Anthropology of the Body

Annual Reviewswww.annualreviews.org/aronline Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 1993.22:133-155. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. For personal use only. Annu.Rev. Anthropol.1993.22:133-55 Copyright©1993by AnnualReviewslnc, All rights reserved CULTIVATINGTHE BODY: ANTHROPOLOGYAND EPISTEMOLOGIESOF BODILY PRACTICE AND KNOWLEDGE Margaret Lock Departmentsof Social Studies of Medicineand Anthropology,McGillUniversity, Montreal, QuebecH3Z2L4 Canada KEYWORDS: epistemology, embodiment,subjectivity, agency, nature/culture dialectic INTRODUCTION Since the bodymediatesall reflection and action uponthe world, its centrality to the anthropological endeavorseems assured, but a perusal of the canon of social and cultural anthropologyindicates that the body’s explicit appearance has been sporadic throughout the history of the discipline. In muchthe same way as Munnnoted that the topic of time has often been "handmaidento other anthropological frames and issues" (178:93), the body, despite its ubiquity, has suffered a similar fate, thus remaining largely unproblematized.The majority of researchers have in effect simply"bracketed"it as a black box and set it aside. There have been recent reviews of topics that implicate the body, including the politics of reproduction (81), humansexuality (39), the emotions(164),. and shamanisms(6). A proleggmenato an anthropological physiology has also appeared(20), but aside from two edited collections from the 1970s(14, 201) and one position piece (159), there has been no substantial review of research in connection with an anthropologyof the bodyper se. I believe this lacuna highlights a long-standing ambivalenceon the part of manyanthropologists 0084-6570/93/1015-0133505.00 133 Annual Reviews www.annualreviews.org/aronline Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 1993.22:133-155. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. For personal use only. 134 LOCK toward theorizing the body, an ambivalencethat is gradually being dispersed and replaced by someexciting developments. Keat has pointed out that contemporaryphilosophers and social scientists havespent a great deal of time discussing the distinctiveness of humanbeings, but at the sametime have held finn to an assumptionabout the "non-distinctiveness" of the humanbody (127). Because humanevolution and variation amonghumanpopulations have always been part of the anthropological bailiwick, anthropologists have proved a good deal more alert to the theoretical challenge posed by the bodythan have other social scientists (237:8). Nevertheless, they havetended to accept that the physical bodyfalls "naturally" into the domainof the basic sciences and is therefore beyondthe pervue of social and cultural anthropology. Until recently the individual bodyusually has been conceptualized as a universal biological base upon which culture plays its infinite variety (78, 94, 189), although one or two researchers have sought counter this position (12, 14, 201). A shift in perspective can be observed since the late 1970s. Berthelot has recently noted that the "body wouldappear to be everywhere,(13). Paradoxically, since closer attention has been paid to bodily representation, the body has becomemore elusive, fluid, and uncontrollable. Manyresearchers who have attemped to theorize and grapple with epistemology have becomeprogressively eclectic in their efforts to portray the bodyin its infinite complexity while becomingincreasingly aware that the "problem"of the body will not be settled (66, 154, 203,227,228, 232, 233). Althoughcertain sociologists continue to create elaborate bodytypologies (72, 236), anthropologists, by contrast, have virtually abandonedthis project, although the problemof framing analyses, delineating boundaries, and demarcating just whatis signified by the "body"remainsa source of creative tension. Decenteringthe physical bodyof the basic sciences and questioning the epistemologicalassumptionsentailed in the production of natural facts has radicalized and relativized our perspective on several recalcitrant dichotomies, in particular, nature/culture, self/other, mind/body,while at the sametime inciting increased reflexivity with respect to anthropologicalpractices as a whole. In this essay, I selectively limit mycoverageto those researchers whohave endeavoredexplicitly to situate the bodyas a product of specific social, cultural, and historical contexts; who have engaged the nature/culture or mind/bodydebates in a substantial way; or whohave grappled with the poetics and politics of the productionand reproductionof bodies. This type of research has brought us to a radical position with respect to the truth claims of the medical and epidemiological sciences. Myobjective in emphasizing this approach is not to create an impasse with scientific knowledge, but to move toward an improveddialogue, while remaining inherently suspicious of universal truths, entrenchedpowerbases, and intransigent relativisms. Analyses of metaphorical and metonymical uses of natural symbols in reproducingthe social order haveresulted in a substantial literature on homologous relationships commonlyconstructed amongphysical topography. Evans-Pritchard. social arrangements. 103. depilation. 109. difference. the "first and most natural tool of man"an artifact from which the social order was created (171:75). Durkheimin The Elementary Formsof the Religious Life wrote that "manis double. Such homologies create and reproduce a moral landscape through time and space--the dominantsocial and moral order--an arrangementthat researchers have assumedremains largely unquestionedbecause it is taken as "natural" (7." After arguing for a biological basis to the dominanceof the right hand. 128. 206.annualreviews. 192. Anthropol.annualreviews. 90. stimulated anthropological imagination in the early part of this century about howthe body"is good to think with. For the Annalesgroup. 50. whether used primarily in ritual or in everydaylife.org/aronline CULTIVATINGTHE BODY135 Annu. and ornamentation. MAKING THE BODY SOCIAL A perceived opposition between nature and culture. 244). Downloaded from arjournals. through comparativetaxonomy. while overtly embracing principles of holism. 227) has influenced anthropological theorizing since the end of the last century.227. 161. hair styles. Rev." makinga distinction betweenthe universal physical bodyand the "higher" morally-imbued"socialized" body(52).to demonstrate the interdependence of the physical. correspondto sociocultural mappingof time and space (172. unity. Hertz claimed that the asymmetricalpractices and associated intellectual and moral representations about the right and left hands are categories "anterior to all individual experience" and products of the "structure of social thought. 16. 182. and inclusion. and both he and Van Gennepshowedthat body techniques. 182. with prescriptions about bodyfluids. As a British strucmralist explicitly at odds with the universalism of both Freud and Levi-Strauss.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08.Annual Reviews www. the corporeal bodywas tabula rasa. 136." He concludedthat such transcendent representations appear as "facts of nature" to the individuals on whomthey are practiced (101:22). domestic architecture. 207. 231. now recognized as a product of Westernmetaphysics(15. Durkheim’spupil. 142. Suchclassificatory systems. 8. Maussbelieved that all bodily expression learned. are also used to justify hierarchy. was struck by how"[a] slight organic asymmetryis madethe symbolof absolute moral polarity" (58:1).22:133-155. 239-41). deportment. 106. cosmetics. and exclusion (49. 240).243). 106. Related research has shownhowsocial categories are literally inscribed on and into the body. Douglas gave emphasisto the variation apparent in body symbolismthat she asserted arose from the structural constraints of . and social domains. For personal use only. psychosocial. and parts of the body. inspired by Hertz’s essay. clothing. 1993. Hertz.acts as a signifier of local social and moral worlds (10. which. nevertheless he tried. in turn a function of the positioning of the individual in society. However. is then redefined and reified largely in terms of culturally determinedcategories--rather than perception dominating classification. Ellen also claims that in another sense culture can be dominant. 141) have had a particular influence on the anthropology of the body and the kinds of questions asked about bodily representation and its relationship to practice. 110). It brings with it the difficulty of people both having and being bodies (236:1).and nature. Douglas.annualreviews. 105. 136 LOCK society. in other words.bodyclassifications cannot be arbitrary. are nowprivileged.annualreviews. Nevertheless any connection between knowledgeand practice remains essentially obscure. This conceptual shift mirrors theoretical changes that have taken place throughout anthropology and other social sciences. The shifts in orientation of authors such as Ellen. largely through decentering the cognitive construction of knowledge. as does the problemof individual meanings attributed to cultural symbolsand their manipulation. Douglas was uncompromisinglyrelativistic in her claim that every "natural" expression is culturally determined(50). related in turn to relationships of power. Rev. Interpretations that seek explicitly to collapse mind/bodydualities. it is the classificatory systemitself that becomesconcretized. 1993. of text and enactment).22:133-155. or that are essentially dialectical or montage-likein form. ." and nature/culture and mind/bodydualities are self-consciously interrogated. found no simple analog betweensociety and body symbolism(225). Overthe past twenty years.org/aronline Annu.Sahlins. the material and the social" (54:370). culture simply provides the appropriate lexical labels to affix to physical sensations. analyzing the significance of menstruation and menopausein Wales. and others stimulated a fundamentalreformulation of the problem of the body as one of semiosis.Skultans. Anthropol.Annual Reviews www. For personal use only. However. and from different direction.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. The body is no longer portrayed simply as a template for social organization. including the body. Ellen has called for recognition of a dialectical relationship between"the cerebral. howthe bodyfunctions as both a "transmitter" and "receiver" of information. He concedes that because cognitive structures are biologically grounded. subjectivity and its relation to biology and society cannot be ignored. nor as a biological black box cut off from "mind. conceptual approachesto the bodyhave tried to overcomea radical separation of knowledgeand practice (in poststructuralist terms. The question of the bodyrequires more than reconciling theory with practice.the recouperation of the female body and its politicization by feminists (81. Downloaded from arjournals. Sahlins’ analysis of basic color discrimination posited selective attention to biological universals as being culturally constructed (213). a broadeningof the anthropologyand sociology of knowledge to include analyses of scientific texts (21. while other anthropologists have claimed that physical structures not only constrain perception but also determinecertain formsof universally-foundpictorial representation (173). 151. Turner has pointed out that both the Germantradition of philosophical anthropology and Merleau-Ponty’s work. Formulatedin opposition to Levi-Strauss. Rev. is concernedthat the semantically produced bodyis reduced to the status of a sign. 89.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. bodily practices mediatea personal realization of social values. Drawingon a reformulation of Mauss’concept of habitus." He posits that efficacy of ritual and healing ceremonieslies in the cultural framingof subjectively experienced feelings of inchoateness (16.annualreviews.org/aronline CULTIVATINGTHE BODY137 As a result. Jackson. Annu. 107-9. Anthropol. 1993. 33. 24. it was designed to overcomea rigid dualism betweenmental structures and the word of material objects. and then turns to a second transposition in which"patterns of bodyuse engendermental imagesand instill moral qualities" (109:131). 43. 145. 44. 27. Oneapproachhas been to try to preemptthe emergenceof classical analytical dualities at the site of productionby openingup the black box and conceptualizing embodimentas prior to consciousness. 17. 256)." He was concernedthat practical activity should not be constituted simply as representation. Downloaded from arjournals.Jackson argues that creative freedomin mimeticplay is circumscribedby the constraining habitus. 73. whichis both epistemologically unsoundand renders the body passive (109:124). conceptual dichotomiesinevitably metasticize into one another. 67. for example. 74. pervasive influence on anthropological thinking about the bodily practices of everydaylife. see also 194. 242). point toward a phenomenologyof embodimentthat is relevant to the social sciences (23. grounded in Husserlian philosophy (174). Several anthropologists have used phenomenologicaltheory as a starting point to counter what they see as the mistakenenterprise of interpreting embodiedexperience in terms of cognitive and linguistic modelsof interpretation (31. 32. along with de Certeau (40) and Elias (53). Jackson uses Kurankoinitiation rites to showthat. Devischeasserts that symptoms of illness are culturally patterned manifestations of a "dismemberedsymbolic operation. Jackson’s "radical empiricism" is "based upon bodily awarenessof the other in oneself" (p. He takes inspiration from Boas’ workon gestures and postures (15) as well as from Maussand Bourdieu in order to develop a theory of embodimentgroundedin mimeticism.185).Annual Reviews www. 195). Bourdieu’s theory was explicitly grounded in the repetition of unconscious mundane bodily practices (19). 117. For personal use only. Bourdieucan be accused of ignoring dissent and social transformation. but he has had. their reproductionthrough enculturation.22:133-155. and their relationship to discourse (16. B. . 109. in a discussion reminiscentof V.annualreviews. EMBODIMENT:SUBJECTIVITY AND THE SOCIAL ORDER Bourdieustarted out his influential theory of practice by supporting phenomenology to counter what he understood as a "misplaced objectivity. Turner(241). 130). misfortune. 198. 199. disembodiedself as a gold standard for successful personhood.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08.22:133-155." a mindful self independent of the body and nature at large.where mobility and independenceare highly valued and reinforced by the medical system. Downloaded from arjournals. an approachthat allows entry into the communicative aspect of the lived worldof Tamils.rational. he showshowgendered relationships.org/aronline Annu.annualreviews. 125). illness. Personal experience of majorphysical disability and illness has resulted in several movingaccounts that testify to the powerful effect of changes in embodiment on subjectivity. 1993. Daniel argues that Tamils conceptualize themselves as having different kinds of bodies and personalities based on the qualitites taken in fromthe soil at their birthplace. is essential to the "view from nowhere"characteristic of a post-Enlightenment approach to knowledge(143). betweenindividuals and society and betweenindividuals and nature. but that does not explicitly engage a decentering of social science epistemologies with respect to either personsor bodies. 138 LOCK thus producing "symbolic closure" (102). Comparative research the cultural construction of concepts of mind. 146. Kaufmanhas shownthat biography created around serious illness represents both knowledgeof the self and an expressionof "part of the self" (125. and emotions has contributed to a questioning of the autonomous. His reliance on psychoanalytically derived categories ensures. often produces contradictions in individual embodiment(73. see also 57. Rev. however. 179. working on charismatic healing in America. Obeyesekere examines the process whereby public symbols relating to the body becomeinfused with personal meaning (187). 44). has proposed a theory of embodiment drawing on both Merleau-Pontyand Bourdieu as a paradigmfor anthropological research (31). For personal use only. that no radical perspective on embodimentemerges. 89. The impact of disability on patients in North America. Daniel then inserts experiential daily life into a larger cosmicand religious order (34). sexual activity. body. 205. Anthropol.Annual Reviews www. and the flow of bodily fluids are culturally constructedand contained. are normativeconstructions that have significance for the creation of explanations about inequality. Csordas. 212. 119. self. Fluid boundaries. 234). Devische examines how this accomplished through body boundary signification amongthe Yaka of Zaire related to their concepts of spatio/temporal order (43. 215). 165). and for the moral order (97.annualreviews. THE CULTURALCONSTRUCTIONOF SELF AND OTHER The concept of a reflexive "I. although he demonstrates . and has at the same time renewed anthropologicalinterest in the body(79. 258). Usinga semioticapproach. In a somewhatsimilar vein. which in turn has consequencesfor the individual in society (46. For personal use only. In discussions of the role of the state in authorizing and prescribingparticulax forms of emotional discourse. However. deplores what he terms "the mourning paradigm" of muchmedical anthropology. and Bateson’sphysiologyof aesthetics (9). see also 36). and reductionistic approaches fall to consider what Rosaldo terms "embodied thought" (see also 112." Drawingon Bourdieu’s politics of aesthetics. these concepts.a recent review has shown howmost extant research works within the frameworkof the very dichotomy--cultural sentiments vs natural passions--that a critical approach seeks to overcome(164). . semantically different across cultures. Rosaldo (209) stress that emotions inevitably involve both meaningand feeling. psychiatric lens. Zimmerman. and body"while seeking to deconstruct conventional dichotomizedsocial science categories derived from Westernphilosophical thought (198:141. People everywherelearn to attach culturally constructed labels to subjective feelings. with great potential for a politics of aesthetics groundedin felt experience(35. Downloaded from arjournals. Desjarlais makesa case for incorporating "felt experience" into analyses of emotionon the basis of workamongthe Yolmoof Nepal (see also 112). 1993.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. Anthropol. taste.for example. 104. Hequestions the assertion that investigations into the subjective experience of distress must inevitably be epistemologically unsound.22:133-155. including aesthetics of harmonyand control. CULTIVATINGTHE BODY139 effectively the choice individuals have of adopting or rejecting public symbols. Lewis (146) and M. and suggests that feeling can be portrayed in part through empathy--througha "visceral engagementwith symbolic form.org/aronline Annu. and touch take center stage haveopenedup newhorizons. with respect to healthy and sick bodies (41. Others have sought a "movingtogether reason. In contrast. 210. act as bridging conceptsacross bodily and semantic domains. 65. Thus emotions cannot simply be captured as either cognitive judgmentsor visceral reactions. Desjarlais attempts to represent a phenomenology of aesthetic experience. 42). Ethnographic accounts in which olfaction. he explains Hindupain and loneliness through an analysis of love tales and songs (257). 113). 146. Rev. a paradigm that describes the ills of the word through a pathological. 137). It has been suggested that an anthropology of the body should include a theory of emotion--that such a theory could help to bridge post-Enlightenment epistemological dichotomies (159).annualreviews. 163. emotion. 248).Annual Reviews www. Favret-Saadacautions that there are limits to the human capacity for symbolization and that humanemotionmayat times be devoid of representation (64. Desjarlais takes issue with research that interprets local discourse on emotion solely as a culturally-sanctionedrhetorical strategy with possible political import (41). Jenkins and the Goodswork toward a politics of embodiedemotion(84.annualreviews. sound. see also 188). institutionalized largely throughpublic health practices (25). through an analysis of Tshidi precolonial cosmologyand ritual. 70). and the cultural productions of the womenthemselves. to create a reflexive. 197). Althoughpresenting no direct challenge to the dominantcolonial order. Comarofffocuses on bodily signification as societal memory--significantchanges in the social and political order must be accompanied by changes in the "mnemonicscheme inscribed in physical form" (24:124. Nevertheless. working instead to dissect the "informal logic of everydaylife" in Hofriyat. coun- . She is concernedwith the inherent contradiction betweenthe cultural construction of womenin Hofriyataccording to the male dominated Islamicderived ideology." institutionalized through disciplinary techniques. concernedwith the epistemic shift to modernity. Foucault. however. Downloaded from arjournals. She also uncovers transformations between Tshidi consciousness and the consciousness of European colonizers throughout the colonial period in which bodily practice is central (see also 231). Comaroffasserts that Zionismfunctions as a resistance to the infiltration of the hegemonicpowerapparatus into the structures of the natural world(p. sexuality. exchange. in whichthe "savage native" becomesthe target of disciplinary practices including regimensof hygiene. see also 196." has been roundly castigated for not spelling out the implementationof the "micro-physics" of powerin praxis (98).208. Central to this theory is the concept of "surveillance.org/aronline 140 LOCK Annu. The reintroduction of history into an anthropology of the body must be attributed largely to Foucault. BODIES DOCILE AND RESISTANT Foucault’s discussion of biopowerhas had a profound effect on anthropological representations of the body. but a serious attempt to address oppression in a situation fraught with danger.22:133-155. and bodily restraint. Morerecently.annualreviews. resulting in the production of docile bodies (69. For personal use only. nor simplya liminal interlude. Foucault’s work has profoundly shaped the anthropological understanding of hierarchy. 261). whichhe critiqued with respect to its "objectifying practices. northern Sudan. Comaroffhas examinedthe dialectical interplay betweennineteenth century medicine and the colonizing project. Boddy discusses howwomenin Hofriyat are irrevocably madeinto "living vessels" of their culture’s moral values through pharaonic circumcision (17:16). Rev. and nurturing (24:260).Annual Reviews www. Boddypays less direct attention to history than does Comaroff. 251). trance. 151. manifest largely in ritual and narrative associated with the Z~r cult. one in which the relationship of powerto knowledgeis madeexplicit (30. Anthropol. Comaroffdiscusses howpolitico-ritual control is imposedon the domainsof production.it is possible through a negation of the Other--usually menor Zayran (spirits)--to play with ambiguity. 1993.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. For example. healing. although Marxalso has been influential (169).annualreviews. Suchritualized resistance is neither apolitical escapism. in particular death laments. although muted. Seremetakis. interpreting it as a challenge to hegemonicorder. groundedethnography. 69.22:133-155. Seremetakisanalyzes the expression of pain individual subjects. and concludesthat it is particularly whenthe subject is in conflict with the social order that emotionsare forcefully expressed(224:4). although the existence of discrepancies betweendiagnostic taxonomiesand the subjective experience of illness. was established early in medical anthropological circles (3.org/aronline Annu.annualreviews. she showsthat truth claims can be asserted through emotion. 170. This gendered discourse. 231)." the women (17:9).annualreviews. decontextualized signs and symptomsof biomedicine. in whichpopular illness categories are interpreted part of congeries of words. Bodilydissent has been interpreted until recently as marginal. and becomesnot only a signifier of belongingand order. Anthropol. metaphors.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. and images that condense around specific events. in her work on the Inner Mani. She analyzes poetics. is nevertheless empowering. Thusin the Z~. The body. Rev. CULTIVATINGTHE BODY141 terhegemonicdiscourse that permits womento someextent to renegotiate their sense of self (16). It has also been shownthat in institutional settings. Historicized. For personal use only. she argues for a mnemonicsof the body. is nowhistorically situated. 183). Like Comaroff. but also to the cultural management of bodies both living and dead.stimulated by the close attention paid for the first time to the everydaylives of women. unnoticed and unrecorded. Boddy claims. Rather than focusing on the physical domination of subjects by institutions (5. 1993. as a means female empowerment. which have major consequencesfor the well being of patients. pathological. or so muchexotica. imbuedwith social meaning. the historical consciousness of the village is expressed implicitly through the bodies of "its most potent icons. SICKNESS AS CULTURAL PERFORMANCE Until recently biomedical categories have been exempt on epistemological groundsfromanthropological scrutiny. 215. is similarly concerned with "identifying strategies of resistance that emergeand subsist on the margins" (224:1). 28. Thesedual modesof bodily expression-belonging and dissent--are conceptualized as culturally produced and in dialectical exchangewith the externalized ongoingperformanceof social life. or else has been passed over. and discusses Manideath rites with respect not only to history and society. 83). . thus ascribing it individual agency. has been widely emulated (77. Through an examination of the semiotics of expressed grief and its relationship to shared moral inferences. and other "peripheral" peoples has led to a reformulation of theory. Good’sconcept of a "semantic illness network"(105). but also an active forumfor the expressionof dissent and loss. Downloaded from arjournals.children.Annual Reviews www. individual distress is systematicallytransformedinto the amoral. and traditional healing and mourning rituals has long been recognized as cultural performance(117. A performance approach to sickness has the . The widely disseminated cultural category of nerves/nervios/nervos/nevra.as part of the repertoire whereby those who lack overt power flex their muscles. bridging concepts between mind and body (135. purposefully designed to bridge the expressive/instrumental dichotomy. in part. and ScheperHughes&Lockdiscuss illness as bodily praxis (222). although the potential for medicalization and depoliticization is considerable (131. usually classified as a culture-bound or culturally-interpreted syndrome(92. together with spirit possession and related genres of cultural performancethrough whichsocial contradictions are enacted (1. 242).org/aronline Annu. Narrative analysis of such concepts reveals that their employment is at times unconscious. 150. aesthetic. can usefully be interpreted as cultural performance. Frankenbergpostulates a general theory of "sickness as cultural performance"(74).In clinical literature nerves are characterized as "disvalued bodily states. 132. 133. 177. 218. nerves can be empowering--as everyday form of resistance. sometimespartially articulated.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. 230. 92.Annual Reviews www. in commonwith the entire domain of semantics of emotional states. Thusbodily distress has both individual import and political possibility. Although painful. The concept of nerves and other idioms of distress expressed in the polysemic language of natural symbols then become. 74. exorcismrites. 38. 1993. 193). 255). Kirmayerpoints out that our "achingbodies remindus there are at least two orders of experience: the order of the body and the order of the text. Locksuggests that nerves can be interpreted as cultural performance. 152). Downloaded from arjournals. this recognition has not usually been extendedto sickness in general. 111. 118.annualreviews. For personal use only." inevitably related to emotional. and at other times fully conscious (149). Rev. 138. 51.22:133-155. and moral worlds (130:325).245)." He discusses the body’s "insistence on meaning" and gives emphasis to howit presents itself in substance and action rather than simply being an implement for reflection and imagination. they facilitate the acting out of "hidden transcripts" (223)." and often medicalizedas "somatization" (211). 176. extra-rational and disorderly. 186. Anthropol.254). 162). 251. In trying to read the sick bodymore effectively. This critical approach medical anthropology encourages epistemological questions and has also spurred anthropologicalreflection about the sick bodyas a lively participant in the social order. Althoughparticipation in possession cults. 166.annualreviews. 147. 142 LOCK or is alternatively psychologizedand moralizedwith implications for the allocation of responsibility (26. Kirmayersuggests that the bodyprovides "a structure of thought that is. anthropologists have attempted to counter this pathologizing approach by explaining the specific cultural meaningsattributed to attacks of nerves and some have pointed out a relationship between the incidence of nerves and structural inequalities in society (38. and to the malaise of modernity (151). and local narratives about disease etiology (60.Annual Reviews www. Downloaded from arjournals. and also in part a responseto the ongoing state of emergencyin everyday life (220. Most anthropologists working on the body wouldagree with this position (126. and the subjective experience of physical malaise. DiG. see also 84. 254). drawingon Bateson. Scheper-Hughes examines the consequencesof the medicalization of these problems and the semi-willingnessof people to participate in this process becausethey share in part the samemoral world as their oppressors(218. and de Certeau’s semiotics of popular resistance. the refusal of Japanese adolescents to go to school can be understoodas a mutedform of resistance to manipulationby families. at times a response of women to a violent shock or tragedy. Narratives. and teachers.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08.the "performance"of subjective experience. while paying attention to bodysemiosis and individual distress. and for the voice of the individual sufferer to be accorded analytical status. difficult workconditions. AlthoughDiGiacomoagrees with Taussig (230) and the above authors that reification of disease entities reproducescapitalist ideology. 133). The Nichters. CULTIVATINGTHE BODY 143 potential to foregroundthe sickening social order. 133)--not all illness episodes represent . Similarly. She suggests that nervos has been used as a metaphorfor hunger and child malnutrition in northeast Brazil becauseof the inherent dangersthere of openly discussing malnutrition and its causes (218).22:133-155. collective and personal delegitimation in local worlds. see also 231). Onganalyzes attacks of spirit possession on the shop floor of multinational factories in Malaysia as part of a complexnegotiation in which youngwomen respondto violations of their genderedsense of self. Rev." (p. 61).annualreviews. reconstructed from past events. calling for "randommisfortune" to be recognized as an etiological category. conveya subtle moral commentaryand indirect social censure of the hegemonicChinese social order (135). Farmer interprets "bad blood" and "spoiled milk" in Haiti as "moral barometers that submit private problems to public scrutiny" (59:62).org/aronline Annu.iacomo rejects this "moral economyof illness. she interprets an epidemicof nervoso as having multiple meanings:at times a refusal of men to continue demeaningand debilitating labor. she also argues that reifying illness as resistance or protest potentially "recruits suffering into the service of an ideological agenda"(47:126).annualreviews. and the process of modernization (193). and then showingthe possibilities for individual resistance to this ideology (185). historical. Farmer has also shownthat epidemiological. peers. 193.relating this to values of control and release embedded in capitalist ideology. Bourdieu. For personal use only. 151. 135. The Kleinmansanalyze narratives chronic pain in Chinato showthe association betweenchaotic political change at the national level. examinethe naturalization of the slimness ideal in America. 220. Anthropol. In Scheper-Hughes’epic analysis of impoverishedshantytowndwellers in Northeast Brazil. 1993. and politico-economicanalyses of AIDSin Haiti are inadequate unless attention is given to individual embodiment. Rev. AND AGENCY Taussig points out that "context" should not be thought of as a "secure epistemic nest in which our knowledgeeggs are to be safely hatched" (233:44). Feldmanclaims that the ethnicity of the body is built in its dismembermentand disfigurement in NorthernIreland--it is madeinto a political token whichbecomespart of local lore--a recitation of the deadwith whichto organize historical experience. the body ceases to exist as stable analytic category over time and in space.MIMESIS. 71).annualreviews. Taussig calls for "science of mediations"in whichSelf and Other are both explicitly implicated." "physical examination. He deplores previous analyses of healing rituals that have focusedexclusively on the restoration of order." and "the clinic" (4. Feldmandiscusses how. for the juxtaposition of "dissimilars"-.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08.for montage. Taussig and Feldmanincite a radical questioning of the epistemology of bodily knowledgethat claims to be culturally contextualized.and danger--a disorder that can also be liberating and healing (232). which becomesan instrument of agency when politicized. creating its ownobjects of analysis (68.annualreviews. but nevertheless. power is embeddedin the body. Youngwas probably the first anthropologist to question expicitly whyepiste- . has had a profound influence on howanthropologists have approachedbiomedical categories such as "disease. and showshowmaterial artifacts and politicized senses are used to simulate a "historical narrative in the flesh of the Other" (66:59). ethnographicanalyses and narrative accounts reveal an intimate relationship betweenillness and politics. a compulsion that eliminates any simple telling of history or anthropology(233). Whenthese author’s insights (see also 25) are combinedwith a decentering of scientific knowledge(21." "patient. His criticism is that anthropologists tend only to contextualize the Other and ignore the "colonial nature of the intellectual relationship to whichthe contextualized other has for so long been subjected" (p.22:133-155. and talks instead of the minglingof chaos. Individual bodies disappear (literally) and reemergethrough narrative reconstruction part of a terror-controlled moral and spatial order. humor. For personal use only. following Nietzche. He documentsthe convergence of body and topographic space in Belfast. Downloaded from arjournals. 250). Workingin Northern Ireland. Annu.He explores the mimetic faculty--the compulsionto becomethe Other--in the history of the colonizer and the colonized in southwest Colombia.org/aronline 144 LOCK protest (against childhoodtraumaor social inequality). to be discussed below. ALTERITY. 45). EPISTEMOLOGYAND BODY POLITICS Foucault’s premise that the language of biomedicine is produced through discourse.Annual Reviews www. 140). MONTAGE. 1993. Anthropol. org/aronline Annu. 115. 144.160. Martin documentshow metaphors of reproduction have changed over time. Adelson. osteoporosis. situated discourse. 158. 63. 134. influencing cultural constructions of professional and popular textual and narrative representations . which seeks explicitly to expunge the shadowof Occidental epistemologylurking even in the culturally sensitive workof an earlier epoch(2. 154.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. numerousanthropological analyses of biomedical and epiderniological discourse and classificatory systemshave appeared(28. unpublished PhDthesis.unpublishedPhDthesis. 158. 154. reflecting larger paradigmatic shifts in knowledgeproduction in the EuroAmericantradition. 120.Annual Reviews www. 253). 131. 76. For personal use only. and the egg and the sperm (168). Comparativeand historical documentationof the "discovery" of diseases (114. and the cultural production of the bodyas an unstable contested object. suggests that "local biologies" maybe at work. together with the creation of. and the progressive reduction of life cyc~le transitions to biological events. This work has been complementedrecently by a radical approach to all medical knowledgeand practice.255). Lock’s work on menopausein Japan has shownthat reporting of symptoms at the end of menstruationis significantly different fromthat whichis taken to be universal.annualreviews. 88. in particular with respect to both immunology(167). linked to established differences betweenthe epidemiology of heart disease. 157. 148. then subject to medical management(93. 231. 217. 99. see also 23). 190. 180. Emphasisis given to ethnoepistemology. 216. CULTIVATINGTHE BODY145 mological scrutiny should be suspended for biomedicine (252. 175. 122. 121. Rev. Bassett. 154.annualreviews.negative metaphors that reinforce a subjective experience of fragmentation and alienation amongAmerican women. and breast cancer in Japan and the West. McGillUniversity). She analyzes scientific textbooks to reveal gendered stereotypespresent in the scientific languageof biology. 235). Downloaded from arjournals. "Howdo patients and practitioners knowwhat they know?"is a central question posed in the recent volumeon Asian medicine edited by Leslie and Young(144:14). Since that time. Anthropol. the fetus and morerecently the embryoas patients. 75. the relationship of medical knowledgeto both transformations in basic science knowledgeand to social and political reformulations about what bodies and populations meanto society (61. as well metaphorsof failure and dissolution built into the language associated with menstruation and menopause. 166. 124. see also N. 100. McGill University) have contributed to the demise of biomedicallydefined body. 217.22:133-155. the result of ongoingencounters and exchanges between local and global knowledge. 202. see also K. Martinalso discusses to whatextent resistance to the dominantideologyrelates to ethnic and class differences (166). 123. 1993. the conversion of distress into medicalized illness and deviance (45. stable in time and space. 251). 247) and of competingexplanatory systems through time and space (48. for example. This finding. 204.especially in medicalencounters. that dialectics exist betweenan infinity of cultures and a universal biology.annualreviews. Young’swork. 1993. however. 124) showsthat an epidemiologial language of risk connectionwith neonatal and perinatal mortality rates is used by both clinicians and administrators to implementa policy of systematic evacuation for birth in southern hospitals. NORMALIZATIONAND RECONSTRUCTIONOF BODIES Foucault’s interest in the productionof bodies and their discipline and normalization through discursive formations has been extended by Armstrong. Anthropol. gives the impression that consciousness apprehends itself through a numberof selves or "quasi-selves" that constitute the subject of the person’s experiences at somepoint in time and. both of whichare subject to transformation in evolutionary. Youngexaminesthe use of the category of post-traumatic stress disorder in treating VietnamWarveterans in a psychiatric institution. and of muchof contemporaryanthropological theorizing about mind (254-56). which is at odds with the epidemiologicalperspective.therefore. Youngnotes. and autonomousself.org/aronline Annu. 146 LOCK about the menopausalbody(154). who examinesthe introduction of the "technologies of the survey"into turn-of-thecentury British medicine (4).22:133-155. For personal use only.Annual Reviews www. historical. Kaufert & O’Neil’s research amongthe Inuit the HudsonBay (123. moral agency is located in a concept of mind. Downloaded from arjournals. poses one of the most radical challenges to date of psychological and psychiatric discourse. and life cycle time bytes. A central concern for Kaufert &O’Neil is the contested nature of the language of epidemiology and its . he suggests that it must be repositioned and not "accepted on its ownterms" as the authentic self (254:81). in contrast to psychiatric discourse. It cannot be assumed. While Youngagrees that the rational common-sense self does indeed exist. rational. Youngclaims that multiple selves are morally important because they give reasons for and meaning to a person’s purposeful acts. and to movement through space [see Worthman for a scientific discussion of the "contingencyof corporeal selves" and for the emergent(as opposedto determined) properties of biology (249)]. identified with a common-sense notion of a unitary." He showsthat this reality of multiple selves is not in accord with the "pareddown"self of psychiatry. but rather betweencultures and local biologies. furthermore.annualreviews. nevertheless.that everydaytalk. 82). He showsthat in contemporarypsychiatric discourse. that individuals are usually not troubled by inconsistencies among"narrative selves.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. Theyalso discuss the Inuit languageof risk. Rev. whichchallenges the core of the post-Enlightenment philosophic tradition. "the embodiedperson and not any particular self is the locus of moralresponsibility." Youngconcludesthat the idea of multiple selves encourages an examination of our "mistaken faith in the unity of mind"(p. annualreviews. 155). big bodies are desirable in manyparts of the world (22).annualreviews. Downloaded from arjournals. "cast in biological metaphors. Rev.22:133-155. despite the presence of advancedcapitalism and ready access to North American scientific and popular knowledge. An aging population combined with bodily commoditization. particularly in genetic manipulation.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. the concept of risk will . Rabinow concludes that the potential for eugenic practices will differ fundamentally fromearlier social eugenics. Justice describes howhealth programsin Nepal are evaluated in terms of universal biomedical measures and not with respect to local knowledge(116).a different discursive formation has ensured that the end of menstruation goes largely unmedicalized. Underthis regime. but to fuel governmentinitiatives to restore the extendedfamily in which women’sbodies should continue to provide unpaid care for their elderly family members. and policy making to such an extent that life-long drug therapy is recommended for virtually all middle-aged women.Annual Reviews www. developmentsin biomedical technology. In light of an ethnographic study of HumanGenomeProject and its adjacent institutions and enterprises. anatomy.diet. Anthropol. 1993. Lock has shownhowprofessional and popular discourse about the end of menstruation is historically and culturally produced. For personal use only. with its implicit assumption of a universal normative body.org/aronline Annu. CULTIVATINGTHE BODY147 relationship to the lived experience of the Inuit [see also Gifford’s analysis with respect to "lumps"in the breast (80)].In this climate only "selfish" women suffer menopausalproblems. Cassidy showsthat in contrast to the "food-secure" West."Rabinow coins the term "biosociality" to gloss the type of autoproductionassociated with the new genetics. has contributed to the transformation of the end of menstruation into a category of epidemiologicalrisk with major political consequences. Nichter contrasts the discourse of international health. Rabinowbelieves that the two poles of bodily practice and discourse discerned by Foucault--anatamopolitics and the control of populations--are in the process of being rearticulated into a "postdisciplinary" (rather than postmodern) "rationality" (203). and medication. This process will entail the remakingof nature into culture--into somethingartificial (203:242). In North Americathe language of risk has cometo dominate the vocabulary of popular. medical. have increased possibilities for normalization of the body.In Japan. not to combatthe aging body.Middle-aged femalebodies are normalizedas nurturers of the elderly. In recent years. in turn stimulated by circulating knowledgeabout an inherent unnaturalnessand inevitable decline in the female bodyonce past reproductive age. with indigenous South Asian explanations about fertility. and conveysdifferent meaningsin Japan and North America. a discourse circulated as part of a Japanese national identity set up self-consciously in opposition to the West (154. etc (184). and Das discusses "the repressive ideology health" (37). thus techniquesof the survey are used. Despite increasing pressures we should. resist all pressures from the Other to producetidy answersand "Just So" stories. sometimes taking an advocacyrole (18. Strathern insists that society and the bodyare equally collage. Contrasting the British and Melanesian conditions.Strathern speculates about whether culture and previously "secure" concepts such as society have a future. 62. 220). For personal use only. Anthropologists often find themselves or their work used in medicine or for political ends. 1993. about "relatedness" between human beings. she shows how. 96) and.’" thus classical analogies that assisted us in separating culture from nature no longer hold. As the text about our most natural tool (albeit less natural than in Mauss’day). 148 LOCK extended to populations emergent from computer sets of shared traits and other decontextualized information not applicable to our present understanding of a "subject. but also on the politics of the practice of anthropologyand its use beyond the confines of the discipline. particularly when the metaphorical status between body and machine is collapsed. and that the individual.annualreviews.the collapse of nature into culture is not uniform.22:133-155. Anthropol. 153. I believe.org/aronline Annu. Influenced by Darwiniantheory. culture’s invasion of nature is complete--the basic dualities of earlier anthropologicaltheory are exploded. Like Rabinow." Nature will be "operationialized" for the "good"of society (see also 95. particularly of the female body (228:60). for local knowledgeand politics informs and delimits technological incursions (156). an anthropology the bodyprovides an excellent forumto reflect not only on theoretical dilemmas. with profound implications for the anthropological construct of kinship (227). In the late twentieth century. Strathern concerns herself with the newreproductive technologies. Downloaded from arjournals. is nowimagined away.Annual Reviews www. Rev. however. 56.219. they mayposition themselvesself-consciously with respect to their research findings. 92. Marx(169) and Engels (55) discussed transformation of the body physical through physical labor and technology. with the problematization of culture as a concept. will exist side by side with earlier technologies and classificatory systems (203:245). .annualreviews. Strathern analyzes howtechnology"literally helps ’life’ to ’work.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. and be content with a body that refuses to holdstill. it is no longer clear whatis an artifact. as Rabinowemphasizes. alternatively. with far reaching implications for fragmentation. suggesting that the wayin whichchoices to assist reproduction are formulated will affect ideas about kinship and in turn. ANTHROPOLOGY AND THE BODY The relationship between theory and practice takes on special meaning for those writing about the body.Evenin this biosocial world of collage. remain eclectic in our approach. the centerpiece of the Euro-American nature/culture divide. Toronto: Univ. Prolegomenato an Anthropological Physiology.nudity. eds. PolhemusT. Downloaded from arjournals. Das V. 1990. 13:181-213 23. ed. Embodimentas a paradigm for anthropology. Med. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Berthelot JM. pp. 1988. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Sci. Bastien J. Wombsand Alien Spirits: Women. Anthropol. 21:307-30 7. Maguire P. Rev. 1991. For personal use only. Csordas T. ComaroffJ. Anthropol. Some components of sociolization of trance. Press 5.Men. Buytendijk FJJ. ChicagoPress 26. Chicago Press 25. Mind. 1989. 15B:115-23 27. Anthropol. The Body as a Medium of Expression. A Treacher. Soc. 1977. body.Berkeley: Univ. Of Revelation andRevolution: Christianity.TheStructural Revolution. AnthropoL Q. BenoistJ. A cultural account of health: self control.Anthropol. (NS) 6:362-84 22. 60-103. Soc. AsadT. Press 18. Chicago:Univ. 1992. Am. Daniel EV. In Symbols and Sentiments. 1991. ComaroffJL. 1989. Pittsburgh: DuquesneUniv. J McKinlay. Med. Calif. Literature THE BODY 149 Cited 1. 1985. Ethos 18:5-47 32. Econ. Ethos 3:143-56 10~Beidelman TO. 1980. MNichter. Sci. Ambiguity and the search for meaning:childhoodleukaemiain the modernclinical context. Bourdieu P. Angel R.1984. Med. Is there a counterpoint to culture? The WertheimLecture 1991. Theory Cult. Whatdo we meanby health? In What We Know About Health Transition: The Cultural. BoddyJ. Firewalking and Religious Healing: The Anastenaria of Greece and the American Firewalking Movement. IMLewis. and sexuality. Sociological discourse and the body. Press 34. 1977.In TheVarieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebookin the Anthropology of the Senses. BoddyJ. Press 20.annualreviews. 1990. London: Tavistock 31. ed. 61-83.pp. A matter of FACS:constituting novel entities in im- munology. 1981. 1974. Bastien J. Comaroff J. 1989. Am. Social and Behavioural . NewYork: Dance Horizons 16. (NS)5:15-23 19. Boas E 1944. Tuhami:Portrait of a Moroccan.org by MCGILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES on 04/02/08. Keating P. Q. Benthall J. and Consciousness in South Africa. ed. release. Political Anatomyof the Body: MedicalKnowledgein Britain in the Twentieth Century. Berkeley:Univ. NewYork: Academic 28. 49~8. The pulse as an icon in Sidda medicine.149189. AdamsV. 1978. and the social body. Daniel EV. Med. ComaroffJ. Colonialism. Daniel EV. 1986. 1991. Mountainof the Condor: Metaphorand Ritual in an AndeanAyllu. Med. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. 1983. Comaroff J. Press 2. Rev. Fluid Signs: Being a Person the Tamil Way. pp. Anthropol. and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan. The Function of Dance in HumanSociety.annualreviews. 1978. Princeton: Princeton Univ. ed.28:1229-38 4. BoddyJ.22:133-155. New York: Dutton 13. Bodypolitics: continuing the anticircumcision crusade. 1991. 37.Chicago: Univ. Wisc. Press 35. The production of seffand body in Sherpa-Tibetan society. Atkinson JM. 1990. Chicago Press 30. Minn: West 8. Medicine. Knowledge: Examining the Social Construction of Medicine. Veiled Sentiments: Honorand Poetry in a Bedouin Society. 1991. symbol and In The Problem of Medical ¯ ideology. TorontoPress 36. 1986. Vol. 1993. Chicago:Univ. Asian Stud. Cassidy C. Med. Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univ. 100-10. and culture: somatization amongHispanics.org/aronline CULTIVATING Annu. 1983. Danfordi L. 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