 1892. BM 799: Smith 1892.M.3rd century A. van Straten 1981. 268 . IG II 4804.C. no. 12. no. 571 fig. 16. 1. 2 London.3rd century A. This inscription consists of a decree. 1. 2 Athens." JUfivstw/ euj|chvãnÃ. Travlos 1988. 571 fig. no. 2 London. 11. Athens Inscription: JUfivstw/ Gamikh. van Straten 1981. M. IG II 4783. no.7. Holländer 1912. Athens (?) Inscription: Eujtuciva| JUfeivstw/|eujchvn. 8. Inscription: Eu[praxi"|eujchvn. 206/7 Inscription: qew`/ JUfivstw/ ejphkovw/. relief. 1. p. 1. no. 59. 196 fig. Athens (?) 2nd . Sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos.8.46 Female breast. 8. IG II 4810. Thompson 1936.10.|eujchvn. 8.44 Female breast. 8.12. no. 8. 2nd . p. Cyprus. exact provenance unknown A. p. 154. 2 Berlin. : Kourouniotes and Thompson 1932. no. 127.: Beschreibung 719. 1. 1. Sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos. Inscription: Dionusiva JUfivstw/|eujchvn. 217 fig. 2 Athens. van Straten 1981.9.3rd century A.4. fig 4b. 717.C. St. Katakekaumene. 47.3rd century A. 154. van Straten 1981.C. 2 Berlin. p. no. van Straten 1981. 572 fig. M. 1.: Beschreibung 718. no.C.45 Pair of female breasts. p. van Straten no.48 Pair of female breasts. exact provenance unknown 269 . Sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos. Sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos. van Straten 1981. with traces of an inscription Thompson 1936. fig 4a. 8. Agora M. 1.D. Travlos 1988. Athens Fragmentary. Sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos. IG II 4809.47 Female breast. St.49 Pair of female breasts. Athens 2nd century A. 1.van Straten 1981.43 Female breast. Paris. marble relief. see van Straten 1981. For the epithet and its likely connection with childbirth.1. 33. 35. Labana`/ kai. and a pair of eyes. Diakonoff 1979."º Xandivkou~. p.51 Pair of female breasts.1. no. Filhvth kai. 361 no. 270 . Inscription: ª JIpºpostravth|ªKaºllivstei. p. 159 no. 2 Philadelpheus 1927. Aivatlar. exact provenance unknown c.54 Female breast. 1. Sanctuary of Artemis Kalliste 3rd century B. 23 No. p. 51. Tiavmou jAªleº|xavndra uJpe. 74. 9. 331 No. van Straten 1981.1. fig.D.D. 1. 3. Travlos 1988. p. 322 fig 424.r tevknwn kai.6. A. IG II 4667. 10. Mhni. fig. van Straten 1981. no. Louvre AM 668: Perdrizet 1896. Athens. 147/8 Inscription: Mhni. p. p. see above. van Straten 1981. 210-240 A.r tw'n|ªmºastw`n eujch. Rijksmuseum van Oudheden S. van Straten 1981. 309: Lane 1971.| jEtou" tkav mhªno.n|ajnevsthsen.5. Katakekaumene. Katakekaumene. 24. Lane 1971. 5. marble relief. 236/7 Inscription: qea`/ jAnaeivti kai. p. exact provenance unknown. fig.C. 1. 1. 152 no. p. no. 47. fig. Sanctuary of Artemis Kolainis5 5 No shrine to Artemis Kolainis has been found at Athens.|qremmavtwn e[sthsan. p. 42. no. Athens. 1. 3. Masson 1971. Inscription: jArtevmidi jAnaeªivtiº kai. van Straten 1981. 116. 11.52 One female breast. For evidence of a cult of Artemis Kolainis at Athens.50 Marble stele with relief depicting a pair of female breasts. Swkravth" kaiv jAm|mian" kaiv Trovfimo" oi} jAm|mivou kai. iJe|ropovhma eiJlasavmenu mhtev|ran jAnaeitin uJpe.53 Pair of female breasts. 47. Diakonoff 1979. but a cult to this goddess is known. no. Leiden.D. Tiavmou|Tuvch kai. Diiv. 144 no. 6. Mhni. Sanctury of Artemis Anaeitis A. Swkrativa|aiJ jAmmiavdo" pohvsante" to. 19. no.Inscription: qew`/ JUfivstw/ ajnevqh|ken Provktuo" eujxamev|ªnºh. 1. the lower half of a leg. facing right. 139: ICret. Baur 1902. marble. fragmentary marble relief.1. 23. II. no. Crete.ºNPWKOIS. p. Inscription: Sethriva| jArtevmidi dunathra`/ eujchvn.5. p.59 Female breast on a plaque. Inscription: {Wra Difavnou|Eijliquiva/ eujchn. 7 In line 3 of the inscription. Epigr. broken on all sides. 4. Fig. For evidence that Aphrodite was worshipped on the south slope see: Beschi 1967-68. favors the reading of IG II2 given above. Limestone.56 Pair of female breasts. 34.55 Female breast on a plaque. ‘in domo privata’: IG II2 4860. no. 129. Holländer 1912. 8420: IG II 4729. no. 307: IG XII 5. 2 Paros.60 Female breast on a plaque. Athens. Rhethymnon Mus. however. pp. Inscription: JEpikravtha Eijleu(q)uva eujchvn. no. 198 with photograph. van Straten 1981. exact find spot uncertain (Originally from private collection)... marble. 32. p. 123.C..58 Pair of female breasts. Eleutherna (Prinès) 1st-2nd century A.1. Pingatoglou 1981. 124. van Straten 1981.Roman Imperial period Inscription: Kallistravth| jArtevmidi Kole|nivdi ejphkovw/|eujchvn. no. 1. M. Inscription: ª---ºN| ª.. Pingiatoglou 1981. van Straten 1981. Now lost: IG XII 5. 1. van Straten 1981. Paros. Sanctuary of Aphrodite and Eros on the Acropolis (?)6 1st century A. Roman period.. 25. p. 193. Athens. 271 .1. Paros. 123 no. Mus. Pingatoglou 1981. 6 This votive was found on the South slope of the Acropolis. no. 1.7 2 Athens. XII 24. 24. no. 488. marble. 217 fig. 420. exact find spot uncertain (Originally from private collection). van Straten.57 Marble plaque depicting female breasts. 1. Svoronos reads ª---ºni tovkoi". Whether it originally belonged to the sanctuary of Aphrodite and Eros on the North Slope or to a small sanctuary of Aphrodite (as yet unfound) on the South slope is uncertain. Athens. implying a connection with childbirth. 6. Sanctuary of Eileithyia. 418. Paros Paros M. 1.C. exact provenance unknown. p. 1. 544. Traces of inscription. Athens, Epgr. M. 2524: van Straten 1981, no. 9.3. 1.61 Pair of female breasts on a plaque. Pergamon, exact provenance unknown. van Straten 1981, no. 37.2. 1.62 Pair of female breasts. Katakekaumene. Keil and von Premerstein 1911, p. 94 no. 6; van Straten 1981, no. 43.5. 1.63 Female breast. Golgoi, Cyprus, exact provenance unknown Myres 1914, no. 1676; van Straten 1981, no. 50.11. 1.64 Pair of female breasts; below them a grape-like growth (or an internal organ?) di Cesnola 1877, p. 158, no. 8; Myres 1914, no. 1227: Holländer 1912, p. 300 fig. 192; van Straten 1981, no. 50.12. 1.65 Pair of female breasts. Katakekaumene A.D. 125/6 Inscription: …ejkolavsqh jAmmia;"|oiJpo; Mhtro;" Filei?do"|ij" tou;" mastouv"... Steinleitner 1913, p. 39 no. 12; van Straten 1981, no. 44.4. 1.66 Vulva, marble relief. Thessaly, Demetrias Volos, Mus. E 467: Arndt 1893, no. 3399; van Straten 1981, addenda 19 bis. 1.67 Pair of female breasts on a rectangular plaque. Paros, exact provenance unknown Paros M. 557; Pingiatoglou 1981, p. 124, no. 26. Figurines Baubo Figurines 2.1 Terracotta Baubo figurine. 272 2nd or 1st century B.C. Delos, found north of the analemma of the theater, in 1912 Delos Museum A 2504 Terracotta figurine of nude squatting woman. Missing head, left shoulder, and part of legs. She squats with legs apart and knees raised. With her right hand she indicates her genitalia. Her abdomen is large. A small hole pierces the anus. The genital area of this figurine was painted red. Laumonier interprets this figurine as a grotesque obese woman, portrayed for "prophylactic" purposes. Delos XXIII, p. 259 no. 1206, pl. 90. 2.2 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Provenance unknown France, Museé de Besançon Nude female figure in squatting position. Her right hand touches her genitalia, while the left hand, not visible, probably went behind the leg. Her body is large, with a round abdomen and chubby face. Her face is framed on either side with three locks of hair that fall to the shoulders. On the top of her head is a thick wreath. The back of the figurine is left unfinished. A clay loop on the back at the level of the nape of the neck shows that it was intended to be suspended. Dunand 1984, pp. 263-268. 2.3 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Elatea, sanctuary of Athena Cranaia Nude female figurine in a squatting position. Her legs are spread apart, and her elbows rest on her knees. She holds her head in her hands. Her breasts are large and her round abdomen protrudes prominently. The top of her head is missing, but much of her face is preserved. Her chubby features are pulled into a grimace. Paris 1892, p. 279 no. 3, and pl. 11.3. 2.4 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Fig. 5 Elatea, sanctuary of Athena Cranaia Nude female figurine in a squatting position. Her legs are spread apart, clearly showing her large breasts and round abdomen. Her right hand is held up to her face, while the left arm is twisted back awkwardly, and, according to Paris, her left hand holds an indistinct round object against her shoulder. The head is pierced from one side to the other to allow the figurine to be suspended. Paris 1892, p. 279 no. 4. 2.5 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Elatea, sanctuary of Athena Cranaia Nude female figurine in a squatting position. Her legs are spread apart, clearly showing her large breasts and round abdomen. Both arms are held in near the body. She is positioned on a small socle that was molded along with the figurine. Paris 1892, p. 279 no. 5. 273 2.6 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Fig. 7 Late Hellenistic example from Clazomenae Louvre CA 872 Baubo figurine, whole. The figurine sits with both legs raised high towards her head. Her large pendulous breasts, round abdomen, and genitalia are all clearly visible. The head is pierced to enable the figurine to be suspended. Besques suggests that it was used as an amulet. Besques 1971, p. 123 no. D 822 and pl. 151b. LIMC III, p. 88 no. 3. 2.7 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Late Hellenistic example, possibly from Troy Exact provenance uncertain Louvre MNB 2001 Baubo figurine, missing lower part of legs but otherwise whole. The nude figurine sits with her two hands under her thighs. Loop for suspension. Besques identified this figurine as representing childbirth. Besques 1971, p. 91 no. D534 pl. 116 b; LIMC III, p. 88 no. 6. 2.8 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Late Hellenistic example from Clazomenae Louvre CA 4947 Baubo figurine, seated with legs raised high in the air. Missing both legs, the right arm, and the left hand. The breasts are large and pendulous, and the abdomen is extremely large. Suspension loop on the head. Besques 1971, p. 178 no. D1265 and pl. 249 d; LIMC III, p. 88 no. 4. 2.9 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Late Hellenistic example from Tarsus Louvre T 463 Fragment of Baubo figurine, missing upper body from waist up. She squats on a base with her thighs open. With her right hand she touches her genitals. The abdomen is large and round. Besques 1971, p. 299, no. D 2450 pl. 373 c; LIMC III, p. 88 no. 7. 2.10 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Fig. 4 Late Hellenistic example from Tarsus Louvre T 462 Fragmentary Baubo figurine. Missing head and most of both legs. The figure kneels with her thighs apart and touches her genitals. Large breasts and abdomen. Besques 1971, p. 299, no. D 2449. 2.11 274 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Clazomenae Louvre CA 4941 Baubo figurine with legs spread and hands under thighs. The breasts and abdomen are relatively small for this type. Suspension loop at back. Besques 1971, p. 178, no. D 1266, pl. 249f. 2.12 Terracotta Baubo figurine, squatting. 2nd half of 4th century B.C. Greece, exact provenance unknown Louvre CA 481 Baubo figurine, whole. The figurine squats, with her thighs slightly apart, and rests her chin on her hands. Her large breasts, round abdomen, and genitals are clearly visible. Suspension hole on head. Identified by Besques as an amulet depicting a woman in labor. Besques 1971, p. 70, no. D 440 pl. 94 d. 2.13 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Fig. 3 NY Carlsberg Glyptothek E 680, Inv. 333rrr Baubo figurine, complete. The figure sits with thighs spread apart and the right leg raised. With the right hand she touches her genitals. Schmidt 1911, p. 80 and pl. 42, fig. 115. 2.14 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Fig. 6 1st century B.C. private collection in Basle Baubo figurine, well preserved. The figure squats with legs wide apart. With her right hand she touches her genitals. With her left hand she holds onto her left knee for support. Her abdomen and breasts are large. Interpreted by Schefold as a pregnant figurine. Schefold 1955, pp. 218-223, figs. 3-5. 2.15 Terracotta Baubo figurine. Fig. 8 4th century B.C. private collection in Basle thought to come from a tomb in the Taranto area Baubo figurine, in squatting, spread-legged position, nude. Breasts and round abdomen are prominent. Her hands are raised to her cheeks and her head is slightly bent forward, with a grimacing expression. On her head she wears a pilos. Schefold 1955, pp. 218-223, figs. 1 and 2. Comparanda: Winter II, p. 458 no. 5. Obese Figurines 275 2.16 Terracotta figurine of nude woman. Fig. 11 nd st 2 -1 cent. B.C. Delos, NW of the house of Dionysus Delos Museum A 96 Terracotta figurine of nude standing female figure with round belly. Missing head and feet. She stands with her right leg slightly forward, with drapery over the left shoulder. The left hand is on her hip, holding back the drapery, while the right hand is at her side holding a phiale. Laumonier interprets this figurine as a grotesque obese woman, portrayed for "prophylactic" purposes. Delos XXIII, p. 259 no. 1205, pl. 90. 2.17 Terracotta figurine of nude woman. Fig. 10 Athens, exact provenance unknown Berlin Antiquarium 6889 Terracotta figurine of nude woman with large belly and pendulous breasts, which she partially covers by crossing her arms. Schöne believes that the restored head probably does not belong to the original figure, but offered no further interpretation of the figurine; Dumont and Chaplain believed it represented a pregnant woman. Schöne 1892, p. 67, no. 142 and pl. 36; Dumont and Chaplain 1890, p. 239 and pl. 23.1. Comparanda: There appear to have been several examples of figurines nearly identical to this one. See Froehner 1891, p. 60 no. 270 for a description of a figurine like this from Tanagra; this may or may not be the same figurine published in Besques 1971, p. 36 no. D198 and pl. 44 (Louvre CA473). See also Winter 1908, p. 456 no. 5. 2.18 Terracotta figurine of nude woman. Sanctuary of Athena Cranaia, Elatea Fragment of standing nude figurine with large breasts and abdomen. Missing head, both hands, the entire left leg and the lower part of the right leg. The right arm is raised toward the head; the left is bent and the hand was originally held out. Paris 1892, p. 279 no. 1 and pl. 11.1. 2.19 Terracotta figurine of nude woman. Sanctuary of Athena Cranaia, Elatea Figurine of standing female figure, nude. Most of the head is missing, as is the lower part of her legs below her knees. Both hands are drawn up to her left cheek. Her large, sagging breasts are almost completely obscured by her arms. Large abdomen and exaggerated posterior. The posterior is pierced with "un trou obscène." Paris interprets it as an old obese woman (vieille femme). I suspect that the pierced hole was intended for a support rather than to be obscene. Paris 1892, p. 280 no. 6, pl. 11.6. 2.20 276 Terracotta figurine of nude woman. Sanctuary of Athena Cranaia, Elatea Fragment of nude grotesque figurine representing an obese or pregnant woman. Missing both legs and most of the left arm. The head of this figurine is disproportionately large, and the features are those of a caricature. The right hand is held up to the right cheek. The left arm probably held an object on the left shoulder. Although the breasts are small, the abdomen protrudes noticeably. Paris interprets it as an old obese woman (vieille femme). Paris 1892, p. 280 no. 7, pl. 11.7. 2.21 Terracotta figurine of nude woman. Fig. 9 Smyrna Hellenistic Preserved is torso from shoulders to just below the knees. The figure stands with legs together and hands on hips. Her abdomen is large and round. Laumonier 1946, p. 315 no. 12 and pl. 14.3. Comparanda: Besques 1971, pp. 166-167, nos. D1142-1148 and pls. 230-231. Unique Figurines 2.22 Terracotta figurine of pregnant woman. Argive Heraeum National Museum no. 25961 Handmade standing female figurine with protruding abdomen. Head, arms, and feet broken away. No breasts are indicated. The legs of this figurine were formed separately and attached by inserting them into an opening in the bottom of the figurine created by the gap of the chiton’s hem. The legs themselves are broken off just above the bottom of the hem, and the legs are spread apart slightly. The arms were probably held out to the front. Waldstein interprets this as representing a pregnant woman, given as a votive offering for a successful childbirth. Argive Heraeum II, p. 30 no. 124 and fig. 52; Waldstein 1892, p. 20 and pl. 8, no. 19; Pingiatoglu 1981, p. 143 no. 8. 2.23 Terracotta plaque of pregnant woman. 3rd quarter, 7th century B.C. Lato, Crete Terracotta plaque, badly damaged. In high relief is shown the torso of a female figure. The breasts and abdomen are quite large, which led Ducrey and Picard to interpret this figure as a pregnant woman. The plaque is broken at the shoulders and below the abdomen. Hands and part of forearms missing. The left arm has been reattached. The two hands of the figure were originally positioned on the abdomen, as is evident by the traces where they attached. A sinuous roll runs above the abdomen below the breasts. The top of one motif in relief shows a sort of stylized lotus flower. The figure is painted black except a band of white above the belly. Picard and Ducrey argue that the figure is standing, not seated, and 277 see Kongelige Danske videnskabernes selskab. 12 3rd century B. 26. 2387.C. Blinkenberg interprets as showing pregnancy. no. rural "Peak Shrine" Plinth-like figurine of pregnant woman. Fig. Pingiatoglu 1981. pp. 338. Lindos I. Lindos I. 18 Geometric period Kavousi. Her left hand rests on her hip.C. broken off at the neck. 32. The head is missing. p. pl. it appears that the figurine stops just below the pelvis. no. Crete. 15 c. missing head but otherwise whole. 65. her round belly is quite visible beneath the folds of her garment. Lindos. The molded body is realistically portrayed. The genitalia are prominently displayed. 2. p. small deposit on the acropolis Female figurine. Comparanda: Kabirenheiligtum V. 525-400 B. 3048. 557 and figs. 31-32. 1st century B. 41. 2. missing head.26 Terracotta "doll. p. Comparanda: For the doll found in the sanctuary of Artemis Laphria. Ducrey and Picard 1969. 819-822. 142. The abdomen protrudes slightly but noticeably. now missing. with both arms wrapped in a himation that comes to her knees.3. 16 . while the right hand is held up to her chest (and seems to pull the neck of her himation down into a “v”).24 Terracotta figurine of pregnant woman." possibly pregnant? Fig. clothed in a long chiton. Lindos. 2. 85-6 and n. From Alexiou's illustration. the lower part of which terminates in a tenon that was pierced to attach movable legs (now missing). She stands on a circular base.C. The shoulders were also pierced to attach movable arms. 5. Preserved is the torso. 11. 87 n. Despite being fully clothed.25 Terracotta figurine of standing woman.27 Terracotta “hierodoulos” figurine with hollow abdomen. probably from Myrina 278 Fig. Both hands are raised to touch the breasts. p. Price 1978. Alexiou 1956. no. Fig. but compares this artifact to a doll found in the Calydonian sanctuary to Artemis Laphria that was interpreted as pregnant. Blinkenberg provides no clear interpretation. Historisk-filologiske meddelelser XIV. 39 fig. no. and the abdomen is clearly rounded to show pregnancy.that the roll below the breasts indicates that the figure is clothed on at least part of her body. large deposit on the acropolis Nude terracotta "doll" fragment possibly shown as pregnant. p. Price 1978. 2. no. 2640 (from Myrina). for the general type. 19 th th Late 6 or early 5 century B. pl. The breasts are small. 153. no provision was made for arms. 172) interprets this figurine as illustrating pregnancy. 50. Pitsa Fragment of nude.28 Terracotta figurine of nude woman. Both arms held out wide from the body. preserved from shoulders to lower abdomen. 13. A square hole is cut into the abdomen of the figurine. 2. Comparanda: for the well preserved examples found on the art market.31 Terracotta figurine of round-bellied woman. No provision is made for arms. New York. 2. no. and the arms. Crude figure with large protruding breasts and oval abdomen with incised lines dividing it into six sections. 133 no. Orlandos 1965. no. Preserved portions include the torso from the shoulders to the upper thighs. Rough back. p. The figure is pierced vertically by a hole. 229 center.30 Terracotta figurine of nude woman.29 Terracotta figurine of nude woman. Corinth XII. pl. Van Straten (1981. pl. p. The figure wears a large medallion between her breasts and thick-soled sandals. well deposit Corinth Museum MF3896 Torso of hand made female figurine. Fig. Davidson suggests that this figurine was made either as a joke or for magical purposes. 378 no. see Hesperia Arts Auction. see Mendel 1908. grinning expression. found in trial excavation at Penteskouphia in 1911. The figure stands with arms held loosely at the sides. Hair falls in waves around the face. p. 5. 2. but the abdomen is large and taut. 99 n. 2. 23 Cave of the Nymphs. As with many figurines of this type. Corinth XII. The head is slightly raised. which are merely flat stumps at the shoulder. Besques 1971. 279 Fig. 14 . 10.C. Nov. 27. 1990. Fig. Better preserved examples recently found on the art market inform us of the function of this hole: the abdomen was intended to open like a lid to reveal a tiny terracotta fetus in the abdominal cavity. No breasts are visible.C. D893. 17 th Late 5 century B. Corinth Museum MF3456 Hand made nude female figure with distended abdomen. standing female figure. 164b. Corinth. p. Dasen 2004 fig. Corinth. 206 and fig.Louvre CA1493 Fragmentary nude seated hierodoulos figurine. Missing head. Pellets applied to represent nipples and navel. frequently found at Myrina (without removable abdomen or fetus). no. 1. Fig. 62. if the flare at the base of the figurine may be interpreted as the hem of a garment. The eyes are indicated by pellets and the nose protrudes in a sharp ridge. p.33 Terracotta pregnancy figurines. The breasts and large abdomen are indicated by irregular plastic protuberances. Each of these figures stands upright with both hands placed protectively upon her expansive abdomen. with one hand resting at her side or on her hip. 280 . Cavanaugh et al. 20 Cave of Eileithyia Inatos. 2. Fig. no. D1141. The head is flat and disk-like. Tsoutsouros. 1996. Smyrna Late Hellenistic Louvre CA 5147 Standing female figure with round abdomen. Fig. 13 Sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus. 230c. are in fragmentary condition. Crete Heraklion Museum Geometric-Archaic Unpublished Numerous handmade terracotta figurines of pregnant women were discovered along with many other types of figurines in the cave of Eileithyia at Inatos during a salvage excavation conducted by the Greek Archaeological Service in 1962.34 Terracotta pregnancy figurines. pp. Besques identifies this figurine as pregnant. Besques 1971. 86-87. The preserved sections of both figurines include the torso and arms. These figurines remain unpublished. 166 no. wearing plain garment and himation.32 Terracotta figurine of round-bellied woman. 190. The figurine pictured on the left (inventory number N415 SF 140) has a small curve that indicates the breasts. pp. For brief descriptions of the excavation and the artifacts. The figurine may have been intended to represent a clothed figure. Lakonia Archaic Two handmade terracotta figurines of pregnant women were inventoried during the excavation of the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus in 1989. D1140. pl. The figurine is shown standing. Faure 1964. p. Besques interprets this figurine as pregnant. I have found only a single photograph of one of these figurines. 90-94.Smyrna Late Hellenistic Louvre CA 5148 Standing female figure with large round abdomen. identical in stance. wearing plain garment and himation fastened at shoulders. Besques 1971. 166 no. p. Tsakona. Both figurines. Head missing. 2. 2. see Price 1978. Head and lower half of body missing. 2.6. pp. They have disk-shaped heads.36 Terracotta comedic figurine. S. 6 and pl.37 Terracotta comedic figurine. Stephani interprets this figurine as a comic or crude figure showing a pregnant woman. She raises the himation to her face. The woman stands. Webster and Peredolskaja both interpret it as a comic actor figurine. With her right hand she pulls the himation over her face. but does not describe or illustrate them. Her expansive belly shows through the cloth of her garments. The figurine has an enormous protruding abdomen. Brouskari mentions the figurines. standing with himation wrapped around body. Comedic Figurines 2. Tomb 1. would have served an apotropaic function in a grave.C. 6. p. and is bent at the elbow. Her large round belly protrudes from the folds of her himation. Hermitage Museum BB92 (868 FF) Terracotta comedic figurine of woman. wearing a chiton and a himation that is pulled up over her head. He argues that a figurine showing pregnancy. and a flaring base which may have been intended to represent the hem of a gown. Stephani 1865. Waldstein also considers the figure 281 . S. but does not fully cover her wide grin with it. The other (1078) stands with both hands raised in the air. Hermitage Museum BB166 Terracotta comedic figurine. p.C. Grave 4. Peredolskaja 1964. She makes no mention of the fact that they represent pregnant figures.35 Terracotta pregnancy figurines. Given these similarities. hiding all but her eyes and nose. and the breasts are indicated with small attached protuberances. One (1077) stands with one hand supporting the small of her back and the other raised. Fig. 2. a taboo subject. 88. p.1. 21 and 22 Crete Protogeometric or Geometric Kanellopoulos Museum 1077 and 1078 Two nearly complete handmade figurine of standing pregnant women. 24 th 4 century B. Stephani interprets this figurine as "schwangere Alte"––an old pregnant woman. 25 th 4 century B. Brouskari 1985. 2. These figurines are identical in style to the figurines from the cave of Eileithyia Inatia at Tsoutsouros (2. Fig. AT 74a. 18.33). Russia Leningrad. Great Bliznitza. Russia Leningrad. Her right hand is also swaddled in the himation. Figs. eyes designated by clay pellets. it is quite likely that they originally came from this sanctuary. complete. Great Bliznitza. OMC3. 192-194 and pl. The breasts are abraded. 26. 8 and pl.39 Terracotta figurine of kneeling woman. p. Both of the small figures are fragmentary. see Peredolskaja 1964. Childbirth figurines 2. pp. despite the fact that the illustration does not reflect this. Reinach records Stephani's interpretation of her as pregnant. Comparanda: Paris 1892. The abdomen appears to be flat. p.9 For additional examples of this figurine type. near Sparta Sparta Museum 364 Marble statuette group of nude kneeling female flanked on either side by a smaller figure. pp. complete except for the legs. possibly from a small sanctuary near Lato Heraklion Museum 1494 Terracotta figurine of kneeling woman. raises a hand to his mouth. The better preserved. At the beginning of his 1929 article. no. 2. Terracotta comedic figurine of woman. The precise find spot of this figurine is unknown.8. particularly concerning the better-preserved small figure.8 Peredolskaja interprets the figurine as Demeter in her guise as a nurse. pl. 280 no. 17-18 and pl. There has been much debate over the interpretation of this group. 2. 401 that he is unsure whether this figurine came from the same place as the others. 8 9 Argive Heraeum II. 3. I prefer Pingiatoglu’s interpretation that the figure is playing the flute.4. Demargne 1929. 30. pp. 6.1. Demargne interprets this either as a figurine of a dedicant who was appealing for help in labor or a representation of a goddess who presides over labor. Demargne states that the Archaic figurines that he is publishing no doubt all come from “quelque petit sanctuaire situé en dehors de la ville” (p. 11. 4. was discovered in house A9 at Olynthos. 194. both arms. 401-402. 116 and pl. nude. 18 n. 7. Peredolskaja 1964. The other figure is entirely missing except for the left arm. the head.38 Terracotta comedic figurine. p.40 Marble group of kneeling woman with two genii. and pl. no. but he admits on p. 29 Magula. 382). 282 . Stephani 1865. p. Comparanda: a very similar example from the 4th century B. 69. no. 11. p. 161-172. 38. 41. and lower right leg are missing. Fig. Reinach 1892. 364. no. 97.C. Lato. Price follows Baurs’ interpretation in suggesting that the gesture of the hand over the mouth has an occult meaning.to be pregnant. Stephani 1869. Olynthos IV. pl. Crete. which is held over the abdomen of the large female figure. Stockholm Antik Skulptur no. kneeling on a circular base decorated with stylized waves or petals. p. A small winged figure floating above her holds up drapery behind her. Stoop 1960. p. with two genii. 6. 202. A long veil covers her head and falls along both sides of the body. p. 6. Tod and Wace 1906. Stoop 1960. 37. p. 2.42 Nude female figurine. Acropolis Fig. Two small nude figures appear on her shoulders. I. 36 n. Fig. Athens National Museum NM 5719 Nude female figurine. kneeling. pp. On the right. 32 and n. kneeling on the calyx of a lily set onto a circular stand. 6 and pl.41 Nude female statuette. p. were raised as in 2. Stoop interprets this figurine as Hera or Hera Eileithyia.43 Nude female figurine. no.44 Nude female figurine. 2. p. 141. 1. Stoop interprets as Hera or Hera Eileithyia. 878 fig.42. Zancani Montuoro and Zanotti-Bianco 1951. 3. p.45 Figurine of nude woman. Michaud 1971. the right hand is held near her face. In her left hand is a mirror. a stray find near the sanctuary Figurine of nude kneeling woman. 26 283 . 1960. The arms. such as a mirror and comb. a small winged and crowned Eros figure holds up drapery as a backdrop. Her right hand holds a bird. 2. 43. kneeling on flower.42 below. she gathers the folds between the crook of her arm and her body. 171-172 and figs. the hand holds the veil aside. 1712 Nude female terracotta figurine. Very similar to 2. The thymiaterion cup in the form of a flower that once rested on the head is now missing. The one on her right lightly touches her breast. pl. 7. Stoop 1960. 28 Context unknown Louvre CA 641 Nude female figurine. 165. kneeling on the calyx of a stylized flower. Lindos. National Museum. Stoop interprets this figurine as Hera or Hera Eileithyia. Stoop. p.Marx 1885. now missing. The left shoulder is slightly forward. kneeling. 179 and pl. This is the best preserved of several such examples found in the area. 2. 36. Winter 1903. Fig. Drapery billows behind her back and rests partly on her thighs. kneeling. 27 Heraion on the Sele. Pingiatoglu 1981. but they probably originally held either attributes. p. 2. kneeling on a lily. Her arms are raised from the elbow. 2. or the edge of the drapery. Stoop 1960. 50-51. p. Baur 1902. 135 no. 1. Both hands are missing. Price 1978. Behind her. p. 115116. A long veil covers her head and falls along both sides of the body.2 Votive relief depicting worshippers sacrificing to Athena. she gathers the folds between the crook of her arm and her body. 302) to identify this figure as pregnant. Lindos I.6 above. probably Artemis. Stoop 1969. She faces to the right and raises her right hand in a gesture of prayer. and veil. and the fact that the altar separates it from the worshipper suggests that this is the divinity. 2966. 11. Sanctuary of Artemis Lochia Delos Museum A3154 This is a very fragmentary relief. The upper right half of the relief is missing. no. himation. Stoop 1969. 46 Delos. while the head and upper torso are twisted slightly towards the front. p. Between this figure and the altar stands an adult female worshipper wearing a chiton. Reliefs Pregnancy reliefs 3. The legs are shown in profile. Stoop interprets it as Hera or Hera Eileithyia. A long veil covers her head and falls along both sides of the body. kneeling. Paestum Figurine of nude kneeling woman. 3. wearing a short hunting chiton. 2. 137. The frontal stance of this figure. 6-7. At the far left. but the lower portion preserves the legs of a third figure standing to the right of the altar. p. pp. Bruneau 1970. Before her stand a group of worshippers. 5 and pl. 47 Athenian Acropolis Acropolis Museum 581 Fragmentary relief. Pingiatoglu 1981. joined from three pieces. Genii on shoulders very similar to 2. Fig. Fig. p. At the left stands Athena. At 284 . 698 and pl. The unusually thick midriff of the female worshipper in this relief lead Plassart (Delos XI. 2. The deposit in which this figurine was found was not recorded by Blinkenberg. a male assistant drags an animal to the right. toward a cylindrical altar in the center of the relief. Her left hand is raised to hold the veil aside. pp. no.46 Figurine of nude woman. This figure wears a knee-length chiton. with her hand resting awkwardly on her hip.Istanbul Arch. 2. On the right. Museum Figurine of nude kneeling woman on an oval base. p. p. 191. Stoop interprets this figurine as Hera or Hera Eileithyia. wearing a helmet and depicted in larger scale than the other figures. pp.1 Fragmentary relief showing sacrifice made by worshipper. 300-302 and fig. HimmelmannWildschütz 1957.1. 248. Delos XI. The preserved goddess wears a chiton and chlamys. The woman on the left places her hands on the shoulders of the seated figure. Lehmann-Hartleben 1926. Jeffrey 1955. He suggests that this was a votive offering. Kontoleon 1970. p. broken on the bottom. while the woman on the right touches the back and head. 3. She is followed by an adult female. Provenance unknown MMA 24. pp.4 Votive relief of childbirth scene and divinities. depicts five figures. A wall is depicted on the right edge of the relief and. and rests her weight on her right leg.10 Beside him is a large sow that will be offered to the goddess. Baur and others have noted that the adult female figure appears to have an exceptionally large abdomen and. In her left hand she holds a small torch 10 A thorough discussion of this disk may be found in Lehmann-Hartleben 1926. VIII. facing left. 49 5th century B. 136 no. This relief has been the subject of considerable debate. On either side of this figure stands a woman. pl.C. preserved from the shoulders down. p. The scene itself takes place in a domestic setting. An adult male is preserved from the waist down. In the center is a seated figure. Baur 1901. 48 Chance find on the eastern shore of the Bosphoros. pp. Fig.92 Marble relief depicting woman after childbirth accompanied by divine and human assistants. p. 81-83.97. At the edges of the scene on either side is a standing female figure in a smaller scale than the central group.2. 13 and n.3 Childbirth relief (?) Fig. 3. consequently. according to Jeffrey. 4. Palagia rejects this view and suggests that it represents a family at the Apaturia. The figure on the left holds her arms outward. near Calchedon 3rd quarter of the 6th century B. 9. and has been interpreted as either a votive depicting the birth of Athena by Zeus or a funerary relief of a woman who died in childbirth. a mirror hangs in the background. 48. the one on the right raises her right hand to her forehead. who seems to make a similar gesture.the front is a small boy who holds a disk in one hand (perhaps pouring a libation?). Childbirth Reliefs 3. On left is standing female divinity (whose identification is disputed) and traces of another divinity (of which only the left hand and traces of the body are preserved). Above the figural decoration is a poorly preserved inscription that reads ª ºIKOS ª…º EME KATEQHKªENº. 181-182. pl. Staes 1886. have suggested that she is pregnant. followed by a small girl who holds out her hand in a gesture of worship. Pingiatoglu 1981. 285 . Istanbul Archaeological Museum 1136 The relief. each of which touches the figure in a gesture of support or comfort.C. Palagia 1995. IG V. Pingiatoglu 1981. To the right are two smaller figures. Behind her and to the right stands the second woman. p. i. p. 162. 67. At the far left behind the goddess are two large pithoi. Fig. no. E26. pp. 158 no. A goddess stands on left holding a large torch in both hands. They wear chitons and himations. 53 Sanctuary of Artemis Kalliste. 87-88 and n. van Straten 1981. 66. In the cornice of the relief is engraved the name of the dedicant. The identification and authenticity of this relief is disputed. inscribed to Eileithyia. She stands in precisely the same posture as the first 286 . 3. They appear to be approaching an altar. and each holds in her right hand a circular object. Weil 1876. 188 Fragment of a votive relief. the oldest standing nearest to her. 104. p. In the center. her head leaning to the right in an attitutude of exhaustion. Fig. Lakonia British Museum no.5 Relief of worshippers and Artemis. Athens 3rd century B. The initial report of this relief is provided by Weil. Above the heads of the children are the illegible remains of letters.7 Relief depicting worshippers. Demand 1994. 1. Behind her are three children. a man and a woman. Richter 1954. 100 and fig. no. p. Her right hand touches the seated woman. Mitropoulou 1977. 67. p. On the right of the relief are two women.C. According to his description. The central figure sits slumped on a stool facing left. just visible at the left edge of the relief. Vedder 1988. 43. Philadelpheus 1927. 45 no.6 Marble relief depicting worshippers. Preserved is the right side of the relief. 3. is a female figure of much smaller proportions. 1276. At the far right. pp. 178 n.with a handshield. following the two women. Between them and the goddess is a square altar. an adult female stands before a burning altar. 140 no. Reliefs Depicting Sacrifice Scenes 3. Inscribed in the upper border is: Dama. Stray find from a church near Hippola (modern Nomia) 4th century A. p. fig. Stoop 1960. who raise their right hands. facing right. She wears a long Doric chiton and himation that covers the back of her head. She wears a long belted Doric chiton and chlamys. two adult female figures are shown standing in profile. A relief of rough workmanship whose state of preservation is unknown.. pl. 81. holding an infant in a shawl in her left arm. 52 th th 5 or 4 century B. p.liß jEleuqivai ajnªevºqhke. facing left. Pingiatoglou 1981. 30 and 32. inscribed to Eileithyia. fig.C. LVb. 156 no. 7. Roussel 1927.C. 4. probably a wreath. A3158. and pl. 60-61. This relief. pp. Two very young children. which is considerably larger than the figure at the altar. One may assume that the female figure on the left. a boy and a girl. An adult couple stands facing to the left and raising their right hands toward the goddess in a gesture of worship. would have approached the altar from the right. 238. and holds a wreath in her right hand. At the far right of the relief is a small temple with four columns (or possibly two columns in antis). Demangel 1922. An inscription on the bottom border reads: ªELEIQºUIAI EUCAN. 191 no. stands to the far right near her mother. 50 Delos. a Doric frieze and acroteria. came to the British Museum in the 1800s. Before the temple is part of a palm tree. 54 Delos. 82 fig. Further to the right stand the worshippers. Smith 1892. is Artemis. an older girl. Delos XI. wearing a long chiton and holding a torch in her right hand. To the left of this façade stands a female figure. (Delos XI) or the 2nd century B. Delos XI.9 Relief of Artemis with torch standing before a temple and altar. p. (Bruneau) At the far left stands Artemis. Bruneau 1970. This relief is frequently interpreted as representing a couple offering a sacrifice to Artemis as a request for fertility. possibly a priest or temple assistant. who faces the temple holding a large torch in her hand. stands before the altar. p. To her right is a cylindrical altar on a square base. Despite the fact that this figure is represented in an identical manner to the first figures. Fig. 17. A third child. 14. 1. p. who faces to the right and leads a goat to the altar. p. and appear to be squabbling over the possession of an object which the girl holds tightly to her chest. p.1 3.C.10 287 .C. Pingiatoglu 1981. depicted on a slightly smaller scale than the goddess. no. pl. pl. stand at the feet of the couple. 28. sanctuary of Artemis Lochia Delos Museum A3153 Dated variously to the 4th century B. joined from two fragments. 254. III. sanctuary of Artemis Lochia Delos museum A3158 A partially preserved relief. A very poorly preserved figure of a man. 3. pp. originally part of the Inwood collection.1. 15.8 Relief depicting sacrifice to Artemis. presumably a temple assistant. it is probably intended to represent a female child rather than a servant. no. Pingiatoglu 1981. 157 no. which originally stood in the center of the relief. behind which is a boy. The worshippers. 299 and fig. 113114 and pl. Fig. A second fragment preserves part of an altar. now missing.two women. E30. Reliefs Depicting Other Scenes of Worship 3. poorly preserved. Bruneau 1970. 247. Advancing from the left are three worshippers. fig. 64 no. 151-152. fig.1. Delos XXXIV. 48-49. Mitropoulou 1977. Bruneau 1970. 127. only the upper left-hand corner is preserved. 56 Paros. Pingiatoglu 1981.13 Relief depicting the presentation of a child to Artemis. 8. 115 no. At the far right stands Artemis. as well as the head and right arm of the figure. sanctuary of Artemis Lochia Delos Museum A3157 A very fragmentary and worn relief. Find context unknown Delos Museum A3193 The relief. well preserved. The worshipper. Reliefs Depicting the Presentation of a Child to the Gods 3. 57 Delos. p.Votive relief of worshipper and goddess. 55 th 5 century B. 21.C. towards which a young boy leads a calf (?). The divinity stands in threequarter view with her right elbow resting on a pillar. pp. sanctuary of Eileithyia (?) Roman period Paros Museum 550 Upper right corner of a votive relief depicting a female figure. 3. The first is an adult woman holding in both hands a small child who reaches out to the goddess. Price 1978. now missing. p. Delos XI. p. 191. 25. Behind her in low relief is a 288 . holding a torch in her right hand and leaning on a pillar. Fig.12 Relief of female figure with torch. Demangel 1922. Pingiatoglu 1981. 17. Between Artemis and her worshippers is an altar. who is depicted in an unusual frontal position. 58 Echinos. An adult female figure wearing a top-knot hairstyle stands with her head bent and supports herself by leaning with her left hand against a tree (or perhaps a column?). excavated near the southern slope of the Acropolis Late 5th century B. p. pp. Her left hand originally also held an attribute. There are five figures on the relief. depicted in much smaller scale.11 Fragmentary votive relief of female figure. Her right arm is raised in a gesture of worship. Fig. Many details are missing due to the poor preservation of the surface of this relief. A rectangular marble relief. faces the deity and raises her right hand in a gesture of prayer. In her raised left hand she holds a small torch with a hand-shield. 303. 22 and pl. 84. and a female worshipper on the right. which is joined from six fragments. depicts a standing female divinity on the left. 4 and pl.C. p. Preserved is border on the top and parts of the left and right sides of the relief. p. Pingiatoglu 1981. Fig. 3. Fig. In her right hand she holds a large torch. She wears a quiver. 16. 140 no.1. barely visible behind her left shoulder. no. p. 123 no. 255. Fig. facing left. a gabled box. Though their faces are now missing. both leaning towards the right slightly. In the center of the relief is a female figure seated on a throne. a female. and was considered votive in nature. 6. She wears a chiton and himation pulled over her head. facing left. At the far right is a seated female figure on a throne in much larger scale. Smith suggested that it represented Eileithyia seated on her throne.11 Most recent scholars have rejected this identification. Before her walks a second woman. Her right hand is raised to her chin in a gesture of mourning. and her left hand is held out towards the central figure. 59 Steleia. In her right hand she holds a swaddled infant. 142-143. At the far right stands a fifth woman. the short chiton of the left hand figure suggest that this is a male. who carries a tray of food offerings balanced on her head. With her left hand she pulls on her himation. At her knee is a small child. reused in a church 2nd quarter of the 4th century B. pp. pp. wears a long chiton and himation. also facing right.15 Relief of women and infants. reused in a church Volos Museum L 467 Relief. 3. 289 . interpreting the relief as part of a 11 Smith 1892. Dakoronia and Gounaropoulou 1992. a young servant woman in three-quarter view moves to the right and carries in her left hand a shallow basket at shoulder level and in her right hand.C. Pingiatoglu 1981. the right-hand figure. 40-41. a fourth woman stands before the seated figure. while her right hand rests on her lap. and her head is slightly bowed. British Museum 789 Broken at top. 789. A figure standing at the far left is now missing. but also the formal presentation of an infant to the goddess. two standing figures. In the background above the heads of the worshippers is a line of garments depicted in low relief. poorly preserved and broken on the left. probably a servant. This object was originally thought to be the base of a sculpture. Kastriotis 1903. This relief has been interpreted as a childbirth votive depicting not only a sacrifice offered in thanks for a successful childbirth. who caries in her arms a swaddled infant. Fig. In her left hand she also holds a swaddled infant. In the center are two standing figures. 60 Sigeion. who reaches up to her with both hands. pl. 34-35. Morizot 2004. 3. facing right. pp. no. At the far left is a larger draped female figure who holds a small box in her left hand and makes a gesture of adoration with her right hand. with four worshippers: three presenting their infants to the goddess. and in her right hand she holds a vessel. no. and a child. Further to the right. Thessaly. 9. At the far left. Kastriotis interpreted this as a votive to Artemis Eileithyia in thanks for a successful birth and suggested that it had originally been dedicated in a nearby sanctuary on the acropolis of Paliokastro. Cole 1998.smaller female figure. presumably indicating that these are displayed in the sanctuary where this ritual takes place. and the fourth bearing votive gifts.14 Relief of seated woman. the two remaining figures use similar gestures. 13 290 . 12. no. In addition. no.12 This latter interpretation is almost certainly correct. Pingiatoglu 1981. no. no. I. I. p.13 Smith 1892. Baur 1902. Clairmont 1993. Clairmont 1993. 362. 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