The Ideological Origins of Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina, 1930-43Author(s): Alberto Spektorowski Source: Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 29, No. 1 (Jan., 1994), pp. 155-184 Published by: Sage Publications, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/260959 Accessed: 11-06-2015 19:35 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
[email protected]. Sage Publications, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Contemporary History. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 200.5.224.104 on Thu, 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AlbertoSpektorowski The Ideological Originsof Rightand Left Nationalismin Argentina, 1930-43 This work examines the development of a particular nationalist ideology from the late 1920s through Peron's ascent to power, an ideology that has had an important influence on Argentinian politics ever since. Although the first attempt to implement it politically was made in 1930, with Uriburu's abortive military coup, the ideology only achieved consummation with the successful revolution of 1943, which ushered in Peronism. The following analysis concentrates on the Argentinian intellectual rebellion against the West's liberal democratic models of national modernization. This intellectual rebellion was the basis for the delegitimization of the liberal version of Argentinian nationalism, which eventually gave way to an organic populist version. The Argentinian intellectual rebellion against the West's liberal, democratic and bourgeois values and its models of national modernization was motivated by two different political and intellectual trends. One of them was the 'integralist' nationalism of Charles Maurras, Italian fascism, and the resurgence of the ideal of 'Hispanismo' as a cultural and developmental alternative to the materialist, utilitarian values of the West. The other was rooted in the 'authentic' national populist tradition raised by the Radical Party, with its impetus in anti-imperialism and social justice. In the 1930s, General A. Justo's conservative government provided the necessary political and economic backdrop for an ideological synthesis between the two trends, national populism and the integralist concept of nationalism. This synthesis produced an alternative 'third road' of political and economic modernization to counter the modernization programme advocated by the liberal elites, an alternative which, in the Argentinian context, would include elements of national integration, social justice, populist mobilization and economic and cultural anti-imperialism. Journal of ContemporaryHistory (SAGE, London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi), Vol. 29 (1994), 155-184. This content downloaded from 200.5.224.104 on Thu, 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 156 Journal of ContemporatryHistory This formula was the basis for a particular version of fascist ideology which emphasized social justice and anti-imperialism, two concepts that on the surface would appear alien to the fascist ideology developed in Europe. Whereas in Europe, fascist ideology blended a new anti-liberal nationalism and an anti-Marxist socialism derived from Sorel's revision of Marxism, the Argentinian version was rooted, as mentioned, in the synthesis of two trends of nationalism, the integralist and the populist.' However, both syntheses represented a total political, social and economic response to problems created by political modernization.' Our purpose here is to examine the development of Argentinian nationalism within the context of the fascist ideological revolution.3 Any discussion of the emergence of Argentinian anti-liberal nationalism must deal first with the characteristicsof the Argentinian liberal-democraticorder and with the appearance of the first 'populist democratic' attacks on it. From 1810 to 1852, Argentina was a country divided by the struggle between Federalists and Unitarists. The eventual triumph of the latter reflected the victory of a national modernization project based on the principles of the Enlightenment over the caudillista anti-modernist tradition represented by the Federalists. In fact, from the defeat in 1853 of Juan Manuel de Rosas, the Federalist caudillowho best embodied the values of the anarchical uncivilized past, Argentina began a liberal process of modernization, a process idealized in the works of intellectuals like Bartolome Mitre and Domingo F. Sarmiento. According to them, Argentina was a 'barbarous', ignorant country, a product of Spanish colonialism, which had to be civilized by means of a new ideology of progress based on positivist philosophy.4 The modernizing 6lites were influenced by the American Constitution and the Declaration of Human Rights. At the same time, however, they were also inspired by the positivist social thought of Comte, Saint Simon, Fourier and others. They believed in the power of reason as a guide for human behaviour, and in the Enlightenment ideas which linked material progress to science and human liberties. When General J.A. Roca's presidency began in 1880, the positivist ideology was implemented under the slogan 'peace and administration'. At the end of the second half of the century, Argentina entered a period of high economic growth, and foreign investment This content downloaded from 200.5.224.104 on Thu, 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The anarchists. and universal suffrage . Ireland and other countries transformed the sociological face of the country. Justo. Buenos Aires. the provincial guards who constituted the local power base were suppressed. describes a process of gradual development in Argentina in which a capitalist stage and the constitution of a national bourgeoisie were preconditions for the development of a This content downloaded from 200. anti-traditionalism and faith in universal human values. J.. 'Europeanized' nation. which was beginning to seek political participation. however. with a populist. despite the process of socio-economic modernization. ideologically and culturally they did not oppose the concept of political modernization based on secularization. the founder of the Socialist Party.104 on Thu. Italy. the government 'accepted all the great ideas of political liberty.. which supported the Socialist Party and the anarchist-led unions. As we will see. they accepted in principle the liberal elite's faith that the flow of European immigration would exert a modernizing influence in Argentina by defining the parameters of a modern. but it has a theory which it rarelyconfesses.5 The first protests against the liberal democratic establishment and the liberal elite's modernization programmescame from two different sources.6 Although both the Socialists and the anarchists threatened the oligarchy's political programmes.224. which representedthe oligarchy's economic and political interests. Political power was concentrated in the hands of the PAN (Partido Autonomista Nacional). a railroad network and gas companies. economic development took place without political democratization. and the monetary system was unified. The second source of unrest was a class-conscious working class. The first was the new middle class created by the process of economic modernization. However.Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 157 was encouraged. under Roca's administration.7 In his book Theory and Practice. the Radical Party was the new movement that expressed the demands of this class. which is its guiding idea. democratic but anti-liberal programme. As a political analyst of those years has observed. revolutionary stance. the nation's political system remained closed until 1912. mostly of immigrant origin.. the capital.B. whereas the Socialist Party advocated a policy of gradual reform. Indeed.. while a great wave of immigration from Spain.5. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . As late as 1910 it was estimated that only some 20 per cent of the native male population voted. The British established new banks. and that is the theory of the tutelary functions of government'. was federalized. took a more radical. Moreover. with a This content downloaded from 200. it rejected the bourgeois establishment of the liberal conservatives and reformist socialists as well as the class struggle of the anarchists.'0 In other words.. indeed. Leandro Alem. and at the same time it refused to be defined as a party of sectorial interests..9Advocating a violent. It is not the intention here to delve into the development of the Argentinian labour movement or the differences between its socialist and anarchist ideologies.. the Socialist movement joined the defenders of former democracy and economic liberalism. and accepted the liberal premise that a dependent economy was merely a temporary stage.5. They would never praise the national collectivity as an organic entity with its traditional myths. since the Radical movement conceived society as integrated and organic. it is important to realize that the socialist and anarchist movements did not object to culturally enlightened modernization. However. traditionalist caudillista populism. They both feared any kind of 'authentic' nationalism.. came during the first years of the century.. and for the rescue of the 'authentic' national identity of the country. Radicalism was synonymous with rebellion. the movement manifested. intransigent struggle for democratization.8 Endorsing the elites' modernization programme. of a modern nation'. In 1890 the Union Civica Radical led the first violent dissent against what some members of the oligarchy saw as the fraudulent administration of President Juarez Celman.224. glories and graveyards. from the beginning. to understand the later development ofintegralist and anti-imperialistnationalism in Argentina.. The real ideological challenge to the proponents of an enlightened and limited democracy. They simply refused to bow down before it and its cultural baggage. a step towards modernization..104 on Thu. however. both trends. Justo rejected the spontaneity of the masses and 'caudillo politics'. rooted in the pre-liberal. As such.. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . In fact. the idea. was the first to raise the flag of universal suffrage. contributed to the disintegration and the 'denationalization' of Argentina. made its appearance. In its view. By adopting this assumption. than. The latter was representative of 'the oppressed canons inserted into the caudillist tradition . During the 1920s the Union developed into a popular movement that spoke for the new native middle class then seeking political representation. religion. it saw itself as representing the whole of the nation. [more] . issues that became the focus of nationalist attacks during the 1930s.158 Journal of ContemporaryHistory socialist society. when a new political movement. The Radical movement. the liberal and the Marxist. the rebellious spirit exemplified by its first leader. when Yrigoyen ran for re-election. These conflicts reached a peak in 1928.5. particularly in populous areas. the party's aristocracy demanded more congressional control and a more rational management of public funds. Yrigoyen. paving the way for the age of populist democracy. This system of patronage ruffled the feathers of not only the conservative forces outside the party but also the Radical movement's own elite. Under his leaderhip.Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 159 new morality opposed to bourgeois materialism and the cosmopolitan spirit promoted by the oligarchy. It may be said that at that point the cultural and political delegitimization of liberal democracy began. it enhanced the movement's revolutionary democratic appeal. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . This content downloaded from 200. and organically nationalist wing of the party. and convinced the oligarchical elites once and for all to allow democratic reform. The anti-Yrigoyenists. was to challenge the rationalist and materialist utopia of the liberal elites. however. in order to turn the Radical 'rebel' movement into a party of the system. which could not accept Yrigoyen's populist style of operating through the party's committees. This rebellious spirit was continued by the next 'caudillo' of the movement: Hipolito Yrigoyen. Although this attempt also failed. closed atmosphere of the oligarchy was swept away by a wave of popular euphoria. Yrigoyen was reelected by a wide margin. The Saenz Pefa law of universal suffrage in 1912 was what clinched the Radical movement's bid for power in 1916. found common ground with the conservative parties of the aristocratic elite. proving once more that the formula of popular democracy had been accepted by the Argentinian people. dubbed 'antipersonalistas'. who shared their support for an orderly. This translated into a concept of direct democracy or clientelist politics reflected in increased links between Yrigoyen and local caudillos. In the 1928 elections." In contrast to Yrigoyen's constitutional populism. In no time the staid. moralist. anti-modernist Federalist spirit. Heir to the rebellious. It also sparked renewed popular interest in the ideals of Radicalism. indeed. institutionalized democracy. traditionalist.224. Yrigoyen attempted to integrate the politics of regional federalism with the constitutional order. Yrigoyen's supporters remained the 'intransigent'. the Radical movement accentuated its 'intransigent' struggle for universal suffrage by making another revolutionary attempt against the legal government in 1905.104 on Thu. characterized by federal intervention in the provinces and the sanction of presidential decrees and ministerial resolutions. 5. heroism.160 Journal of ContemporaryHistory During the widespread economic depression at the end of the 1920s. Common to both groups was the belief that the political formula of constitutional populism was inappropriate for confronting the new challenges posed by economic depression. authoritarian. during the centenary celebrations of the famous battle of Ayacucho. It is clear. There. and neutrality in the second world war became central problems for both trends. While the Yrigoyenist ideology supported a populist democratic attack on liberal democracy. who was well known in Argentina for his poems. which had fought for independence and was the only reliable institution exemplifying hierachy and order. In fact. the revision of the Argentine's history. during the 1930s a different ideological environment developed. Lugones believed strongly in social Darwinism and the use of force as the basis for a new morality: This content downloaded from 200. technical efficiency and anti-politics was the renowned poet Leopoldo Lugones. in 1924. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . historical works (such as La Historia de Sarmiento). A radical revolutionary socialist during his youth and a right-wing nationalist and fascist in later life. and articles he wrote for various newspapers in the capital. Lugones never wavered in his scorn for liberal democracy and reformist socialism. a coalition of interests ranging from conservative liberals to national corporatists was composed. that the coalition against Yrigoyen was the product of a temporary intersection of interests between corporatist and liberal conservatives. order. corporatist state. however. As we shall see.224. the new nationalist integralist ideology presented a corporatized authoritarian alternative to it. Lugones heralded the 'hour of the sword'. Peru. however. At the height of the depression. seemingly inconceivable in 1930. He was referringto the Argentinian army. the conservative liberals despised his rhetoric and political style. Lugones. The most prominent pioneer of a new political ideology restating the values of military strength. A synthesis of the two ideological lines. His most famous political statement was delivered in a speech at Ayacucho. was possible later in the decade when the issues of antiimperialism. This speech also represented an attack against bourgeois morality and politics.'2They were flanked by a new group of nationalist intellectuals who wanted to replace the populist state with a strong. Although Yrigoyen posed no threat to their economic interests.104 on Thu. was unquestionably a poet whose poetry could not be separated from his political ideas. the regime began to disintegrate. This assumption. Instead of liberal democracy and constitutional populism. that in a world of imperialist competition.104 on Thu. For the nationalists of La Nueva Republica. La Nueva Republica proposed a different system of representation based on: the organized and corporatized collectivity. this group of nationalist intellectuals promoted a new interpretation of nationalism and an alternative concept of 'corporatized' democracy.224. reflects Maurras's influence. The common good of the people which is the end of all government is contrary to these abstract principles of popular sovereignty. in which individual interests are subordinated to the Nation. have certainly modified the old political concepts . . which was deeply suspicious of any popular participation in the political process. and the correlative empire of the scientific method. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 161 'Life does not triumph by means of reason and truth. moreover. but by means of force. equality or proletariat redemption. In his Enquetesur la Monarchie. freedom. They all agreed with Lugones that 'the general progress of technology. too. This content downloaded from 200. the Yrigoyenist concept of populist democratization. Lugones insisted. although based on the pre-liberal tradition."4 In the expectation that the world was in the process of a new conservative revolution. Maurras asserts that when a republic tends towards democratic forms.'7 That was indeed La Nueva Republica's fundamental objection to Yrigoyen's democratic populism as well as to liberal democracy. meant the intrusion of the unintelligent masses into the political system. it passes from a regime of regular production to a regime of pure consumerism. and especially on a group of young intellectuals who congregated in the offices of the journal La Nueva Republica. His political message had a great impact on a number of army officers. . could not survive.which had begun to appear in 1927. . an industrially backward. Life is incomprehensible and inexorable .' This type of nationalism was clearly inspired by Charles Maurras's idea of'le nationalisme integral'. in which partisan politics took the place of a defined national identity. Democratization implemented by means of a law of universal suffrageled inevitably to the consumerism produced by populism. Majority democracy is already a failed experiment.'6 Only an elite not elected by the process of formal democracy could representthe nation as an organic unity. militarily weak country.3 The militarization of society and industrial modernization under a corporatist state were to be the response to liberal democracy as well as to anarchist populism.5. as well as Sol y Luna and Baluarte. the right-wing Catholic message conveyed by nationalist Catholic publications like Criterio (founded in 1928). according to the anti-liberal clergy.?2 In spite of the secular nature of fascist totalitarianism in the world ideological struggle against liberal democracy. the Italian fascists and the Spanish and Latin American nationalists were to develop a doctrine in which Catholicism and fascism would find common cause. The ostensible purpose of the Cursos was to raise the intellectual level of Argentinian Catholic intellectuals. gained currency at army headquarters. only the army could rescue this nationalist Catholic spirit. For more than a decade. These doctrinary views were not the only impetus to the military revolution against Yrigoyen's administration. popular democracy. was oppressed by a revolutionary immigrant working class that fomented labour unrest. fascism was an authoritarian way of restoring Catholic doctrinairism.224. According to Pico. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . was far from conciliatory towards the liberal state. Moreover. relations between the secular state and the Church were never completely comfortable. especially in the influential Circulo Militar. The first signs of army unrest came when some key officers This content downloaded from 200. HumanismeIntegral. however. especially during Agustin Justo's administration.104 on Thu. In that book Maritain harshly criticized Catholics who supported totalitarian regimes.162 Journal of Contemporary History This criticism of liberal democracy and constitutional populism was shared by the anti-liberal wing of the Argentinian Church. and also by a liberal oligarchy responsible for the secularization of the Argentinian political system.'8 Argentina. however. but their real goal was to prepare for the counter-revolution by delegitimizing the concept of liberal. the anti-liberalclergy had believed a military takeover was necessary. together with those promoted by La Nueva Republica and the poet Lugones.21In the Argentinian context.5. however. and these views. although they managed to establish a modus vivendi. The disputes between the modernizing political elites and the Church came to the fore when President Roca took measures to limit the civil functions of the Church in 1884. it aimed for the theoretical synthesis of Catholicism and fascism. A turning-point for Argentinian nationalist Catholic intellectual development was Cesar Pico's article responding to Jacques Maritain's book. The same message was imparted in the Cursos de Cultura Catolica (courses in Catholic culture). however. where the most distinguished officers met. set up in 1932 with the Church's financial support.'9 From the theoretical as well as the practical point of view. From then on. While Justo wanted the military revolution to restore political hegemony to conservative liberalism. Thus. Scarcely a year later.5. In short. to isolate the army from the new ideological developments in the world and in Argentina. were not prompted solely by practical professional concerns. the old conservative establishment returned to power under General Justo. who had been war minister in Marcelo T. While Agustin Justo was a legalistic military man of liberal democratic convictions. but they demanded Yrigoyen's resignation for different reasons. and believed that a new nationalist style and political method could be developed in non-European countries. the uprising of 6 September 1930 did not give rise to the corporatist state as the integralist nationalists had expected. however. the other was Jose Felix Uriburu.Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 163 complained of what they considered to be an attempt by Yrigoyen to politicize the army. It is a fact.224. Uriburu was well aware of the nationalist uprising in Europe. It was impossible.23 Influenced also by contacts with Lugones and the nationalist intellectuals of La Nueva Republicaand by their writings. Uriburu's revolution was doomed to failure from the start. One of them was General Agustin Justo. Thus. Uriburu reaffirmed the nationalist corporatist concepts he had developed as a result of his European experience. This content downloaded from 200. contrary to the expectations of Lugones and the rest of the nationalist intellectuals. from the outset it was clear that without the support of Justo's line officersand the representatives of the political opposition parties there would be no revolution at all.most of the regularofficerssupported General Agustin Justo's defence of constitutionality. Jose Felix Uriburu was a corporatist nationalist and an admirerof Prussian military discipline. Preparations for the military coup were accompanied by discussion of these goals. however.104 on Thu. Trained in Germany under Prussian officers(the army had sent him to Germany during the first world war to study command techniques). who played a cardinal role in the ensuing political developments. de Alvear's administration and director of the influential Circulo Militar in 1928. The events that followed. the Argentinian military was a microcosm of ideological developments in the country as a whole. in fact. Both Uriburu and Justo conspired against Yrigoyen by organizing the military coup d'etat of 1930. that although Jose Felix Uriburu led the revolutionary upheaval of 1930.22 Two important military figures represented the two major rival ideologies in Argentina. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Uriburu believed the liberal democratic political structuresshould be transformed into those of a functional or corporatized democracy. 5.24 the time was ripe for a new synthesis between the concepts of economic emancipation. Peguy. Sorel and his disciples. Lagardelle and some other French and Italian syndicalists. Whereas for the Catholic wing of Argentinian nationalism fascism was the political movement that would halt anti-traditionalist world forces. but before the war.25 To the Argentinian nationalists. in the context of liberalism and economic dependency. the nationalist newspaper Bandera Argentina wrote: Fascism was born of the necessity for pure action. was in fact an era in which the dependent character of the Argentinian economy and society was greatly felt. in 1904 and 1910. a new ideology receptive to the modernist message of fascism merged with the demand for economic emancipation and the recovery of cultural identity. but rather a total cultural and political response to the problems presented by political modernization.164 Journal of ContemporaryHistory However. Ibarguren and R. Until the end of the 1920s. To Argentinian nationalists. something that was to be reflected in their ideology.224. for most This content downloaded from 200. comprising a new conception of political life and cultural revolution. fascist ideology was neither a response to communism nor purely a result of the first world war. synthesizing a novel concept of nationalism and a different understanding of socialism. In other words. It was a doctrine full of vitality. discipline and order. however. although characterized by a modicum of industrial modernization and political stability. Laferrere (the founder of La Liga Republicana).104 on Thu. the return of the oligarchical liberal democracy provided a framework for a radical metamorphosis of the nationalist ideologues' political discourse. an attractive form of nationalism from which the Argentinian renaissance could learn. had tried to revitalize socialism by adding to it a spirit of action in order to drive electoralist opportunism out of it. C. Argentinian nationalists defined these years as the 'infamous decade'. fascism and traditional Catholicism. fascism was not properly Italian but representedthe ideas of a new order. The war imposed it on the world. For Carulla. In 1933. Argentinian integral nationalism remained elitist in nature. The Justo era. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Its adherents feared political participation by the masses. But in the 1930s radical nationalists were introduced to the language of anti-imperialist economics. in both developed and underdeveloped or economically dependent regions. fascism offered a new anti-liberal order. who specifically addressed himself to the modernist significanceof the fascist revolutionary trend for the Argentinian national uprising. fascism had a social and modernizing content. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .26The fact that in Argentina the people had responded to the call of Yrigoyen's Radical Party. One man who clearly understood this point was the prominent nationalist writer Manuel Galvez. Inevitably. anarchy and disorder. Galvez was seriously convinced that fascism could develop in Argentina. was linked to populism and social justice. however.224. alongside the corporatist formula devised by the integralists. For Galvez. Acceptance of the idea that the masses had a role to play in the political game was in fact a step towards a synthesis of the ideological elements of the fascist revolution with the authentic republican tradition of the Yrigoyenist movement. an act that indicated his reconciliation with the 'populist caudillo' deposed by Uriburu's military coup. In this analysis. however. which opposes democracy and socialism. This was the spirit of the old caudillos. populist phenomenon reopened a local discussion of the problem of populist democracy in Argentina. led him to the conclusion that 'an authentic "Radical" could not be far from fascism'. the new spiritual force of fascism revolutionizing the world was the modern embodiment of the old caudillista spontaneous rebellion against the liberal mode of modernization. Up to that point. Manuel Galvez.Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 165 modernist nationalists fascism represented a new call for mass mobilization and national revolution. This content downloaded from 200. the revolutionaries could visualize a corporate authoritarian society. but they could not envision the function of the people in that schema. struggling for independence at the beginning of the nineteenth century. a populist and nationalist movement. recognized that. he tried to prove that 'fascism (in Italy) is a doctrine of the right. full of youthful vigour. whom he defined as authoritarians and militarists rather than true fascists.5.104 on Thu. Galvez's conception of fascism. since anything connected with the people would carry connotations of Yrigoyenism. in this respecthe differedsharply from the La Nueva Republicanationalists. Galvez's analysis of fascism as a modernist. but socially belongs to the left'. It must be remembered that most nationalists hoped Yrigoyen's fall signalled the beginning of a new corporatist era that would completely change the structuresof the liberaldemocratic system.27He wrote his own biography of Yrigoyen. anti-liberal and anti-oligarchic. the Radical Party's populist tradition had introduced a new kind of anti-bourgeois political style based on the heroic spirit of Argentinian national traditions. but the new heroic age was an era of vitalism and idealism. The true political use of the revision of Argentinian history began in 1930 with Carlos Ibarguren's book. which it held responsible for Argentinian dependence. criticism of Argentina's political and economic dependence. their criticism would fuse to become the intellectual framework for a new nationalist ideology combining the revolutionary populist tradition of Yrigoyenism with the corporatist system of mass control idealized by the integralists. It would revive the myth of the state and the nation. an attack against the liberal &lites'project of national modernization had to be accompanied by the revival of the historical myth of Juan Manuel de Rosas.. de Rosas. developed by the brothers Julio and Rodolfo Irazusta. While world fascism was rebelling against liberal democracy and Marxist socialism.224. This content downloaded from 200.166 Journal of ContemporaryHistory The idea of rebellion was an ideological development of cardinal importance in Europe as well as in Argentina. su vida. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . represented traditionalist leadership.M. now we want to breathe in a new heroic breeze . Rosas. J. Carlos Ibarguren wrote of the new force 'which repudiated the dominant intellectualism of the end of the XIX century' in Europe and America. as well as Galvez's attempt to fuse the concepts of Argentinian populism with fascism. and the Rosas reaction with nationalism and anti-imperialism.29This book. This conclusion. who found the old Yrigoyenist political style to be an inadequate response to the problems of a new era. it will be recalled. After an era in which the world was inundated by an anti-heroic materialism.the revival of Juan Manuel de Rosas as a cultural hero and the new criticism of economic and cultural imperialism became dominant concerns for a new group of intellectuals in the Radical Party. included. was a clear attempt to link Argentina's liberal tradition with cultural and economic dependence. su tiempo. Argentinian nationalism waged its struggle against liberal democracy.. su drama (1930). to replace it with 'a wave impregnated with a new mysticism which appears and inspires a spiritual exaltation. the politics of order and violence. These books invoking the mythical values of the pre-liberalpast. elevating them over the utilitarianism and individualism of liberal democracy. and the struggle against imperialism.28 Clearly. was the basis of the Argentinian right-wing anti-imperialist conception. The myths of heroic life in Argentina had been destroyed by the post-independence modernizing elites.5. like others. In spite of the different perspectives of the two groups.104 on Thu. as mentioned. These same issues. both nationalist wings contributed complementary components to a third path of development. As the left wing of the Yrigoyen populist movement. In their view. And the ideological framework for these foreign interests and the local unproductive bourgeoisie was liberalism.Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 167 Right-wing nationalists like the Irazustas reserved their main criticism for the association that non-productive interests -public with British adminstrators. it was promoted in an artificial and disproportional way. they understood better than the integralists that giving the masses political expression was the only route to integration. and immoral and anti-national on the other.3' FORJA promoted a new species of economic nationalism that would greatly influence the former integral nationalists.5. an emphasis on the need for economic emancipation was to become the link between the Irazustas' philosophy and that of FORJA (Fuerza de Orientacion Radical de la Juventud Argentina). the liberal formula of Alberdi stimulated immigration but it was realized without criteria . the result of free market forces. At the same time.. This process went hand in hand with economic anti-imperialism. Moreover.3" For the Irazusta brothers. Breaking off this disadvantageous relationship was a precondition for national industrialization and integration.that is... FORJA members did not speak in terms of class struggle.which in their case was directed virulently towards Great Britain. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .. the question of economic dependence This content downloaded from 200. lawyers and financiers -maintained foreign interests.104 on Thu. Despite their diverse philosophical roots and different perspectives on the specific results of liberal modernization.. the new left wing of the Yrigoyenist movement.224. Their central thesis was that the liberal tradition was associated with the foreign plutocracy and responsible for the eternal dependence and underdevelopment of the Argentinian nation. if it promoted commerce and agriculture. Common to both the right-wing integralists and the left-wing populists was that they did not consider the Argentinian economic crisis as structural. the crisis was political. the liberal democratic model of progress -a democratic party system based on the Saenz Pefa Law of 1916was uneconomic on the one hand. a result of the dealings between a nonnationalist elite and British interests. if it provided for development of a huge railway network this was done according to immediate foreign interests without planning for the future. but addressed themselves to the 'Argentinian people' at large. Argentinian prosperity cost too much .. Altough Jauretche did not develop the concept of the corporatist state as the nationalist integralists did. removed from political liberalism and collectivist Marxist socialism. the solution to FORJA's predicament would be a strong. Arturo Jauretche. The struggle for emancipation and social justice cannot be won separately by different social classes. nationalism meant both class union and anti-imperialism. one of the most prominent FORJA intellectuals. In other words. However. Moreover. antiimperialist politics. who emphasized productivity. a syndrome to which both the rational right and left fell prey.104 on Thu. . which integrated a demand for benefits for the poor and less protected classes.224. For a peripheralcountry like Argentina. were also a precondition for the development of an authentic national programme of industrial modernization and social welfare.168 Journal of Contemporary History was clearly linked to what FORJA members defined as the problem of cultural imperialism. he never defined any formal political organization that would express those principles. apart from the loose reference to the traditional populist democratic principles of Yrigoyenism. linked the problem of colonization of the mind to the rationalist and materialist right and left.34 This content downloaded from 200. corporatized society that would push for social integration and industrialization. mobilized nationalist state. However. the 'enlightened' intellectual proponents of liberal democratic modernization and the left-wing intellectuals who relied on a 'class struggle' Marxist analysis for peripheral countries held misconceived ideas. the class confrontation was one of the most effective techniques used by British policy . he did form a mythic ideal of populist democracy.The proletarian revolution as an instrument of national realization had been abandoned by the national movements long ago.33In addition.32 Nationalism in any context meant class union rather than class struggle.5. the answer was a populist. in contrast to the Italian nationalists. which to FORJA members meant economic emancipation and mass participation in the political process. . one that was neither liberal democracy nor socialist proletarian revolution. Unquestionably. This was the basis of the 'inclusionary' concept of corporatism. Clearly. Argentinian nationalists believed the principle of productivity should be balanced by a clear concern for social justice. Rejecting the easy agro-export economic order required a social consensus based on a third way of development. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . the violent style and the nationalist rhetoric.37who were trained in military camps. attempts that in most cases failed. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . In poor neighbourhoods bands of 'legionaries' were organized in groups of twenty headed by a leader.the hierarchical organization. could not participate in it'. However. A number of fascist-style leagues were created.36There was no danger of war in Latin America.. or La Legion Civica. the Legion adopted a political discourse based on the specific conditions of Argentinian development. on the ideological level. such as antiimperialism and the concern for social justice.35The Legion's doctrine was based on the assumption that war 'more than a function of armies was a function of peoples. for instance. the struggle for economic independence. the Alianza combined the fundamental ideological elements of fascism . Since one of the organization's proposed objectives was to give the population ideological guidance.5. which performed the function of the 'Camelots du Roi' for La Nueva Republica. These leagues reflected the paramilitary.It was the first nationalist group to succeed in organizing mass rallies in the Plaza San Martin in Buenos Aires to celebrate the First of May. in what was a clear attempt to transform the international workers' This content downloaded from 200. and was inspired by the martial spirit that characterized the revolutionary groups of the right and left all over the world. The Legion Civica. but the Legion Civica was organized on military lines. precursors of Peron's descamisados. with brigades and divisions that would parade in columns of eight members. was initially identified with the nationalist goals of the army that took power in 1930.. and no component of the nation . The Alianza de la Juventud Nacionalista. originally created by Felix de Uriburu as the civil militia of the abortive revolution of 1930.with the indigenous Latin American nationalist features arising from the particularities of the continent's own development. At the same time. and the traditional concepts of corporatist organization. such as La Liga Republicana.224. founded by Juan Queralto in 1935. reformist and even proletarian concepts. its activities naturally included women and children. had a less military style than the Legion Civica. it was the nationalist group that synthesized most clearly the new populist and 'pro-worker'-oriented approach. revolutionary fascist spirit. The Alianza advanced the idea of the syndicalist state by boosting the participation of workers and the unemployed.104 on Thu. proposing a political programme that employed anti-imperialist. In other words.Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 169 The 1930s were characterized by several attempts by the nationalists to form a unified movement. the nationalists made few attempts to put their political beliefs into practice. The only road left was 'class syndicalism .4'In fact. materialist... the right-wing nationalist governor of Buenos Aires from 1936 to 1940.. became during Peron's administration the movement of the 'declasses'. One of the sole efforts to institute an inclusionary. and [we repudiate] the political oligarchy .224.that can mediate between workers and employers. because it is the flag of reaction against. '.104 on Thu. We repudiate the 'latifundist' [agrarian] oligarchy. the Legion announced. 'until now any social policy was based on reforms.3 Furthermore. Juan Queralto: Our struggle against the oligarchy is parallel to our struggle against Marxism. because it has no patriotism . . since its existence delays national progress. pragmatic and utilitarian'. . to the benefit of the workers. Fresco's assertion that the democratic regime was a 'plutocratic regime. its rhetoric resembled that of the Legion. that is bourgeois. . unlike the Legion Civica. sceptical. which was to become popular in the mid-1940s.. In the words of the Alianza's founder. the 'plebeians'. or another way to reach the people. conceded by the liberal system' but 'our national revolution will transform the main concept of work . Nevertheless.. atheist. It was clear to both of them that the evils of capitalism and industrialization could be overcome by a strong syndicalist state. our revolution in march. sensual and positivist. . 'We are not enemies of the workers'. . and that another kind of democracy.. . capitalist. that would certainly develop into a corporatist state that binds and harmonizes'. Work is going to be associated as a partner in the production of wealth'. in his eyes. [we repudiate] the capitalist oligarchy.170 Journal of ContemporaryHistory holiday into a national celebration of the Argentinian worker. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .5. 3 The Alianza accepted the right to private property and freedom of contract but provided for government intervention against economic speculation and the formation of monopolized trusts. This content downloaded from 200.. corporatist system in Argentina was made by Manuel Fresco. Solutions to the workers' problems had not yet been provided by socialism and could not be provided in the future. it was evident that the liberal democratic regime would have to be turned into a class state that could preserve both harmony and social justice. 'Production would rest on the principle of being at the service of the country and not at the service of liberal capitalistic accumulation. Anticipating Peronist ideology.42did not. Manuel Fresco understood that despising democratic practices was not enough. should be proposed.4 Although the Alianza. that which characterized the fascist regime. Fresco defined the Socialist Party as 'a conglomerate of the bourgeoisie'. thereby solving unemployment there. had made the struggle against fascism their priority.Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 171 rule out acceptance of an alternative conception of democratic and social practices. if they would lead to the requirednationalist social reforms. and Home'. who had formed the Popular Front in the mid-1930s. For Fresco. Fresco also stressed that while the nationalists were working for national emancipation and social justice and fighting against economic imperialism. while the struggle for democracy kept the socialists. His visit to Italy in February 1935. and liberal democrats busy.224. Fatherland. In other words.104 on Thu.43 Under the slogan 'God.45limited to parliamentary politics. convinced him of the effectiveness of Italian corporatist procedures. could provide social solutions to the demands of the working class. even though he was considered a controversial personality of questionable morality because of his relations with foreign interests. while he was president of the Chamber of Deputies in Congress. Fresco sought a system of representationin which unions would be recognized by the state and would be required to submit their demands to compulsory state arbitration. He instated religious education in the schools and outlawed the Communist Party. These measures gave him a certain prestige among the nationalists. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . This was the synthesis of a nationalist fascist state.44 Fresco severely repressed the radical left although he considered it politically impotent. communists. On 4 June 1943. These reforms were accompanied by reactionary policies in education and politics. The domestic front had This content downloaded from 200. He defended what he called 'patriotic fraud' and 'patriotic violence'. which. in contrast to the liberal. and while governing the province of Buenos Aires he instituted an experimental administration based on the socio-economic corporatist model of Salazar's 'Estado Novo' in Portugal. both the right-wing and left-wing nationalists were engaged in the fight against imperialism. These principleswere given expression in the Organic Labour Act of 1937. The military uprising followed a political crisis within the conservative government then in power. the communists and socialists. socialist state.5. he proceeded to give an unprecedented boost to public works in the province. the armed forces led by General Rawson took power in Argentina. parliamentarist procedures were obsolete. In the Chamber of Deputies. anti-imperialistic. decreed the conversion of the Departamento Nacional de Trabajo into an autonomous department.172 Journal of ContemporaryHistory seen growing dissatisfaction with the government's economic strategy. the anticipated revolution that would put Argentina both on the road of national liberation and in the midst of the universal fascist revolution against the Western democracies. populist revolution that would create a single nationalist party supported by the declasses. one which Juan Peron would later use as a springboard from the military to political leadership.47It was.P. this. a supporter of the Allies.074 of 27 November 1943.48 This content downloaded from 200. when President General P.104 on Thu. The conviction that Argentina had to change its political path went hand in hand with the conviction that the old world of the Western democracies would soon collapse. could not be separated from the political and ideological convictions of both rightists and leftists who sought the end of the liberal state. these developments would have to await Peron's accession to power. who had been part of Uriburu's political circle.224. galvanized the army leaders into action. One of the most significant acts that determined the political direction of the government took place on 27 October 1943. The defence of Argentinian neutrality in the second world war was a cause that united nationalists of both the right and the left. 'social justice' was to be one of the 'fundamental objectives' of the military government. the military pressure group that led the military uprising in 1943) seemed to be fascistoriented. together with certain administrative malpractices and the threat of a possible communist upheaval. Although its objectives were unclear. was the military leaders' fear that Robustiano Patron Costa. As it turned out. The actual trigger.46 Moreover. Peron was assigned the task of taking the necessary measures to improve relations among the productive forces in the country. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . the GOU (Grupo de Oficiales Unidos. For the anti-semitic priest Meinvielle.5. this issue. it was the 'revolution we announced'. would be elected president and end Argentina's neutrality in the second world war. the coup was the expected counter-revolution. in fact. which in the case of the nationalist right wing meant clear support for the Axis. but Colonel Juan D. As Ramirez declared. Peron was an integral part of the revolution from the beginning. while for the 'plebeian' Alianza it was a radical. In Decree 156. however. Ramirez. In the words of Marcelo Sanchez Sorondo. Peron had also been deeply impressed by his visit to Italy in the period 1939-41.Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 173 Indeed. the political unions. The ideas implemented by Peron. initiated by the military government in 1943. however. We do not want unions divided into political factions.49 In fact. This control allowed the state to manoeuvre freely when circumstances warranted. The Syndical Statute. Yet it also offered benefits for the working class. Yet the local nationalists were not the only influence on Peron's ideological development. The Syndical Statute was followed by the 1945 Law of Professional Associations. Peron's approach to industrial relations resembled Mussolini's. which had to be approved and supervised by the government. This content downloaded from 200. In his view. only officially recognized unions and employers' associations could sign labour contracts.104 on Thu. and long-term loans were offered to industrial concerns. as we have seen. and strikes and lockouts were forbidden. including a reduction of housing rents and a rise in salaries for the lowest-paid public administration workers.5. because what is dangerous is.5s At the same time. Mixed industrial complexes were created with the goal of exploiting national resources. by paying greater attention to worker welfare. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . because it suits the state to have organic forces it can control and lead rather than inorganic forces that escape its leadership . social justice and the welfare of the workers could only be achieved by the regulative hand of the state. were originally developed by the nationalists. the improvement of the relationship between the workers' unions and the state was essential for the implementation of the military government's short-term industrial policies. represented the first effort to institute corporatist authoritarian control of the workers' organizations. That personal experience encouraged his admiration of Italian fascism.224. However. especially as a way to lead the working class. whose provisions were also almost identical with those of Mussolini's Labour Code. precisely.. and only one employers' association and one labour union was to be permitted in each economic field. Peron was convinced that he could improve upon Mussolini's experience. The 'productive' conception inspired by Lugones's thesis of national strength was accompanied by a limited social policy designed by the nationalist intellectuals. all syndical organizations must be corporatized by the state. Under this law. reflectingtheir attempt to achieve a degree of social justice. . the son of a railway worker.174 Journal of ContemporaryHistory The nationalist press reacted enthusiastically to what it saw as an attempt to establish a productive economic system with clear positive implications for social justice: The declarations to the press by Peron . . Lieutenant-Colonel Mercante.General Workers' Confederation). .projected what we have been maintaining in these pages over the last 10 years. .5' Peron's particular and direct approach was evident even before he assumed the presidency. it was only after Peron took charge that he finally succeeded in bringing big business under control by setting up the General Economic Confederation in 1952. .. provided a new legal framework for This content downloaded from 200. those who abuse the weaknesses of others.5..3 The revision of the 1853 federal constitution in 1949 provided a constitutional basis for the new ideological approach. Jose Figuerola (a Catalonian syndicalist during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera who had emigrated to Argentina in 1930). . During the military government Peron established direct contact with the union leaders. and repressive attitude of the past which favoured . They realized that only under Peron would the unions accept corporatization. most of his military comrades agreed with Peron's social and political agenda. the first collective agreement was reached between labour and government. collaboration between labour and employer organizations.224. Through such efforts. Labour problems.. and the humanization of the function of capital . along with relations with capital. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .. Peron met syndicalists from the dissolved CGT (Confederacion General del Trabajo. have overcome the provisions of legislators and statesmen of the early century ..52 The basic goals of Peron's first administration were to achieve a 'just equilibrium among all the factors that take part in production. the state will abandon its passive attitude . In tandem with the Peronist-controlled CGT. and [to] improve the living conditions of the workers'. aided by his colleague. and in 1943 he intervened in favour of the workers in the Berisso 'Frigorificos' strike in La Plata. Although the nationalists and the military suspected that Peron's personal approach and habitual intervention in favour of the workers would bring worker participation into the political arena rather than the desired corporatization.104 on Thu. this confederation gave the state enormous regulatory power over the economy. the law professor Arturo Sampa and Domingo Mercante. The constitutional amendments proposed by Peron's close collaborators. While the working class had already been corporatized under the military government. When that happened. Thus. This law. one of the most recognized symbols of Peronism. Wages declined by over 20 per cent. the law that most frightened the rural oligarchy was the 'Estatuto del Peon'. during Peron's second administration (from 1951).224. and a new discipline was imposed on the unions. big business This content downloaded from 200.to conflict with the requirementsof social justice. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .104 on Thu. had been promoted by Enrique Oses in the pages of the right-wingjournal Crisol. Meanwhile. Jauretche. a feat made possible by Argentina's tremendous revenuesduring the second world war. in particular. While on the surface the Plan Quinquenal appeared to favour the industrial sectors.Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 175 social reform. salaries were devalued by up to 11 per cent from 1949 to 1952. as mentioned earlier. the unions were in no position to protest. In this respect. In fact. was the symbol of state economic regulatory power.at the beginning of the 1950s. things began to change. Up to then. which recognized rural labourers as workers with normal labour rights. All the instruments created by the state during Peron's administration from 1946 on were designed to further the aim of industrialization and social justice. and was created to promote the industrialization plan launched in October 1946. And indeed. the productionist trend began to take precedence over concern for workers' rights. while all this social progress was being made.the government then made a good profit by selling the produce at free market prices. workers improved their living conditions until the state could no longer afford it. who directly influenced Peron in the matter as well. the government had allowed wages to rise by as much as 40 per cent from 1946 to 1949. and holidays were sensibly reduced. The IAPI (Argentinian Institute of Production and Trade). however.5. A new chapter III enumerated a series of rights inspired by Catholic encyclicals that had spoken against abuses in the capitalist system and in favour of state intervention in the economic sector. without abandoning its policy of heavy industrialization. the latter still feared the regulatory power of the state and the labour legislation that supported the IAPI's industrial policies.54 Of all the new legislation. This 'Plan Quinquenal' forced farmers to sell to the government at low fixed prices. under government control.55In the name of'productionism'. as well as by left-wing nationalists like A. in the latter stages of the regime. Peron was pushing a policy of productionism that was destined eventually . 1949 was a watershed year for labour in Argentina. From 1949 on. Peron was the conduit for the integralism-populism formula supported by most of the working class. It is impossible to separate Peronism as a social ideal from Peronism as a national idea. while the anti-national forces were the political parties associated with world financial imperialism. communists and American Ambassador Braden. although Peron's personal approach won him the continued support of most workers even when government policy was unfavourable to their interests. Peron united under the doctrine of justicialismo both nationalist currents analysed in this article.176 Journal of ContemporaryHistory began receiving favourable treatment in the form of easier loans and high guaranteed prices. In those elections.224. which countered the liberal-democratic formula advocated by conservative liberals. He added the latter himself. The justicialista doctrine attempted a synthesis of the four principles of idealism. They all considered Peron a fascist. In other words. In reality it was a new version of national socialism for a peripheral society. Peron defined European fascism as an exaggerated combination of idealism and collectivism that excluded individualism and a salutary materialism. This is clearly reflected by the circumstances of the 1946 elections which put Peron in power. the ideological confrontation was between nationalism represented by Peronism and the old conservative order. socialists. materialism. the Americans' determination to prove Peron's complicity with the nazis was a key factor in Peron's success. By the time Peron assumed power. In this respect. the Peronist movement and the workers were the productive forces of the nation organized as a living organism. the productionist impetus in Peronism was at least as strong as the doctrine of social justice.5. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . adding the fillip of his own charismatic leadership. The army. Peron's 'fascism' was true welfare. Thus. Although it proved impossible to prove any such complicity even with the LibroAzul published by the Americans. certainly both Peron and the nationalists before him represented an alternative view of nationalism that was clearly linked to fascism. In conclusion. That slogan transformed the conflict between two different political and ideological conceptions into a conflict between the nation and 'American' imperialism. defining it as social justice. the war was over.104 on Thu. and it would have This content downloaded from 200. individualism and collectivism. Peron defined this political confrontation very simply: 'Braden or Peron'. but for the Argentinian working class. the socialists and the communist parties associated with Moscow. The Revolution was fed by the action and thought of the generation called nationalist. Peron's themes are 'our themes . 349. This thesis does not enter into the causes of fascist success or failure in differentplaces. and in 'La Luppa' in Italy in 1911. The military revolution of 1943 and Peronism were both actually direct products of the unique characteristicsof Argentinian nationalism. the product of Sorel's moral revision of Marxism and the Italian national revolutionary syndicalists' revision of Marx's theory of value. both in ibid. combining as it did fascism with social justice. Thus. Notes 1. Peron himself admitted that the Third Position had a clear precedent in fascism and national socialism. See Zeev Sternhell's thesis on 'Fascist Ideology'. and in Z. At the same time. Argentinian nationalism was well-rooted within the ideological framework of fascism as an ideology which representeda third strand of development unifying socialism and nationalism. This thesis is developed by Zeev Sternhell in 'Ni Droite ni Gauche' and 'Fascist Ideology'.104 on Thu. but maintains that when structuralcrisis appeared. A Reader's Guide (London 1976). in W. In short. this article has tried to show that the ideological elaboration of the Peronist synthesis between national integralism. The first meetings of Sorelian syndicalists with integral nationalist followers of Charles Maurras.. However. remainedpart of the political culture of the Argentinian people. fascism had already matured as an ideology. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .5. anti-imperialism and social justice was carried out in the intellectual laboratories of the Argentinian nationalist right and left wings during the 1930s. it is no wonder that the myth of Peronism. in 'Les cahiers du Cercle Proudhon' in 1910. Laqueur.56 While not attempting to expound any theory on Peronism.Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 177 been absurd to expect a pragmatist like Peron to identify himself as fascist under the new circumstances.. Fascism.'57This intellectual elaboration was made possible by the specific 'nationalization' of the universal message of fascism. Peronism became a link between the old 'third road' of fascism and the new 'third road' of non-aligned countries in the post-second world war period. Sternhell. represented the first ideological synthesis of fascist ideology.224. Its central idea is that fascism is the ideological synthesis of a new radical nationalism and a new anti-Marxian socialism. La Naissanc ede 'ideologiefasciste (Paris 1989). Mario Sznajderand Maia Asherri. As Hector Bernardo has noted.. presenting a real ideological alternative This content downloaded from 200. long before its translation into political practice. although there was a sincere attempt to authenticate the Argentinian position in terms of the country's specific problems in the new postwar era. Authoritarian Argentina(Berkely. ed. he relates modern consciousness to rational liberal consciousness. Buchrucker. a different proposition comes from George Mosse. 24. offers very little in the way of a comparative analysis of the fundamental ideologies of those times. Reappraisals of Fascism (New York 1975). Turner (ed. Jr. the nationalization of the masses was a common bond between the French and the fascist revolutions. is one of the ideological pillars of fascism. . 2 (July 1977). 'Nationalism provides the link between the French Revolution and fascism. According to Mosse.. 10. Although integral nationalism. James Gregor responds to most of Greil's assumptions.Argentina en la crisis ideologica mundial (1927-1955) (Buenos Aires 1987). The concept of nationalism and politics as a civil religion is part of the French Revolution's heritage. The same viewpoint was presented in Anthony James Joes.178 Journal of ContemporaryHistory for actual crisis. 'What Produces Fascism: Pre-industrial Traditions or a Crisis of a Capitalist State'. Turner. basically their ends were anti-modernizing.' 2. See James Gregor. Henry A. on faith and on sentiment. which represents a rejection of the political values and revolutionary violence of the French Revolution. 1910 to the Present (Delaware 1993). This book. Its History and IntellectualOrigins. is still revolutionary and modernist. The most important historiographic works on Argentinian nationalism are of recent publication. 'Fascism and Counter-modernization'. Los Nacionalistas. 'On the Modernity of Fascism: Notes from Two Worlds'. 'Fascism and Modernization'.5. trying to prove that what seem to be 'traditional attitudes' were in fact characteristic of the Soviet regime as well as of radical guerrilla movements like those of Che Guevara and Mao. 2 (July 1977). ibid.Nacionalismoy Peronismo. . In this sense it harnesses the cultural aspirations of many who were comfortably placed in the emerging bourgeois society .104 on Thu. In fact. not of the past. while providing an interesting historical description of the evolution of Argentinian nationalism. Politics and Society.' Geoff Eley. at the same time. A very important and illustrative discussion on fascism and the 'modernization' of consciousness appeared in ComparativePolitics. 3. that same French Revolution provided fascism with some of its political concepts. Much more important is Cristian Buchrucker. 1 (January 1989). whose political sensibilities were offended by the seeming incapacity of the establishment to respond to the left-wing challenge. Arthur L. the ideological synthesis of a new organic nationalism with a moral and anti-materialist socialism is itself the result of a modernist intellectual revolution. in Henry A. 10. Greil posits that the content and style of fascism were based on romantic epistemology. A new nationalism was based upon a new 'religious' concept. 'Fascism and the French Revolution'. far from being liberal utopian or socialist. This assumption in fact challenges the outlook that links the concept of revolution to rational 'utopian' ideologies. Greil assumes what Henry A. who This content downloaded from 200.). 1 (1983). Journalof ContemporaryHistory. That synthesis. 12. ComparativePolitical Studies. Mosse suggests that although fascism arose in opposition to the liberal and materialist symbiology of the French Revolution. 259. Turner suggested before him.224. 131. 71. Jorge Alvarez Gerassi (Buenos Aires 1968). CA 1992) and Sandra McGee Deutsch and Ronald Dolkart (eds). 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . These books are the latest in a series of important analytical works beginning with such early studies of Argentinian nationalism as Marysia Navarro Gerassi. Two books which came out during the last few months and which consequently could not be evaluated in this article are David Rock. that no matter what kind of modernizing policies were implemented during the fascist and nazi regimes. The ArgentineRight. 'radical nationalism was a vision of the future. 'the general will of the people'. Indeed. 239. Indeed. a precursor to the left-wing anti-imperialist struggle in Latin America. Certain other works based on similar analytical concepts reached less clear-cut conclusions regarding Peronist fascism. 1900-1932. which is perceived as left-wing nationalism. The author makes a clear distinction between what he considers 'doctrinaire' nationalists. but Silvert accentuates the fact that after the war this nationalism was transformed into a positive integrationist political formula.Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 179 studied with Ernst Nolte. Counter-Revolutionin Argentina. and the 'republican' nationalists. Both Silvert and Johnson see Argentinian nationalism before the second world war as a sort of criollo's fascism. 'Argentina. who were influenced by fascism and Catholicism. A more important work reflecting this distinction between populist nationalism on the one hand and the nostalgic. Those works attempted to rehabilitate Peronism as an authentic revolutionary. This work is of great significance because it analyses the development of Argentinian nationalism in the framework of world ideological trends. A slightly more sophisticated analysis is Kalman Silvert's The Conflict Society: Reaction and Revolution in Latin America (New Orleans 1961). Some of these works pointed to the direct connection between Argentinian reactionary nationalism and Peronism. Buchrucker attempts to differentiate between what he considers a 'restorative' anti-modernist nationalism. El Nacionalismo Argentino.5. The ArgentinePatriotic League (Lincoln This content downloaded from 200. in Argentina: A City and a Nation (New York 1963).J. most of them considered the Argentinian nationalism that preceded it as reactionary. Among the more recent books on the period preceding the appearance of Argentinian integral nationalism. La Formacion de la Conciencia Nacional (Buenos Aires 1960). nationalist movement. In their view. which is the best documented book on Argentinian nationalism. describes the Argentinian nationalist uprising as the result of patriotic feeling against foreign economic penetration. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Zuleta Alvarez clearly attempts to legitimize the second ideological line. Other important works that are politically and ideologically relevant to Argentinian ideological disputes ratherthan objectively analytical are those written by Argentinian left-wing nationalists such as J. used the latter's phenomenological method to trace the genesis of Argentinian nationalism. James Scobie. which were influenced by the modernization theories predominant in the United States during those years. in a book published with David Jordan. or Jorge Abelardo Ramos. Revolucion y Contrarrevolucionen la Argentina. CT 1958). Hernandez Arregui. 2 vols (Buenos Aires 1975). whom he defined as authentic anti-imperialist nationalists. the populist nationalism developed by the left wing of the Radical Party (FORJA) was the same populist nationalism that supported Peronism. In any case. Among these studies is John Johnson. Basically. Nationalism in ContemporaryLatin America(New York 1966). and Peronism.104 on Thu. Another important work is Enrique Zuleta Alvarez. Both books present integralist nationalism as a nostalgic movement associated with the liberal oligarchy. which he sees as an authentic popular movement. influenced by fascism and Spanish Falangism. traditionalist trend of nationalism on the other is Arthur Whitaker's essay. Political Change in Latin America: The Emergence of the Middle Sectors (Stanford. The two books were in fact an answer to other 'ideologically' minded books that appeared during the 1950s and 1960s. anti-imperialist. Similarly. mention must be made of Sandra McGee Deutsch.224. that being the political trend he personally defended in the Argentinian ideological struggle. Nostalgic and Dynamic Nationalism'. Las masas en nuestra historia (Buenos Aires 1957). which they considered a reactionary fascist movement. and had a differentapproach to labour. Teoria v practica de la historia (Buenos Aires 1931).224. However. and its social policies were This content downloaded from 200. as presidential candidate for the 1922 elections. This book analyses the origins of the Argentine Patriotic League. 1890-1930 (Austin 1977). the thesis I have presented radically defies the perception of Argentinian nationalism as nostalgic and reactionary. See also David Rock. In contrast to most of the works mentioned here. this group did not develop a nationalist ideology as an alternative to the liberal ideology of the modernizing &lites. 7. In other words. The Socialist Parti of Argentina. Rock.180 Journal of ContemporaryHistory) and London 1986). See Tulio Halperin Donghi. Walter. however. Unlike the populist nationalists who originated in the Radical Party and the integralists who appeared at the end of the 1920s. 12. 2nd edn (Buenos Aires 1983). cited in D. 6. 'Filosofia de la eleccion reciente'.5. On the anarchist movement in Argentina see Yaacov Oved. Alvear (Buenos Aires 1956). Gallo (eds). and enjoyed the co-operation of the aristocratic members of the party. El anarquismoy el movimientoobrero en Argentina (Mexico 1978). 11. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . the intransigent revolutionary wing of the Radical Party did not propose an alternative modern industrialist and developmentalist thesis. Ensavo sobre su historia Y doctrina. Until the end of the 1920s. 5. Politics in Argentina. it attempts to trace the ideological roots of Argentina's change of tack in the development process. which together produced an alternative. On the history of the Argentine Socialist Party see J. 10.B. no. Yrigoyen nominated Marcelo T. de Alvear. Unlike other works. Politics in Argentina. a group that played a particularly important role during the first two decades of the century. La Argentinadel Ochenta al Centenario(Buenos Aires 1980). Furthermore. Nonetheless. mobilized society that emphasized autarky and social justice. it propounds the view that fascism served as an inspirational theoretical framework for an alternative formula for national modernization.104 on Thu.Travectoria politica. see Felix Luna. McGee's interesting comparison between the Liga Patriotica and the integral nationalists who came later is a useful contribution to the discussion on nationalism as a generic phenomenon in Argentina. 'Una ideologia del progreso' in G. 10. Alvear was a symbol of retrenchment and consolidation. El socialismo en Argentina (Buenos Aires 1969). El Radicalisnmo. On Alvear's political life. Yrigoyen nationalized the oil production industry. More precisely. Yrigoyen managed to keep the party unified. Oddone. El Radicalismo. On the ideology and practice of the Radical Party see Gabriel del Mazo. See J. 8. which in my view transformed the country from a limited but established liberal democracy into a corporatized. Rodolfo Rivarola. this book identifies the ideological elements shared by both populist and integralist nationalism. Historia del socialismo argentino(Buenos Aires 1934). 29. Hebe Clementi. a member of the patrician group of the Radical Party. In order not to alienate the aristocratic sectors of the party. which point up the differences between the various strains of nationalism. unified nationalist line. Justo. Yrigoyen's economic policies did not threaten the actual agro-export economic system supported by British and local landowning interests. 'Un nuevo clima de ideas' and Marcelo Montserrat. 8. Revista Argentina de Ciencias Politicas. Also see Jorge Spilimbergo. 1890-1930: The Rise and Fall of Radicalism(Cambridge 1975). and Richard J. 9. 2 vols (Buenos Aires 1957). Ferari and E. 4. 15. see also Alain Rouquie. See Carta a Jacques Maritain sobre la colaboracion de los catolicos con los movimientosde tipo fascista (Buenos Aires 1937). In a letter to Uriburu from the Argentinian military attache in Germany.. Orona. 107. lxxxvii. On Charles Maurras'sinfluence on Argentinian nationalism. El Radicalismo(Buenos Aires 1968). Poder militar 1 sociedad politica en la Argentina. 223-52. See also J. 77. During the great Eucharist Congress that took place in Buenos Aires in 1934. op. The nationalist Jose Luis Torres defined the decade as 'la decada infame'. Ezcurra Medrano. See Juan Carlos Grosso. Julio Meinvielle. Concepcion catolica de la politica (Buenos Aires 1961). 19.320. Enquete sur la monarchie (Paris 1924). 'El Despertar Nacionalista'. According to Maurras.I. Orona. See Archivo General de la Nacion. L 'Alleedes philosophes(Paris 1924).) 20. Nationalism and Democracy in Argentina(Notre Dame 1958). President Justo managed to deal successfully with the Church. the latter expressed surprise at the failure of the Munich putsch because 'such a [revolutionary]nationalist reaction can be felt in Europe. felt that the Spanish Civil War had produced the military fascism that synthesized fascism and Catholicism. 40. unpublished PhD thesis. however. for instance. Most of the more important figures of right-wing Catholicism could not accept the totalitarian and secular characteristicsof fascism. La iglesia catolica v la problematica del pueblo judio (1845-1933). see Graciela Ben Dror. 7th edn (Buenos Aires 1983). 27-31. forgetful of the past and negligent of the future. Gustavo Franceschi and Leonardo Castellani. Legajo 1. 23.5. praised Justo's support in contributing to the organization of the Eucharist Congress. and Entrela iglesia v el Reich( 1937). 17. Hebrew University. 14. 52. Eduardo Lustosa. La Nueva Republica. Criterio(31 March 1938). 13. 16. in most of the writings of the priests Julio Meinvielle. that not to be affiliated with it is synonymous with being a traitor to the country to which one belongs'. See Gustavo Franceschi. Most of them. Archivo General Uriburu. Ibid. 18. La revolucion del 6 de Setiembre (Buenos Aires 1966). cit. See Juan V. On the chain of events that led to the failure of Uriburu's corporatist attempt. the Church did not lead a direct attack on Justo's government. Leopoldo Lugones. Catolicismo y nacionalismo(Buenos Aires 1939). see Jose Maria Sarobe. cited in Michael Curtis. 13. Three Against the Republic. 21. fascism is perceived as a preamble to the Catholic solution. On the differences between Justo and Uriburu and on the process that led to the revolution. Kennedy. 22. 24. Jerusalem. It was This content downloaded from 200. and Juan V. (The journal Criterio.224. A. However. Psychologically. Criterio (October 1932).J. 28. See Charles Maurras. Catholicism. Memorias sobre la revoluciondel 6 de Setiembrede 1930 (Buenos Aires 1957). See Charles Maurras. La logia que enfrento a Hipolito Yrigoven (Buenos Aires 1965).. the regimecould be defined as the intense antagonism of eleven million egos.22 September 1928. they saw Catholic dogma as providing the doctrine lacking in fascism. On the ideas of the Argentine Catholic right. Justo proved to have a positive attitude towards the Church for political reasons. In the main.104 on Thu. 'La Idea Corporativa'. 'Los Problemas Economicos y Sociales y la Respuesta Radical en el Gobierno (1916-1930)'. Sorel. La Patria Fuerte (Buenos Aires 1930).Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 181 populist and reformist. Nicolas Accame. see EnriqueZuleta Alvarez. Barres and Maurras (Princeton 1959). democracy meant a regime of profit and immediate pleasures. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . J.182 Journal of Contemporary History characterized by the bilateral agreements between Great Britain and Argentina. 41. 3 vols. Hernandez Arregui. The Manifesto of the Radicales Fuertes (Strong Radicals) was drawn up during the National Convention of the Union Civica Radical which ended the period of Radical refusal to participate in the national elections.. F. La inquietud de esta hora.29 December 1945. According to J. See Policia Federal. ibid. The Roca-Runciman pact saw the symbol of that dependence. 33. Gabriel del Mazo. See also Carlos Waisman's justification for the pro-labour convictions of the Argentinian anti-liberal mass movement. 119. 101. in Paso de los Libres. 126. 27.. in Julio Irazusta.224. Biblioteca del Pensamiento Nacionalista Argentino. although endorsed by various military officers. That was the synthesis of proper industrial development for a country with the characteristics of Argentina. Ana Maria Galibert and Omar Cerdeira. 25. 15 June 1931. which put Argentina in a position of growing economic dependence on Great Britain. 182. Tribuna. Ibid. Manuel Galvez. 127.D. Policies and TheirStructuralConsequences(Princeton. (Buenos Aires !985). 35. 38. Legion Civica. Graciela Etchevest. La decada infame (Buenos Aires 1945). Vidade Juan Manuel de Rosas (1940). 1.did not have the support .for obvious reasons -.104 on Thu.of the Radical antipersonalista leader. Revolucionario II (Buenos Aries 1975). Leg. 30. La Argentina . Carlos Ibarguren. 'Nacionalismo y Sindicalismo'. VI (Buenos Aires 1975). Los Profetas del Odio (Buenos Aires 1957). PostiwarCounter-revolutionarY NJ 1987). Other important books are Julio Irazusta. Lautaro Montenegro. Speech at the 1 May 1939 Rally of the Alianza Nacionalista. vol. Combate. Origen de la Legion Civica ArgentinaY la doctrina de su constitucion(Buenos Aires 1931). What the Irazustas promoted was an 'economic harmony between manufacturing and the easy products of agro export'. 26. 20-1. Este Pueblo Necesita (Buenos Aires 1934). Bandera Argentina. See Jose Luis Torres. 37. such as Manuel Ortiz Pereira. Arturo Jauretche. el imperialismo britanico. See Carlos Waisman's definition in his Reversal of Development in Argentina. 42. Bandera Argentina.5. Ibid. Juan Queralto. 'Perspectivas de fascismo en Argentina'. 250. 29. This content downloaded from 200. Manuel Fresco. 34. June 1939. Legajo 1.G. 36. 8 September 1932. 'El precio del liberalismo'. 13 July 1933. Marcelo T. 35. (Buenos Aires 1943). de Alvear. 31. Los eslabones de una cadena 1806-1833 (Buenos Aires 1934). That revolutionary attempt. not long after the Bosch revolutionary attempt. Conversando con el pueblo. 28. 5. 32. Molina. he attempted to transform the party from a rebellious movement to a legitimate faction that played by liberal democratic rules. Fleitas. La Revolucionde 1930. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . FORJA grew out of the meetings of old veterans of Radicalism. Exp. 256. Juan B. 40. 'La Legion Civica Argentina (1931-1932)'. P. The historical event that led to the emergence of FORJA was the failed Radical uprising headed by Colonel Roberto Bosch. Rodolfo and Julio Irazusta. Hacia un nuevo estado. Rodolfo Irazusta. Ensayo sobre Rosas (1935). and Manuel Galvez. 39. Alvear representedthose in the party who set store by the rules of the political order. Folio 52. 'Prontuario Carulla'. Tulchin. At the University of Torino and Milan he studied political economy. 142. 52. It should be noted that M. G. 19401945 (Buenos Aires 1981). which became a political party in 1941. In 1939. 53. Peron's admiration for fascism is easily detected. Montevideo. Poder militar v sociedadpolitica en la Argentina. by virtue of his paper Cabildo. 35. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . President Ortiz. April 1940'. 56. See Juan Peron.5. 'Ordenamiento economico-social' (Buenos Aires 1944). Estados Uniossy las clases dirigentesargentinas. During 1940. succeeding PresidentJusto. see also Mario Rapoport. This content downloaded from 200. La hora de los pueblos (Buenos Aires 1973). Moreover. 1-2 (1980). Crassweller. Paul Lewis. A few democratic groups also favoured neutrality and asked the US for a nonbelligerence pact. Manuel Fresco. This raised suspicions about his real intentions. See La Razon. Consejo Nacional de Postguerra. Britania. He was impressed by the political and social practices of fascism. Para una economia humana(Buenos Aires 1949). The Journal of Politics. A technique. Diario de Sesiones. 68. 'Was Peron a Fascist?'. 1967. 30 October 1943. Camara de Diputados. See S. 57. 44. Crisol. Peron and the Enigmas of Argentina (New York 1988). 12 May 1967. he became the ideological mentor of the GOU. See also 'La Secretaria de Trabajo y Prevision'. 47. Reportajes. vol. 138. 49. 74. in Eduardo Galeano. 193-5. Journal of InterAmerican Studies. 15 June 1932. 54. 161. 50. 55-6. After the election of 1940. 'The Argentine Proposal for Non-Belligerency. decided to intervene in the province. See Alain Rouquie. 46. Peron visited Germany and the rest of the countries occupied by nazi Germany. Fresco founded the Union Nacional Argentina (Patria). removing Fresco from office. an art of military precision. Peron never denied that 'to guide people is a technique. 42. XI. Juan Peron. Labor Nationalism and Politics in Argentina (New Brunswick 1967). See Robert D. 32. 18-21. Baily.Spektorowski: Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina 183 43. Tauro. El Pampero. El pueblo quieresaber de que se trata (Buenos Aires 1944). 51. 'El Estado regulara las fuerzas de la Produccion'.104 on Thu.' See the interview given by Peron to Eduardo Galeano. On this point see Joseph S. 247-8. See Marcelo Sanchez Sorondo. Hector Bernardo. 48. I have been taught that in Italy: that people really knew how to command. 45. as a way of gaining US approval and protecting Argentinian economic interests at the same time. Fresco's personal economic interests were connected with the oligarchy. 1 December 1943. the technique of leadership. something that other nationalists did not accept. On his return to Argentina.II (Buenos Aires 1986). La revolucion que anunciamos (Buenos Aires 1945). even the British had an interest in Argentina's remaining neutral in the second world war. On the question of Argentina's neutrality. 55. 4 (1969). he set himself up as a leader of the nationalist movement. Peron was sent to Italy on a study mission by the Argentinian army. During 1940. Vicepresidenciade la Nacion. Later. Congreso Nacional. 12.224. 184 Journal of ContemporaryHistory AlbertoSpektorowski is a post-graduate student at the Hebrew University.104 on Thu. 11 Jun 2015 19:35:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . This content downloaded from 200. Jerusalem.224.5. He is the author of several articles and is at present researching the Argentine's transition to democracy and the threat of the nationalist revival: the case of Aldo Rico and the Carapintadas.